Roseman - How We Built the Road

"How We Built the Road": The Politics of Memory in Rural Galicia

Sharon R. Roseman

American Ethnologist, Vol. 23, No. 4. (Nov., 1996), pp. 836-860.

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"how we built the road": the politics of memory in rural Galicia

SHARON R. ROSEMAN-Memorial University of Newfoundland

Into the latter half of the 20th century, travelers and other visitors to the Galician region of northwestern Spain have highlighted the poor infrastructure that made their excursions to outlying areas difficult to organize and unmarked routes seem impenetrable. One of these accounts was penned by the American writer Jose Yglesias in his moving story of how, in 1965, he traveled with his wife and son to Galicia to seek out Miamdn-the village where his father had been born. After arriving in the city of Santiago de Compostela, Yglesias asked in the tourist office about the location of Miamdn, and two obliging clerks produced a detailed map of the province of A Corufia, which all three men then patiently began to scan:

Then between Santiago and the sea: there was Miaman, sitting out in a little white area by itself, fed by none of the thin capillaries which reached out to the towns whose names were in bolder print. "Do you have a car?" the man asked. I shook my head. The second one coughed. "It looks like a car would not get him there." "Oh, there must be a road," the other insisted. "There always is." [Yglesias 1967:45+6]

One ofthe central themes of Yglesias's ensuing description of his family's trip to Miamdn the next day i s the transition from a swift passage by taxi along a paved highway to their slow approach by foot along the dirt cartpath that they had to negotiate in order to reach the village:

We looked at our shoes; they were laughable. Not that the road was muddy; it was hard-packed and dry, but it was rutted, and the stones and pieces of marble imbedded in the red earth made themselves felt through the thin soles of our city shoes. The voices of the women near the highway were soon inaudible, and around us and behind us, as the road turned, were only eucalyptus and pines: the inspiring stillness of 19th century poetry reigned about us and made us hesitate and whisper, as if the entire countryside could hear us with our city rudeness. [Yglesias 1967:52]

Underlying Yglesias's presentation of this experience are his assumptions-held as well by the majority of those who read his book in the late 1 960s-about economic underdevelopment and "modernity." In this account and in another written ten years later, Yglesias denies to his Galician cousins working their small plots of land with oxen and the "implements of Roman days" (Yglesias 1977:246) what Fabian (1 983:25-35) terms a "coevalness" of experience. One of the resonant symbols of "modernity" as opposed to "backwardness" that Yglesias employs i s

In considering the symbolic constitution of history at a local level, ethnographers are confronted with the way in which memories are constructed around political contests not only for resources but also for interpretations of events. In this article I examine the use of history as a form of "making do" through an analysis of a historical narrative of localism about the 7 964 construction of a highway connect- ing a settlement to the national infrastructure, as told by a group ofSpanish Galician villagers. In their accounts, narrators contested the official understanding of economic development projects as delivered to local communities from the "outside." Although their labor was appropriated in order to complete the road project in 1964, in 7990 they were contesting the meaning of that appropriation. [politics of memory, oral history, "making do," fascism, Spanish Galicia, western Europe]

Amencan Ethnologist 23(4) 836-860 Copyright O 1996, Amerlcan Anthropological Assoclat~on

836 american ethnologist

the opposition between the existence and the absence of paved roads linking the countryside to the cities and thus to economic and technological "progess."

In the Galician village of Santiago de Carreira, where I lived and conducted fieldwork in the early 1990s,' one of the most salient memories of the past that people recounted to me also dealt with roads-in this case, with a period of several months in 1964 when their settlement was connected to the provincial highway system through the construction of a paved road. Their story ofthis event resembles thediscourse ofgovernment plans for economicdevelopment in that they portray the arrival ofthe road as a crucial turning point in the history of the village; villagers accept the existence or lack ofa paved road as a significant indicator ofa community's degree of social and economic "progress." Unlike plans and reports authored by state agents, however, the villagers do not frame the road as an example of a modern advancement that was delivered to the community by outside agents. Instead, they narrate how they had to lobby for the road in the face of opposition from the man who was then mayor and how they built it with the sweat of their voluntary labor, and with the help of the draft animals and tools that they lent to the project. In this article, I contrast the villagers' accounts of this event with an alternative interpretation I was able to glean from written records held in the township archives and from conversations with present-day township officials and a member of the local elite who in the villagers' account led their fight for the road in 1964. These records and individuals indicated that the road to Santiago de Carreira was the result of plans initiated outside the village, that there was no opposition to the project on the part of local politicians or other individuals, and that the villagers were required to donate their labor toward the road-building project in accordance with peasant "traditions" of providing labor for community projects.

M y intent is not to privilege any one version of the story behind the road construction. I wish instead to demonstrate the way in which, for the inhabitants of Santiago de Carreira (as for other people subordinated within systems of political and economic domination), the recounting of historical memories i s a form of "making out" or "making do" (see English translation in de Certeau 1984; Reed-Danahay 1993). Although similar to James Scott's (1 985,1990) notions of "everyday forms of resistance" and "hidden transcripts of resistance," my analysis follows more closely Deborah Reed-Danahay's use ofthe concept of debrouillardise as it is articulated in the farming community of Lavialle where she did fieldwork in the Auvergne region of France. She argues that debrouillardise (from the verb debrouiller, for '(disentangling oneseli" [Reed-Dana- hay 1993:224]), unlike Scott's more narrow conceptualization of everyday resistance, concerns the ability of "artfully creating and wangling cultural meanings and situations" (Reed-Danahay 1993:223). Most important, acts of debrouillardise (or what Reed-Danahay also translates as "making do" [1993:223, 2271) often involve both partial accommodations and resistance to externally imposed material conditions and cultural meanings. They do not necessarily presup- pose "hidden" as opposed to "public" transcripts; nor are they only the provision of members of subaltern groups (Reed-Danahay 1993:223-226; cf. Scott 1990). For me, the main value of comparing the discursive practices of inhabitants of the Galician village of Carreira with the behaviors that Reed-Danahay describes as acts of debrouillardise i s to demonstrate that the everyday strategies of Galician worker-peasants are active (rather than passive) reactions to political and economic dom~nation. Indeed, Reed-Danahay makes a similar point when she contends that prior treatments "of power and resistance are culturally and class-based" (1 993:229); forms of everyday resistance are expressions of power both at the level of activity and the level of discourse (also see Abu-Lughod 1990). The phrases making out and making do as used by de Certeau and Reed-Danahay do not imply the meanings of passivity or resignation that they sometimes do in colloquial English usage. While I am adopting their direction of analysis, I would be remiss if I failed to recognize that the political strategies open to people who are dominated within systems of political and economic hierarchy most often do involve their creativity in "making do" with the resources at their d i~posa l .~

"how we built the road" 837

As I demonstrate below, subordinated people who may acquiesce and thus partially accom- modate themselves to the terms set by state bureaucracies, landowners, and other powerful individuals and institutions regard the interpretation of such (apparent) acquiesence as fair game for debate. It is not only scholars and state officials responsible for branches such as heritage and tourism, but also the people whose lives are constantly being reordered who regard the past, "tradition," and historical identities as negotiable (see Herzfeld 1991; Linnekin 1983). In many instances, negotiations about accurate renditions ofthe "past" and even "culture" are tied to ongoing contests over property and other entitlement rights as well as tools to resist ethnocide (see Clifford 1988; Jackson 1989; Rappaport 1990). In the case of memories of the recent past, those who have experienced an event have the advantage of moral persuasion with the employment of the locutions "I was there" or "my father or mother [or grandmother or uncle and so on1 was there." This i s how villagers from Santiago de Carreira preface most of their accounts of past events that they regard as significant and thus potentially open to contestion by others. When it comes to local experiences, the eyewitness oral accounts of the past that are circulated among families and neighbors are considered to be the most accurate versions of historical experience. Memory i s understood as an important strategic advantage held by the poorly educated "peasants" (labradores, labregos, or campesinos) over individuals such as schoolteachers. I heard grandparents in Carreira, for example, chide their grandchildren for describing the past on the basis of what they were told in school: "Was your teacher there? Was she even born then? No. Well then how would she know what it was like?" As Herzfeld notes, however, the contrast between binary pairs such as "oral lorelbook knowledge" and "official discourse/popular understandings" i s not so simple, for, although each discourse uses "symbols, lexical forms, and even entire images from each other, . . . they deploy these realia to quite different ends" (1987:133). Furthermore, oral histories of localism transmitted within rural and working-class communities like Carreira do not necessarily appear so nakedly "oppositional" to outsiders, for "everyday usage continually subverts the official code, by deploying its constituent elements in order to achieve meanings that are local and immediate, rather than national and eternal" (Herzfeld 1987:133).

Instead of privileging one account of the 1964 road construction over the other, I employ "an ethnographic perspective, or one of critical historiography" (Ulin 1987:77). M y aim i s to demonstrate why this historical narrative of localism i s salient to the inhabitants of Santiago de Carreira and to examine what it tells us about the community's relationship to the state and local elites, both in 1964 and in the 1990s. This particular example contributes a local perspective on the period of rapid economic development experienced by Galicians and other Spaniards in the 1960s-a perspective that has not yet been explored in any depth in Spanish hi~toriography.~The Carreira narrative about building the road i s told in the context of strong traditions of collective labor on communal property and thus, on the simplest level, i s a good example of the ongoing significance of "peasant traditions" in Galician legal constructs as well as in conceptions of the particular cultural history of this area of Europe (cf. Mendez 1988). Yet traditions of collective labor, like any other, are notelaborated in a bounded social or temporal space, nor are they unambiguous. This narrative, which tells of a community effort in building a road, i s also an example of the political ramifications of the everyday formation of traditions. This story and the event itself are part of a new definition of the obligations and rights involved in the relationship between rural Galician smallholders and the state in the late 20th century. As in past centuries this definition centers on labor, land, and taxes (see especially Bauer 1992; Mandianes Castro 1990:127-173). Fernandez de Rota (1987b) persuasively demonstrates that wealthy peasants appropriated the labor of the landless and land-poor in mid-20th century Galicia by playing on the ambiguity of labor exchange traditions and networks. As I show here, agents of the state have also been able to co-opt rural labor under the guise of these traditions. Landowners and state officials allude to peasant practices of horizontal reciprocity in order to


perpetuate the vertical exchange of labor for implicit acts of patronage. Such exchanges were mediated by political bosses known as caciques throughout the political shifts of the 19th century, and these local powerbrokers continued to have an important role to play in instituting state policies duringthe Franco regime (1939-75) (Costa Clavell 1977; Shubert 1990:184-189).

Below, I focus on how peasant communities responded in turn to the apparent manipulation of traditions of labor cooperation and exchange for their own political purposes. Acts of self-definition are a resource or a form of "making do" for collective contestations of political and economic decisions and other impositions by outsiders. Villagers from Carreira consider the road to be their own, and they tell the story of how it was built in order to confirm that interpretation. Like state officials, politicians, and large property owners, they are asserting their desire to control their future by elaborating the past because "history i s a question of power in the present, and not of detached reflection upon the past. It can serve to maintain power, or can become a vehicle for empowerment" (Rappaport 1990:15; also see Comaroff 1985; Comaroff and Comaroff 1992). Although the inhabitants of Carreira did not resist the appropriation of their labor in 1964, they reformulate the meaning ofthat appropriation through the telling of history.

This example also relates to the necessary project of recuperating the plurality of experiences and subjectivities of Spaniards who lived under Franco's regime from 1939 until 1975. In her detailed consideration of the memories of fascism articulated by working-class Italians, Luisa Passerini argues that in collecting oral histories of the period researchers must go beyond the tendency to categorize individuals and families as having been either in agreement with or in resistance tothe fascist regime (Passerini 1979:87-92; also see Passerini 1987). Passerini, among others, demonstrates that instead of focusing on oral accounts as sets of "texts" that can be used as evidence equivalent to written documentation for studies of "what really went on" in the past, it i s more important to value oral data for those characteristics that distinguish them from much written documentation. Oral accounts are particularly useful sources of the meaning the past has in the present and of the complex subjective motives of historical actors who enact evenk4 In a context such as Francoist Spain, oral accounts are a necessary resource for overcoming the political and class biases in written sources produced as official texts under a climate of suppression and censorship. The oral recounting of memories both during and following the dictatorship was undoubtedly a widespread form of "making do" that people employed to affirm their own interpretations of events in the face of the exploitation of their labor, the imprisonment oftheir relatives and friends, and the silencing of their voices. It is only recently that memoirs and collective testimonials about the history of almost 40 years of dictatorship are being circulated in written publications (see, e.g., Escuela Popular de Adultos "Los Pinos de San Agustin" 1991; Reigosa 1989). Ethnographers can contribute substantively to the critical historiography of the period on the basis of their fieldwork in particular communities; the stories of social change told in these places can be set within the context of wide transformations and relationships of class and political domination without losing sight of the negotiation over the meaning of events that i s signified by the struggle of the subordinated to articulate their histories (cf. Ulin 1987, 1991

the representation of roads as the route to "modernity"

Two images--of projecting outward and of being penetrated--dominate discussions of roads historical and contemporary Galicia. This region, particularly the interior mountainous areas the province of Lugo, has been characterized as an isolated hinterland that, in part because

ofa poor infrastructure, has eluded economic development and easy communication with other parts of S ~ a i n . ~ Despite this general impression, Galicia is also associated from the medieval period onward with the famous pilgrimage routes, the Caminos de Santiago, along which


Roman Catholics from all over Europe traveled (and still travel) to reach the sacred cathedral of Santiago de Compostela. The most famous route, the "French way," led them over the Pyrenees and across northern Spain in a westerly direction to visit the cathedral site, where it i s believed that the body of the Apostle St. James was miraculously transported from the Holy Land, a discovery made in the ninth century (Davies and Davies 1982; King 1920). Historically, additional major routes that connected Galicia with other parts of Europe by land included the Roman Via Augusta and the royal highways of the medieval and modern periods. Stemming from these main trajectories, complicated networks of cartpaths and footpaths connected rural parishes to each other and to market towns. As research by Ferreira Preigue (1 981, 1988) and Madrazo (1 991 ) elucidates, these systems of secondary and tertiary routes and the numerous carters, mule teams, and stagecoaches that moved goods and passengers from place to place for centuries were significant features of Spanish economic history before the late-1 9th-century expansion of railway lines and major highways.'

The significance ofthis history seems to be forgotten, however, in the discourse of "economic development," in which two pervasive symbols of "progress" and "modernity" are the paved road and the ownership of mechanized vehicles for agricultural production and tran~portation.~ In his discussion ofthe shifting politics of place in the mountainous Sierra del Caurel district of Galicia, Bauer (1 992) indicates that roads are one ofthe important foci of political struggle and debate between peasants and external elites. In 1902 the Folgoso del Caurel township council invoked the lack of good highways and railway connections in order to argue that the state had not lived up to its obligations to provide these resources for "progress" equally in all areas (Bauer 1992:578). When it was expected to build a paved road mainly at the Caurelaos' own expense in 191 1, the council refused to take over what it defined as a duty of the provincial government. Bauer recounts that this debate about the right of the Caurelaos to a state-sponsored infrastructure, one that would allow them to compete in arenas such as the iron industry and commercial agriculture, continued throughout the 1920s; it was not until the 1960s and 1970s that paved roads were built in the r e g i ~ n . ~

In the 20th century Galician township councils' and peasants' assertions that roads are the responsibility of higher levels of government derive from earlier, explicit interpretations that contrast state law and local tradition. For example, Ettema (1 980:81-82) discusses the evidence in 19th-century records that demonstrate the difficulties the provincial government of Lugo encountered in obliging townships to organize the free labor owed by law by all males of 16 to 50 years of age for public works, including road construction and repair. In 1876 the provincial governor outlined the procedure whereby each man owed up to 20 days a year for this duty, specifying that those who did not appear when notified could be fined. In the case of the township of Quiroga (Lugo) the mayor responded that there had been a delay with public works projects because the peasants were busy with the chestnut harvest and other chores and, that, furthermore, "the parishioners must convene their council to prepare a list of those that have to supply labour 'according to tradition' ('segun costumbre ?"(Ettema 1980:82).

Although many settlements were cut off for a long time from efficient transportation routes necessary for the successful development of industry, Galician peasants were not isolated. They traveled for centuries to migrant destinations to work in a variety of seasonal occupations. For instance, from the 17th to the 19th centuries small groups of Galician laborers from this area were famous for their annual midsummer trips by foot across the mountains to harvest wheat in Castile (see Labrada 1971 11 8041; Meijide Pardo 1960). Bauer (1 992) argues that, despite these experiences, the Caurelaos manipulated the stereotype of their cultural as well as geographical isolation and "backwardness" espoused by outsiders as a strategy to gain much- needed resources.

Similarly, inhabitants ofSantiago de Carreira also reiterate that the road that they built in 1964 suddenly opened up the villagers to the world of good wage jobs and local development. In


their before-and-after representation of local history they say, "After the road was built, we got tractors and cars and people left to work 'outside' laforal." In this context, working "outside" specifically means the widespread migration of Galician worker-peasants such as members of this community to wealthier European countries (primarily Switzerland, Germany, and France) from the late 1960s until the early 1980s-a migration that in the area of Carreira did actually coincide with the building of the road-although certainly was not due to it, given that Galician villagers from settlements much more isolated from the national infrastructure were labor migrants during the same period.1° Susana, an elderly household head who has raised her three grandchildren in Carreira while her daughter and son-in-law worked in Switzerland during the past two decades, remarked that around the time when the road was built people "left for other places." These allusions to the sudden and direct impact of the road contradict accounts of relatives who migrated to the Americas in the early and middle decades of the 20th century and of individuals who traveled along unpaved camirios and corredoiras to earn wages in the wolfram mine in neighboring Varilongo (Santa Comba) or at sawmills in the region. Others walked and rode along well-trod routes peddling, working as itinerant artisans and carters, and taking products to sell at regional markets (cf. Pina-Cabral 1987:718).

During the mid-1 960s, when the road was built, several social changes affected rural Galician parishes like Santiagode Carreira. Theopportunities for relatively secure migrant labor contracts in northern Europe corresponded to the implementation of several "economic and social development" plans formulated by the Spanish government. The major programs were set up for the periods 1964-67, 1968-71, and 1972-75, and one of the stated goals throughout this period of time continued to be the improvement and repair of the country's infrastructure. These plans included funding for the construction of two-lane vehicular roads with macadamized and bituminous treated surfaces (see, for instance, Comision de Transportes 1967:10, 41 -61, 70; Commission for Economic and Social Development Planning 1965:198-223). These plans use a similar discourse of "economic development" to that employed by villagers, stating that the effect ofthese physical transformations of the infrastructure in rural areas will be a "momentous social impact on agricultural resources, [an impact] that will be greater the greater the spatial extension [of the roads]" (Comision de Transportes 1967:61 ).The Galician case i s described as a singular, regional problem. The authors pay more attention to the boundaries dividing Galicia from the rest of Spain than to internal markets: "The mountainous massif that separates Galicia from the rest of the Peninsula has always posed an obstacle for communications, by road as much as by railway, that enormously limits the possibilities for the development of the Galician economy . . . the total solution wil l have to be undertaken in a series of stages" (Comision de Transportes 1967:70).

It i s significant that the paved road was built in the village of Santiago de Carreira at the same time that the government was developing these plans to improve the Galician infrastructure. This road is one example of economic development in Spain." As I have already indicated above, villagers like those from Carreira formulated (and sometimes accepted) similar notions of the link between building paved highways and the prospects for future prosperity. The social memory that details the first construction of a paved road in the village, however, portrays the villagers from Carreira as more eager than state officials to carry out the road project. In the following section, I present the narratives recounted to me by two villagers in order to demonstrate specifically how this historical interpretation has been formulated.

"how we built the road" (como facemos a carretera)

Santiago de Carreira is the larger village of a small rural parish of the same name that i s composed of Carreira and the adjacent hamlet of Pedramaior. In 1990-91, a fluctuating number of individuals of around 250 persons occupied the 51 houses currently inhabited in Carreira.


The number of residents varied because of the still-frequent departure and arrival of labor migrants to and from Spanish cities as well as destinations in other European countries (mainly Switzerland, Germany, France, and the United Kingdom). The parish i s nestled against one of the highest mountains in the seaside province of A Coruiia, the Pico de Meda, which measures 566 meters high. From the top of the Pico de Meda, someone standing in a dip between the new telephone tower and the old quarry sees that the parish lies in a long, narrow green valley identified both as the valley of Zas and the valley of Soneira on maps and among local people. Beyond the valley lies another series of low mountains, and behind them, fishing villages line the Atlantic "Coast of Death" (Costa da Mor tebso called because of the rough seas that have taken the lives of many sailors-which winds its way to the westernmost point of the Galician peninsula of Fisterra ("end of the earth"). On a clear, blue day the fishing boats are visible on the surging Atlantic from the vantage point of the Pico de Meda. But by road and path, and in people's minds, the ocean is far away, another world altogether. Carreira is an "interior," not a seaside, settlement. Here, as throughout the township of Zas to which the parish pertains administratively, people struggle to maintain a mixed livelihood from a combination of subsistence farming; commercial agriculture, animal husbandry, and dairy farming; wage labor in mainly construction and service jobs encountered locally and in migrant destinations; government remittances mostly in the form of old age and disability pensions as well as unemployment insurance; and through the operation of small business establishments such as shops, bars, and specialized trades like carpentry, mechanics, dressmaking, and hairdressing.

I had been living in the Galician parish of Santiago de Carreira for two weeks when 35-year-old Pedro, a successful carpenter who had served as an elected township councillor, told me about some of the most important events in the history of Carreira and surrounding area. For instance, he spoke of a Roman bridge and gold mine in the nearby village of Brandomil and of the way in which priests controlled water sources in the past. He stated, "the chapels and churches are always near streams. Priests have studied the problem since Roman times. They discovered and used radiesthesia."12

Pedro is an entrepreneur. He built up his father's modest carpentry workshop into a machine-operated small business employing one or two men in addition to a few apprentices, himself, and his father. He has also been involved with other commercial projects: for a short time he and a brother-in-law grew garden crops in a greenhouse, until the structure was destroyed in a severe winter storm; then for several years he and several partners ran a mink farm. In addition, Pedro is dedicated to democratic government, and his participation in the Zas township council since the mid-1980s i s intertwined with his vision of local history. Many of his stories of the past are about village solidarity and recall a widely perceived process of social reversal whereby the poor worked hard to become richer while former landlords, merchants, and priests declined in status and power. This theme is the focus of his comments about priestly control of water in previous centuries. Another of the stories about the past that he told me concerned the construction of the road linking Santiago de Carreira to the main highway:

It was a great problem to build this road from Carreira to Zas. The villagers all did it together years ago [Todos 10s del lugar lo hicieron haceaiiosl. The mayor of the time objected. Heobjected because [without the road] everyone had to shop in his dry goods store. Once the road was built, people could take cars and buses to other towns and shops, even to the cities. Don Eduardo was a teacher here who was also a perito [a technician; the usage in this context signifies a land surveyor who conducts land divisions for sales and inheritance]. He was the village cabeza [leader, literally "head"] who told the people to build the road despite the mayor trying to stop them. All brought their livestock Iganadol-cattle and oxen and tools and worked by hand [a mano] if they didn't have animals. The peopleofCarreiracould do it because they all had a bit of land which they could contribute to the road. They worked on it bit by bit [Trabajaban pouco a poucol.'3

My mother and others like her died because the road wasn't built yet. She had a difficult birth and couldn't be taken to the main road and the hospital fast enough [to be saved].


The story of how the road was built is central in village discourse about the past. It is, in the sense intended by Fentress and Wickham, a significant "social memory" because, in contrast to personal or individual memories as such, "much memory is attached to membership of social groups of one kind or another" (1 992:ix). There is, therefore, a striking resemblance among the various narratives I was told by different individuals. Like Pedro, other narrators equally emphasized that their contribution was freely donated, collective labor. In addition, they presented the construction of the road as an example of village unity, in which a local patron (the teacher and perito Don Eduardo) provided leadership in the face of outside opposition (the objections of the mayor and storeowner). Villagers gained direct access by motorized vehicles to urban services (such as hospitals) and a choiceof commercial establishments. The implication i s that the mayor, as a storeowner and local cacique, had deliberately attempted to retain a monopolistic hold over surrounding communities such as Carreira by denying them access to "modern" infrastructure.

A yellowing photograph in an old frame hangs conspicuously on a wall in one of the three taverns in Carreira. It is a portrait of the people who worked on the road on a particular day in 1964. According to the tradition of collective labor projects in this area of Spain, each household sent one member on each day on which the community worked on the road. The owners of the tavern, "the widows" Sara and Delfina, are not sure who took the photograph, but they restored it to the wall of the tavern after they redecorated several years ago. whenever I asked people about building the road, they referred me to this photograph: "Go and see the photo in the tavern. You'll see. Those from Carreira built the road ( 0 s de Carreira fixeron a carretera]." Elvira, now in her mid-sixties, is a member of the work group captured in this photograph. She told the story of building the road one rainy day while we sat around her next-door neighbor Maria's hearth, warming ourselves. Elvira's tale i s more reflective than Pedro's of the Galician love of storytelling, for the ability to render accurate and entertaining accounts of past events is highly valued in Galician communities (Valentine and Valentine 1992; also see Lison Tolosana 1981 [ I 974]:29-60, 125-1 86 on sung verses). She was glad to have the audience of not only the visiting ethnographer but also Maria-a woman from her own age cohort who, Elvira was certain, would know and appreciate her story. As in most cultural settings, one finds that some of the most significant and evocative narratives about the past are recounted-sometimes in fragments-in everyday, casual contexts rather than in formal or ceremonial ones (Cohen 1989). Elvira began her tale, as Pedro had, by mentioning Don Eduardo's leadership role:

"Don Eduardo began it [the road] you know. It was he who pushed to have this road from the bridge to the church. It was done by all the neighbors, from [all] the households. Since the kids were young and my mother was old, I always had to go [Como os rapaces eran pequenos e miiia, e mama era velliria, tiiia que ir eu sempre].

"We began, all the neighbors. . .women and men carried the rocks and others were above working on the road and others in the quarry. . . . And afterward in the evenings, at six or seven they came from Zas with loaves of bread and some tins of sardines. . . and wine. And then the men opened the tins and also the white wine and the women partitioned the bread. It also fell on me to pass [it] out, and I didn't because I wanted to eat. I didn't want to work! [!Eu no queria traballare!]. And then one day [they said]: 'No, come on, let her pass [it] out. Come up front, she should come as well. Let her pass [it] out here. Come on, come on' [Chega por diante, que veria tamen. Que reparta aqui'. Que veiia, que verial. And I went. I had always stayed behind, I didn't want to pass out [the bread]. I stayed behind. . . . There was a lot of hunger then."

"Who paid for the food?" I asked. "Those from the township hall [in Zas]. They sent those loaves of bread, the wine, and the sardines in

the afternoons," Elvira replied. I began to ask another question, "But they didn't pay . . ." Elvira cut me off, adamantly responding, "No. Of payment, nothing [Non. Depagar, nadal. Not a meal,

not anything. Nothing but this sardine at night. . . . But of course since everybody wanted the road. . . . Everybody went. Everybody. And we [she and a friend called Isabel] took out that tree, and another one as well. We were girls then. And with an old spade and an old ax, we cut into its roots. 'Tras, tras.'One on one side and another on the other [side]. And I said to her, 'It won't come, it's not going to come out


Isabel.' And she said to me: 'It's going to have to. Even if it takes us days.' "You had to take it out?" I queried twice. "That's right. . . .And people came over and said: 'Leave it there, leave it there (Deixa-ai. Deixa-ail. Let

it go beneath the road.' Don Eduardo wasn't there. If he were, we wouldn't leave the wood. They rot. Do you understand? They disintegrate and rock doesn't. They said, 'Leave it there, leave it there.' And we len it there and it went beneath the road. And we worked like that all the way around [E viriemos asitoda en a volta]. The contractors brought trucks of gravel. And we had to do everything. This entire village [Este lugar enteiro]. Wedidn't go alone. All of my chums went [Fuimos todas as compaiieiras miiias]. Well this one [gesturing to Maria who laughs] didn't go because she's been a "cook" [cociiieira] all her liie [i.e., she does a lot o i inside housework and work around the stables and yard rather than in the iieldsl. She was a 'cook' [stayed at home] and had people to go for her. She had her father, her mother and her husband. But I always had to go. Always. The whole village [did it] [Asio pueblo todo]. They didn't pay anything. Nothing. Nothing more than bringing [material] and that's it."

"And Seiiora Isabel told me that there used to be a large rock in the plaza," I interjected aner Elvira paused. "Where the young people used to sit?" I probed.

Maria answered when Elvira did not. "E. It was there in the campo [another word ior plaza or square]. There was a rock big like this as i i it were a horse and the young people sat there and the stone cross that is below was up there beside the rock. And we were always there."

"And behind our house, right against the house, there was another [rock] [E por trds de nosa casa, pegaba a casa misma, habia outra]. And all the women rested there when they came back with bundles of greens and grain on their heads." Elvira added.

"Did the women sit and chat. . . ?" I asked her. "Yes. At that time [en algcjn tempo], they sang there. All o i the young people got together and sang and

danced there, one with another. . . and had games. . . . Well! Yes indeed. And then that road came and those rocks had to be split up. They went below the road as well (Vai, vai debaixo da carretera tamen]."

"And Seiiora Isabel also said "Now it's [the rock] beneath [the road] and the young people don't even know it," I concluded.

The two women nodded nostalgically: "SiSeiior, estd debaixo [Yes Sir, it's beneath (the road)]."

Elvira's memory of the time when thevillagers like herself built the road i s more nuanced and detailed than Pedro's. Like him, she emphasizes the voluntary contribution of their labor, the leadership role of Don Eduardo, and the fact that everyone wanted access to the main road. Yet in her telling of history she also evokes an image of the changes in the landscape and activities of her youth. The tree and the rocks that were fragmented and laid beneath the road are rich metaphors of the labor that, unseen by future generations, went into its construction. As a rural migrant to the Greek town of Rethemnos told Herzfeld, "the neatly scratched wavy designs on the plaster surfaces of his house represented his blood-the blood of crushing labor-'flowing in the building' (Herzfeld 1971 :192)" (1 991 :13). History i s embedded in the transformations of the landscape that young people cannot perceive. Each generation hears a new story of the past, and each also sees a different retelling.14

Elvira also talks about how the food was distributed among all the workers, the division of labor mirroring the everyday consumption of food within Carreira households and during agricultural work parties. The men opened the wine while the women partitioned and handed out the large loaves of bread. Although provided by the township, the food was distributed among them as it would have been ifthe cooperative labor party had been locally hosted. Elvira is embarrassed to recall that they were so hungry that they were eager for the simple meal of sardines and bread. Her ironic commentary about her own desire to eat rather than "work" (that is, partition and pass out the bread to the others), a desire that contradicts the ideal of cooperation, i s revealing. Elvira also expresses frustration that they were not paid for their work as men like her son Manolo are today when they work on highway construction jobs nearby: "Of payment, nothing."

In many ways Elvira's account is less romanticized than Pedro's. Pedro i s a youthful local leader; he i s not old enough to remember clearly the time when the road was built. He reappropriates this event in the history of the village to reinforce a rhetoric of local resistance tooutside authority and hegemony. But Pedro highlights the roleof a local patron, Don Eduardo, as crucial to the undertaking, and he makes this point without ambivalence. This emphasis on local leadership is understandable since Pedro, although originally from a household of modest means, often presents himself as a political descendant of the "good" patrons of the past. Like

844 arnerican ethnologist

other councillors he i s said to have "worked for" thevillagers, taking credit for any improvements achieved while he was in office.15

In contrast, Elvira is an older woman from one of the poorest households in Carreira and therefore without Pedro's public platform for political rhetoric. Despite these differences in social status she, like other men and women of her generation, are not shy about elaborating on (and if necessary contesting) the accounts of history told by younger villagers. Overall the thrust of Elvira's narrative is very similar to Pedro's and to others told to me by their covillagers. As I mentioned earlier, this suggests that a "social memory" of the time of the roadbuilding has been collectively crafted. Elvira, however, adds some details, at once subtle and overt, to the streamlined account told by Pedro. She does not articulate a discourse of standing up to the opposition of the former mayor as specifically as he does, yet her comments about unpaid labor and small acts of subterfuge during the building of the road-ven the defiance of Don Eduardo in leaving some the tree's roots beneath-add a dimension of resentment toward a local patron and elite. Pedro, in contrast, expresses hostility toward the township mayor and shopkeeper, who represents the elite from outside the parish. How and why i s the social memory thus articulated by the villagers distinctive from elite and "official" accounts of the road-building project?

volunteered or appropriated labor? the cooptation of horizontal reciprocity in late 20th-century Galicia

Other lines of evidence suggest another history about how and why the road was built in 1964. 1 am interested in exploring the reasons why both state officials and those from Carreira have reasons for portraying the roadbuilding as a "traditional" collective labor project. Although the state can save money on public works by mobilizing unpaid labor, villagers can use the invocation of "tradition" to assert their autonomy from the forces of the state (see Wolf 1973[1 969]).16 My aim is to demonstrate not only that those in Carreira view the recounting of the past as a form of "making do"-as a way to contest the actions and interpretations of superordinate figures-but also to show how particular stories are interwoven into themes of contestation that form a coherent discourse on the relationships of the villagers to elites and to the state in the past and in the present alike.

Minutes from the township council meetings and the registered plans for the construction project indicate that a provincial subvention had been granted to the township for the construction of new roads in several parishes; the Carreira road project is described as one of those for which 100,000 pesetas had been allocated to build a section of 1,309.85 meters (approximately one and a third kilometers). The stated intention was to prolong the existing provincial road-the one that linked Zas with the cities of Santiago de Compostela and A CoruRa-so that it would go directly through the village of Carreira, ending at the parish church at the side of the settlement farthest from Zas (Zas 1963, 1963-64, 1964). Two middle-aged men working in the township offices recalled the road project in Carreira as one of many carried out in the area during the 1960s and did not particularly highlight any contribution or need to lobby on the part of the villagers. Therefore, in official documentation and "official memory" the idea of building the road did not originate in the village, nor was the construction of the road attributed to any campaign of defiance on the part of the villagers; at least there is no record or memory outside the community that the mayor officially attempted to block or vote against the proposed road.

The account related by Pedro, Elvira, and others fits into a larger series of stories about agency and contestingoutsiders and members of the upper classes in communities like Carreira. In their comparative overview of "peasant memories," Fentress and Wickham (1 992:92-1 13) emphasize that, among other themes, European peasants in different regions share the perception of


the past as "resistance." As I noted above, Bauer (1 992) elaborates on this theme in relation to Galician smallholders in the mountainous region of Sierra del Caurel. He demonstrates that the

Caurelaos knowingly manipulated negative stereotypes that external authorities held of them

in order to defend their interests and maintain some autonomy over their affairs. For example,

in response to the Crown's intention of using the 1 71 9 census as a basis for appropriating peasant

labor, the Caurelaos emphasized their poverty and "backwardness" in carefully underreporting

facts such as the numbers and types of livestock they owned (Bauer 1992:575). The project of repairing and modernizing the infrastructure in northwestern, rural Spain was

part of a broad policy that coincided with the large-scale "economic and social development

plans"; these also included the repartition and partial state appropriation of village common-

lands (CIES 1979; also see note 11). The Carreira commonlands were first subdivided in 1943.

Villagers were unhappy with the results and disregarded them, continuing to use the land in common for herding, quarrying, and the collection of firewood and gorse. In 1961, however,

three years before the road was built, the land was resubdivided to broader local consensus. It i s quite possible that village resistance to the appropriations of commonlands during that period has become mingled with local perceptions of the construction of the road in the corpus of social memories.

Together with the road, the unpaved paths, washing spots along the streams, the school and

schoolyard built in the mid-1980s, and the village squares are still spoken of as though they were held in common. "It's all of ours, nosa terra,"Alberto, a 64-year-old animal trader argued one day. His nephew Celestino, a younger man of 45 who had worked abroad for 20 years, disagreed. "It's township [property]," he explained.

"What does that mean? Its in Carreira and we all use it's so it's comuna1,"Alberto concluded; and everyone listening nodded.

The document outlining the final privatization of portions of commonland is a good example of the use of "tradition" in legal texts, a practice that is based on and continues to buttress oral claims of local autonomy from the largertownship of Zas. Zas consistsof 17 parishes, including Carreira. In the legal text summarizing the privatization distribution, the following i s noted: "the inhabitants of the parish of Santiago de Carreira . . .since time immemorial have been owners,

jointly, publicly, peacefully and uninterruptedly of the woodland with the names of . . . " (emphasis added)."

To judge from other stories of collective labor told in Carreira and in surrounding communities, as well as from other ethnographic and historical case studies, there must have been a compelling motive forthe village households to have all donated their labor to the road project

without protest or strong pressure from the patron, Don Eduardo, and other neighbors. Elvira's account in fact indicates that Don Eduardo played a supervisory role in the project. The forms of collective labor mobilization are complex and varied in rural Galician communities and frequently result in the eruption of intra- and inter-community conflict^.^^ Community-wide

construction work on village lanes (camihos) was-and is--contributed only when widely regarded as beneficial to the entire community. Monetary penalties for failure to appear are

commonly set and imposed on household members by representatives of the community xunta.I9 In Carreira and neighboring parishes, community xuntas continued to impose fines in the 1980s and 1990s on those who did not contribute the requisite labor to collective projects;

these projects have most recently involved the construction of water deposits. The contribution to the 1964 construction of a public state road is thus narrated by people from Carreira as though

it also involved work on property owned in common by the villagers.20 These rural Galicians were in fact taxed with their labor. In a large town or city, it i s more likely that urban dwellers'

municipal taxes would have been used to hire construction crews todo all the necessary labor on public works.21


Another story about the road is told by Don Eduardo, who, in 1991, had reached the age of 93. It is he whom villagers identify as their leader and patron in their versions of the road story.

Don Eduardo was not originally from Carreira but came there as a young man when he married thedaughter of an army lieutenant whose family owned a substantial amount of land, and whose kin were therefore identified in population censuses as "proprietors" (propietarios) rather than

as peasants. Although Don Eduardo was licensed as a public schoolteacher and was granted the post of teacher at the Carreira school, he also oversaw agricultural work on his wife's land, and worked (as Pedro mentioned) as a land surveyor or perito. Over the years he gradually accumulated more land in the parish as well as in adjoining ones. Although Don Eduardo was knowledgeable about farming and surveying, as an educated man and a relatively large landowner his main focus for much of his life was predictably on his struggle to obtain enough capital to pay for a higher education for his numerous children and grandchildren. Today none of his descendants live in Carreira; he himself lives in a nearby town. Some people in the village nevertheless still speak about him as though he were still acting as a leader in village affairs. The period when Don Eduardo acted as a patron--or, in Kenny's (1960:17) terms, a repre- sentative of the local "power eliteu-to many families and as a village leader coincided largely with the early and middle years of the Franco dictatorship, for he was the teacher of two generations of villagers. As one of the few educated people in the community, he wrote letters and filled out documents for his neighbors and acted as a broker in their dealings with the authorities. Furthermore, he mediated some of the internal disputes within families and between neighbors over the division of lands that had been either purchased or inherited. As a relatively wealthy agriculturalist, Don Eduardo also employed day-laborers to help him with planting and harvesting at the intense periods of the agricultural season, in addition to male and female household servants who helped with ongoing chores such as feeding and watering the livestock, food processing, cooking, and laundering. Even after he left Carreira and built his retirement home elsewhere, he retained the services of one of the poorest women from the village for many years. For decades people went to Don Eduardo for loans and for personal recommendations. He was regarded as an individual who not only knew how to get along with the authorities, but also as someone who understood the difficulties of making a living in Galician villages from tiny plots of land and sporadic wage labor opportunities.

It made sense, then, for Don Eduardo to mediate between government officials and the villagers in 1964, when the road was built. Not only was he used to playing the roleof mediator, but also, as one of the individuals in the village who would have been able to afford an automobile, he would have had a personal interest in the project. In the records of meetings of the "municipal corporation" held in June 1964, it i s noted that the mayor of Zas and other township officers (rather than provincial-level officials) had decided to oversee the project and that it was to be completed by the September preceding the expiry date for which they had received the provincial subvention (Zas 1964). It i s possible that the sense of urgency in the villagers' account of the road construction is due to the pressure that the township brought to bear over the summer of 1964. Don Eduardo was evidently the person chosen to encourage the villagers' regular and speedy participation in the tasks of widening the cartpath where the road was to be laid, carting away excess dirt, and laying down the gravel brought to the site by the township vehicles.

In his account of the 1964 event, however, Don Eduardo downplayed both his own and the villagers' roles, indicating to me that the villagers merely "helped" (Si', ayudaban). It i s true, he said, that they worked on the road, but contractors (contratistas) paid by the township also brought materials and equipment by truck. This comment coincides with the details in the township documents on the road project and with Elvira's remark that "the contractors brought trucks of gravel." Nor did Don Eduardo speak of overcoming outside resistance to the project; indeed, he refused to lend credence to this theme when I brought it up.22 He did agree that it


was he who mobilized the villagers to participate, using the phrase "Yes, it's I who 'did' that" (Si, lo hice yo). His downplaying of the event, in contrast to the central role he plays in the narrative villagers tell, may be due to both his personal humility and to his wish to obscure the way in which he, as a large landowner, has been involved in establishing complex relationships of obligation with clients in Carreira. By attributing a leadership role to Don Eduardo, villagers are affirming his responsibility to them for reciprocal favors. If it were he who asked them to help build the road, it would be he, rather than an anonymous bureaucrat, who must live up to the reciprocal obligations of a patron.

Don Eduardo and other narrators (like Elvira) do mention that he and "those from Zas" provided a snack of bread, sardines, and wine for villagers on some evenings after they completed work on the road. The provision of food by these patrons evokes the metaphor of people contributing their labor to work on privately owned land, rather than on communal or state property. The people of Carreira, however, resented the fact that this metaphorical relationship was not fully extended. Villagers complained that this snack was all that was offered, rather than the kind of meal expected to follow harvests or linen-spinning bees in the past (examples of "festive reciprocityUare outlined by Erasmus 1956:445). Nor was the other possibility, a wage contract, established, as Elvira remarked: "No. Of payment, nothing. Not a meal, not anything. . . . Nothing but this sardine at night."

Fernandez de Rota (1 987a; 1987b:49-51) has demonstrated that early 20th-century wealthy Galician peasants, rather than paying a day's wage (in food, cash, or both), often received "free" labor during intensive periods in the agricultural cycle in return for future favors. This vertical reciprocity contrasted with the horizontal labor exchange between households of similar means still practiced in the region. Agents of the state-both official and unofficial, as in the case examined here-have also been able to co-opt rural labor under the guise of these traditions.

Local oral histories and the township archives reveal other instances in which peasants' labor was extracted for the construction and repair of institutional structures regarded by villagers as state responsibilities. One example i s the building of a schoolhouse and teachers' residences in Santa Maria de Gandara, a parish adjacent to Carreira. In Carreira this event is often mentioned in conjunction with thestory ofbuildingthe paved road, possibly because it occurred around the same time (in 1959) and because several stonemasons from Carreira contributed their labor and expertise to the Gandara school project. I also find the cases not dissimilar and suspect that they are linked in people's minds as two examples of peasants'donating their labor to help enhance local opportunities for economic improvement in the face of limited state support.

With regard to nonlocal versions of this event, the township council minutes about the building of this school are revealing. Minutes for the council meeting on June 22, 1957, indicated that councillors agreed to fund the construction of a new unitary school for boys to supplement the two existing mixed-gender schools in the parish. They took credit as local authorities of the state for this expansion of primary education facilities, with a similar "development" discourse to that used to describe the inflated potential impact of paved roads on poor peasant communities: "Illiteracy i s one of the problems to which the state i s paying preferential attention, endeavoring to create centers and schools in which future generations will receive the instruction and preparation necessary . . . for them to orient themselves to a future [filled] with possibilities of success" (Zas 1957). Records of a council meeting held on September 30, 1963, however, indicated that four years previously the inhabitants of Gdndara donated both their labor and money to build the new schoolhouse and teachers' residence. The 1963 minutes praised the villagers for these actions as well as for their continuing "economic sacrifice" in paying for repairs and general running costs. At this meeting the councillors agreed to rent the buildings from the parish so that they could be maintained, "to avoid their falling into ruin" and because "among the township concerns listed in the Law of Local Regimen (1 01 1,


one finds those of instruction and culture and because in addition the township councils are legally obliged to provide premises for schools" (Zas 1963).

My observations of several occasions when bureaucrats and politicians required labor from Carreira households during 1990-91 further confirmed my impression both that state officials and their brokers have often manipulated the concept of "collective" labor on communal property to include the repair and construction of state property, and that the Carreira villagers have in turn reconstructed the road incident as though it had been locally organized in order to assert their claims over the road and its place in their own history. I offer a few relevant examples below.

In the months preceding the Spanish municipal elections in May 1991, the five mayoral candidates promised voters in Carreira and elsewhere in Zas to make many "modern" improvements in particular parishes if they were elected. The promise of not only yet more new roads but also more elaborate structures and services such as athletic fields, "riverine beaches," and garbage collection soon became a focus for humorous commentaries about the politicians and the political process. In one incident, in a parody of the grandiose campaign platforms for this election, young people in Carreira called out to a candidate at a village meeting that they would like to see a discotheque in the village if he was really committed to making them "modern"!

As the election neared, some local projects were actually sponsored by the mayoral incumbent. In Carreira, for example, a group of residents was given cement and lent township equipment so that they could pave a path running in front oftheir houses. They happily pitched in and paved the path one Saturday, praising the mayor for paying for the materials.23

On another occasion, in November 1990, the fathers of children attending the large, centralized elementary school in Zas were asked by the mayor and principal to contribute their labor to the repair of the yard and The parents expressed much resentment over this request. The majority did not participate, stating that the township should pay people wages to fix up the school property in light of the high unemployment levels in the region. In contrast, parents from Carreira regularly donate firewood and water to the local school, regarding it as communal village property.

It is important to look beyond these attempts by state officials to co-opt "free" labor and other resources and ask what i s signified by the refusal or compliance of rural Galicians to fulfill these requests. I have indicated that one influential factor i s the physical and symbolic locus of the state project. Local village schools, rather than centralized township schools, are regarded as village communal property. Therefore, as with the repair and construction of roads that reach the village, in these instances people are willing to contribute their labor and materials under the guise of "traditional" communal obligations. In other cases, they may resist calls for their help and actively demand better local services and facilities from the state. For example, in a meeting that the principal called about the disrepair of the Zas school, the approximately 100 parents and teachers in attendance decided to suspend classes and call in the media and the teachers' labor union (Federaci6n do Ensino de UGT). After the meeting they marched to the front of the township hall, demanding to speak to the mayor-who never appeared. The parents and teachers of Zas were seeking public support for their attempts to pressure provincial authorities to take responsibility for the flooding caused by the leaking roof as well as for the lack of heating during a month when there was no fuel (La Voz de Galicia 1990c, 1990d). Not only did parents largely refuse to donate their labor in this case, but they also held the province responsible for the poor management and inadequate supply of funds for their school and claimed that only confrontation would bring results. One parent told a reporter, "If one doesn't make a fuss, they won't fix anything [around] here" (La VozdeGalicia 1990d). In the last section, I argue that these expressions of political agency in the 1990s are intertwined with the narration of social memories about the past such as the story of building the paved road to Carreira in 1964.


narratives of localism and local-level agency

The improvement of the infrastructure in rural Spain i s attributed in standard history texts and the mass media to the funding decisions and will of politicians (e.g., Menendez Pidal 1951 1. The example in this article focuses instead on the social memory of laboring to build a particular road. In this way, the construction of history and the physical construction of its lasting monuments are brought together (see also Herzfeld 1991 1.

Carreira villagers refuse to allow the road to be appropriated from them in the same manner as their labor. When 65-year-old Albert-who has lived and worked in Carreira all his life-mentioned public areas such as roads, squares, and the village school as communal property ("It's all of our land"), he asserted a local understanding that defies these areas' new status as township property. This suggests that the "modernization" of the countryside has been crafted into a local history in a way that the politicians and patrons most probably neither intended nor visualized (cf. Weber 1976:195-220). Rather than solely continuing a "tradition" of donating collective labor to roadbuilding and other public works projects, villagers are using memories of their work to construct historical narratives that confirm their own agency and the meaning of local-level participation.

I have distinguished above between this process of contestation with words and what I interpret to have been the successful exploitation of peasant labor. The Carreira narrative detailing the meaning of that event i s displaced from a direct reaction to exploitation in 1964. The villagers did not act to refuse their labor at that time; instead, years after the event, they reinterpret their acquiescence as a continuation of local traditions of labor donation and an expression of village solidarity in the face of outside obstruction. Although Carreira residents and other rural Galicians speak of it in other moments, in this narrative villagers do not comment on one of the likely reasons for their compliance-the fear of a fascist state apparatus that operated in Galicia through the power of local political bosses (cf. Costa Clavell 1977). The narrative, told and retold over almost three decades, has the qualities of the "hidden transcripts" of resistance that Scott (1990) has defined as the backstage jokes, complaints, and other commentaries on domination that are ordinarily shared among members of dominated groups. These devices replace direct acts of verbal and physical resistance to the "public transcripts" of the dominant. Scott, however, also reminds his readers that "far from being a relief-valve taking the place of actual resistance, the discursive practices offstage sustain resistance. . . . It would be more accurate, in short, to think ofthe hidden transcript as a condition ofpractical resistance rather than a substitute for it" (Scott 1990:191). Like Scott (1 990) and Reed-Danahay

(1 993:222-2261, 1 would emphasize that it is not only the dominated who construct "scripts" in order to make sense of their own actions and promote their own interpretations of events. In order to gain a better understanding of periods such as the Franco era in Spain ethnographers must accept that "compliance" and "resistance" to explicitly stated ideologies are often blurred in practice. While the villagers of Carreira are comparatively silent about many other events they experienced during the dictatorship, they are explicit about their understanding of why they lent their labor to the road project. Furthermore, the significance of considering silences and vociferousness--or of resistance and compliance-as intertwined rather than mutually opposed stances is not confined to the actions of the dominated. Like the citizens who live within their borders, governments that formulate ideologies of hierarchy have often relied on blurring concepts such as "tradition," "duty," and "obligation" in order to carry out their programs (cf. Sanchez Lopez 1990).

Whether the "scripts" are public or private, constructed by members of the elite or by members of subordinated groups of people, stories about past events form part of a series of salient narratives that often comprise a coherent discourse on agency and the meaning of change. For this reason, the telling of historical narratives can specifically sustain present-day


claims and activities. I noted that members of Carreira regard the road as communal village

property rather than as state-owned. Their verbal claims compare strikingly with the many

current news stories on Galician villagers' seizure of state and church properties in protests that

sometimes last for several weeks or months. For example, in September and October 1990,

parishioners from Camaritias (in the province of A Corutia) occupied the cathedral of Santiago

de Compostela to press their demands that the Archbishop recall their parish priest (La Voz de Galicia 1990a and 1990b). Another group from San Xurxo de Sacos (in the province of Pontevedra) demonstrated against the priest's registration of a woodlot and hillside as the

property of the Catholic Church rather than of the local community; their placard, addressed

to an effigy of the priest, read, "If you want peace and not war, abandon this land" (El Correo Gallego 1990). In another protest in Laxe, a fishing village near Carreira, parents occupied a

classroom to protest overcrowding in the school and to demand that the province immediately

send an additional teacher to the area (La Voz de Galicia 1990e). In a series of impassioned protests over the declining prices and increased quotas for sales of

milk, one of the major commodities sold by Galician smallholders, dairy producers took over the Galician highway system in the autumn of 1990. These protests, which halted traffic on major routes, were labeled "tractoradas" because the roads were blocked by long lines of tractors. There is an ironic component to this method of protest. These small-scale farmers had been encouraged by the Spanish government to go into debt to invest in commercial dairy production. With the failure ofthe European Economic Community's (now the European Union) Common Agricultural Policy and international pressures against any subsidization of agricul-

tural commodities, many of these same farmers were being forced to give up their herds and their dreams of successfully converting family worker-peasant operations into viable capitalist enterprises. In frustration and despair at this turn of events, they took over the highways--one key symbol of "development"-and they did so by driving tractors-another key symbol of "modern" agriculture. This form of protest was not possible during the Franco regime, but the oral elaboration of local histories could not be censored. There i s a strong connection between the long years of asserting verbal control overthe past and recent acts of physical protest against present injustices.

In Carreira protests in the present and narratives about past events are also intertwined with

individual and community-level plans for the future prosperity and stature of the community. Unlike the story of the road construction, these projections are constructed around a conception of the far rather than the near past, for the symbolic scope of social memories is not bound by

particular periods of time (cf. Rappaport 1990). Inhabitants of Carreira articulate a metacom- mentary that adds another layer to the theme of how the village was brought into "modernity":

they claim that this transition is actually a revitalization of a lost status. When they talk about their hopes for the future, villagers note that their road was once a significant "royal" road and their village a notable landmark. The remains of paved Roman roads that declined in the

medieval and modern periods throughout Europe are symbolically important to peripheralized communities. Some people from Carreira allude to evidence of Roman and medieval routes

when they speak of their desires and plans to return the road to its former significance as a thoroughfare. They know that the bridge in the nearby village of Brandomil i s Roman and that

the paving stones that appear in cartpaths throughout the region are the remnants of medieval constructions. In Carreira itself these remains must have been even more obvious before the road was built in 1964: in construction projections preserved in the township archives, the mayor's notes show that the engineer assigned to the project by the province had confirmed

that "there are utilizable materials in the area of the ancient royal road, and additionally that the [present] itinerary will in part coincide with this same route" (Zas 196344:i; also see Ferreira Priegue 1988:142-143).


Pedro is building a new showroom and carpentry workshop just off the highway where it meets the road, and members of another household have almost finished a restaurant nearby. Along the road leading into the village a sawmill built by a father-and-son team was under completion in 1991 and was operating at full capacity when I visited in 1994. People praise these endeavors of individual households with a certain degree of irony: "look how such an out-of-the-way place will once again become known." In 1992, members of the parish had also formed a neighbors' association for the outside promotion of recreational and cultural revitalization activities within the community as well as the parish as a whole. On July 2, 1994, 1 attended the newly created Festa da Praiaor Beach Festival that the parish of Carreira Neighbors' Association (Asociacion de Veciiios "0SantiaguiRo" de Carreira) had initiated that very year. The event was held on the grassy banks overlooking the recently constructed beach (see note 2 3 ) .Such outdoor events are becoming increasingly popular in Galicia and include both secular festivals-such as this one-that feature folkloric performances and Galician food as well as pilgrimages to local shrines (to which families generally bring picnic lunches, known as r~rnar i 'as) .~~The normally quiet spot by the beach was transformed on the day of the festival. A stage had been built, and the revelers seated at the rows of tables and benches were protected from the sun by festive canopies of bright green leaves. Among the villagers were relatives and friends from nearby settlements and from the city as well as an array of politicians seated at the place of honor: a permanent picnic table constructed from an old slab of granite such as those used for bridges and granary posts until the middle of this century. The entertainment included a regueifa, or singing duel petiormed by two older men from nearby villages. Also present were reporters from several newspapers as well as a cameraman from Television de Galicia. This attention was not accidental; it formed part of a strategy by certain Carreira individuals to promote their community as a viable center of cultural revitalization, natural beauty, and economic p r ~ s p e r i t y . ~ ~

The skillful and vital manner in which these rural villagers interweave past, present, and future around a clearly developed conception of their own agency points to the emotional salience and political importance of narratives and other enactments of localism, particularly in places where people trace their roots back many generations. An ethnography of localism can draw attention to those events most pivotal in community histories by both incorporating the narratives into a multivocal text and providing a critical historiography of the context in which they become meaningful. For political and substantive reasons, it i s crucial that we continue to foreground the "local" in our ethnographies. In doing so, however, we must draw attention both to the way in which people assert control over the meanings of "local events" and to the embedding of "the local" in the wider, translocal context.

notes

Acknowledgments. I am deeply indebted to "0s de Carreira" and their neighbors in surrounding villages, all of whom warmly welcomed me into their homes and continue to share with me their lives in the present and their stories about the past. All the names of individuals mentioned in the article have been changed. A shorter version of this article was presented at an invited session, sponsored by the Society ior the Anthropology o i Europe, on "Authenticity and the Invention o i Tradition in European Ethnography and Society" at the American Anthropological Association Annual Meeting in San Francisco, CA, in December 1992. Many thanks go to Ellen Badone, Regina Bendix, James Fernandez, Wayne Fife, Jocelyn Linnekin, and Robert Ulin ior their comments on the argument that I develop in this article. I would also like to thank Michael Herzield as well as Sally Cole and three additional, still anonymous reviewers for their very helpful suggestions and observations. Responsibility ior all iinal interpretations of course rests solely with me. Fieldwork conducted in 1990-91 was funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council o i Canada, the Wenner-Gren Foundation ior Anthropological Research, and the Office of Gerontological Studies at McMaster University. An important period oiexploratory fieldwork in 1989 was supported by the Council ior European Studies. A return trip in 1994 was iunded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council oicanada, and a short visit in 1995 was supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council oicanada, the Xunta de Galicia, and the Universidade de Santiago de Compostela.


1. The main fieldwork on which this article is based was conducted in the Galician parish o i Santiago de Carreira (located in the township o i Zas, province of A Corufia) irom September 1990 to August 1991. Return visits were made over the spring and summer of 1994 and in the summer o i 1995. All translations are my own unless otherwise indicated.

2. As I have previously noted, in using the terms making do and making out Reed-Danahay is partially iollowing the translation o i de Certeau's terminology (1984) into English. She also notes that notions o i debrouillardise and le Syst&me Dare widespread in French society but that she is drawing on the way in which this concept is speciiically enacted by the Laviallois. I am reluctant to provide a single Galician-language translation of either d~brouillardiseor making do since there is no one word that iully captures the meaning I wish to imply. An obsession with lexical equivalents would undermine the project that Reed-Danahay wants to pursue, that o i contributing indigenous concepts to the corpus of anthropological theory when they are as or more apt and less restrictive than the models already in use. She offers the more subtle and iluid concept oidebrouillardise as an alternative to resistance. The Galician (and Castilian) verb that is closest to debrouiller is defenderse, the reilexive verb that means "to take care o i oneseli" or "to manage" and is usually employed in contexts such as managing under difficult circumstances or knowing enough o i a second language to "cope." In Carreira it also has the wider gloss o i "knowing how to get by (or toget along) in the world," an important concept because so many Galicians have had toemigrate either permanently or temporarily. Another phrase that relates to the idea of "making do" is the Galician phrase saber falar, which comes closer to the notion of manipulating situations and meanings; a literal translation would be "to know how to talk." I am not able to say with any certainty how much the latter phrase was used during the Franco period (1 939-75) and earlier, but it frequently serves today as a more iorceful gloss ior those who know how to take care o i themselves (or get along) in the world. It also has many negative connotations since it is used to describe those individuals who take advantage o i their neighbors (ior example, as with an animal trader who talks a family into selling its livestock ior a lower price) and to describe politicians who are corrupt or who apparently tell lies to their constituents. Finally, despite the use of these verbs in Carreira, villagers never applied them to "wrangling" over the meaning o i historical memories. As should be clear in the rest ofthe article, it is my external analysis that characterizes the telling of history as a form of "making do."

3. See comments by Preston on the tendency o i Spanish labor historians writing in the 1960s and 1970s to iocus on cataloging labor organizations and strikes rather than "the texture o i the everyday liie o i the working class" (1991 :507). Among those who have begun the work of recuperating the social and labor histories o i Francoist Spain, however, are ethnographers such as Brandes (1 975), Buechler and Buechler (1 981 1, W. Douglass 11 9751, Greenwood (1 976), and Harding (1 984); see also the papers in Aceves and Douglass 1976. On Galicia speciiically, see lturra (1988:3848) for a discussion o i changes in dairy production. Although one can argue that Spanish historiography has been slow to examine the multiple ramifications o i this period of rapid change, rural sociologists working in Spain in the 1960s and 1970s focused almost exclusively on the issues surrounding economic restructuring (see, ior example Perez Diaz 1974). Nor can one exclude the contributions of economists who have authored numerous studies of changes in the organization of agriculture, industrialization, and the shifts in labor migration patterns. Many o i these studies, like the sociological and ethnographic ones, were regionally specific; for Galicia examples o i explanations of the 1960s and 1970s and earlier periods of "underdevelopment" by economists and economic historians include work by Beiras (1 967, 1972) and by Colino and Tourifio (1983). See also the more recent comprehensive two-volume study o i every sector of the Galician economy (Sequeiros Tizon 1986a, 1986b). My contention is not that scholars have failed to examine the period o i rapid economic change in post-World War II Spain but that not enough attention has been paid to the multiplicity of experiences o i this period and to the agency of the working-class and peasant actors, who did not simply respond to exogenous factors but also actively made decisions within particular constraints (the sheer poverty oimany areas of Spain and the fact o fa dictatorship obviously being the most important ones). Even more important for those o i us working with memories of this period is the issue of how this agency can be reformulated as a political strategy by these same actors.

4. Amongothers, see Fentress and Wickham 1992; Mintz 1982; Passerini 1979, 1987; Portelli 1981 ;and Zonabend 1984.

5. For different statements on the same problem compare Herzield 1991; Rappaport 1990; papers in O'Brien and Roseberry 1991; and Wolf 1982.

6. See, ior example, comments by Bauer (1 992); Ford (1 845:esp 966); Gonzalez Reboredo and Rodriguez Campos (1 990).

7. On Spain, also see Menendez Pidal 1951 and Ringrose 1970, the latter emphasizing the inieriority of premodern Spanish roads. For a general discussion o i the history o i European roads, see Gregory 1931 and Hindley 1971.

8. With regard to a distinct context, see Pigg's (1 992) analysis of developmentalist discourse in Nepal. 9. For a very different account o i the historical meanings o i paved roads in rural parishes in the Alto

Minho region of Portugal, see the analysis in Pina-Cabral (1 987). This author argues that the peasant population resisted the construction of wider, paved roads (as well as other changes) during the 19th and 20th centuries becauseof repeated attempts "to protect community autarky" (Pina-Cabral 1987:718). In this area, paved roads came to symbolize the erosion of local control over space as well as the dismantlement of "community."


10. Overviews on this period o i labor exportation irom southern Europe to wealthier countries iurther north include Buechler and Buechler, eds. 1987; Castles and Kosack 1973; and Miles 1986.

1 1. It was at this time that thegovernment initiated a program o i land redistribution in regions like Galicia where a minifundio system o i polyculture on widely distributed plots precluded the introduction of mechanization and commercial agriculture. For a contrasting view ofthe continuing viability of this type of system, see Bentley 1992. One o i the other elements o i this "modernization" project was to eliminate the nonrectilinear shape o i plots; a map in Roseman 1993b:248 shows the irregular, crescent-shaped plots o i land used by iamilies until the 1970s. In parishes where both commonlands and privately held holdings were redistributed as consolidated plots, roads were also widened and improved. The Carreira redistribution process began with the redistribution ofcommonlands in the 1960s; theconsolidation ofthe privately owned lower iields was initiated in 1975 but took over a decade to reach itseventual conclusion in 1989-in part because of complaints by villagers about the decisions on reallocation made by government oiiicers. A complicated series of topynyms is still used to distinguish agrarian plots, other types of land (woodland, brushland), natural formations such as streams and rocks, and buildings (see Roseman 1995:21).

12. As Badone explains in her analysis o i the practice of radiesthesia in the context of non-biomedical healing in rural Brittany, radiesthesia is similar to dowsing and "is both a method oidiagnosing illness and a divinatory technique ior discovering things hidden beneath the earth, such as springs or buried objects" (Badone 1991 :518). Springs are discovered by surveying an area with a pendulum and divining rods to reveal the pathway o i "telluric lines" of vibration (Badone 1991 :522). Pedro has himself used radiesthesia to discover a well on his father's property. He probably learned this method irom similar sources to those described by Badone for Brittany; a book on the subject that heshowed mewasa translation irom the French of Richard Chevalier (1 980).

13. Pedro spoke to me largely in Castilian Spanish the first time he told me this story, since it was early in my stay in the village and I was not yet proficient in Galician; Pedro was therefore more comfortable conversing with me in Castilian. In this phrase, he mixed Castilian with Galician. Compare his narrative with the following account of Elvira's; in contrast, she mainly uses Galician. Language mixing, borrowing, and interierence are common in this bilingual region (see Roseman 1995).

14. A characteristic o i local histories or social memories that distinguishes them irom "official" and many academic accounts is the inclusion o i specific details that evoke ior listeners vivid images as well as other sensual entrees to the memory oithe speakers. One way in which the past can be revealed to later generations is the organization of memories around local topography, both the still visible and what only remains in memory (ci. D. Douglass 1981; Poole 1988; Rappaport 1990:9-11; Rodman 1992; Rosaldo 1980; Tedlock 1983). In particular, Fernandez's discussion o i the "territoriality of words" in Asturias equally applies to the ongoing significance of place names and local landscapes in rural Galicia (Fernandez 1986:137-140).

15. It is difficult to remain a member ofthe moral community oiworker-peasants and also be a politician, even a councillor representing several parishes. When I visited Carreira in the summer of 1995, Pedro was no longer a councillor. Mandianes Castro (1 990:127-173) provides a penetrating analysis o i the distrust that is endemic between Galician smallholders and politicians. Because peasants do not believe that politicians wil l do anything for nothing, one of the only ways to iorge a relationship is through vertical patron-client relationships.

16. The political aspects underlying the negotiation ofntraditions" have been examined by symbolic and postmodernist anthropologists who contend that all "culture" is socially constructed and thus continuously "reinvented." For early statements on this approach, see especially Linnekin 1983 and Wagner 1981. O n the use of "tradition" over several centuries in an Andalusian town, see Maddox 1993. Also see Handler 1988; Handler and Linnekin 1984; Hanson 1989, 1991; Keesing 1989; Keesing and Tonkinson 1982; Linnekin 1991, 1992. 1 agree with these authors' argument against theessentialist portrayal of any traditions as bounded entities and thus reject as valid the distinction between "genuine" and "spurious" traditions asserted by authors who contributed to the volume edited by Hobsbawm and Ranger (1 983).

17. The original reads (emphasis added):

(EXPONEN: I. - Que 10s vecinos de la parroquia de Santiago de Carreira, en el termino municipal de Zas, provincia de La Corufia, venian desde tiempo inmemorial, poseyendo en concept0 de duefios, proindi- vido, publica, paciiica e ininterrupidamente, el monte conocido con 10s nombres de . . .I.

Notethat in the compilation o ia speciiic Galician Civil Code in the 1960s, juriststook into account "ancient" and oral customs (Iglesias Corral 1984:470477).

18. At present, horizontal labor exchange between households in Carreira is still employed for planting, haying, silage, and harvesting. In the past, threshing and spinning parties were also common. Rotational labor exchange included the shepherding system used in Carreira until the 19605, whereby households took turns herding the village sheep and goats (cf. Ott 1981 1. Acts o i horizontal and rotational labor exchange are careiully remembered and repayment is expected (Iturra 1988; Moreno Feliu et al. 1987; Roseman 1993b:278-349). Asymmetrical exchanges as described by Fernandez de Rota 11 987a, 1987b) were also irequent in Carreira in the past. Relatively wealthy peasants and large landlords could not pay bark their neighbors with equal amounts of labor (since these poorer villagers did not have much land to harvest). Both wages (in cash and iood) and acts of patronage were the payments they could provide. Additional discussions of forms o i cooperative labor in Galicia are iound in Fernandez de Rota 1984; Gonzalez Reboredo and Rodriguez Campos 1990; lturra 1977, 1988; Lison Tolosana 1983[1979!; and Santamarifia


1988. In the ethnography of other regions in Spain, see Behar 1986:189-266; Brandes 1975:87-105; and Freeman 1970:27-63.

19. Excellent ethnographic descriptions of the role of community councils in Galicia can be found in Lis6n Tolosana (1 983[1979]:1 15-1 20); Moreno Felitj et al. 1987; Santamariiia 1988; Tenorio 1982[1914]:15-18. Behar 1986:125-185 provides one o i the most complete descriptions in Spanish ethnography.

20. Pedro indicates in his account that the villagers donated the land needed to widen the path into a paved road. In contrast, Menendez Pidal (1 951 :I361 points out that in 1836, Spanish legislation allowed ior "the eniorced expropriation o i land" in order to build and widen public roads. Township archives (Zas 1963-64) reier to the costs o i expropriating privately owned land in order to widen the older path when paved roads were built.

21. Construction work was also required as a iorm o i labor rent under the foro contracts (charters ior regional legal codes) that were prevalent in Galicia irom the Middle Ages until the early 20th century (Menendez Pidal 1951; Rodriguez Galdo 1976:220; Villares 1982). Ringrose notes that in 18th- and 19th-century Spain, with regard to local roadways and paths that, "a certain amount o i local maintenance was provided out o i seli-interest-repair o i bridges, bypassing o i washouts, etc. Such maintenance was theoretically required by law from the days o i Ferdinand and Isabella, but outside the urban centers it was probably iortunate that these requirements coincided with local necessity" (1970:17). In addition, church oificials promoted construction and repair work on church buildings and nearby roads as pious acts, especially during the height o i the pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela along the "French Way" (King 1920). Carters were also obliged to work on the roads along which they held monopolies (Ringrose 1970:36).

22. Another possibility that cannot be discounted may simply be Don Eduardo's reluctance to discuss the history o i the Franco period in any detail with an outsider.

23. Other villagersdid not contribute, nor were they asked to, since this path was regarded as communal property but mainly used by the households that provided the labor. This project is an example o i what Santamarifia (1 987:l 13-1 17; 1988:161-164) calls collective labor o i "partial utility." Upon returning to Carreira in the summer o i 1994 1 was somewhat surprised to iind that these promises had not all proved as iar-ietched as they had sounded to the majority oiviIlagers--and to me-in 1991. Several projects had been partially completed through the combination o i both the villagers' labor and township monies; one project that stood out was the construction oithe "riverine beach," which has become the iocus o i a newly created summer iestival in the parish, the Festa da Praia (brieily described below).

24. The principal's speciiication o i gender also elicited a sense that this was not a "traditional" request. Under ordinary circumstances village households whose male members worked ior wages on Saturdays would have sent the mothers o i the children or, if they were old enough, the children themselves to work on collective projects. The women in Carreira were insulted at being excluded irom work that they ordinarily did alongside men. Among others, see Buechler and Buechler 1981; de la Gala Gonzalez 1990; Kelley 1988, 1991 ;Lison Tolosana 1983[1979]; and Mendez 1988, ior full discussions o i gender and work in Galician communities. Brettell 1986 and Cole 1991 also provide important examinationsoisimilar attitudes toward women's work in the adjoining region o i northwestern Portugal.

25. Although presented as a secular iestival, the spot where the beach was constructed has religious signiiicance to people in Carreira. It is the place where knowledgeable older women have typically gone to perform rituals to propitiate Santa Marina (one o i two patron saints o i the parish, the other being James or Santiago) whenever there is a drought. Among other terms, such individuals are called sabias ("knowl-edgeable ones") or carteiras ("women who deal the cards"); they generally tell iortunes, periorm popular Catholic rituals to heal illnesses, and iight the evil eye and other spiritual dangers. For more iniormation on these practices see Lison Tolosana's (1987[19791) impressive explication o i the nuanced ways in which Galicians conilate the concepts o i "healers" and "witches" (see also Favret-Saada 1980). The association o i Roman Catholic saints with streams and other sources of water probably represents an overlay oipre-Chris- tian practices and belieis in Galicia as well as elsewhere in Europe (see, e.g., Salisbury 1985).

26. Cultural revitalization activities among rural people have been inspired in part by the largely urban Galician linguistic and cultural revitalization movement that began in the late 19th century but that has only been able to meet many o i its goals in the post-Franco period (after 1975). Ironically, rural people are only now reappropriating their identity as "authentic iolk" who maintained the Galician language and other practices and thus provided the inspiration ior urban intellectuals to recapture their suppressed Galician identities (ci. Roseman 1993a and 1995 on Galician identity iormation, also see Kelley 1994).

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"How We Built the Road": The Politics of Memory in Rural GaliciaSharon R. RosemanAmerican Ethnologist, Vol. 23, No. 4. (Nov., 1996), pp. 836-860.Stable URL:


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6 Changing Representations of Place, Community, and Character in the Spanish Sierra delCaurelRainer Lutz BauerAmerican Ethnologist, Vol. 19, No. 3. (Aug., 1992), pp. 571-588.Stable URL:

http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0094-0496%28199208%2919%3A3%3C571%3ACROPCA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Z

8 Inventing Social Categories through Place: Social Representations and Development in NepalStacy Leigh PiggComparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 34, No. 3. (Jul., 1992), pp. 491-513.Stable URL:

http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0010-4175%28199207%2934%3A3%3C491%3AISCTPS%3E2.0.CO%3B2-B

9 Paved Roads and Enchanted Mooresses: The Perception of the Past Among the PeasantPopulation of the Alto MinhoJoao de Pina-CabralMan, New Series, Vol. 22, No. 4. (Dec., 1987), pp. 715-735.Stable URL:

http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0025-1496%28198712%292%3A22%3A4%3C715%3APRAEMT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-G

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9 Paved Roads and Enchanted Mooresses: The Perception of the Past Among the PeasantPopulation of the Alto MinhoJoao de Pina-CabralMan, New Series, Vol. 22, No. 4. (Dec., 1987), pp. 715-735.Stable URL:


12 Ethnography, Fiction, and the Meanings of the Past in BrittanyEllen BadoneAmerican Ethnologist, Vol. 18, No. 3, Representations of Europe: Transforming State, Society, andIdentity. (Aug., 1991), pp. 518-545.Stable URL:

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12 Ethnography, Fiction, and the Meanings of the Past in BrittanyEllen BadoneAmerican Ethnologist, Vol. 18, No. 3, Representations of Europe: Transforming State, Society, andIdentity. (Aug., 1991), pp. 518-545.Stable URL:


14 Empowering Place: Multilocality and MultivocalityMargaret C. RodmanAmerican Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 94, No. 3. (Sep., 1992), pp. 640-656.Stable URL:

http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-7294%28199209%292%3A94%3A3%3C640%3AEPMAM%3E2.0.CO%3B2-C

16 Defining Tradition: Variations on the Hawaiian IdentityJocelyn S. LinnekinAmerican Ethnologist, Vol. 10, No. 2. (May, 1983), pp. 241-252.Stable URL:

http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0094-0496%28198305%2910%3A2%3C241%3ADTVOTH%3E2.0.CO%3B2-F

16 Tradition, Genuine or SpuriousRichard Handler; Jocelyn LinnekinThe Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 97, No. 385. (Jul. - Sep., 1984), pp. 273-290.Stable URL:

http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-8715%28198407%2F09%2997%3A385%3C273%3ATGOS%3E2.0.CO%3B2-%23





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http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-7294%28199209%292%3A94%3A3%3C640%3AEPMAM%3E2.0.CO%3B2-C&origin=JSTOR-pdf

http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0094-0496%28198305%2910%3A2%3C241%3ADTVOTH%3E2.0.CO%3B2-F&origin=JSTOR-pdf

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16 The Making of the Maori: Culture Invention and Its LogicAllan HansonAmerican Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 91, No. 4. (Dec., 1989), pp. 890-902.Stable URL:

http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-7294%28198912%292%3A91%3A4%3C890%3ATMOTMC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-7

16 Reply to Langdon, Levine, and LinnekinAllan HansonAmerican Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 93, No. 2. (Jun., 1991), pp. 449-450.Stable URL:

http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-7294%28199106%292%3A93%3A2%3C449%3ARTLLAL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M

16 Cultural Invention and the Dilemma of AuthenticityJocelyn LinnekinAmerican Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 93, No. 2. (Jun., 1991), pp. 446-449.Stable URL:

http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-7294%28199106%292%3A93%3A2%3C446%3ACIATDO%3E2.0.CO%3B2-B

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Paved Roads and Enchanted Mooresses: The Perception of the Past Among the PeasantPopulation of the Alto MinhoJoao de Pina-CabralMan, New Series, Vol. 22, No. 4. (Dec., 1987), pp. 715-735.Stable URL:


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Writing and Power: The Recovery of Winegrowing Histories in the Southwest of FranceRobert C. UlinAnthropological Quarterly, Vol. 60, No. 2, Anthropological Research in France: Problems andProspects for the Study of Complex Society. (Apr., 1987), pp. 77-82.Stable URL:

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Roseman - How We Built the Road

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