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Space and Place in Kingston, New York
byAnezka Sebek
from Google Earth
Fundamentals of Urban Sociology
GSOC 5004
December 18, 2009
Virag Molnar
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“Anyone knows what a good city is. The only serious question is how to achieve it.”
--Kevin Lynch The Theory of Good City Form
Introduction
For Kingston’s citizens, the solution to the problems of the city’s redevelopment is a paradox.
On the one hand, Kingston, a city of 22,000 people, is set in a natural and beautiful geographic space
as a small historic Hudson River city near the Catskill Mountains on the fringe of the New York
Regional Metropolis. On the other hand, its core along the Midtown Corridor is riddled with crime
and absentee landlords and presents a desolate and alienating landscape where no developer would
risk any capital.
Kingston’s story is similar to the stories of hundreds of small cities throughout the United
States. Kingston, could be considered an ‘ur’ city, as local author Lynn Woods called it in a recent
conversation, a model of a small city caught in the undertow of a large metropolis. It closely
resembles old London as a collection of villages that the New York metropolis “has swallowed up in
the countryside,” as John Eade (2000) quoted from a London Insight Guide (p. 41). However typical
the model of Kingston as a small city may be, it has its unique problems that can only be studied by
looking at the particular history of the city and speaking to the people who live there.
This paper offers the beginnings of a framework with which we can look at Kingston from
social, historical, political and economic points of view to bring awareness of the city’s history and
collective memory. Because of the layered complexities of Kingston as part of the regional spread of
New York City, this study will need to expand on all the topics raised here. No simple panacea will
solve the problems of a city that is always tethered to global competition that affects the entire NewYork City Region.
I will first situate Kingston in the larger context of the New York metropolis as a space in this
urban hierarchy. Next, I will contextualize Kingston by pointing to its symbiotic relationship to New
York City through quantitative demographics. I will then zoom in closer to the actual place by
offering a tour of the city and a brief history of how some of the political boundaries that were drawn
in the 19th
century have contributed to the “malling” of Kingston. I will then conclude with a view
from the varied voices of the stakeholders of the city.
Kingston’s problems are the result of many eras of local and then global economic boom and bust and currently there seem to be only passive answers to predatory investment and development.
Since the 1960s, no comprehensive planning has been done. Without a cohesive vision that merges
the social, historical, political and economic aspects of these problems, alternatives to reactive
market-driven fixes undermine the ability for the people of Kingston to create their own sense of
place.
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Space and Place in Kingston, NY Anezka Sebek
2
I. SPACE
A. Contextualizing Kingston in the New York Metropolitan area geography
When reading the location of Kingston, New York (see cover image) from a satellite height,
it is centrally located between Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, and New Jersey, a two-hour
drive (90 mile) into New York City. Kingston shares its history with Poughkeepsie, Newburgh and
Peekskill: all cities with populations of 10,000 to 50,000.1
Albany is the capital of the State is at the
north most and New York City is at the southern most end of the Hudson River. Ultimately, the fate
of all the Hudson River cities is inextricably tied to the successes and failures of the large megalopolis
of New York (Stradling 2007, Evers 2005, Steuding 1995).2.
The convenient umbilical cord of the Hudson River shows how a massive megalopolis like
New York City has easy access to consume the natural resources of the Hudson River Valley and its
surrounding mountains.3 The river cities stand in the shadow of the global megalopolis supplying it
with labor (commuters) and critical resources like water 4, warehousing, high technology industries,
back-offices, and local agricultural products. New York City needs this support structure so that it can
succeed on the international stage in competition with other global cities that are growing even more
powerful than the nations in which they reside. (Davis. 2005:99). In the 1980s, New York, along with
London and Tokyo, became centers of global finance, service and management; shifting, as Saskia
Sassen points out “tasks out of the shop floor and into the design room and has changed management
from what was once an activity that was focused on the shop floor to one that is financed focused
today (Sassen 1991:325).” Being tethered to New York, necessarily affected economic life in
Kingston.
1 One in ten Americans lives in areas like these that are now called “micropolitan” areas. The Office of
Management and Budget (OMB) designates urban areas with “a recognized population nucleus” as a micropolis
(Federal Register 2000). There are 578 micropoli in the US. 10% of the US population lives in these smallcities. 87% of Americans live in towns with populations of less than 10,000. (Urban Affairs Review 2005; 40;
342) 2 The US OMB considers this area as The New York Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA), the largest and most
populous of all MSA areas where over 18 million Americans live. 3 The Hudson River’s headwaters begin at Lake Tear of the Clouds about 150 miles North of Troy (47,459
density 4557). The river continues past Albany (93,539 density 4375), Kingston (22,441 density 3051),
Poughkeepsie (29,654 density 5764), Newburgh (28,101 density 7352), Peekskill (24,484, density 5662).
Compare to New York City (8,363,710 density 27,575) (www.city-data.com)4 The Ashokan Reservoir headquartered in Kingston, supplies New York City with “more than 1 billion
gallons of fresh, clean water daily to 9 million customers throughout the five boroughs and upstate.
Consisting of 19 reservoirs, 3 controlled lakes, and more than 6,000 miles of pipes, aqueducts, and tunnels – our system is a green machine that runs almost entirely by gravity and, for the most part, doesn’t requirefiltration.” http://nyc.gov/html/dep/pdf/wsstate08.pdf
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Space and Place in Kingston, NY Anezka Sebek
3
Kingston had its beginnings in the 17th
century New World Dutch Colony and became a
prime location of 18th
and 19th
century industrialization and mining when it was the origin of raw
materials such as Pennsylvania anthracite transport on the Delaware & Hudson Canal. In the 20th
Century, like all other cities in the United States, the ever-hungry quest for cheaper labor
deindustrialized US cities: heavy industry was pushed South and, in due course, to other countries
(Cowie, Heathcott 2003:140). The entire balance of the US economy shifted in favor of global cities
as new centers of consumption and services (financial, IT, etc). Kingston suffered through The Great
Depression, racially motivated redlining of poverty-ridden neighborhoods, urban renewal and
destruction. Then, in the 1870s, the creation of The Town of Ulster set up perfect conditions for the
coming and going of IBM to create the technoburb that was in need of open, unbuilt space. (Fishman
2003:85). Yet it was IBM that contributed most damage due to its exodus in the early nineties, the
result of that era of boom and bust is written on the face of the city to this day.
B. Current Population of NY and Kingston compared
Kingston is located on the northwestern edge of the Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA) that
makes up the New York Metropolis. Because it is part of a wide net of small, continuous cities that
make up this region, demographics are often fuzzy and constantly shifting and changing. After the
last census in 2000, the population in Kingston passed a threshold that caused the US Census Bureau
to include all of Ulster County’s population as the Kingston MSA. This helped the city become an
Entitlement Community for Federal Housing and Urban Development grants of over $1 million a
year (Virginia Craft interview 12/9/09).
Demographic Comparisons based on 2000 Census:General Population
Population Density per sq.mi. Male Female
New York City* 8, 363,710 27,575 3,962,602 (47.4%) 4,401,108 (52.6%)
Kingston city+ 22, 441 3051 10,570 (47%) 11,871 (52.9%)
*2008 population increase 4.4% since 2000+2008 population decrease 4.3% since 2000Table 2
A recent Moody’s report, although mistakenly combining Kingston with Ulster County due to
this new US Census designation, shows that there is a significant migration coming in from
Poughkeepsie, a city across the river and one that has become a high-end professional commuting
community because of the excellent commuter rail service to New York City. As a result, rental costs
have skyrocketed (Moody’s Precis Metro Kingston September 2009). In contrast, Kingston only has
bus service into New York City and therefore rental costs on this side of the river are lower.
Comparing the demographics of Kingston to New York City is like comparing David to
Goliath yet aspects of the data show similar percentages of male to female, median income, and
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Space and Place in Kingston, NY Anezka Sebek
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income per capita (See Table 1). Moreover, the percentage of people who live below the poverty level
is slightly lower in Kingston at 15.6% versus 18.5% in New York and, predictably, median income is
lower as well. Also, the cost of living index is significantly lower in Kingston and less than the US
Average. This is a comforting statistic to commuters who make their living in New York City at $50
for a round-trip bus ticket. Adirondack-Trailways is the only commuter bus service between New
York City and Kingston.
NEW YORK CITY KINGSTON, NY
Daytime population change due
to commuting +563,060 (+7.0%) +6,702 (+28.6%)
Workers who live in the city 2,922,206 (91.5%) 5,151 (50.2%)
Cost of Living Index 177.1 (very high US average is 100) 94.3 (less than average US Average is100)
Table 2 - All data in tables from www.city-data.com
Many people, who live in Kingston and call it their home, also live in New York City part of the week. This phenomenon is due to the fact that there are no living wage jobs in Kingston.
Although suburbanization of the ‘70s and ‘80s created lots of amenities and infrastructure, jobs have
come and gone. The recent economic downturn has exacerbated this condition. Moreover, the
renaissance and gentrification of the 1990s has compelled many professionals to move back to New
York (Zukin 1998:831). In spite of that, sheer economics still force lower income people to live
farther away from the Metropolitan center as we can see in Table 2. Important aspects of citizenship,
such as how people report their taxes or how they register to vote, become a real conundrum. Also
while commuters are a minority of the overall population of New York City, Kingston statistics showthat many people who count on the city for their livelihood choose not to live there. They instead
choose to live in the smaller rural towns surrounding Kingston: the true exurbs of the metropolis.
Housing:
Median House
Value
Land Area Owner Occupied Renter Occupied
New York City $311,000 303.3 sq. miles 34% 66%
Kingston $197, 204* 7.35 sq. miles 47% 53%
*up from $86. 500 in 2000Table 3
In terms of value and owner occupancy (Table 3), people in Kingston are more likely to own
and occupy their homes—47% to New York’s 33% —even though the rental rate for the small city is
rather high at 53% compared to New York’s 66%. With the recent upswing in home values, the
median house value in Kingston jumped from $86,500 in 2000 to $197,204 in 2006-08. These
inflated prices are now being reassessed down in the present recession.
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Space and Place in Kingston, NY Anezka Sebek
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Racial Composition
White Black Hispanic Other (Chinese,
Native American,
other)
New York City 35.0% 26.6% 27.0% 14.7%
Kingston 77.1% 12.8% 6.5%* 6.5%
* Up to 10.4% in 2008
Table 4 The biggest and most notable difference between the metropolis and Kingston is racial
composition (Table 4). In 2000, white people were the predominant race in Kingston at 77.1%
compared to 35% in New York City. At 12.8% the number of African Americans in Kingston is close
to the 14% US national average while they comprise 26.6% of the New York City population.
Furthermore, according to the US Census Bureau’s American Factfinder, Kingston gained a high
percentage of Hispanic population since the 2000 Census. In 2000 there were 1516 Hispanic (Latino)
people or 6.5% of the Kingston population as compared to 2,619 or 10.4% in 2008. According to a
Kingston citizen who knows this population well, there are two towns in Mexico, Puebla and Oaxaca
from where most of the population is migrating. Low-wage jobs in gardening, farming, and
construction are plentiful in Kingston as are low-cost homes and as noted previously and a relatively
low cost of living index. Mexican eateries and grocery stores are taking over vacant buildings in
Midtown Kingston.
Meanwhile, Kingston’s overall the population has fallen 4.3 % since 2000. White people
constituted 80.4% of Kingston’s population in 2000 while in 2006-08 they constitute only 75.1%. The
white population has in actual figures shifted only by a few people (from 18,853 in 2000 to 18, 957 in
2006-08) but it is the proportion of race that has shifted toward an increase in people of color. African
Americans now constitute 15.8% of the population while in 2000 they represented 12.8% (actual
figures 2995 people in 2000 to 3996 people in 2006-8). (http://factfinder.census.gov )
Income, Poverty and Median Age
Median Income Income per capita Percent below
Poverty level
Median Age
New York City $53,514 $29,885 18.5% 35.9
Kingston+ $42,385* $25,084 15.6% 38.1
*Up from $31, 594 in 2000Table 5
A better more fine-grained study of employment opportunities, median income and poverty
statistics needs to be done than is available on websites like www.city-data.com, (See Table 5).5
Most
notable is that there seems to be more work opportunities in office and administrative support work in
Kingston. This is highly likely due to back-office low-wage, high intensity operations that reside in
the large office parks on the outskirts of Kingston where it meets The Town of Ulster (See Appendix
1).
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Space and Place in Kingston, NY Anezka Sebek
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C. The coming and going of IBM, Kingston becomes a technoburb
As the data in the previous section show employment location and opportunities are a critical
component to the success of a Hudson River city like Kingston. To understand the current lack of
jobs and poor economic health of the city we need to look back a few decades to the way that IBM
affected this community. We start with the way that space became a critical component in the coming
and going of IBM.
Most Kingstonians wonder about the peculiar geographical fact is that there is no way to
enter into The City of Kingston from the major highways without crossing The Town of Ulster,
which wraps around it like collar (See map in Appendix 2). This is an apt metaphor because since the
creation of the Town of Ulster, Kingston has had to play “second fiddle” to the open spaces and
opportunities for shovel-ready development of (often) prime agricultural land along the Town of
Ulster’s 9W corridor that links into Rt. 209 and the NY Thruway (Interstate 87).There is no better analysis of this way of describing what has happened in Ulster County than
to look at the analysis of Robert Fishman’s technoburb. Similar to Silicon Valley and Rt. 128 in
Massachusetts, technoburbs form decentered cities along highway corridors. The structure of the
technoburb is actually based on two ideas that should, according to Fishman (1987), anger any city
planner:
…the waste of land inherent in a single family house with its own yard, and the waste of energy
inherent in the use of the personal automobile…the technoburb has no proper boundaries...of separateand overlapping political jurisdictions which make any kind of planning virtually impossible. (P.190).
Fishman (1987) argues that the process of suburbanization, a process that has lasted for the
last 200 years and culminated to form the new city form. Originally, cities had a strong urban core
with expansion of suburbs that stretched outside their political borders. However, postwar
development caused the periphery to spread away from the central cores of cities, The new city came
to be called the technoburb not necessarily because high technology industries found their home there
but because new communications technologies were invented that superseded the necessity for
personal face-to-face contact (Fishman 1987:183-184). The decentered automobile driven life of the
late 20th
century homogenously populated city centers with developed amenities such as all-in-one
super malls brought suburbia to its end. Moreover, this new form of the city has erased much of the
benefits of the direct neighborhood contact of the public sphere in pre-suburban cities. Instead,
television took center stage in the home and offered no replacement for social and political contact.
5 In Appendix 1, I have inserted graphs that show the differences of emphasis in jobs for both males and
females in Kingston and New York City.
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Space and Place in Kingston, NY Anezka Sebek
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The technoburb found the perfect tool for self-promotion in television broadcasts and provided “an
unrelentingly negative picture of the city as the haven of crime and deviance (Fishman 1987:202).”
For Kingston, it all started more than a century ago. Between 1872 and 1879, wealthy
landowning Republicans who were politically in charge of the Ulster County Board of Supervisors
sought to separate Kingston from the rich farmlands to the north and south. To thwart the effect of the
mostly Democratic out of work bluestone workers, called “ruffians of the worst kind” by the Weekly
Freeman, the Republican landowners of rich farms around the new City of Kingston created the Town
of Ulster. (http://townofulster.org/content/History ) This separation proved initially to be the creation
of a decentralized town of disorganized hamlets on the shores of the Hudson River. Yet The Town of
Ulster’s most favorable agriculture and its ownership of the final lock of the Delaware & Hudson
Canal eventually triumphed over the deflated economy of Kingston. It was a relationship that would
set the stage for 20th century suburbanization and much smoother dealings with IBM and the Regional
Hudson Valley Mall. The open lands outside of the Kingston City boundaries offered uninterrupted
space for buildings, office parks and mall complexes.
Fueled by the invention of the automobile, New York City expanded outward, only
temporarily thwarted by The Great Depression and World War II. The Post World War II housing
boom fueled by favorable Veterans Administration mortgages made it possible for more people to
live away from the decaying city centers (Duany, Plater-Zybeck, Speck 2000:8). According to
Fishman (1987), the irony of the technoburb is that the highway infrastructure was created to funnel
traffic into old industrial sites; instead the opposite occurred (p. 196). Even though Kingston is a
small city, its center Midtown strip was lined with industry served by the rail lines that were
abandoned in favor of trucking as deindustrialization took its toll. On the outskirts of the Kingston,
suburbs such as Lake Katrine in The Town of Ulster sprouted up largely because of its convenient
new system of state and local highways further eliminated the need for passenger rail on the west side
of the Hudson. To bring jobs closer to the attractive quality of living in the foothills of the Catskill
Mountains, IBM built a 2.5 million square foot facility on pristine farmland owned by the Myron
Boice Farm family in 1954. The regional Hudson Valley Mall was built soon afterward to service the
new growing population of suburban dwellers whose center became their home complete with a life
of commuting, the daily grind and television at night.
At first, the IBM factory built typewriters and when cheaper labor and real estate became
available in Lexington, Kentucky, manufacturing of typewriters moved south. By 1964, the factory
began to produce the successful IBM 360 mainframes (http://www-03.ibm.com/ibm/history/ )
Unfortunately, the influx of IBMers into the Town of Ulster in the early 1950s did little for Kingston,
especially not the already poverty-ridden areas. Besides Lake Katrine, many other local and more
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rural towns gained population and with the exception of the large mansions on the Uptown side of
Kingston and along Albany Avenue, the newcomers largely ignored Kingston’s Midtown and
Downtown. They preferred to break new ground in the Catskill Mountain towns or to commute into
The Town of Ulster by car. After all, this was the glorious decade of American suburbanization, a
decade that turned Kingston into a driving city and Midtown into a faceless strip of failing stores that
cannot compete with the regional mall. Steve Finkle, Kingston’s Director of Development tells the
story of how the city of Kingston was “malled:”
We had problems that smaller cities had when you build a mall outside the city and you start putting
big box stores up and people chose to go out there. When I first came to Kingston in 1980, the main
street was full. There was a Woolworth’s and shoe stores and clothing stores and higher-level goodsand services. But that basically moved…the families aged out and businesses either moved to the mall
or went out of business and the mall took over the business. (Steve Finkle Interview 12/4/09)
For IBM, the 1960s, 70s, and 80s were prosperous years. The company created similar facilities all over the Hudson Valley but, eventually, the company’s failed management policies and
the pressure from small PC manufacturers abroad brought IBM to its knees. 7,000 local
Kingston/Ulster jobs were lost (NY Times, July 28, 1994, p. D5). Today, the company still operates a
plant in nearby Fishkill, NY that is only a tiny fraction of the size of the Ulster plant. While the
leaving of IBM directly impacted life in The Town of Ulster and the suburbs of Kingston such as
Lake Katrine and Esopus, the sudden drop in countywide revenue hurt Kingston more than Ulster
because it was anachronistically still hurting from urban renewal and industrial decline.
Small rays of new life appeared. During the late 80s and 90s as the professionals moved back into New York City to gentrify the industrial neighborhoods of Manhattan and Brooklyn, artists
moved into Uptown and Downtown Kingston in search of large, sunny studio space. As for the IBM
Park in The Town of Ulster, in 1998, Alan Ginsberg, a New York entrepreneur bought the 260-acre
site after IBM abandoned the plant in the mid-nineties. Ten years later, Ginsberg is redeveloping the
site as a green campus
(http://www.dailyfreeman.com/articles/2009/07/21/news/doc4a651bb2c7db9261045949.txt ). He
renamed the plant TechCity and enthusiastically claims that “Renewable energy is the wave of the
immediate future, and we intend to ride it effectively.” He anticipates TechCity becoming “arenewable energy industrial complex, positioned well to serve forecasted needs for green construction
materials” (http://www.techvalley.org/Pages/News%20_%20Events/Tech%20Valley%20News/8-17-
2007.html).
As we consider the reuse of IBM office space in The Town of Ulster, I would like to
summarize this part of the paper that has looked at Kingston as a space. We look at how, in
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Space and Place in Kingston, NY Anezka Sebek
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collaboration with the cities on the Hudson, Kingston feeds the metropolis of New York with its
resources. All the Hudson River cities suffered much of the same fate as large US cities: city centers
were ignored while highways cut into pristine countryside and became the target of tract housing with
matching malls and industrial and office parks. This irresponsible use of space continues today all
over the world.
Kingston is also part of the new US Census designation of a “micropolis,” a small city with
population fewer than 50,000. Small cities present a new set of problems but also opportunities.
According to David Bell and Mark Jayne, small cities are human scale and offer possibilities for
redevelopment and city-center living with the added benefits of walkability and multi-purpose
building improvement in historic settings; usually each small city has a unique quality or selling
point. However, they caution that this revitalization must be accompanied with excellent
communication with all city stakeholders from the citizens to government and private investors
because politics in small towns are often traditionalist and conservative. (Bell, Jaynes 2000:8-9) This
is where I would like to shift the focus of this paper from space to place. While space is created by
physical proximity and geography, people create a sense of place.
II PLACE
A. Reading the City, a ride through Uptown, Midtown and Downtown Kingston
Just as quantitative numbers and data of the previous chapter drove the analysis of space, the
idea of place is driven by how the built environment looks and feels. The brilliant work of Kevin
Lynch helps us understand our environment from the level of our senses emphasizing the critical
importance of the city’s image:
Most people have had the experience of being in a very special place, and they prize it andlament its common lack. There is a sheer delight in sensing the world: the play of light, the
feel and smell of the wind, touches, sounds, colors, forms. A good place is accessible to allthe senses, makes visible the currents in the air, and engages the perceptions of the
inhabitants. (Lynch 1981:132)
The majority of people who come to Kingston drive into the city. It is not a walkable city and
local bus transportation runs only once an hour. (Because the bus is so inconvenient, they are
frequently empty). There are three distinct points of entry: Uptown, Midtown, and Downtown. It is
easy to avoid any of the other three areas simply by entering and exiting from one of the major
highways: Rt. 32, NY Thruway 87/587 or Rt. 213 and Rt. 9W. (See Appendix 3 for map).
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Space and Place in Kingston, NY Anezka Sebek
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The typical way the commuter buses enter is from the south of town on Rt. 32. Turning north
along Washington Avenue, Kingston looks like any 19th
century town in America: medium to large
wooden Victorians, some truly stunningly renovated, with wide and friendly porches sit back from
the street. Deising’s Bus Stop Diner and an abandoned Friendly’s—at the entrance to the Dietz
Memorial Stadium the city’s modest sports field—bookend the bus station on either side of
Washington. Here, commuters can get into their parked cars. On the far side of the bus station is the
rubble field prepared for the coming CVS Pharmacy, evidence of a recent triumph of city officials
over local citizen’s objections to clear the brownfield of earlier days. (There are five big name
pharmacies within a 2-mile radius of the new CVS.) in addition to a local family owned pharmacy
that is trying to hold on to its slim margins. Traveling further on foot or by car onto North Front
Street is Uptown Kingston. North Front runs along the footprint of the stockade wall of the original
Dutch Colonial Village. The stores here have a canopied walkways designed by architect John Pike.
The Pike Plan, as it is still called, was supposed to help these small family-owed shops compete with
the new Kingston Plaza that was built in the sixties on the fertile banks of the Esopus river below
only a stone’s throw away from the older neighborhood (Evers 2005:401-404). Nevertheless, the tug
and pull of the old district against the newer Kingston Plaza is never-ending.
Behind the strip of the Pike Plan stores is the most ancient neighborhood of the city, The
original buildings of the Dutch Colonial village have been kept up and lived in, some have recently
been copiously restored and house history and artifacts open for regular public view.
Coming in from the West of the City of Kingston, off the New York Thruway, Rt. 87, the
traffic circle swings car traffic onto bypass Rt. 587 to dead-end right into the top of Broadway at a
confusing intersection with Albany Avenue. The traffic is guided through several on-ramps with
stoplights around wedges of unkempt triangles. An unfriendly strip of buildings facing the
intersection across a small, grassy triangular wedge boasts a Dominoes Pizza next to the Women’s
Incontinence Clinic. Several faceless apartment buildings line the four lanes of Broadway that reveal
a sad and desolate strip: the Probation office, Eng’s Chinese Food, then the proudly renovated 7/21
Media Center followed by the Broadway Diner and a car repair shop with parked utility vehicles, On
the opposite side of the street is an empty Honda Motors with some old American clunkers in the
showroom. Block after block offers a gas station, another car repair shop, an empty Bank of America
followed by yet another gas station. Then, the abandoned Kings Motel looms like a white whale next
to a lively row of La Oaxaqueña (a Mexican grocery store), a clinic for the disabled and a grand
anomaly: the magnificent Ulster County Performing Arts Center (UPAC) with its four neo-classical
two-story columns from which the bright flag marquees flow with world-class names like Yo Yo Ma
and Garrison Keeler. Next to the UPAC is a new Spanish supermarket with a rainbow sign that
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garishly proclaims its opening. Unfortunately, low, unkempt or abandoned buildings face the UPAC
and parking lots between the buildings give this section of Broadway an old toothless grin look.
Broadway continues on and suddenly dips underneath Railroad Avenue. We have literally
come to the other side of the tracks. The landscape changes with some renovated buildings and a new
shiny Rite Aid pharmacy. Then, as if we have come upon a totally different town, on the left, on a
steep rise from the street is the magnificently restored City Hall, its design based on The Palazzo
Publico in Siena Italy (Rinaldi,Yanisac 2006:120) On the right, is Kingston Consolidated High
School, an equally regal and massive building with the still unsightly Carnegie Library building on its
front lot. The renovation money for the Carnegie has been approved and promises to be a Media Arts
building full of performance, music, drumming, dance, and the latest digital technology arts and
design; a collaboration with the Board of Education and the forward-thinking Center for Creative
Arts. The City Hall is followed by the Kingston Hospital and again a row of small stores several
vacant storefronts followed by series of gas stations as well as yet another newly built Walgreen’s
Pharmacy.
Coming in from Rt. 9W, the character of the city is markedly different. This is the Downtown
of Kingston, which runs along the Rondout Creek as it empties into the Hudson. Broadway is steeply
graded here as it ends at the water along The Strand (“the beach” in Dutch). Brightly painted brick
storefronts face out to the water. Going west along Broadway, on one side of the streets are more
historic storefronts and on the other is a newer housing development of two-story brick façade
apartment buildings with mansard roofs, an obvious attempt to match the historical buildings on the
other side of the street. The sound of tires hitting metal on the Rt. 9W overpass rumbles deafeningly
overhead as it crosses the Rondout Creek to the town of Esopus. Nevertheless, rows of restaurants
and small boutiques look festive and inviting. The summer brings boaters from all ports. Medium-
sized cruise ships come down from Canada across the Erie Canal and up the Hudson from New York
City. The Rondout Rowing Club’s crew boats are stacked up next to an old tugboat called The
Matilda propped up on dry land at her multi-story height. Next to the old tugboat, The Hudson River
Maritime Museum and several other restaurants welcome visitors from the water right to their tables.
B. The creation of the City of Kingston from two villages, the subsequent
separation from The Town of Ulster.
The villages of Kingston and Rondout
No analysis of a city would be complete without looking into its earlier history. Kingston’s
glory days are embedded in its collective memory of 400 years of city development. Most prominent
are biennial celebrations of the burning of Kingston by the English during the Revolutionary War, a
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bit of history that is celebrated by many river cities along the Hudson complete with costumed
reenactments. Because of its Irish history, St. Patrick’s Day is the biggest parade that unifies all three
parts of the city and brings in people from Ulster County. Most of the city’s festivals such as the July
4th
Fireworks and the annual Soap Box Derby as well as other ethnic festivals are celebrated on the
waterfront. Very little other mixing of the populations happens except for these holidays.
Nevertheless, a city that exists for 400 years has layers of decision-making that continues
under the surface of current day life. Understanding structural and spatial decisions that were made a
long time ago can affect present day decisions by city planners, government and citizens. These
decisions become embedded to the point that they are accepted and never questioned. And yet, they
continue to gnaw at the current day problems of the city.
Dutch farmers founded the village of Wiltwyk (Dutch for “wild woods”), which is now
Uptown Kingston, shortly after Henry Hudson threw down his anchor at the mouth of the Rondout
Creek. Peter Stuyvesant, famed governor of New Amsterdam, instructed the farmers to create a
garrison stockade wall to guard them from the ever-angry Native Esopus tribe. Later, the colonial
village was designated New York’s first capital during the Revolutionary War (Evers 2005, Steuding
1995).
On the waterfront, the trading village Rondout was established; what is now Downtown
Kingston situated at the “rond uit” (Dutch for round exit) or curved bend at the mouth of the Rondout
Creek where it meets the Hudson River. It is also the deepest harbor on the Hudson except for the
New York City harbor. The small settlement had been a highly successful 17th
and 18th
century fur
trading post. In the 19th
century, this inland harbor was the end point of the Delaware and Hudson
Canal that ported anthracite from Honesdale, Pennsylvania over the Appalachian Mountains to
Rondout from 1828 to 1898. The small village grew to a sizeable town of over 10,000 residents and
800 businesses (Steuding 1995:154).
For a while, it seemed that nothing could go wrong for the village of Rondout. The steam and
paddleboat industry boomed as it ferried materials on the busy Hudson waterway south to New York
and northward to the Erie Canal and beyond. Kingston Point was the gateway to the Catskills and the
Victorian Kingston Point Park boardwalk became a tourist attraction where millions of summer heat-
weary New Yorkers could go for a day trip or continue into the resort-filled Catskill Mountains. In
the winter, when the river froze, ice was mined for ice boxes in New York City; ice sailing became a
popular sport (www.hrmm.org).
In 1872, Rondout was such a thriving town that the citizens petitioned Albany for it to
become a city (Steuding 1995:155). However, the village of Kingston in a deft and swift political
stunt managed to change the request to a unification of the two villages. The two villages could not
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have been more different. The village of Kingston was settled by staunchly Calvinist Dutch Reformed
church members while entrepreneurs and Irish Catholics ran the village of Rondout. According to
historian Bob Steuding, Robert Loughgran of Kingston outmaneuvered the Rondout petitioners and
managed to erase the name of the Rondout permanently off the list of New York State town names.
The uncomfortable pact between the two village populations has never been mended and the
collective memory lives on in the minds of the citizens of the city today (Evers 2005, Steuding 1995).
The no-mans-land between the two villages is the current day Midtown corridor and its nastiest
legacy.
If only the troubles of incorporation of these Ulster County villages ended there.
Gerrymandering on the part of Republicans created The Town of Ulster, splitting Kingston in half.
The Town of Kingston with its blue stone industry was permanently ostracized and silenced to the
north and in order to enter the City of Kingston from its most accessible routes, travelers are forced to
traverse The Town of Ulster where all future development of suburban sprawl found a welcome
home.
Furthermore, after the Civil War, the D& H Canal’s popularity waned and was replaced by
the new Ulster & Delaware Railroad with its faster and more efficient mode of transportation. Yet the
irony was that it was the railroad that contributed to the demise of Rondout at the turn of the 20th
Century. Unfortunately, at that time, extraction from the wealth of the mountains ended. There was no
longer the need for raw materials such as bluestone for the New York City sidewalks that were being
replaced with Portland cement. The world-famous Rosendale cement mines, which were responsible
for many foundations of New York City structures as well as the immovable footings of the Brooklyn
Bridge, were no longer productive (www.rosendalecement.net). Other products such as ice were
replaced by air conditioning technology and although brick making lasted into the 21 st Century, the
majority of the clay banks of the Hudson were depleted by the mid-20th
century. With the demise of
the need for raw materials, the U& D railroad went out of business in the 1930s and the new owner of
the rails, The New York Central, closed its shops in the Rondout in 1932 Slowly but surely, the
Rondout lost its gleam and by the 1960s there was nothing left but slums and deteriorating buildings.
Even the once-favorable day tourist spot of Kingston Point sagged into dereliction (Steuding
1995:176).
In the 1960s urban renewal leveled the deteriorating north side of Rondout’s end of
Broadway and Route 9W was built to cut a straight path from Rondout to The Town of Ulster, the
Hudson Valley Mall and the IBM facility. The poor migrated into Midtown to rent the vacant
Victorian row houses owned by people who might have followed opportunities in New York City and
other more distant locations. Looking at the parcel map of Ulster County, most of the buildings along
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the Midtown strip and on the streets where crime is high are not owned by people who live there.
Absentee landlords and management companies from New York City and beyond register themselves
for Department and Housing Renewal money yet do only just enough to maintain their buildings
(DHCR Funding Awards 2007).
As a result, the Midtown strip in Kingston has become a marginal place without much hope
for redevelopment. Midtown suffers most from a lack of planning and vision. It is a liminal space that
has attracted liminal people. Mexican migrant farm workers and poor white and people of color as
well as unemployed people from New York City, refugees from the more dangerous Harlem and
Bronx neighborhoods have found a home there. Perhaps a contributing factor is that all of Ulster
County’s human services, parole offices, and homeless shelters are located there in this “Entitlement
Zone.” It is a convenient racial boundary and separation that is palpable when driving down along
the Midtown Broadway strip.
What can we make of these complicating factors without indicting a well-intentioned local
government and police force that cannot seem to solve the problems of crime and joblessness that has
settled into Midtown Kingston like a chronic disease without a cure? Returning to the analysis of the
technoburb, Robert Fishman’s assessment might be a helpful beginning. During the 20 th century, old
cities became “social and economic disaster[s] for the poor who have increasingly been relegated to
its…decayed zones (198).” The poor are attracted to the decaying housing stock where there is also
the complication of finding no meaningful work. He compares the phenomenon to Disraeli’s “two
nations,” one of stark separation between the haves and have-nots. (p. 199). Midtown is also the
home of nationally connected gangs as well as young “copy-cat” gangs. Thanks to the work of
Frederick M. Thrasher in Chicago during the early 20th
century, we know that these “interstitial” areas
are both geographic and social:
[these are]…spaces that intervene between one thing and another…The gang may be
regarded as an interstitial element in the framework of society, and gangland as an interstitial
region in the layout of the city. (P. 225)
Reactive competition for the Midtown strip brought what could be considered the “bottom
feeder” businesses: gas stations and unsightly, dirty car repairs shops. Automobile traffic was
encouraged to get down Broadway as fast as possible, emphasized by double height highway lighting
at night. Even during the day, no pedestrian culture exists. At night, the Midtown strip and the
neighborhoods on either side are dangerous as reported in a recent white paper by the Police Chief.
(Police Chief Keller’s White Paper on Midtown Crime 2008).
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C. Whose city is this anyway?
Perhaps Police Chief Keller’s questions about how to solve chronic crime can begin to find
their answers in the multidimensional mix of Kingston’s citizenry who create their own sense of place. Cultural, social, political and spatial factors determine people’s attachment to the places where
they live:
Indigenous residents, as well as colonizers, ditchdiggers as well as architects, migrant
workers as well as mayors, housewives as well as housing inspectors, are all active in shapingthe urban landscape. (Hayden 1995:15)
Dolores Hayden draws here on Henri Lefebvre’s ideas of space as a social reproduction at the
levels of the body, the labor force, and how public space of social relations is tied to the spatial
workings of political economy. (Hayden 1997: 17-20) How a space looks and feels from the historical
to how we define our identities can go a long way to helping us analyze the many aspects of
Kingston’s redevelopment. To attain this ideal community strong ties need to exist between the built
environment, its landscape and its citizenry. The critical question always becomes: Whose city it is it?
Who decides what the image and perception of the city is? How much of the image of the city is
controlled or left to its own devices? Does city government have more power without a
comprehensive plan of a vital shared vision by all stakeholders? After all, the piecemeal development
of a city can easily be controlled by special interests while a comprehensive plan would necessitate a
larger vision, one that takes into account all the voices of the city in addition to attracting focused new
investment in designated locations and prescribed type of business. In this way the city is a
collaborative project in which people can live in a productive environment and own the environment
around them with pride. The answer to who owns the city is obvious: everyone owns the city. The
question remains how much the voice of Kingston citizens is allowed to determines the way the
environment is developed around them.
The city
To be fair, Kingston City Government works with a limited budget, the problem of a
declining tax base, and lack of personnel to control complex opportunities and challenges. The people
who have shepherded the current redevelopment of Kingston have been in their posts for 10 to 15
years, sometimes longer. The City Hall Planner, Suzanne Cahill and The Development Director,
Steve Finkle work with Mayor Sottile on several big projects that have taken years to develop. One
of those projects is the Hudson Landing New Urbanist community on the site of the old cement mine
on the Hudson River. I asked whether the development that will phase in 4,000 new residents in
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housing of all kinds and sizes will be a drain on the city’s already fragile sewer infrastructure and
resources. The answer Mr. Finkle gave is that the need for private investment is very great and after
years of modifying the plans, the developer, AVR, was successful in proving that the remediation of
the cement mines combined with income from property taxes outweighed the cost of creating another
satellite neighborhood (www.hudsonlanding.com). The location of the new community will stretch
the city northward along the Hudson but promises of connecting the community to the Downtown
waterfront with a trolley line have been made. The residents of this community may not be people
who will contribute much to the fabric of the city. Because of a lack of local jobs, these new citizens
of Kingston will be commuters. A ferry to the Amtrak station on the other side of the river in
Rhinecliff will make it easy for people to hop on a train and commute to jobs in New York City.
Steve Finkle’s perception of Midtown is that there are no spaces there that can either be built
out nor be prime space for new investment and businesses to resettle. He believes that Midtown is the
last area that will be redeveloped by the city. Instead, he has his eye on continuing the development of
Corporate Drive where there was a recent build-out for Alcoa Fasteners. He is also raising a lot of
private matching funds for the Downtown waterfront where he believes there is lots of potential for
growth. His basic philosophy is that the market drives development and that it will eventually find its
way to Midtown. However, these preconceived notions added to the historical decisions by previous
tenants of Kingston often mire the city into ignoring opportunities in the more difficult old industrial
core of the city. Bringing jobs closer to these neighborhoods should be considered a prime
opportunity for redevelopment. Furthermore, absentee landlords, while on a recently created registry,
should now be held accountable for their imprint on this critical part of the city.
I asked where Kingston’s stimulus money was being directed and the answer was Uptown
and Downtown with Midtown continuing to be the last on the list for any kind of redevelopment. The
Uptown Pike Plan renovation as well as the Downtown waterfront revitalization are the kinds
measures that are being taken by most of the cities along the Hudson to encourage tourism. Thanks to
Congressman Hinchey, the Uptown Pike Plan canopy is slated for rehabilitation of the aging columns
and lighting. In addition, stimulus money is going into a new Downtown walkway along the ragged
and heretofore unkempt edge of the water where many of the derelict buildings were removed by
urban renewal in the sixties.
(http://www.house.gov/hinchey/newsroom/press_2008/101408UptownKingstonPlans.html )
Business
At the level of business, the recent creation of a Kingston Business Alliance has joined the
Uptown, Midtown and Downtown business associations. The collective memory of the history of
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how each part of town was created still does damage to this day. Pat Courtney, was elected president
of the new alliance and plans are being made to create a business improvement district (BID) for the
Broadway Corridor. Consultants from successful other city BID efforts have been called in and a
Main Street Manager, a veteran from a Downtown art gallery has been hired to begin the public
relations campaign to bring the city together. For Midtown, the hope is that artists will settle into the
many vacant storefronts. The same renaissance that occurred on the Downtown waterfront is what is
hoped for. Apartments over the stores, offer good live/work spaces at a relatively low cost. No real
funds or planning have been assigned to the area while Uptown and Downtown businesses continue
to get new bites of interest from outside investors. (Phone Interview Pat Courtney, December 11,
2009)
The county
Since the mid-nineties, Kingston has been the recipient of state economic development funds
and adding to its recent designation as an Entitlement Zone, Kingston also manages the updated
Empire Development Zone for all of Ulster County. This complex designation that can be political in
nature points back to Fishman’s analysis of the confusing and difficult problems of redevelopment in
the technoburbs. Political push and pull of Ulster County towns in the countryside around Kingston
jockeying for prominence becomes an additional problem of the City of Kingston’s already
understaffed government. The Ulster County Development Corporation works closely with the city
on redevelopment. My recent conversation with Lance Matteson was optimistic about Kingston’s
future. Mr. Matteson has many other projects to watch besides the projects in Kingston. He is making
sure that Ulster County is represented in the global marketplace and recently traveled to China to
represent small and highly specialized industries in Ulster County. (Lance Matteson, Phone Interview
November 23, 2009).
The citizens
Kingston’s citizenry is a mix of old, new and no money. The three segregated areas of town
are distinct and separated by levels of income. The map below illustrates the concentrations of
income or lack thereof.
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Ulster County Planning Board
Families with the old money stay out of the glare of media and local politics, although they
undoubtedly have great influence. They live in the quiet splendor of the large well-built mansions
along Fair Street and other Uptown streets. In sharp contrast, the people in Midtown who live one
street away from the most beautiful areas survive precariously through a drug culture and gangs from
New York City who make their presence known there. The Bloods and the Crips who entrenched
themselves in Los Angeles have infiltrated Midtown Kingston. Crime statistics are similar or
(sometimes) worse than New York City. Drugs and guns are often smuggled in on public
transportation. Unfortunately, Kingston’s Midtown crime rate makes for juicy news stories and
although confined to a small area, still gives the city a bad name overall.
www.city-data.com
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And yet, the responsibility of solving Midtown Crime lies with all of its stakeholders of all
levels of income. Debate and face-to-face discussion need to be nurtured. As an example, City
Aldermen on the City’s Common Council need to interface personally with their constituents.
Kingston wards are small enough. This is a critical step toward creating awareness of all the voices in
each of the 9 Wards of Kingston.
A closer examination of the many factors that contribute to the local and metropolitan
network of crime may offer up some useful answers. On the local level, responding to this negative
perception about Midtown, in July of 2008, Kingston Cares, an organization that works with the
homeless and youth in Midtown funded a door-to-door survey to find out what people think of
Midtown. The area surveyed 497 people in the map below cited previously in the Police Chief’s
report. It is concentrated and small so it is often is viewed as “not bad enough” to receive funding
(See map below). However, all Midtown residents agree that crime and drug dealing is their worst
problem. They cite kids skipping school and gangs as contributing factors. As a result, 57% of the
people carry a gun while walking around in the neighborhood. Most feel trapped in the area because
rents are affordable because they don’t make a living wage. This area also has very poor public
transportation to areas such as the mall making this what I have called a “soft-walled prison.” The
danger of not addressing the problem head-on is that the concentration of crime is moving up river
from New York to Newburgh and across the river to Poughkeepsie. With the recent migration from
Poughkeepsie, the problem of crime is at a critical turning point.
In many conversations with local youth leaders, the perception of Midtown in the press and
by outsiders exacerbates their problems. The survey also showed that people in this area feel let
down by the local service organizations.
Kingston Cares Survey
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The area that has seen the most influx of new migration of median income people from the
Metropolitan Core is by the Downtown waterfront. In the past fifteen years, as New York City has
become too expensive, artists and musicians who used to occupy Tribeca and the now gentrified
neighborhoods of Brooklyn, have found their way to Kingston. They are the David Brook’s Crunchy
Suburbanites (Brooks 2004:21). They don’t really care that much whether their house or lawn is
immaculately beautiful. They care that they occupy an old structure and try to save it from demise. In
a way they are a combination of bohemian hipsters and crunchy suburbanites. Some choose to raise
their kids in exalted abandoned churches where the light is just right to produce meditative paintings
that sell at a gallery on 57th
Street in New York City or they are musicians who light up sound mixing
boards all over Kingston in renovated pajama or brush factories. The latest economic downturn has
taken its toll and too much home and business real estate is flooding the market. Buildings that were
vacant even prior to the current downturn stain the landscape.
However, typical gentrification trends are manifesting themselves in Kingston as the city
attempts to make up for the years lost in the nineties after IBM abandoned the area. In addition to the
artists and musicians, Kingston also has a strongly politicized gay population that has established an
LGBTQ Center in Uptown Kingston. Fastidious gay renovators, typical of the people who occupy
the frontier spaces of old cities, have gentrified the areas in Downtown that were marginal. Areas that
were once full of crack houses are now safe and cleaned up. The waterfront is now being developed
for tourism and many of the vacant and abandoned houses are getting a makeover even in the
downturn. Although the coming and going trends of small antique shops, high end boutiques, and
good restaurants have been constant since the 90s, waterfront revitalization and an upturn in tourism
show momentum in the right direction.
Conclusion
In summary, I have begun to sketch an inclusive framework for the city of Kingston by
offering some analysis of Kingston as a “micropolis” in the large New York City area. Current
population demographics show in and out migration between the cities along the Hudson River and
New York City. This population is in constant flux depending on economic conditions. I also took a
look at the transformation of Kingston into the new city form of the technoburb with the creation of
The Town of Ulster that set the stage for the opportunistic development of the IBM complex. This
story was followed by the devastation of not only the exit of IBM but also the culmination of the
effects of historical decisions made in the 19th
Century with the creation of the City of Kingston. We
culminated the story with a short overview of some (definitely not all) of the stakeholders in Kingston
and propose a compelling argument for creating a comprehensive vision and plan for the city.
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As a city, Kingston has problems but they are similar to many of the problems that face the
21st
century small US city. A multi-faceted strategy can enlighten and assist all the players in the
Kingston community to better understand their city and each other. Bringing together all community
leaders from ethnic, racial, educational, gender, community and occupational stations in life to own
their city will be instrumental to how Kingston’s built environment looks and feels.
A more inclusive urban landscape history can also stimulate new approaches to urban design,
encouraging designers, artists, and writers, as well as citizens to contribute to an urban art of creating aheightened sense of place in the city. This would be urban design that recognizes the social diversity of
the city as well as the communal uses of space, very different from urban design as monumental
architecture governed by form or driven by real estate speculation (Hayden 1995:13).
A citizen-led consciousness about the city has been growing in fits and starts over the past 20
years. Small organizations such as Friends of Historic Kingston, Kingston Citizens, Kingston Digital
Corridor, Family of Woodstock’s Everett Hodge Center, The Center for Creative Education, and
religious groups are all made up of mostly volunteer citizens who truly care about their city. They
have voiced their opinions on critical city matters and some have been heard on the level of
government, others have not. Much more needs to be done to incorporate all the diverse voices in the
conversations about the community and its aims. Efforts in the community for youth by community
centers and educational programs are most promising.
Four hundred years of living are evident in Kingston’s architecture. It is its best and one of its
most distinguishing features. It should not, however, be exploited to fold Kingston into another New
Urbanist community for commuters to New York City. It should also not become a Disneyfied
version of Kingston. There are other creative and lucrative solutions to inviting private investors into
the city. Redevelopment of the city’s built environment should be a conversation of regularly
scheduled and transparent engagement with its citizenry as well as the much-needed attraction of
private investment. It requires a precarious balancing act of complex communication with all the
stakeholders of the community.
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APPENDIX 1
Employment Opportunities compared from www.city-data.com
Other sales and related workers including supervisors (5%)Other management occupations except farmers and farm managers (4%)
Building and grounds cleaning and maintenance occupations (4%)Sales representatives, services, wholesale and manufacturing (3%)Electrical equipment mechanics and other installation, maintenance, and repair occupations includingsupervisors (3%)Driver/sales workers and truck drivers (3%)Laborers and material movers, hand (3%)
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Other office and administrative support workers including supervisors (9%)Nursing, psychiatric, and home health aides (6%)Secretaries and administrative assistants (5%)Registered nurses (4%)Other sales and related workers including supervisors (4%)Cashiers (4%)
Preschool, kindergarten, elementary and middle school teachers (4%)
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APPENDIX 2
Map of Kingston and surrounding towns
Ulster County Development Corporation
Note that the Town of Ulster was created as a way to separate the City of Kingston from thefirst lock of the Delaware & Hudson Canal and Town of Kingston was created at the same time.
Driving through several town boundaries to get to The City of Kingston is, needless to say,
confusing. The Town of Kingston was forever defused of its political power at the same time.
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APPENDIX 3
City of Kingston with Major Highways
Ulster County Development Corporation
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Census Block Map
Ulster County Planning Board
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