Sandars 1993 - Later Aegean Bronze Swords

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Later Aegean Bronze SwordsAuthor(s): N. K. SandarsReviewed work(s):Source: American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 67, No. 2 (Apr., 1963), pp. 117-153Published by: Archaeological Institute of AmericaStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/502611.

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2/46

a t e r

A e g e a n

r o n z e S w o r d s

N. K. SANDARS

PLATES 21-28

PART

1

In

an

earlier

article' I

attempted

to

sketch

the

origins,

and

the

range

in

time

and

space,

of the

first

Aegean

swords.

These

origins

led back

to

Asia

in

the later third and

early

second

millennium,

on

the one

hand,

and to

a

native

Aegean

invention

of the

Middle

Minoan

period,

on

the other. The

result of this fusion was the A type sword of Crete

and the Greek

mainland;

a

weapon

of

unsurpassed

size and

considerable

magnificence;

also

a

less

splendid

but

potentially

more serviceable

weapon,

the

B

type

sword concentrated

in

the

Argolid.

These were the

two swords

in

the

hands

of

the

sixteenth

century

Aegean

warrior.

The A

swords,

sometimes over

a

metre

long,

had

a

fatal weakness

in

the

hafting,

a

slender

tang

that

is often

found

snapped,

and would have left the

swordsman

unarmed,

with

a

useless hilt in his

hand. The

shorter,

stouter B

swords,

with

their

flanged tangs,

should have been less

vulnerable,

but there

too the

great

size of the

rivet-holes

left

the

metal

weak,

and almost

as liable to

snap.

An

attempt

was

made

to

protect

the

swordsman's

hand

from

an

antagonist's

blade,

in

close

fighting, by

the

adoption

of a horned

type

of

grip

on

A

swords.

This

was

a

fragile

attachment of

ivory,

faience

or

semi-precious

stone,

riveted to the

blade and

lower

grip;

the

splay

of the

shoulder

horns

being

de-

signed

to deflect

the

enemy's

point

from the hand.

The

pinched-up langed

shoulder

of the B sword

served a similar

purpose.

Both

these swords were still in use in the

Aegean

in

the fifteenth

century, though

finds

of

weapons

from the earlier

part

of the

century

are few. There

is no need to enter

into the

problem

of the bottom

date

proposed

for Schliemann's

grave-circle

at

Mycenae,

for

without

recourse to

it

we have

the

fine A

sword

from

Kakovatos

(LH

II

A),

and

swords

from

tholos

tombs

in

Messenia,

of like

date;

while evidence

for

survival

of these swords

into

the

second half of the fifteenth

century

is

provided

by

the

rather

untypical

A sword

in

grave

44

of

the

ZapherPapoura

cemetery

Knossos,

and a

quite

typical

B

in

the

King's

Tholos

at Dendra

(LH

IIIA

i final

date).

There is also less direct evidence

in chamber tombs

at

Mycenae

and in the Dodeca-

nese,

which will

be

discussed

below.

In

the earlier

article I concluded that

the evi-

dence

pointed

to

the

Argolid

as the home of the

B

type

swords,

while

the

A

type

were

produced

*

I

owe a

great

debt

of

gratitude

to the

Principal

and Fellows

of

St.

Hugh's College,

Oxford,

for

the award

of the Elizabeth

Wordsworth

Studentship 1958-61,

which

enabled me to travel

in Greece and

Turkey,

and

to

complete

the research

necessary

for

writing

this

essay.

I have received

very

valuable

advice and

a

number of

suggestions

from Miss Dorothea

Gray,

and from

Dr. Hector Catling, to both of whom I owe especial thanks. I

have

had

helpful

discussions with

others,

including

Mr.

M.S.F.

Hood,

Director of

the

British School

at

Athens,

Mr.

John

Board-

man,

Mr. A.

Snodgrass,

Mr.

George

Huxley,

Mr. V. d'A. Des-

borough

and

Mrs.

Maxwell-Hyslop.

In Greece I received

valua-

ble

help

from

Mr.

and Mrs. Karouzou at the

National

Museum,

Athens;

from

Dr.

N.

Platon,

the

Ephor

for

Antiquities

in

Crete,

and Mr.

S.

Alexiou,

present Ephor;

also from

Dr. S. Dakaris

at

Ioannina,

Professor Morricone in

Cos,

Dr.

P. Astrom

of the

Swedish Institute in

Athens,

Mr.

S.

Iakovides

of

the Greek

Archaeological

Service,

and from

the

Director

and

Secretary

of

the American School in Athens.

For assistance

in

Turkey

I am

grateful

to Mr. Seton

Lloyd,

then Director

of

the

British Insti-

tute

in

Ankara,

to

Bay

RacI

Temiazer,

Director of the Archaeo-

logical Museum, Ankara,

and to Dr.

Nezih Firath

of

the Classi-

cal Museum in Istanbul, to Bay Muzaffer Ramazanoglu and

Bayan

Seyyide

Celikkol

at

Adana,

and

to

the

Secretary

of the

Archaeological

Museum in

Jerusalem

and

the Director

of the

Damascus

Archaeological

Museum. I have

to

thank for

much

help

and facilities

Dr.

Marie-Louise

Buhl,

Keeper

of the

An-

tiksamlingen

of the National

Museum,

Copenhagen,

and Mrs.

H.

Salskov Roberts of that

museum,

also

Dr.

O. Vessberg

of

the

Museum

of Mediterranean

Antiquities,

Stockholm,

to

Dr.

Z.

Vinski

of

the

Archaeological

Museum,

Zagreb,

and to

Dr.

Gabrovec at Ljubljana;Professor Mikov gave me much help at

Sofia,

also Dr. Detev at Plovdiv as did Drs. Horedt and Rusu

of the

Archaeological Institute,

Cluj;

also Professor B. Brea

and Mrs. M. Guido

at

Syracuse.

Finally

I am

grateful

for

help

and

facilities

at

the British Museum to

Mr. D.

E.

L.

Haynes,

Keeper

of

the

Department

of Greek and

Roman

Antiquities,

and

Mr. R.

Higgins

of that

department,

and

to Mr.

R.

V. Nicholls of

the

Fitzwilliam

Museum,

Cambridge.

I am

particularly

grate-

ful to the

Directors

and

Keepers

of

all

museums referred

to for

permission

to

draw and

publish

the swords illustrated

on

plates

21-28.

I

also

have

to

thank Professor

E.

Vogt

of the Swiss

National

Museum,

Ziirich,

Mr.

J.

D.

Cowen,

and Mr. L. Grinsell

of the

City

Museum, Bristol,

for

advice,

and I

am

grateful

to

Mrs.

E.

M. Cox for the finished

drawings.

The

drawing

of the

horse-bit

(pl. 26:48)

is

by

Audrey

Corbett,

to whom I

owe

thanks.

1

N.

Sandars,

The First

Aegean

Swords

and

Their An-

cestry AJA

65

(I96I)

17-29.


3/46

OKG

O

Ci

*

Cii

Add Greek

Mainland

L

Di

Add

Crete

5,

Rhodes

I,

France

?1

A El Add Crete 2

A Eli Add Greece 1

0

F

Add

England

XH

KG

Bulgarian pears

KG

Bulgarian

pears

Note:

untypical

D

i etc. swords not

shown;

in

addition to swords

Bulgarian spears

of

Aegean type

and Sia


4/46

1963]

LATER AEGEAN BRONZE SWORDS

119

and

perfected

in

Crete,

though

later

adopted

on

the Mainland.

Although

at that

time

Aegean

for-

eign

relations were

widening,

especially

those

of

Crete,

touching Lipari,

Miletus,

the

Troad,

the

Levant and

Egypt

(MM

III-LM

IA),

yet

the A

swords have a very limited range, and are not

shown

among

Aegean (probably

Cretan)

gifts

in

Egyptian wall-paintings

of the

beginning

of

the

fifteenth

century

(tombs

of

Senmut

and

Amenu-

ser).2

Probably

their

manufacture,

requiring

as

it

did

immense

skill,

was

a

jealously

guarded

secret;

the

armourers

of

Egypt

and

the Levant could

pro-

duce

nothing

to

compare

with them.

In

the

following pages

an

attempt

will be

made

to

trace

the

history

of the bronze

sword

in the

Aegean

from

the fifteenth to the twelfth

century,

within the framework of a general classificationof

types;

but

without

detailed

descriptions

of

indi-

vidual

weapons.

These will be found

listed,

to-

gether

with their

references,

at the end

of

this

article.

As

before the

system

of classification

s based

on

the

shape

of the

grip,

since this shows both

greater stability

and more

readily

definable

char-

acteristics than the blade.'

Type

C Swords

The fifteenth

century

saw the invention of

two

new

swords

in which

the swordsmiths

attempted

to

combine the best

points

of both the

earlier

weapons.

The

result was the horned

sword,

which I

shall

classify

as

type

C,

and

the

cruci-

form,

type

D. The essential

characteristics

of the

horned

sword,

in

which it differs little from A

swords,

are a

slender blade with

a

high

midrib,

and

a

horned

protection

for

the

hand,

no

longer

as a

separate

attachment,

but carried

out

in the

same

casting

as blade and

tang.

The

tang

itself

is

provided

with substantial

flanges,

such as were

found on

some

of

the

B

swords,

from

which

they

were

probably adopted.

These

weapons

were

long,

but

they

never reached the

length

of

the most

ex-

aggerated

A

swords.

Strength

and a

deadly

slender-

ness

were

achieved

through

the

new

cast

grip,

and

the

high,

finely

ridged,

midrib. The

metal was

concentrated where

it was most wanted for the

thrust;

and these swords

always

feel well-balanced

in the hand. The area of their dispersal is proof

of their

success,

for

beyond

the

Aegean

they

are

found

from

Palestine

to the

neighbourhood

of

Plovdiv

in

Bulgaria,

and of

Skopje

in

Yugoslavia

(map).

In

so scattered

a

group

it is

not

surpris-

ing

to find variations

due either to

differences

of

date,

or

to

the

styles

of

different

workshops.

In

fact two

principal sub-types

may

be

distinguished,

a C i

and

C ii.

Ci

In their main characteristicsboth sub-types are

alike,

but C

i

has

invariably

two rivet-holes

in

the

blade at

shoulder

level,

or

rather

lower,

and

usually

from

one to

three in

the

grip.

There

is

also

usually

a

narrow

unflanged

extension at

the

pom-

mel-end,

with

a

small

rivet-hole

for

securing

the

pommel;

always

a

separate

unit. The relative

posi-

tion of

the

blade-rivets

and

the

end of the midrib

vary, being

either

on a

level with each

other,

or

one

higher

than

the other

(pl.

21:I-2).

The C

i

class

includes

a

group

of

outstandingly

large

and handsome

weapons,

three are

over

o.gom.

(Zapher

Papoura 36

and

44

and no. 12

in

the

King's

Tholos,

Dendra),

while

no

complete

sword is

less

than

o.6o

m.

(apart

from an unchar-

acteristic one from

Cos).

Splendidly

ornamented

hilts

are found on most of these

swords,

with

a

free use of

gold-plating,

elaborate

repouss6

spirals

and feather

patterns,

and

often

richly

ornamented

midribs.

Rivet-holes

tend still to be

large,

and

the

rivets

to

be

capped

with

gold.

These

princely

swords

come from

Knossos,

the

Zapher Papoura

cemetery;

(pl. 21I:i)

Phaestus,

and the

King's

Tholos,

Dendra;

this

tomb,

in

other

respects

also,

stands close to

the material

from Crete.

Rather

2

N. de G.

Davies,

BMMA

(1926)

2

The

Egyptian Expedi-

tion

1924-25, pp.

41-51

Tomb of Senmut

T

71

and

Amenuser

T

131;

Davies,

The Tomb of

Rekh-mi-fte

T

Ioo

at

Thebes,

2

MMA

The

Egyptian

Expedition 1935

(1943) passim;

see

also

J.

Vercoutter,

L'Egypte

et le Monde

tgean

(1956) 207-II.

I

have

used

again

the

Egyptian

dates as

given

by

E. Driotan

and

J.

Vandier

Les

Peuples

de

l'Orient

Mediterranean

II,

I'Egypte,

Clio

(1946)

with

Cambridge

Ancient

History

(1962)

Revised

Edit.

Vol.

I,

Ch.

II

Chronology p.

17ff,

W.

Hayes;

also M. Rowton

p. 67

and F.

Stubbings

pp.

69-77

for

the

Aegean;

in

particular

for

lowering

the date

of

LH

IIIC

from

Furumark's 1230 to ca. 1200.

3

Since

it

seemed

preferable

to include all

Aegean

bronze

swords

(except

the

Type

II

swords

already fully

described and

discussed

by

Dr.

Catling

in

ProcPS

22

[1956]

102,

and

An-

tiquity

35

[1961]

115)

in

one classified

system,

it

has not

been

possible

to

follow

that

adopted

by

A.

Furumark,

Chronology of

Mycenaean

Pottery

(1941) 93-96;

and

used

by

S.

Dakaris,

Arch-

Eph

(1958) 114-53.

Where the

systems

'overlap,

Furumark's

a

2

is

very

broadly

my

D

ii;

his bi is

Fii;

his

b3

is

Eii

and

his

c

2

is

G. I

have on the

whole followed

the dates of Chro-

nology

p.

10o

but

allowing

more

liberal

margins

and

some

lowering

in

the

13th

and

later

centuries,

see

also

n.

2.


5/46

120

N.

K.

SANDARS

[AJA

67

plainer,

but

essentially

similar

C i

swords

come

from a

recently

excavated tomb at

Knossos,

found

with

a silver

cup,

and from

tombs at

Mycenae

(pl.

21:2)

and

Prosymna.

That

from

Chamber

Tomb 81 at

Mycenae

is

a

slighter,

slenderer

weapon,

with

small

rivet-holes,

therefore

typolog-

ically

later than

some,

since

the

reduction

in the

size

of rivet-holes

is

only gradually

introduced.

The illustration

given

by

Tsountas

shows

well

the

oval-shaped

opening

in

the

hilt-plate through

a discolouration of the

metal

(barely

visible

to-

day);

this

is a further

development

of the

kidney-

shaped opening

found

in

the

hilt-plates

of

some

A

swords.

An

incomplete

sword

with

ivory

and

gold

grip

from

Argolis

is

closer

again

to

the

Dendra

and Cretan

swords,

its

date will

be

discussed

below.

Where discoverable

the dates are

all middle

or

latter half of the fifteenth

century,

before the de-

struction

of

the

LM

II Palace at

Knossos. It is

possible

that

most

of

the

mainland

swords

are

slightly

later than the

Cretan,

falling

at the be-

ginning

of

the

fourteenth

century.

Chamber

Tomb

81 at

Mycenae

cannot be

dated,

but

the

sword

is

more

developed

than

that

from

Prosymna

T

37,

dated

early

LH

IIIA.

Blegen

has

suspected

the

presence

of

other

fine

swords

in the

Prosymna

cem-

etery

because of

the

number

of

large

detached

rivets,

some

gold-capped,

which

may

be debris

of

swords left by plunderers. The Dendra tholos is

the richest

unplundered

tomb

of

this date

either

in

Crete or

on the

Mainland

(apart

possibly

from

one

of the tholoi

in

Messenia,

Myrsenoch6rion

II,

from

which however few of

the

weapons

have

been

published,

only

some of

the

daggers).4

The

de-

scription

of

the

great

armoury

of

weapons

which

accompanied

the

Dendra

tholos burials

reads

more like

the

account

of the

fourth and

fifth

Shaft-

Graves

at

Mycenae

than

any

of the

later chamber

tombs,

there or

at

Prosymna,

or

even the warrior

graves

of the

Knossos

cemeteries.

The

objects

col-

lected

in the

large

burial

pit

with

two

skeletons,

called

by

Persson The

Burial

Gifts

of

the

King

and

of

The

Queen,

need not

all be

contemporary,

but are

in

any

case

remarkable

enough,

including

the

famous

octopus gold cup, gold

and silver

cups

with

hunting

scenes,

a

fine collection of

gems

and

the

arms.

Of

these

there were five

swords,

four

spears

and

two

small

knives.5

One of

the swords

beside the

skeleton is

a

perfectly typical

B

with

handsome

gold

covered

grip

(Persson's

No.

io),

providing

a link

with the

Shaft-Graves,

while the

technique

of

decorating

the

grip

with

minute

gold

bars,

attached to

the

ivory parts,

strengthens

the

link

both with

the

IV

Shaft-grave,

with Kakovatos

Tholos

B,

and

with

Knossos,

where

at

least one

sword

was decorated

in this

technique.

A

detailed

description

of the

technique

employed

has been

published recently

with

reference to

a

sword

from

Argolis.'

The whole

complex

of finds

suggests

the

later

fifteenth,

rather

than Persson's

fourteenth cen-

tury,

with the

IIIA

i

pots perhaps

dating

the

inter-

ments

but not the

manufacture of the fine

metal

work which

would then be

a

little

earlier.

The

swords

from the

Argolid provide

a

typo-

logical

and

spatial

link

with a

small

group

in

the

northwest: three swords were

found

in

Epirus,

two

in a

grave (pl.

21:3-4),

and

one

near

Skopje, Yugo-

slavia. These swords share the

peculiarity

of a

second

pair

of

rivet-holes

in

the

blade,

either

at

the

base

of

the

horns

(Perimatos

near

Ioannina,

and

Tetovo

near

Skopje)

or

in

the horns them-

selves

(Dodona).

The

break in

the horns

of the

Dodona,

and one of the

Perimatos

swords,

shows

that this was a fault

in

design:

with

one

exception

it

is

not found

elsewhere.

The

larger

of

the two

swords

from

Perimatos

(pl. 21:4)

must have been

an

exceptionally long

and

heavy weapon,

for

with-

out

the

grip

it

still

measures

o.85m.

The existence

of

such a tomb

not

far from

Ioannina

is

sufficiently

surprising,

and has led Dr.

Dakaris

to

an

extended

and

interesting

discussion of the

problems

of

north-

ern

relations. Still further north

is the

sword

from

near

Tetovo,

Skopje,

in

the

Vardar

valley,

not far

from

the

watershed

of the

Danubian

river

system.7

It

looks to

be

a

genuine

Aegean product,

and

typologically

closest

to the

Perimatos

swords

at

Ioannina.

It is

possibly

as

long

as

the

heaviest

from

Perimatos,

or

longer.

The

condition

of these

weapons

shows that

they,

at

any

rate,

had seen

4S.

Marinatos,

Excavations Near

Pylos,

Antiquity

122

(1957)

97-1oo;

also

ILN

(April

6th,

1957)

PP. 540-43.

5

Prof.

Persson

uses

a

different

notation

to

that

of

Karo,

which

I

followed

in

my

earlier

article,

Persson's

A

type

is

our

B,

his

B

is

our

D,

the C's are the same.

6

Kakovatos,

Tholos

Tombs,

AM

34

(1909)

298-99;

My-

cenae,

IV

Shaft-grave,

Karo,

Schachtgrdber

on

Mykenai (1930-

33)

no.

396, p.

97,

no.

435,

P.

103;

A.

Evans,

Palace

of

Minos

(1921-35)

IV, ii,

854,

for

Knossos;

see

also

ArchEph

(1897)

123;

and

see Prof.

Elisabeth

Treskow

in Ars

Antiqua

AG

Auk-

tion III

(1961)

p.

30.

7This

sword is

shortly

to

be

published

by

Dr.

Vinski

of

Zagreb

to

whom

I

am

indebted for

additional

information.


6/46

1963]

LATER

AEGEAN

BRONZE

SWORDS

121

heavy

use,

unlike the

luxury

weapons

further

south.

Before

turning

to

the

next

small

group,

mention

should

perhaps

be made

here

of

blade

fragments

(there

are no

hilts)

from

Levkas,

in

the so-called

Royal-Graves. These I illustrated as class A in

my

earlier

article;

they

could

equally

well

be

C,

to

judge

by

the

finely

grooved

midribs;

but without

the

grips

it

is

impossible

to be sure

either

way.

There is a

still

stranger

extension

of

Aegean

traditions of

bronze-working, beyond

their usual

range,

in

a small

group

of swords and

spears

in

Bulgaria.

Though

diverging

much from the other

C

i

swords

in

the

grip, they

share

the

use

of

rivets

in blade and

grip;

while in one of the three swords

a

duplication

of the

pair

of

blade rivets links

it

more

specifically

to

the

Epirus

group

and

Skopje.

The two better

preserved,

from Dolno Levski near

Pazardjik

and Perushtitsa near

Plovdiv

(pl.

22:5,

7,

pl. 28:64,

61),

are

said to have

been found

in

graves,

and

were

associated with

spears

of non-

European, probably Aegean

types (pl.

22:6,

8,

pl.

28:65,

62).

The main difference between

these

and

all

other

horned swords is the

great length

of

the

horns,

giving

a width

of

up

to

iocm.,

or

exactly

twice

that

of

the

Mycenae

chamber tomb

81

sword.

They

extend

at

a

much

more

open angle,

in one

case not

far from

90o

degrees,

while

the

construc-

tion of the hilt is simplified. The bronze horns,

instead of

being

flanged

or

folded to secure

plates

of

perishable

material,

are cast

solid,

and the

per-

ishable

plates

could have been

simply

two

parallel-

sided

strips.

A

tendency

in

this

direction

existed

in

some

of the

C

ii swords

and it

reappears

in

an

altogether

later

group

(classes

G and

H,

see

infra).

Somewhat

eccentric

though

these

Bulgarian

swords

appear

when viewed

from

the

Aegean,

they

are

totally

unlike

the

native

bronze-work,

both

as to

the

quality

of

metal and the

form and

char-

acter of the founder's work; in particular the

grooved

midribs,

the

great

length,

strength

and

narrowness of the

blade.

In

some

respects they

give

the

impression

of

being

even

more

efficient

weapons

than their relatives further south.

The

horns are

stronger,

so is

the

grip,

due to the reduction

in the

amount of

perishable

and

fragile

inlay

material.

On the other hand the

angle

of the horns lacks

the

graceful

curve which seems to have been de-

signed

to

deflect,

rather than to

hold,

the

opponent's

blade.

Perhaps

these

more horizontal horns

needed

to be

tougher

to receive

the

jar

of

a

forward

thrust,

and the

design

was

adapted

for

the use

of swords-

men

less skilled

in the

finer

points

of

combat,

as

practiced in the Aegean?

The

spears

found

with

the

Dolno

Levski and

Perushtitsa

swords,

and two

other

single

finds

from Kritchim

near

Plovdiv

and Krasno

Gradiste,

Turnovo

(pl.

22:10-Il

and

map;

pl.

28:67,

63)

are

as

important

as the swords

for

European

archae-

ology.

Here it

must suffice

to

say

that

those

from

Perushtitsa

and

Krasno

Gradiste

are a

very

com-

mon

Aegean

and

Near Eastern

type,

and

absolutely

foreign

to

Europe,

especially

on

account

of the

slit

socket.

They

can

be

matched

in the

Ayios

Ioannis

chamber tomb

(A.J. 4)

and

the

Acropolis

tomb

at

Knossos

(with

C ii sword

pl.

23:14),

and in the

1929

hoard

from

Ras Shamra

(fourteenth

century).

The

spear

found with

the

Dolno

Levski

sword

has

a

faceted blade

that

is not

easy

to

match

in

the

Aegean,

though

similar

faceting

occurs

on

a

spear

of

a

rather

different

shape

in the

same

Ras

Shamra

hoard

and

on

a

spear

from

Cos.8

The

great

single

spear

found

at

Kritchim,

near

Plovdiv,

is

perhaps

the

most

interesting

of

all,

for it is

the

same

exceptionally

long

and

narrow

type

which

has

been

found

frequently

at

Knossos

(Ayios

Ioannis,

Chamber tomb, No. ii, Hospital Site II 4, III, 14,

V,

7

etc.)

and

the

Dendra

tholos,

all of which

are

between

0o.47m.

and

0o.57m.;

Kritchim

at

0.502

is

surpassed

only

by

one

from

Crete

(New

Hospital

II,

4,

0.46m.)

and

one

from Dendra

(No.

VI,

0o.57m.).'

These

three

spears

from

Bulgaria

are

identical with their

Aegean

counterparts,

but

fur-

ther discussion of

them

is better

postponed

to

an-

other occasion.

C

ii

Horned swords of the second sub-classare unlike

the

first

in

having

no

rivets in the

grip,

and with

one

exception,

no

pommel-tang

extension.

The

horns are

formed

by

a characteristic

folding

of

the

metal,

which

appears

to be beaten

together,

in

place

of the cast

flanges

more usual on C

i

swords;

the Silver

Cup

tomb sword is an

exception.

They

are

usually

of medium

length,

between

o.6om.

and

o.7o0m.,

nd the

midrib

is seldom so

pronounced

as

8

C.

Schaeffer,

Ugaritica

III

(I956)

fig.

224, 5

and

fig.

226;

for

Ayios Ioannis

see lists

infra in

Catalogue.

9

A.

Persson,

The

Royal

Tombs

at

Dendra

(1931)

King's

Tholos,

nos.

vI-vII,

pl.

20,

p.

37.

I

am

deeply

indebted to Prof.

Mikov of

Sofia

for

photographs

of the

Bulgarian

swords and

spears

and much

help

and information in connection with them.


7/46

122

N. K. SANDARS

[AJA

67

in

the C i class.

The

folded

horn

brings

them

closer

to the

class B

swords of

Shaft-Grave

VI

at

Mycenae,

and

some from

the

Levant

and

Dodeca-

nese. 0

As

a class

they

are

simpler

and more

uni-

form

than

C i.

Only

two

come

from

Crete;

one

of

these,

fromthe

Acropolis

Tomb,

Knossos,

s one

of the

few

that

can

be

given

a

date

(pl.

23:13-15).

This

appears

o

have been

a LM II

warrior

rave

like

ZapherPapoura

36

and

44,

and

graves

in

the

New

Hospital

and

Ayios Ioannis

cemeteries.I

shall return

to

these

graves,

after

giving

some

ac-

count of the

cruciform

swords

which

they

held

(see

map).

Most of

the

other

C ii swords

are

uncertain

of

date

and

of

provenance,

nd this means

unfortu-

nately

most

of the

mainland

ones.

Many

have

labels of varying degrees of probability.The

Mount

Olympos

of a

fine sword

in

the

British

Museum s

suspect,

hough

a northern

provenance

is

made

rathermore

plausible

n view of

the

sword

from

Grevena,

which

s

very

ike

it

(pl.

23:17).

The

sword from

Thermi

is

in

poor

condition

and is

not

typical,

as it

evidently

had at

least one

rivet-

hole in

the

grip;

its

value is its

date,

for

it was

found in

a room

with

LH

IIIA

pots.

On

the other

hand a

sword

from

Gezer in

Palestine

(pl.

23:16)

is

quite typical,apart

rom

the small

pommel-tang

extension

which

is

shown in

Macalister's

drawing,

though

it

no

longer

exists.

The

range

of

possible

dates

is

unfortunately

much

wider. It

was found

in

a

pit

in

the floor of

the

large

and

often used

Tomb

30

n

the

Gezer

cemetery.

The

pit

held

a

rather

heterogeneous

ollection

f bronzes

and

some

pots,

mostly Cypriot.

The other

bronzes

cannotbe

dated

closely,

they

include

a

type

of

flesh-hook

which

is

Middle

Bronze

Age

in

Cyprus,

nd

a

large

and

fine

scimitar

or

harpe

which

is

very

close

to one

from

Ras

Shamradated

by

Schaeffer

o the

fourteenth

century;

but

these

objects

were

known

from at least as early as the RoyalTombs of

Byblos

(twelfth-thirteenth

dynasty),

and

one

is

carried

by

a

Syrian

ribute

bearer,

with

other

more

Aegean-looking

bjects,

painted

on

the

walls

of

the

tomb

of

Menkheperrasonb

t

Thebes,

a

little

after

1450.

The

Cypriot

pots

are,

with one

exception,

fourteenth

century

or even

beginning

of

thirteenth;

so the

range

of

possible

dates

covers

the

whole

fourteenth

century

and

extends

a

little

beyond

it.12

The other

Aegean

pottery

in tombs

at Gezer is:

a

very

little

LM

IB,

and rathermore

LH

IIIA,

so

that if the

bronze sword is to be connected

with

the

events which

brought

this

pottery,

it is

more

likely

to

be linked with

LH

IIIA.

The

rather

shaky

associations

point possibly

to

the

beginning

of

the

fourteenth

century,

the

same time

as the

Thermi

sword.

Schaeffer

prefers

a date a little

earlier

( be-

fore

1425

or

1400 ).

Two

swords from the

Dodecanese fit neither

in-

to the

C nor the

B classbut

lie

somewhere

between,

with

some

features of both. One is

from the

Asclepeion

site,

on

Cos,

but this material

is

un-

published.

The horned sword

is without

pommel-

tang

extension

and has the

same rivet

arrangement

as the B sword

in the VI Shaft-Grave

at

Mycenae

(No. 905), to which it stands quite close in other

respects,

as also

to its Levantine

forerunners,

with

shoulders

midway

between

the horned

and

the

merely

pinched-up.

The second

is

a

very

large

weapon

in New

Tomb

IV,

Ialysos,

Rhodes.

If

the Cos sword

had more

B

features,

this is

closer

to

a true

C,

only

differing

in not

appearing

to

have

flanges

on the riveted

tang,

and in its

great

size,

which

at over

a metre would

make

it the

longest

of all horned

swords.

This tomb

is

quite

exceptional

at

Ialysos

on account

of the number

of

weapons

it held, including a cruciform and a round-shoul-

dered

sword of

a later

type, along

with LH

IIIA

2

pots:

I shall return

to it

below.

A sword in

the Tomb

of

the

Tripod

Hearth

Before

leaving

horned

swords mention

must

be

made

of the

unique

short

sword

or dirk

in

the

Tomb

of the

Tripod

Hearth,

Zapher

Papoura

14

(pl.

26:45).

A

curiously

eclectic

weapon,

its

length,

0.42,

is

too short for

a

sword,

though

the

rivets

in the

blade

suggest

the

conventional

horned

C i; the midrib is high, but in place of the usual

section,

with

a smaller

ridge

or

rib

down

the

mid-

dle,

it has

two

ridges,

giving

an

almost

square

section.

The

horns

first

rise,

and

then

droop

in

a

downward

direction

which

suggests

the

otherwise

quite

different

(and

much

later)

swords of

Classes

G and H

(see

infra).

The

horns of

the

shorter

of

the

two Dendra

King's

Tholos

swords,

No.

15,

may

be rather like

it,

but

I

have not

handled

it,

10

Sandars,

op.cit.

(supra

n.

I)

pl.

I8

etc.

11

N.

de

G.

Davies,

The

Tombs of

Menkheperrasonb,

T 86

Egypt

Exploration

Society:

The

Theban

Tombs

Series

(1933)

pl.

I.

121

have

received

valuable

help

from

Dr.

Catling

with

the

difficulties

of this

tomb,

particularly

the

dating

of the

Cypriot

pots,

for which he has

emphasized

the

very

wide

bracket

possible.


8/46

1963]

LATER

AEGEAN

BRONZE

SWORDS

123

and the

photograph'3

is

too

small

to

be

certain.

The

blade of

the

Zapher Papoura

dirk has

a

sharp

taper

to

the

point,

and

a

flanged

and

T-shaped pommel-ex-

tension

which,

in the

Aegean,

is

not known

to occur

before the fourteenth

century,

and which will

be

discussed later. The ivory

hilt-plates

of the grip

were in

place,

and

show

a

skeuomorphic

thong-

moulding, immediately

below the

pommel.

The

absence

of vases

has

made

close-dating

of

this

tomb

impossible,

though

it

is

the most

important

of

all the

Zapher

Papoura cemetery

on

account

of

the

great

collection

of bronze table and

kitchen-

ware

which it

held. The dirk was in

close

associa-

tion

with

a

one-edged

knife,

a

spear

and an

ivory

casket,

none

of which is

any

more

helpful,

but

the date is not

likely

to be

very

long

after

1400.

Considerabledoubt must attach to a sword, now

lost,

apparently

of

C ii

type,

said to

come

from

Adliswil,

Switzerland.

Class

D

Just

as

at

the

beginning

of

the

fifteenth

century

there were

alternative

swords,

A

and

B,

so too

in

the

second half of

the

century

there were alterna-

tives: the

usually

longer

C

horned,

and the

cruci-

form D

swords.

Like Class

C

these

too

can be

subdivided

into D

i

and

D

ii;

but in

this case the

division

is

chronological

as

well as

typological.

Only

D

i

is

contemporary

with

C.

Di

D

i

swords

are

fairly

uniform.

The

length

is

usually

between

0.60

and

o.7om., corresponding

to

the

length

of

the

shorter and

more

utilitarian

C

ii

swords.

The

only

exceptionally long

D

swords

are

in

the

same

King's

Tholos

at

Dendra,

that

held

the

very

long

C sword.

Five out of ten in the

Knossos

cemeteries are

between

o.6im

and

o.63m.

There is

usually

a

well-marked

midrib

and,

with one

exception, there are two rivet-holes, rather low in

the

blade,

as

in

class

A

and

many

class

C.

The

grip

and

shoulders are

always flanged

like

C

i;

but

instead of the

horns

the

shoulder

extension

takes

the

form

of

an

angular

or

lobed

broadening,

from

which

comes

the name cruciform.

In fact the

outlines

show two

opposite

tendencies.

One,

best

represented

in

the

Zapher

Papoura

cemetery,

is

for

very

rounded

projections

or

lobes

(pl.

24:19);

the

other,

found in the

graves

of the New

Hospital

site and

Ayios

loannis,

has a more

angular

outline,

and

may

be

slightly

earlier.

It

certainly

had a

shorter

life-span.

The width of the blade below

the

shoul-

der

is much the same as in the C

type,

usually

about 4 cm., but owing to the blade being shorter

the

D

swords

look

stouter,

and more

tapered.

The

small

pommel-tang

extension

is

almost

invariable.

The swords come from

Crete,

the

Argolid,

and

the Dodecanese

(see

map).

This is the sword

par

excellence

of the Knossos

cemeteries,

with

the

so-

called Warrior Graves

accounting

for ten of

the

thirteen Cretan

weapons,

the

other three are

with-

out

provenance;

against

this

the

mainland

has five

(from

the

Argolid

three others

are

uncharacteristic,

one

also

untypical

from

Attica),

and Rhodes

and

Cos have three between them. This class holds

some of

the

finest of

surviving

bronze

swords,

and

one

at least

(Zapher

Papoura 36)

is an

outright

masterpiece

with

naturalistic ornamentation of

the

gold

hilt

covers,

showing

wild

goats

and

lions,

in

a

style recalling

the

galloping griffins

and

horses

of

the

Mycenae

Shaft-Graves,

and

nearer home

the acrobat

looped

round the

gold

pommel-

casing

of an

A

sword

from Mallia. The

more

routine

spirals

of

the midrib and

flange

are

almost

identical

with those

on

the C sword

in the

same

tomb,

only

a

little smaller.

Larger spirals

are

on

the

midrib

of the

richest

of

the

New

Hospital

site

swords

(the

Shaft-Grave,

Tomb,

II,

3),

and

there

are linked

spirals

on

the

gold

sheet

that

covers

the

wood

of the

grip.

These

again

are found on

the

best-preserved

of

the

two

D

swords in

the

King's

Tholos,

Dendra

(No.

ii), 5

and

appar-

ently

on the

great

horned

sword

(No. 12),

where

only

a morsel of

ivory

remains. The outline

of

the

shoulder

projection

is

the

same

on

the

Zapher

Papoura

and Dendra

swords,

whereas

the

New

Hospital

and

Ayios

Ioannis

shoulders

are more

angular. Where the hilt-plates of these rich swords

survive

they

all

have

the same oval

opening,

as

do

a

number

of the

C swords. The

technique

of

gold-plating

over wood

is

so little

practical,

where

a

sword is to

be

jarred

with hard

use,

that

it

strengthens

the

general

conclusion that

these

weap-

ons

were

designed

for show

rather than for

blows.

As well as

the two handsome

Dendra

King's

Tholos

cruciform

swords,

that from

Mycenae,

13

Persson,

op.cit.

(supra

n.

9)

xx,

no.

v.

14

F.

Chapouthier,

Mallia,

Deux

Epdes

d'Apparat

(ttudes

Cretoises

5, 1938)

pls.

8-20.

15 Persson describes the opening as

kidney-shaped,

but if

we follow

the

distinction drawn

by

Evans

between

earlier

kid-

ney-shaped

and

later

oval

openings,

this

opening

is

certainly

oval.


9/46

124 N.

K.

SANDARS

[AJA

67

Chamber Tomb

78,

is

well

made,

and

possibly

was

once

an

equally

grand

weapon,

since the

only

sur-

viving

rivet

was

gold-capped (pl. 24:21).

It

has

telltale

breaks

at two of the

large

rivet-holes in

the

grip.

The much

damaged

and

incomplete

sword

from Grevena

may

have been like

these,

but most

of

the mainland

swords

are uncharacteristic and

rather

poor;

some lack midrib:

Prosymna

Tomb

XXV

and

the

two much smaller

weapons

in

Mycenae,

Chamber

Tomb

91,

which

also

lack

grip-rivets,

and have sunk lines in

place

of

the

midrib,

like

D ii

dirks

and

daggers (see

infra).

An

incomplete

fragment

from

Corinth

without

midrib is

also

probably

D ii

(pl.

24:28),

but

if its

grip

was

originally

like

these

in Tomb

91

it

would

have

to be reckoned

among

D

i's.

A

short

sword

or dagger from Eleusis is only very loosely cruci-

form,

having slightly

lobed shoulder

projections;

but

the

rivet

pattern

is

quite

different

and

it

seems

to

belong

to another tradition of

flat,

broad-bladed

knives

and

daggers,

perhaps

related

to our

class

E

and

to

some

untypical

blades

in

Chamber

Tomb

82 at

Mycenae.

The

three swords known from

the Dodecanese

are all

very

much

alike,

short,

with an

angular

or

intermediate

shoulder,

and not

very

high

midrib

(pl.

24:20).

They

are

particularly

close to the New

Hospital

Tomb

V sword. The

link with Knossos

is

strengthened by

a

spearhead

from

the

Asclepeion

site on

Cos,

which

is

remarkably

like the

spear

A.J.

3,

found

with another

angular

D

i

in

the

Ayios

Ioannis

Shaft-Grave. Both

spears

have the

same

decorative

moulding

at

the

base

of the

blade,

and

the

same

section;

the

only

difference is

that

Ayios

Ioannis

has

sharper

wing-ends

to the blade.

Before

discussing

dates

and

workshops

there

are

two features of D

i

swords which

must be

re-

ferred

to.

First

there are

the

hilt-plates

of

semi-

precious

material,

unused

and

sometimes

even

un-

finished, which are found (rather surprisingly) in

tombs

as well

as

in

occupation

sites;

and second

the

skeuomorphic

thong-mouldings

which dec-

orate

these

hilt-plates

and

the bronze

grips

as well.

Chamber

Tomb

81

at

Mycenae,

which had a

C

i

sword,

also had

two cruciform hilt

fittings;

one of

veined

agate

is

unfinished,

hollows are

already

sunk for

the

rivet-heads,

but the holes

have not

been

boredfor

the

pins.

Gold

rings

with

granulated

edges

are

in

place

around

only

two

of

them.

Tsountas

ound another

hilt-plate

f

faience,

rather

more lobed

in

shape,

unassociated

n the

Acrop-

olis,

and

yet

another

very

like it

apparently

n

Chamber Tomb

io2..

A

crystal

fragment

was

found

at

Knossos,

while

separate

gold

sheet

cas-

ings

for B

type

swordswere found in the same

Chamber Tomb

81 at

Mycenae

where

the

un-

finished

agate hilt-plate

was

found,

and

another

in

the dromos to

Tomb

88. This last is

very

like

the

casing

of the

B sword in the

King's

Tholos,

Dendra,

except

for

having only

one rivet.

As

well

as

showing

the

overlap

between

lingering

B

type

swords

and

both

the

new

C

and

D i

classes,

hese

detached,

sometimes unfinished

fragments

pose

the

question

as to whether such

objects

of

skilled

and

luxurious

workmanship

were obtained

from

a few sources and then put by till needed,or

whether

they

were

plunder

from some

despoiled

workshop;

or

whether

again

a

traveling

craftsman

would

leave

the

spare

fittings

behind him

when

he

moved on to his

next

job.

We

know

so

very

little

about the mechanicsof

bronze-working

nd

other

allied

crafts

n

the second

millennium.

The detached

hilt-plates

and

grip-casings,

whetherof

agate,

aience,

crystal,

r

gold

on

wood,

as

well

as those found

in

position

on swords

in

the Knossoscemeteries nd

at

Dendra,

all

have

in

common

a

simulated

hong, usuallydouble,

at

the

base of the

grip.

The fine

hilt

of

the derivative

A

sword in

ChamberTomb

78

at

Mycenae

shows

what is

probably

an earlier

stage

with the

lowest

grip-rivet

placed

within

the

loop

of the

thong,

as

though

the latter

had

been hitched around

a

once

protruding

rivet-head.The

lily-dagger

n

the

V

Shaft-Grave

akes

us a

stage

further

back,

for

it

has

a

separate

gold

ribbon

n

place

of

the

natural

cord or

leather

hong. 7

he

lowest

rivet is

still more or

less within

the

loop

on

the D sword

from

New

Hospital

Tomb

II,

as also on

the shell

inlayfrom the Knossosthrone-room; ut in other

cruciform

words

the

rivet has moved

up

the

grip

and

the

loop

has

become

purely

ornament

(Za-

pher

Papoura

36,

i;

and Dendra

King's

Tholos

No.

I1).

Even

where the

hilt-plates

have

not

sur-

vived,

the

existence of

the

moulding

can be in-

ferred from

ripples

in the bronze

of the

flange

(Zapher

Papoura 55,

pl.

24:19).

This decoration

was

used

on

swords of much

later

types

also,

and

sometimes on

different

parts

of the

grip.

16

It

is not

certain that

all

the small

objects

came from this

tomb and not from one nearby, see JHS 24 (I904) 322.

17

Karo,

op.cit.

(supra

n.

6)

no.

764,

V

Shaft-Grave.


10/46

1963]

LATER

AEGEAN BRONZE

SWORDS

125

It seems

very

likely

that the

origins

of

the

cruci-

form sword are

to be found

(as

Evans

thought)

in

those

flanged-hilted,

round-shouldered

long

dag-

gers

and short swords of MM III

and

LM

I,

found at

Knossos

itself

(in

the North House in-

complete) and at Gournia, the latter with a broad,

rather

flat midrib. These in

turn

grew naturally

out

of

the

flanged daggers

without

midrib,

like that from

the

Hagia

Triada tholos

and

various

stray

finds;

the

finely

decorated

dagger

from

Lasithi

with

fight-

ing

bulls and a

boar-killing

is

another.

Evans called

them the

typical

dagger

of LM

Ia'8

beginning

per-

haps

as

early

as

MM

II.

I

have

suggested

elsewhere

that

these

daggers

may

also have

had

a

part

in

the

formation of the

class

B

sword,

though

less influ-

ential than

Syrian

and Palestinian

flanged daggers

and short swords. However the absence of true

B

swords

from

Crete

makes it more

likely

that

they

were

the Cretan alternative to that

sword,

for

use when

a

weapon

shorter

than the

great

Cretan A

sword was

required.

The

protruding

shoulder of Gournia

brings

them much closer to

the D

type

than to

B,

while

the midrib

is more

advanced

than

the

Eleusis

weapon already

re-

ferred to.

On

the other hand this did

have

a

pom-

mel-tang

extension,

while

another,

otherwise

ex-

actly

like

it,

had a

T-flange,

which

reduces

the

likelihood

that

they

could be

ancestral

to cruci-

form

swords.

If the

Gournia

sword

is

probably

one

parent,

the

other

parent

of

the

cruciform sword is

quite

clearly

the

A

type,

from

which

it inherits the

long

fine

midrib,

the low-set

blade-rivets,

and the

hilt-

plate

opening.

These are

features also common

to

C

swords,

and

in

fact the two

types,

the

C

sword

and

D

i,

are

exactly

contemporary,

found

together

in

graves

(Zapher Papoura

36

and the

King's

Tholos,

Dendra,

and

the new

Argolis

find,

also

Chamber

Tomb 81

Mycenae,

horned

sword

and

cruciform

hilt-plates).

Both make

their

first

ap-

pearance

about

the

middle

of

the

fifteenth

century

and

last into the

fourteenth

century.

One

of the

latest

D

type

is

probably

that in

Mavrospelio

XVIII,

(pl.

24:22),

a

grave

without

pottery

but

with a

T-flanged

knife. The

sword,

not much more

than a

dirk,

is as

uncharacteristic

as the C dirk from

Zapher

Papoura

14,

it has no

midrib and is in

very

poor

condition. A

typical

D

hilt

said to come from

the

Rh6ne

requires

authenticating.

Discussion

Taken as

a

group

C i swords are more

variable

than

C ii. No two of the rich

and

princely

swords

from

Zapher Papoura 36,

Phaestos Tomba

dei

Nobili

8,

and the

King's

Tholos, Dendra,

are

quite

the same. In

spite

of over-all

similarities

they

vary

in

the details of

arrangement

and

placing

of

rivets,

in

length

and section

of

midrib,

and in

the

motifs of ornament.

Each one is an individual

piece

of skilled

workmanship produced

to

please

the taste

and

requirements

of some individual

pa-

tron

or

potentate,

and

seeming

to bear the

hallmark

of a

particular shop.

The sword

in the

Silver

Cup

Tomb,

Knossos,

the shorter of

the two

from

Dendra,

and the two

from

Prosymna

and

Mycenae

are more utilitarian

relatives,

which

may

or

may

not be from this shop. Nor is a date in the second

half of

the fifteenth

century

in

doubt

for

the

whole Cretan

group,

which

belongs

to the

last

epoch

of

the

LM

II

palace.

The

Epirus-Yugoslavia group

and the

Bulgarian

are utilitarian

weapons

from

two,

perhaps

several,

hands

or

shops. They

pose

a curious

problem,

for

it is

unlikely

that

workshops operating

in one

of

the

established

centres

of

Aegean

civilization

should

produce

a

particular style

of

weapon

for the north-

ern

barbarians.On the other

hand,

supposing

the

grave at Perimatos near Ioannina and those in

Bulgaria

to

have held

the bones

of

returned ad-

venturers,

or

temporary

exiles,

who had served

a

term

at one of the

Aegean

courts,

then it is difficult

to see

why

the

weapons

they brought

back

with

them should

have been

so unlike

any

in

use in

metropolitan

Greece or

Crete.

A

possible

alterna-

tive is that

both

groups

were the work

of

crafts-

men

trained in

one

or

other of the

great

centres,

Cretan

or

mainland,

selling

his skill in

the northern

mountains,

where in

the

course of time

he

may

have

fallen into

personal idiosyncrasy,

or

simply

have

tried

to

meet

the

special

demands

of

the bar-

barian;

this

is

only

surmise. The

Cretan

palaces

give

evidence

of

bronze-working

on

the

spot;

so

do

houses

at

Malthi

and

at

Trianda,

Rhodes. In

barbarian

lands there

is no

such

evidence,

only

the

scattered

finds

of

merchants'

hoards

and,

at a

much

later

date,

founders'

hoards.

The

existence

of some

link,

however

tenuous,

between

this

part

of

south-

eastern

Europe,

geographically

not

far

from the

watershed

between the

Aegean

and

the

Danubian

18

Evans,

op.cit.

(supra

n.

6) I, fig. 541,

p.

719;

IV

ii, p. 851;

see also

Sandars, op.cit. (supra n.

I) 22.


11/46

126

N.

K.

SANDARS

[AJA

67

river

systems,

and

the centres of

Aegean

civiliza-

tion,

in

the

middle of the second

millennium,

is

fact.

Compared

with

the

idiosyncratic

C

i

swords,

the

unriveted

C

ii

look like the

product

of one work-

shop (except for an untypical sword labelled Den-

dra,

if that is its correct

provenance,

and the

two

from

Cos

and

Rhodes).

On the evidence available

it

is

not

possible

even to

guess

where

this centre

was,

unless the

influence

of the

predominantly

Mainland

B

sword

argues

for the

Argolid;

but too

many

of the

swords are

without

find

spots,

and

the

absence,

so

far,

of

any

from

Mycenae

itself,

makes

this

explanation

less

satisfactory.

The

Gezer

sword

is more

likely

to

be connected with

My-

cenaean

ventures

of

the

early

fourteenth

century

(LH IIIA) than with Cretan enterprise; the same

date

holds for

Thermi,

where

no

Mycenaean pottery

is later

than LH

IIIA and local wares imitate

LH

II. Some

mainland centre

might

be

thought

most

likely

to

have

produced

the

Grevena

sword,

and

perhaps

the British Museum Mount

Olympos,

but the

postulated

connections of the fifteenth

century

rulers

of

Thebes

with Crete could

provide

a

possible point

of

entry

for earlier Cretan

bronzes

to

Boeotia. 9

A

terminus ante

quem

for

the

C

ii

swords,

in

the middle or second

half

of

the fifteenth

century,

is

given

by

the

pots

in the

Acropolis

Tomb,

Knossos.

So

the earliest

dated C

ii

cor-

respond

well

enough

with

the

fine swords

of C

i;

the

peripheral

C i and C

ii

groups

may

be a little

later,

probably

the

first

half

of

the fourteenth

cen-

tury.

In

each

case,

where

approximate

dates can

be

advanced,

somewhere near the

beginning

of

the

century

is

preferable

for the

casting

of

the

C

ii

swords,

because

of their likeness to

the

one

from

Knossos.

In

summary,

the

position points

to at least

one

workshop

capable

of

producing

luxury

weapons,

working between 145o and 1400; and another,

contemporary

with

it,

producing

the

unriveted

C ii

and

perhaps

the

plainer

riveted

C

i as

well,

all

thoroughly

workmanlike

weapons

which found a

more

extended market

or

a more

enterprising

clientele.

The smiths who

produced

the

fine

Epirot,

Macedonian and

Bulgarian

swords must

have learned

their

trade in one of

these

metro-

politan workshops during

the

period

when

Class

C swords were in

active

production.

In

course

of

time

they

became

independent,

but

their work

is

not

likely

to have

found its

way

into barbarian

graves

much after

1350,

unless

kept

for

an in-

ordinate

time

as

heirlooms.

However,

the

evidence

of hard

wear

might

be

taken

to favour

a

fairly long

useful life.

If sufficient evidence for

tracing

the

style

of in-

dividual

workshops

be conceded

for

many

of

the

horned

swords,

the

same

would

hold

good

for

the

cruciform,

where in fact the evidence

is

stronger.

This is

particularly

the

case with the

swords

from

cemeteries

at

Knossos:

Zapher Papoura,

the New

Hospital

site

and

Ayios Ioannis.

I have

suggested

that

the

more

angular

shoulders,

as at

Ayios

Ioan-

nis and

New

Hospital,

were

slightly

earlier

than

those

at

Zapher Papoura.

Most

are well-dated

by

pottery, and there is nothing to suggest use

of

these two cemeteries

after the

catastrophe

to

the

LM

II

palace.

Zapher Papoura,

on

the

other

hand,

does seem to

have been

in use after that

event

and the tombs

are

harder to

date with

pre-

cision,

but there is

no

reason

to

think

that the

two

important

warrior

graves, 36

and

44,

were

later;

in fact

they

are

generally placed

within the last

years

in the

life

of

that

palace.

It

is

rather

that D ii

with

pommel flanges, typologically

the

subsequent

development,

is

always given

a

lobed,

not

an

angu-

lar

shoulder;

also the

probably

later

D

i dirks

without

midrib

are

lobed

(except

for

Mavrospelio

XVIII

which

also

appears

to

be

late).

The

workshop

that

produced

the

finest C swords

was

certainly equipped

technically

to

produce

the

best D i.

Although nothing

like

the

naturalistic

decoration of the

Zapher

Papoura

36

D i hilt has

been found on

a

C

sword,

hilt

plates

have

so

rarely

survived

that an

argument

ex

silentio

is

not

permis-

sible. The Mallia

workshop

that

produced

the

Acrobat was

certainly

equal

to

the

draughts-

manship

required

for

tracing

the

goat

and

lion;

in fact the acrobat is superior work, and probably

more

than

a

century

earlier.

Chronological

con-

tinuity

of

surviving

work

can be traced from

Mal-

lia

through

Mycenae, Myrsinoch6rion

and

Vapheio,

back

to

Zapher Papoura

and

New

Hospital,

Knossos,

on the

one

hand,

and Dendra on the

other. There are

particularly

close links

between

the

Dendra

King's

Tholos

and

Crete,

as Pers-

son,

Furumark and

others

have

agreed.

Persson de-

scribes the

gold octopus cup

as a

perfect

master-

19

LH

IIIA

i

floor

deposit

in the

House

of

Cadmos,

prob-

ably destroyedat the same time as the LM II Palace at Knossos,

A.

Furumark,

The

Settlement

at

Ialysos

and

Aegean

History,

OpusArch 6

(1950)

264.


12/46

1963]

LATER

AEGEAN

BRONZE

SWORDS

127

piece

of

the

finest

Cretan

workmanship

in

the

marine

style.

It

is

one

among

several

objects

probably

of Cretan

provenance.

He also

considered

that the

long

horned sword

probably

came

from

the

same

workshop

as that

from

Zapher

Papoura

36,though it is not clearwhy he thought this meant

both

were

manufactured

on the mainland.20The

unfinished

hilt-plates

of

semi-precious

materials

in

graves

at

Mycenae point

to

Mycenae

not

being

the

site

of

their

manufacture,

for

who would

treas-

ure

incomplete

and

unfinished

objects

if he

had

only

to

go

down the road to

procure complete

ones?

Perhaps

the hilts

did

not come from

the

same

workshop

as

the

bronze

swords.21

The finds of

crystal hilt-plate fragments,

and

others

with

gold

nail

decoration

within the Palace

at Knossos suggest that this work was done on the

spot,

as at

Mallia in

earlier

centuries,

and at

Tri-

anda in

Rhodes in

the fifteenth

century;

so the

great

workshop

at

Knossos

may

well have

been

destroyed

with the LM

II

palace

and

never

re-

opened.

After

the last of

the

splendid

horned

and

cruciform

swords there were

no

more luxurious

weapons.

A little

gold

sheet

casing

with the

simplest

of

ornaments,

or

a

gold

rivet-cap,

seems to

have

been the

most that

later

generations

were

prepared

to

spend

on their

weapons.

The Military Aristocracy

The

swords

themselves are

among

the most im-

portant

evidence

of the

high

standard of the fif-

teenth

century craftsmanship

and

metallurgy,

and

at

the

same

time

tell

us a

little about the

society

that

used them. It

is

a fair

supposition

that the

invention

of

a

new

weapon,

or the

radical altera-

tion

of an old

one,

only

happens

in

answer

to

military

need. One

may

well ask

what was

the

military

stress

which led to

the

invention

of

the

C

and D i swords? The

date for the

invention,

around

the middle of the fifteenth

century,

is

well

grounded,

linked with LM

II

pottery

which in

turn

can be linked

with

Egyptian

chronology.2

Mr. Hood, the excavator of some of the most

important

graves

of the

period

immediately

before

the destruction of the

LM II

palace

at

Knossos,

has

called them warrior

graves,

the burials

of a

mili-

tary

aristocracy

concentrated

on the court

at

Knos-

sos and

serving,

as Evans

believed,

a new

militarist

dynasty.

Whether

this new

dynasty

was of

Greek-

speaking

conquerors

from the

mainland,

or

thrown

up by

an internal

Cretan

political

revolution

with

mainland

support,

does not concern

us

here,

only

the

existence

of the warriors

and

their

weapons.

Whatever its origin the aristocracyseems to have

been

thoroughly

Minoanized.

It is

possible

also

that

the

change appears

more

dramatic

than

it

was,

for lack

of LM I

graves

leaves

a

gap

in

our

knowledge

of

personal

equipment

which

cannot

be filled from other sources.

To the

question,

what caused the rulers of Knossos to

surround

themselves

with a

military

caste,

the usual

and

most

plausible

answer is

that which connects

it

with the destructions

at rival Cretan

sites, Gournia,

Mochlos,

Palaikastro,

Phaestus and

Hagia

Triada.

The Phaestus

cemetery

is

poor

in bronzes

and

has

only

one

really

rich

military

tomb,

that with

the

C i

swords;

but

in the Knossos cemeteries

there

are at least fifteen

graves

with

swords,

so far

known,

of which

only

three

probably

date from after

the

fall

of

the

LM II

palace-a

fact

which

suggests

that

the

organization

of

the

military

survived

the

fall

of the

dynasty

which

it had served. This

in

turn

may

be

a

hint at a situation

well

known

in

the

history

of

empires,

from the

emperor-making

20

S.

Hood,

Late Minoan

Warrior-Graves,

BSA

47 (1952)

267,

n.

121;

Persson,

op.cit.

(supra

n.

9)

45-47;

see

also

A. Furumark, op.cit. (supra n. I9) 264.

21

If

the

suggested

interpretation

of

the tablets from

Knossos

(M.

Ventris and

J.

Chadwick,

Documents in

Mycenaean

Greekl

p.

360,

nos. 261

and

262)

so

many

swords:

5o ;

and

Kukalos

the

cutler,

3

swords

fitted with

(bindings?)

is

established,

this

might

refer

to

the

work

of

assembly

necessary

to

complete

sword-grips

of this

type

and

make them

usable. It is

however

well to

remember

Miss

Gray's

warning archaeological

com-

mentary

.

..

is bound

to

begin

from

ideograms

which

belong

to

the

same

physical

world

as the

monuments

(Institute of

Classical

Studies,

Bulletin

6,

1959, p. 55).

Some

of

the

sword

ideograms

from

Knossos,

which

according

to Evans

showed at

least

two

distinct

types

(Evans op.cit.

[supra

n.

6]

IV,

835),

are

clearly

meant to

represent

the

protruding

shoulders of

cruci-

form

swords

of

type

D,

but

others

are less

distinctive.

Miss

Gray

has

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