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t r i con t i r z . en . ta l

Year VI J a n u a r y 1971

PUBLISHED I N SPANISH, ENGLISH, A N DFRENCH BY THEEXECUTIVE SECRETARIAT OF THEORGANIZATION OFSOLIDARITY OF THE PEOPLESOF AFRICA, ASIA A N D LATIN AMERICA

Tricontinental Bulletin authorizes+he total or partial reproduction of its articlesand informations.

Radiogram OSPAAAL Habana, Cubaand information OSPAAAL P.O.B. 4224

summary

Tupamaros: I f There Isn't a Homeland for AIL There Won't Bea Homeland for Anybody

Tricontinenfal Scene

George Jackson: Letters from Soledad 1 6Kampuchea: Political Program 3 3OSPAAL in the IX Meeting of AAPSO 2 6

Guerrilla Fronts

Rebellion in Chad 4 0

.Appeals and Messages

Pirate Attack Against the DRV 4 6Guinea: The People Smash the Invasion 4 7Solidarity with Pakistan 4 7At the V Congress of the Korean Workers Party 4 8

TU AMAR OS:If There Isn't a Homeland for All, ThereWon't Be a Homeland for Anybody

e T h e Tupainaros have carried out several types o f action,ranging f rom sensational kidnappings and occupations o f townsto the execution o f torturers and the seiruires o f funds. I wishyou would give us a little more information as to the purpose •

• behind each type o f action.

There are tactical actions, aimed a t obtaining supplies ; and there - arepropaganda actions and direct actions against the regime. The supply actionsare carried out more o r less continuously, and we might say that theyinclude a constant search fo r funds and a series o f other elements havinga bearing on the logistical support o f the Movement: plastic material f o rforged documents, dynamite, equipment for reloading shells, etc. — in short,everything that has a bearing on the logistical structure of the Movement.

Propaganda actions are those which b y themselves define .the Move-ment's objectives and conduct. These actions were the ones mainly carriedout at the beginning. Even though they are part of the daily program, theyare not being given priority at the moment.

The seizure of documents from a f i rm to show that there are a numberof Ministers linked to large firms o r engaged in financial operations is anexample of this type of propaganda action which, at the same time, definesthe Movement's conduct. I n other words, the Movement does not expro-priate funds earmarked f o r the payment o f workers' wages, bu t i t w i l lexpropriate the gold that a family as financially powerful as the Mailhoseshas continued to accumulate f o r so many years i n the f o r m o f poundssterling, •

Actions against the regime are mainly aimed at undermining the foun-dations o f the regime itself, particularly actions directed against the forcesof repression. I n other words, when w e decide to ra id the home o f apolitical police agent, it's our way of showing them and the people that thereare two powers i n confrontation in the streets — that, jus t as our homescan be raided, so can those of the security agents.

The actions aimed at disarming policemen are o f the same nature.These action á are aimed not only at supplying ourselves with arms and

ammunition. They also serve to undermine the morale o f policemen whoare discharging their duties as mercenaries and who, sooner o r later, w i l lask themselves — in fact, they have already started asking these questions,and there are indications o f the consequences that have followed — justwho the devil they are defending wi th their uni form and their weapons,against whom they are f ighting and what order they are defending.

• T h e Movement's history shows that the Tupamaros areeverywhere. I would like to know what sector your militants comefrom, what they seek and what they f ind i n the Movement.

They seek — and f ind — a place in the struggle, no matter where theycome from. They f ind an organization with arnied struggle as i ts methodand with clearly defined objectives. As far as their origin is concerned, theorganization includes students and blue- and white-collar workers. T h eorigin o f the comrades who were captured can be taken as a referencepoint: they include a good number o f agricultural workers, workers i nmetallurgy and in the textile industry, many o f whom hold posts o f leader-ship in their respective trade unions, and students — who constitute, as doall the other sectors o f the radical middle class, a n endless source o fmaterial fo r the MLN.

* W h a t role does the M L N give to the various social classesin the revolutionary struggle, and d how does it operate in relation tothe established organizations which represent those classes — forexample, the trade unions?

The ideology of the Movement is not determined by its social makeup.In other words, those who jo in the Movement, no matter what sector theycome from, are in pursuit o f specific methods. I t doesn't matter whetherthey are peasants or blue- or white-collar workers.

In the course o f a tactical period the participation o f the students, thetrade unions and the peasants wi l l eventually be of fundamental importancein creating a revolutionary situation. I n this connection, everything they do— either temporary or continuous w i t h a view to the development o f amethodology o f the armed struggle at the grass-roots level w i l l contributeto greater effectiveness.

However, when these methods are applied consistently, as part of a moreor less long-term struggle, the brunt of the entire process is borne by theMovement's armed branch, which is constantly being reinforced with cadresthat proceed f rom the workers' movement, the rural areas, the students'movement and the Arni.y. I n other words, i n periods o f daily, persistentactions, while work is being done to create a revolutionary situation, thearmed branch plays the leading role, while the aforementioned classes areengaged i n learning the methodology o f armed struggle and are graduallyfurnishing the armed vanguard wi th cadres that w i l l contribute to i ts de-velopment.

• I n its early stages, what made the Movement decide on armedstruggle, and why is this struggle limited, almost exclusively, tothe urban zones? I t may be useful to recall in this connection, aseries o f opinions, derived f rom former experiences, as to theenormous risks an urban guerrilla unit must face. This, in turn,would lead us to comment on the originality o f the Uruguayanurban guerrilla unit and its contribution to this type o f ,struggle.My question, therefore, i s multiple: W h y d i d the Tupamaroschoose armed struggle, why is this struggle of the urban type, andwhat are the characteristics that guarantee its successful operation?

I recall that Che once said that, i n Latin America, the same objectiveconditions exist everywhere t h e problem of the latifundium ; the problemof imperialism distorting our respective economies; and, as a result of allthis, the drama o f hunger, poverty and exploitation, objectively proved allover Lat in America. These problems are quite sharply defined i n some

countries, while in others they are not so evident - - the hand of imperialismbeing more o r less disguised. However, Uruguay f i ts perfectly in to thispicture o f objective conditions.

These conditions were not so evident during a certain period — prin-cipally during World War I I and the postwar years, and also, to a certainextent, during the Korean war. Armies are large consumers o f wool, andUruguay is, fundamentally, a woo l -producing country. Therefore, thosewere years of large incomes, of large amounts of foreign exchange that weresquandered. T h e foreign exchange came in to the country, b u t i t neverreached the people. I t went into the hands of the oligarchy.

These resources made possible, for a certain period of time, the enactmentand implementation of a number of more or less progressive labor laws — forexample, the establishment of the so-called Wage Councils, which consistedof commissions made up of blue- and white-collar workers plus one repre-sentative o f the Government whose job i t was t o study wage increases.

No splution whatever was found for the problem of unemployment, butit was possible to develop a number of mainly light industries — for example,a textile industry.

However, the entire process deteriorated quite rapidly. Uruguay's cattleproduction today, the number of head in the country at present, is the sameas i t was at the beginning of the century. Industry has not only stagnatedbut has even entered a stage of regression. The textile industry that flour-ished during the postwar period, is systematically growing weaker.

Therefore, in. those objective conditions — which, at a specific moment,might be considered to set Uruguay apart from the rest of Latin America —the process of the deterioration of its economy — foreseeable in a systemsuch as ours — gradually included Uruguay in the rest of the Latin-Ameri-can scene.

Therefore, objective conditions in Uruguay are no longer different fromthose in the rest. of 'Latin America. There is unemployment; there is ahousing shortage; one third of the country's arable lands are owned by 600families; a policy of extensive cattle raising iS being followed; and thereare vast extensions- of unproductive land, large estates with unproductivezones, while, right next door to them are poor settlements with a high childmortality rate due to malnutrition, diarrhea and lack of medical attention.In short, the same picture.

These are the objective conditions in Latin America that Che was talkingabout, and he added that, in Cuba, there had been some special objectiveconditions — Fidel and the 26th of July Movement. In other words, a LatinAmerica with a vast explosive potential that had not as yet been touchedoff, needed the presence of a subjective fuse to trigger the explosion. Theseobjective conditions existed in Uruguay, and all that was necessary was tocreate the fuse that would open the way, a revolutionary path that wouldlead to a change in structures.

We chose the. course of armed struggle because we thought i t was theonly effective way to dethrone those who are determined to remain in powerwith the backing of weapons once they find this power threatened by theclasses they oppress.

In other words, i f the present Government of Uruguay were to find ananswer to the workers'. demands, there. would be no reason for conflict.However, the Government cannot find the answer — and won't even try tofind it — because it is a Government which serves the interests of the groupof bankers headed by Peirano Facio and the group of latifundists who keepBordaberry, a wealthy landowner, in the Ministry of Cattle Raising andAgriculture in order to make it possible for them to continue making enor-mous profits,. with all of them providing fat dividends for the InternationalMonetary Fund. This, plus the presence of imperialism — more os- less dis-guised — creates a contradiction which makes it impossible, given its presentstructure, for the Government to find an answer to the people's needs.

The people have begun to confront the regime by demanding wageincreases, improvements, social laws and so forth. . Since these wage'increases and improVements adversely affect the interests o f the sectorsrepresented by the Government, the Government refuses to Make concessions,

And, since the workers are not willing to resign themselves to this situation,we have the strikes and the workers' struggle for higher wages — whichleads to the Government's making use of its forces of repression.

If, when faced with the workers' demand for a wage increase or thestudents' demand for university autonomy, the Government sends its troopsout into the streets armed with riot guns, murders students and workers,fires workers and fills the police station with them, what wouldn't thisGovernment — or any other similar government — do when the same forces,headed by a revolutionary vanguard try — as Guillén says in his poem — to"put those on top at the bottom and those on the bottom at the top"?

The way of armed struggle is adopted when one is fully convinced thatit is the way to overthrow those who hold on to power — that power thatgives them all their profits, privileges and pleasures at the cost of the effortsof others.

• A t this point, I would like to return to the second partof my question, that concerning the urban nature of thearmed struggle.

I'll begin by saying that the decision to take the way of armed strugglewas in no way dependent on the specific geographical characteristics of ourcountry. I t is a matter of concept. Otherwise, those countries lacking thegeographical conditions favorable to rural guerrilla warfare, for example, wouldhave to discard armed struggle in the process of a revolution.

There was a time when the urban guerrillas were looked upon as unitsto provide logistic support — communications, weapons, funds, etc. — forwhat should be the main nucleus: the rural guerrillas. This concept wasdiscussed by the MLN on the basis of an analysis of our national situa-tion — in which the possibilities for rural guerrilla warfare are practicallynil, as we have neither vast jungles nor mountains — and some previousexperiences, and we came to the conclusion that the development of urbanstruggle was possible, thanks to some very interesting, specific conditions.

We studied the French resistance to Nazi occupation; the Algerianstruggle — which, even though i t developed mainly in the mountains, hadits counterpart in the cities — and an example which, as a result of itsmethodology, its being strictly limited to the urban areas, was extremelyuseful to the Movement: the struggle waged by the Jews against the English,reference to which is made a booklet entitled Rebellion in the Holy Land.

On the basis of these facts, i t was considered feasible to begin the experi-ment in Latin America, of a guerrilla force whose action would be centeredin the cities instead of in the countryside.

• Comparatively speaking, what are the advantagesand disadvantages, as far as your organizationis concerned, o f urban and rural guerrilla warfare?

We believe that urban struggle has a number of advantages over ruralstruggle and that, in turn, the rural struggle also presents certain advantagesover the urban struggle. However, the important thing, at this stage of thegame, is the proof that the nucleus can come to life, survive and developwithin the city, and all this in keeping with its own laws. I t is true that weare operating right in the mouth of the enemy, but i t is also true that theenemy has got us stuck in its throat. W e are faced with the inconvenienceof having to lead a.dual life, in which we carry on a public activity — when-ever we are able to —yet, i n relity, are somebody else altogether. B u t wehave the advantage of having a series of indispensable resources at hand whichrural guerrillas must engage in special operations to obtain: food, ammuni-tion, weapons and communkatinns. T h e same thing applies w i t h respectto the environment: ou r adaptation to i t comes almost naturally.

Adaptation to the environment is another interesting factor. We, the urbanguerrillas, move about in a 'city which we know like the palm of our hand,in which we look like everybody else and where we go from one place toanother with the same ease as do the other mill ion people who l ive in i t .

However, the rate of our losses, in relation to our experiences in Monte-video, shows a marked increase. Every week, every two weeks, every month,the number of comrades who are captured- increases. Were i t not for a verystrong Tupamaros-people relationship, this might mean that the organizationwould be decimated.

However, the multiplication of the Movement is so great that i t makesfor an easy, rapid replacement of these losses.

Losses are relatively high in a city. F o r example, a person in hiding isidentified by the ,police because his features , were pot disguised effectivelyenough; a house that serves as a base of operations begins to attract attention:a person in hiding is detected by the police, goes into a house, the houseis raided and he and other comrades are captured; or a comrade is capturedwith a document that belongs to the organization or an expropriated weaponon his person.

In other words, there are a number of mechanisms which, in a city, makeit possible, beginning f rom a starting point, to unravel part o f the skein,Hence, losses could be described as something inevitable, no matter whatsecurity measures are adopted in urban guerrilla warfare.

That is why the replacement of those who are captured, technological andpolitical development and the training of military cadres are the burningissue. The loss of cadres and the loss of infrastuctures are a necessary evilwhich the urban guerrilla force has to face.

I repeat, the replacement of those cadres, the replacement of the infra-structure, is the greatest problem.

• Hasn't the organization, in view of the specific conditionsthat exist in Uruguay, thought of reversing the usual rolesand developing some type of rural guerrilla unit that would serveas support or complement to the urban guerrilla action?

The tactical plan contemplated by the organization at present includesextending the war to the interior of the country. A series of actions thatwere planned recently, which included cutting off communications — tearingdown telephone poles, etc. — have been carried out. Many of these actionswill eventually be planned within the characteristics of the urban struggle.In other words, even though these actions will be carried out in the country-side, they will have characteristics not so much of rural guerrilla action butrather of a commando raid — that is, going out, completing the operationand returning, i f possible, to normal, everyday life.

• T h e Uruguayan guerrillas have brought into play a numberof resources of ingenuity and imagination that make themrather unique. Could you tell us how important theseresources are to the Movement's operational effectiveness andname some cases where they have been particularly useful?

Yes, we believe that acute discernment and ingenuity play an importantrole in urban guerrilla warfare. Since the urban guerrilla always operatesin enemy territory, always moving on enemy ground, since he must carryon his work near one of the repression's bases, he must, of necessity, dependon a series of resources which, given the circumstances, are of vital im-portance.

One example is his use of the same methods employed by the forcesof repression.

In the case of the Banco Francés e Italiano, for example, one of our"messengers" arrived at the bank, followed by comrades posing as membersof the Intelligence Corps and police liaison men ; they entered the bank whenthe door was opened to let in the "messenger" who customarily arrived at thebank at that time. Once inside the building, the group announced that theTupatnaros had placed a bomb on the premises, everybody was roundedup and then we told them who we were and that we intended to carry outan action.

That was the first stage of the operation. The second stage consisted ofopening the vault. Three of the bank's officials had one key to the vaulteach. However, they were not in the bank at that moment. But there wasa practically surefire way to bring them there. We found one of them, toldhim that the General Manager had committed suicide and that there waschaos in his office, and asked him to please come with us. Then we visitedthe man who was supposed to have killed himself and told him the samestory about the other one. The same procedure was employed with thethird man. I n this particular case, i t was impossible to locate the thirdparty, and, as a result, 380 million pesos remained safely ensconced in thevault, but we took with us a number of documents that proved that thebank was engaged in fraudulent operations and which practically determinedthe bank's closing.

The documents led to an investigation by the Department of Revenue.We were pretty unhappy about not having been able to get to the 380 millionpesos so we tried a new raid, in which we were to pose as revenue agentswho were to participate in the work of investigation.

These are examples of ingenuity, which are of the utmost importance inany type of urban action. Something quite similar happened in the takingof the Navy garrison.

Two comrades posing as security agents asked to see an official to clearup some incident. While someone went to find him, two soldiers walkingalong the side of the building were intercepted by one of our comradesimpersonating an agent of the investigation department. The comrade de-manded that they produce their identification papers, and a heated argumentensued in which the soldiers tried to justify their presence there even thoughthey carried no identification. Needless to say, the two "soldiers" also be-longed to our organization. A t the right time, everybody went into action,

the guards were subdued and the rest of the comrades who were to carryout the operation went into the building.

A similar procedure was employed for getting into the police headquartersin Pando. T h e action was carried out by two comrades who posed as Armyofficers who were bringing in two captured Tupamaros.

Only a few days separated this action from the one at the El Mago Super-market, which took place the same day the Government closed all the branchbanks to keep the Movement from getting funds, and i t had similar charac-teristics. O u r comrades went into the supermarket posing as security agentslooking fo r a Tupamaro who was working there. T h e supermarket's ad-ministration did a beautiful job of cooperating with us, rounding up al l theemployees to clear up the situation.

We have staged a number of raids this way.Then there was a t ime when we got our weapons by raiding private

collections. W e used to forge search warrants, and one o f our comradesdressed in a policeman's uniform would show the order and ask to be let in.This went on unt i l the Minister of the Interior put an end , to this waveof seizures from weapons collectors by announcing that weapons could onlybe seized provided an order signed by him was presented to the collector.

This, in turn, forced us to forge new orders, bearing his "signature" — ofcourse so we could remove the weapons in question.

• I may be getting away from the subject, but I 'd like• to know i f many o f thc weapons you captured in the Navygarrison action.were recovered as a result of the, latestwave of police raids.

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Very, very few. Most of 'the weapons are still in our hands.• T h e Movement has paid its inevitable toll in martyrs.Those combatants, although highly admired, are little-known.Could you tell us about some of their characteristics;their way of life; their activities in the Movement, includingthe circumstances surrounding their deaths; and their presentinfluence and meaning in 'the Movement?

Several of our comrades have been killed in the struggle. Many weremurdered in Pando — students such as Ricardo Zabalza, Emilio Cultelli andJorge Salerno, the last a boy who wrote songs, played the guitar and sangin songfests with our comrades; soldiers such as Mario Robaina and FatherOlivera, who put aside his vestments to join the Movement; comrades whochose the way of struggle, leaving behind their homes and families — eventheir children — because they realized that their decision would reflect honoron them, their homes, their children, their families, on everything they heldmost dear. I t is as Che said: the highest title to which a man can aspireis that of revolutionary.

Several comrades have died in combat, among them Nelson Flores, whocovered his comrades' withdrawal to the very end. Others, like those whodied i n Pando, were murdered after they were captured, insulted andbeaten. A n d then there were -others, such as Fernán Pucurull, killed incold blood while unarmed.

The deaths of these comrades point up the risk involved in every action,raid, sortie, incursion and contact. A risk that is one's mind when onejoins the Movement, but a risk that has also been described by Che whenhe said that death does not matter provided that his battle cry reach somereceptive ear and another hand be extended to take up his fallen weapons.

. • Te l l me about the women's role in the Movement.First of all, let me tell you that nothing makes men and women more

equal than a 45-caliber pistol. One of the _actions carried out with the highestspirit was that of getting the prisoners out of the women's prison. A seriesof photographs of the escapees, which appeared in the newspapers with acaption which read, "It 's true: you can't make a revolution without them!"was placed on exhibit in one of the MLN headquarters.

• There is a question that many people here — and in othercountries, as well — ask themselves on seeing the revolutionarymovement in Uruguay developing at greater speed than thosein Brazil and Argentina, the two reactionary giants that border it.

The day may come when the people will take powerin Uruguay while the other two movements are still in a stagemore or less remote from power. How does the Movementview the situation that would arise in that case?

Entering into hypotheses is very much like skating on thin ice. However,the obvious thing in such a situation is that the vigor of the armed struggleshould be maintained a t al l times. I f we attack imperialism from al lsides — as i f it were a beast at bay — nipping at i t from every angle, i twon't be able to decide whom to face first. I t ' s something akin to that oftwo, three, many Viet Nams. Should the revolutionary process in Uruguaydevelop more rapidly than that in the neighboring countries and a situationarise whereby we succeed in taking power, we can certainly count on thepossibility of an intervention by the United States, either directly or throughthe armies of the bordering countries. I n that case, the struggle would beone of a national character against an invading army, and the conditionswould be created for the very dialectics of the struggle to lead to a newViet Nam.

• Wha t you have just said leads me to another question.How does the Movement view the process of liberation in LatinAmerica? There is some concrete evidence of this already —for example, Chato Peredo's expressions of gratitude for yourhelp, which made it possible for him to, reach the Bolivianjungles much sooner. Does this mean the beginning of aninternational strategy of the Latin-American revolutionproposed by the MLN?

It is quite evident that a revolutionary, internationalist spirit exists inLatin America, which has its roots in the struggle for our first indepen-dence. Today, it is a practical, concrete internationalism which is manifestedtangibly. Our enemies are the same; our goals, methods and weapons arethe same.

First Tricontinental Conference, January 1966

Latin America constitutes the rear guard of the most powerful 11.11,1111tellal•MM1 1 1 1 . 1 1 1 1 1

I M O 0 1 1 1 1 0 i and brutal imperialism, the principal supporter of colonialism and. 111111 . 0 11 • 11 ~ neocolonialism throughout the world. 1 • ~ O ~ . « 1 1 1

11111 ~ 1 ~ 1 . 11 M1 . 11 ~ ~ 0 111 . 1 . 1Each blow given b y the struggle o f Latin-American peoples1=•111111111111.

against their Yankee and native oppressors, doubly weakens North • • 1 1 1 1 1 ~ 1 1 . 1

11=1•=1.11~11•11~ American imperialism. ~111•1111111.111.••

i

e H o w does the Uruguayan MLN interpret the victory scoredby People's Unity — that is, by Salvador Allende — in theChilean elections?

We look upon Salvador Allende's victory as a very positive thing. Theprocess should be carefully studied with a view to the contributions i t mayprovide as an event that appears to be particularly interesting with respectto the paths leading to power.

However, as important as — or, rather, more important than — thisstudy are the measures which, inevitably, the Government will have to adoptwhen it decides to put into practice the aims which imply changes of structurein Chile w h i c h measures, in turn, wil l trigger off the reaction of theoligarchy and imperialism, which wil l then resort to the methods whichthey have traditionally employed whenever their interests have been threatened.

Sooner or later, the presence of the people in arms, vigilance and armedreply, and armed vigilance must constitute the elements that will guaranteethe fulfillment of the program that the people of Chile, with Allende at thefore, have for their Government.

And we find the statement by the Chilean MIR with respect to Allende'svictory quite clear; the time has come to place men and weapons at the serviceof the program of the Chilean left.

• Let 's say the Tupanwros are in power.What do they intend to do with Uruguay?

The Movement's program is in no way different from those of otherrevolutionary movements which are now in power — as that of Cuba — orwhich aspire to power --- as the several guerrilla movements i n LiatinAmerica. The tasks to be tackled are clearly defined: the problem of lati-fundism, nationalization of the banks, the expulsion of imperialism, the achieve-ment of a higher standard of living, education, health, housing, the restora-tion of man's full dignity and the eradication of unemployment. These arethe tasks that every revolutionary movement keeps in mind, awaiting thetime when, once power is attained, the national program that will lead tothose objectives can be put into practice.

GEORGEJACKSON:LETTERSFROMSOLEDAD

BrotherThe PrisonLetters ofGL»orgeJackson

A T 18 years of age, George Jack-son was sentenced to a term of

from one year to life, accused of rob-bing $70 from a gas station.

Since then he has spent ten yearsin prison (seven and a half in solitaryconfinement). For his crime — seconddegree robbery, in which there was noassault nor use of arms — the averagetime served in jail in California is un-der three years. Nevertheless, his lib-erty was postponed each time theyreviewed the case. Now George (29)faces a charge of murder. He is one ofthe three Soledad convicts (prison inSalinas) who are accused of havingkilled a prison guard in January 1969.The others are Fleeta Drumgo (24)and John Cluchette (23).

The continuing imprisonment, iso-lation, inclusion in the new process thatcan take them to the gas chamberand the careful efforts to avoid public-ity around the case, are simply evi-dences of the true motive behind thiseffort on the part of the authorities.

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They have been selected because oftheir proven revolutionary militancy.Particularly George Jackson, who inthese years in jail has shown himselfto be a sensitive individual with asharp perception, an analytical profun-dity and a clear picture of the worldaround him, and most important, adetermined will to give all this abun-dance of love, intelligence and humansolidarity to the cause of the oppressed.

His letters and essays from ,prison—published this fall in the UnitedStates — are the best evidence of thisaffirmation. As Huey Newton put it sowell, in referring to Jackson and hisbrothers o f Soledad: "The prisonskeep you in for so long they politicizeyou. Then you are a political prisonerand they can't let you go — or evenlet you go on living."

We herewith present some fragmentsof the most recent (1970) letters ofGeorge Jackson, writen to his family,friends, lawyers, etc., for our readers'judgment.

M O R E and more frequently inthe United States, the courts

and penal institutions are being uti-lized as vehicles of the most viciousracial repression. The probabilitiesof a black being accused and sen-tenced for felony in the State of Cali-fornia are many times greater thanthose for a white man who commits

the same crime. For ty percent ofthe prisoners in California jails areblacks, although blacks make up only8% of the population of the state.They face judges like Campbell, inSalinas, who is quoted as sayingthat, "considering al l the violenceMartin Luther King caused, maybehe got what he deserved."

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Tune 10. . . I met Marx, Lenin, Trotsky, Engels, and Mao when I entered prison

and they redeemed me. F o r the f i rs t f ou r years I studied nothing bu teconomics and military ideas. I met black guerrillas, George " B i g Jake"Lewis, and James Carr, W . L . Nolen, B i l l Christmas, To r r y Gibson andmany, many others. W e attempted to transform the black criminal men-tality into a black revolutionary mentality. A s a result, each of us has beensubjected to years o f the most vicious reactionary violence b y the state.Our mortality rate is almost what you would expect to f ind i n a historyof Dachau. Three of us were murdered several months ago by a pig shootingfrom 30 feet above their heads w i th a military rifle. [

Apri l

. . . Mos t of today's black convicts have come to understand that theyare the most abused victims of an unrighteous order. [ ] N o w with theliving conditions of these places deteriorating, and wi th the sure knowledgethat w e are slated f o r destruction, w e have been transforming in to a nimplacable army of liberation. [ ]

We're something l ike 40 to 42% o f the prison population. [ ] T h eleadership o f t he black prison population n o w definitely identifies w i t hHuey, Bobby, Angela, Eldridge, and antifascism. [ ] T h e holds are fastbeing broken. Men who read Lenin, Fanon, and Che don't riot, "they mass,""they rage," they dig graves. [ ]

May 21. . . I ' m a very orthodox communist (dirty, dirty red). I 'm for: material-

ism, dialectics, internationalism, women's liberation, fu l l automation, wel -fare distribution, one party, standardized universal education, antimilitary,

W H E N George Jackson was15 years o ld he was taken

before a judge after an automobileaccident. T h e judge observed thatGeorge and h is family were l ightskinned, H e told George that i f hewas a good boy, he could go fa rbecause h e w a s n ' t real ly black."Look at your litt le brother h esaid " h o w cute and nice he is.

And your mother is a nice-lookingwoman. Y o u know tha t familieslike this g o farther than the realdark families... People take all thatinto consideration." George told hismother: "Somehow I just wish he'dhave gone on and sent me to j a i lrather than say that to me." T h a twas George Jackson's f i r s t expe-rience with the law.

20

"from all according to ability, to all according to need," free love (meaning,as far as I'm concerned, the breakdown of what we think of as the "FamilyUnit." Today — I'm every woman's man, and every woman is my woman,all children are mine to be loved equally — and every man who wouldn'tobject to my existence will be my brother), no mystifications.

April 5. . . We were colonized by the white predatory fascist economy, however,

and it was from them that we evolved our freak subculture and the attitudesthat perpetuate our conditions. These attitudes cause us to give each otherup to the Klan pigs, we even on occasion work gun in hand right with him.A black killed Fred Hampton; blacks working with the CIA killed MalcolmX; the blacks on the payrolls of the many police forces that fascism mustemploy to protect itself from the people are plentiful. These fascist sub-culture attitudes have sent us to Europe, Asia, and even "Africa" to die fornothing.

In the recent cases of Africa and Asia, we have allowed the neoslaverto use us to help enslave people that we love. W e are so confused, sofoolishly simple that we not only fail to distinguish what is generally rightand what is wrong, but we also fail to appreciate what is good and notgood for us in very personal matters concerning the black colony and itsliberation. [ . ]

The black panther is our brother and son, the one who wasn't afraid.He wasn't so lazy as the rest, or narrow and restricted in his vision. I fwe allow the fascist machine to destroy these brothers, our dream of even-tual self-determination and control over the factors surrounding our sur-vival is going to die with them, and the generations to come will curse usand condemn us for irresponsible cowardice. [ ]

To the Man;Child

T A L L , evil, graceful, bright-eyed, black man-child — Jona-

than Peter Jackson — who died onAugust 7, 1970, courage in one hand,assault rifle in the other; my brother,comrade, friend — the true revolu-tionary, the black communist guer-

rilla in the highest state of develop-ment, he died on the trigger, scourgeof the unrighteous, soldier o f thepeople; t o this terrible man-childand his wonderful mother GeorgiaBea, to Angela Y. Davis, my tenderexperience, I dedicate this collectionof letters; to the destruction of theirenemies I dedicate my life.

22

April 18I thought of individual relationship as a flight from the existential

reality of individual responsibility to the whole of the people. I consideredit selfish to look for some individual to touch and hold and understand,because "all" of my time belonged to "all" the people; and the deep, bur-ning, incessant thing centered in my guts was hatred alone; that peoplewho (especially in the joint) looked for another individual to relate to,instead of the people's struggle, was lonely, was weak.

But I've gone through some changes s'ince then. I saw and read aboutAngie Davis and some other females o f our kind, and I realized thatperhaps i t was possible that this country had produced some females likethose of Cuba or Viet Nam. [ . . . ]

... I heard that F w e n t to the Church and state to take a lover.Very silly, don't you think, the Church and state part I mean.... Have youever considered the implications o f that particular little institution, statemarriage, the recognition of the state as a "more than equal" partner in thereproduction of the species? [ . . . ]

June 9... We must discover the many elements within the system that cause us

to restrict each other's freedom, too, and get rid of them. [ . . . ] Power to the

O N AT H A N Jackson ( 1 7 ) ,younger brother of George, with

no previous police record, outstand-ing student in school: tried to liber-ate three San Quentin prisoners,among them James McClain (37),from the San Rafael, California,courthouse, tak ing f ive hostages,among them Judge Haley. A s theyleft the corridor, he shouted: "Freethe Soledad brothers by today, orthese people are dead."

Some one hundred police postedoutside the courthouse w i t h or-ders to shoot to ki l l — ended the

action with a massacre. The resultwas four dead: Jonathan, McClain,William Christmas (a convict wit-ness who helped in the action) andthe judge.

Huey Newton would say at thefuneral services f o r the youngblacks:They have taught us all a revolu-tionary lesson. T h e y have inten-sified the struggle and placed i t ona higher level.[...] These brothersdidn't have murder on their minds,they had freedom. I f the penalty for

23

people means we learn to govern ourselves. [ . . . I Bu t you're right that'sthe way most women think, and for good reason. Men have exploited womento the point that they are now almost helpless. Not really equal, when theyare (or should be). Men wouldn't let women be free. The possessive loveidea is as unhealthy as other types of possessiveness; jealousy and compe-tition ! ! !? over something so wonderful — It's insane. People kill each othereven. I don't think a person can ever possess another. [ . . . ] Possessionmeans choosing, rejection, and later on in the process fear of rejection (trans-lated: insecurity). I t may seem unfair since women must carry the babiesaround that come from loving, but i t really isn't when viewed within thecontextual framework of the welfare society where having material needs isnot a problem. Read about the welfare society, free love, day and nightchild care centers, everything held in common, "even the children." Thestate withering away.

I'm not a traditionalist (o f course) but the socialism of the principaleastern African cultures in antiquity offers some good examples of what i tcould be like. So do some or n-c-z,t of the societies in Micronesia and Mela-nesia, and other places. I f a child ended up on the opposite side of the hamletat night he could still find a mama to feed him and put him to bed. Canyou imagine anyone being Inn_ r y if there was food in the hamlet — anywhere?Marx improved, or systematized it.

the quest for freedom is death, thenby death we escape to freedom.[. ..]The people will not be intimidated.We refuse ,to suffer any longer. Werefuse to gradually be killed throughhumiliation, degradation, and theslow destruction o f our humanity.

And Huey ended his words to thecrowd grouped i n f ront o f thechurch b y repeating McClain'sphrase before escaping from thecourtroom, with one hand on hisgun instead of on the bible: !Wehave been enslaved for too many

years. The chains must be removed.We must be free — so help us God!"

T H E story does not stop there.It could be said that this

only begins a new stage. I n October,Angela Davis (26) was arrested ina New York motel. She is accusedof purchasing and facilitating Jona-than Jackson's arms for his com-mando action i n the San Rafaelcourthouse. I n reality her seriouscrime is being a distinguished youngblack philosophy professor and acommunist who thinks and acts ac-cording to her ideals.

. . . t h e battles against racial discrimination and other social inegual--"": a l e s are a powerful current and form part o f a movement destined

to play a transcendent role in the progress o f mankind.Tricontinenl-al Conference, January 1966

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March 25

. . .To seize power for the people and relegate fascism to the historybooks the vanguard must change the basic patterns of thought. We are goingto have to study the principles of people's movements. We are going to haveto study them where they took place and interpret them to fit our situationhere. We have yet to discover the meaning of people's war, people's army.The righteous people of the world who are struggling with the monsteron the only terms that he can be fought must have many reservations concern-ing us, especially those of us who are black. What are the fierce and won-derful people oí Viet Nam thinking of us? Where is the real left wing?What has been done to us, that makes us fail to resist?

The successes of China, Cuba, Viet • Nam, and parts of Africa cannot beattributed to any innate, singular quality in the characters of their people.Men are social creatures, herd animals. W e follow leaders. The successor failure of mass movements depends on their leadership and the method oftheir leaders. W e must take our lessons from these people, reorganize ourvalues, decide whether i t is our personal desire to live long or to chanceliving right.

People's war, class struggle, war of liberation means armed struggle. [ ]Would Nixon accept a people's governhient, a people's economy? How

can we deal with these men who have so much at stake, so much to defend.Honesty forces us to the conclusion that the only men who will successfullydeal with the Hoovers, Helmses and Abramses wi l l be armed men. I t ' sobvious to me that nothing of any consequence can be achieved while thesemen rule. Class struggle means the suppression of the opposing class, andsuppression of the Atnerikan General Staff, and The Corporate Elite. Themoment this three-headed monster detects the danger contained in our ideasand ideals, he wil l react violently against us. Just the whisper of revoltexcites in him a swift and terrible reflex, so swift we won't even knowhow we died.

May 2

. .. This is for certain, it's going to get worse. Things will become muchmore difficult before anything good can come of this. People like Nixon andthe ventriloquists that make him speak hold forth by default. T h e goodelement has not contested them vigorously; [ ] "They met little resistanceon their way up." "Good people don't like to cut throats." This [ c a nbe righted in one way only. The VC have the idea. They understand a

25

trial of combat, an ordeal by fire. You simply can't reason with people likethem, they have too much to lose by being reasonable.

May 18. . . I mentioned yesterday that my sister was here to visit me. " I was

happy to see her." Bu t I had just left this scene down here. I tried tosmile at her. People need those gestures, I understand, to help them relax.All animals operate by these gestures. [ ] I tried to signal with my mouthand eyes that I was happy to see her, that I was glad with her at least."And I was happy," that she was there. Bu t the smile fell to pieces, andnay eyes can't help but mirror my mind, I can feel it. I felt rather foolish.I won't try anymore. I t will not stay hidden.

The chains, woman. I just don't like it. Yo u can never know howhard it is for me to pretend that they don't bother me. The visits, in court:people that I love, people whose love means everything to me, seeing melike that!

Apri/ 5. . . I have a young courageous brother whom I love more than I love

myself, but I have given him up to the revolution.I accept the possibility of his eventual death as I accept the possibility

of my own.Some moment of weakness, a slip, a mistake, since we are the men

who can make none, wi l l bring the blow that kills. I accept this as anecessary part of our life.

I don't want to raise any more black slaves. Bu t we have a determinedenemy who will accept us only on a master-slave basis; I revolt, slavery dieswith me, I refuse to pass i t down again. The terms of my existence arefounded on that. [ ]

A ugust 9We reckon all time in the future from the day of the man-Child's death.

Man-child, black man-child with submachine gun i n hand, he was freefor a while. I guess that's more than most of us can expect.

I want people to wonder at what forces created him, terrible, vindictive,cold, calm man-child, courage in one hand, the machine gun in. the other,scourge of the unrighteous — "an ox for the people to ride"! !!

OSPAAALin theIx

Meetingof AASPO

28

N behalf of the Organization ofSolidarity o f the Peoples of

Africa, Asia and Latin America, andin our own name, we wish to expressto the people, the Council of the Re-volution, presided over b y ColonelKaddafi, and to the Government o fLibya, our deep gratitude for the hos-pitality they have accorded us and atthe same time to express also our sup-port and solidarity w i th the j u s tstruggle they are carrying out as theyembark on the road of liberation o ftheir motherland, the economic con-struction of the country and the frontalbattle against al l forms of old colo-nialism and the neocolonialist manifes-tations of the imperialists.

Permit us also to express our deep-est condolence for the death of Presi-dent Gamal Abdel Nasser, extraordi-nary leader of the people of the UnitedArab Republic, who made great con-tributions to the solidarity among ourpeoples and whose life was dedicatedto the struggle for the liberation andthe welfare of his people and of allthe Arab peoples.

We extend greetings to all delega-tions present, and express our sinceredesire to see the work of this meetingcrowned with success.

We live in an epoch in which therevolutionary movement has achievedexfraordinary successes. The old aspi-rations of the peoples to attain theirliberty and national independence havetoday become a reality and the final•denouement of this centuries-old con-troversy between exploiters and ex-ploited — which had its first people'svictory in the October Revolution —is already evident. Nevertheless, re-gardless of these victories obtained bythe revolutionary forces, the forces ofreaction: imperialism, colonialism andneocolonialism headed by Yankee im-perialism, desperately resist acceptingthe inevitable course of history and arecommitting the most horrible crimesknown to humanity.

In Asia, i n Indochina, the heroicpeoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Cam-bodia have, for many years, maintaineda bloody struggle against Yankee im-

perialism, its 500 000 invading soldiersand its puppet troops. The sending ofhundreds of thousands of US soldiersto South Viet Nam, the criminal bomb-ings against the territory of the Dem-ocratic Republic o f V i e t Nam, t h erepression and crimes against the SouthVietnamese population, the special warand the bombings against the liberatedzones of Laos, the coup d'etat againstthe neutralist government o f PrinceNorodom Sihanouk and the subsequentinvasion o f that country by US, Sai-gonese and Thai troops, have broughtYankee imperialism to the most des-perate situation i t has ever confrontedin this criminal aggression. The f inalresults of this war are inevitable: thepeoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Cam-bodia wi l l win. Bu t Yankee imperial-ism refuses to accept i ts defeat andthe N i x o n Administration continuespreparing new plans o f aggressionagainst these peoples. Ou r permanentduty, each and every day, is to supportthis heroic struggle, offer i t our unre-stricted solidarity and support. Every-thing we may be able to do f o r thepeoples o f Viet Nam, Laos and Cam-

29

bodia is litt le .compared to the extra-ordinary sacrifices they are making intheir struggle to attain their liberationand defeat imperialist aggression, be-cause at present each people who strug-gle f o r their liberation contribute t othe struggle o f all other people; i t isone more war being waged to weakenthe forces of imperialism and reaction.Therefore, the victories of the peoplesof Viet Nam, Laos and Cambodia arealso our own victories, and their strug-gle, their heroic sacrifices, should alsobe ours.

We wish t o express o u r supportfor the just struggle o f the people o fSouth Korea to expel the aggressorarmy of the Yankee imperialists from

.their country; for the people of Japan,who indefatigably f i gh t against t heresurgence of militarism and imperial-ism in their homeland; for the peoplesof Thailand, Malaya, Indonesia andthe Philippines, whose struggle growsdaily. We also support the DemocraticPeople's Republic of Korea in its juststruggle against t h e aggressions o fYankee imperialism and the puppet

30

regime in the southern part of Koreaand for the independent reunificationof the country, as well as the struggleof the Chinese people for the reincor-poration o f the island o f Taiwan,which is an integral part of the terri-tory of the People's Republic of China.

We take advantage of this opportun-ity to reaffirm our total support forthe position of the Provisional Revo-lutionary Government of the Republicof South Viet Nam expressed in theTen-Point Global Proposal and in theEight Points proposed by comrade ThiBinh in the Paris talks; for the posi-tion expressed in the Four Points ofthe Democratic Republic of Viet Nam;for the Five-Point proposal made lastMarch 6 by the Central Committeeof the Neo Lao Haksat and for theproposal issued on March 23, 1970,by the Royal Government of NationalUnion of Cambodia presided over byPrince Norodom Sihanouk, the onlyand genuine representative o f thesepeople. We condemn the Nixon planof Vietnamization of the war, whichis merely a continuation of the war of

extends the war against Laos andCambodia and continues the massacreof these three countries on the Penin-sula of Indochina.

We condemn Nixon's five points,dated October 7, whose aim is to de-ceive public opinion in the UnitedStates as a propaganda device for thismonth's Congressional electoral cam-paign. This maneuver of Nixon's isalso aimed at deceiving the peoples ofAfrica, Asia and Latin America tocontinue, under a legal mantle, thecriminal war against the peoples o fViet Nam, Laos and Cambodia.

In the Middle East, the Palestinianpeople, evicted from their lands morethan 20 years ago, are now facing anunequal battle against the forces o fZionism and imperialism, fightingheroically for the liberation o f theirhomeland and for the inalienable rightsof their people. We support their hero-ic struggle and the heroic struggleof all Arab peoples against Israel,pawn of Yankee imperialism in thisregion of the world. We support theaggression against Viet Nam, while he

United Arab Republic, Syria and thepeople of Jordan, victims of the Israeli-imperialist aggression o f June 1967,parts o f whose territories are unjus-tifiably occupied by the aggressor. Themarch o f the Arab peoples along theroad o f revolution can no longer becontained. The Libyan people's revo-lutionary experience, one o f the mostrecent, constitutes perhaps t he bestexample, together w i t h those offeredby the peoples of Algeria, Syria, "UAR,South Yemen, Sudan and Irak.

The heroic struggle carried out bythe peoples o f Guinea ( B ) , Angolaand Mozambique in Afr ica ' offers an-other dramatic testimony of the crimi-nal methods used b y the colonialistsand racists i n the repression o f thepeoples, and at the same time is a tes-timony to the heroic resistance o f thepeoples when they struggle for a justcause. The African Party for the Inde-pendance of Guinea and Cape Verde;the People's Movement for the Libera-tion o f Angola, a n d t h e LiberationFront o f Mozambique meri t our fu l lsupport, as do the revolutionary orga-

31

nizations which in South Africa, Zim-babwe, N a m i b i a , Congo - Kinshasa(ANC, Z A P U , S WA P O and C N Lrespectively) are fighting bravely. Yan-kee imperialism gives all kinds of sup-port to the Portuguese colonialists aswell as to the racist regimes of Pretoriaand Salisbury in order to prevent theliberation o f the Portuguese colonies,Zimbabwe and Namibia, thereby un-masking itself f rom day to day beforethe peoples of Africa and of the world.The struggle o f the peoples o f SouthAfrica, Zimbabwe and Namibia againstthe white racist regimes o f Pretoriaand Salisbury must have all our sup-port and solidarity.

In Latin America we are witnessingevents of singular importance: the vic-tories o f the Cuban Revolution; therevolutionary armed struggle carriedout by the peoples o f Uruguay, Boli-via, Argentina, Guatemala, Nicaragua,Colombia, Brazi l and Venezuela; thefight f o r independence o f the bravepeople of Puerto Rico, are now extend-ing to sectors outside the most oppres-sed masses — peasants and workers —

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In their eagerness t o avoid the defeat tha t awaits them, theimperialists have been spreading their war in South-East Asia.

US írnperialism uses Thailand as i ts military base t o bomb theregiens of Laos [ . . . ] and the threats, pressures, plots and aggres-sions against the Government o f the Kingdom o f Cambodia, areevidence of this policy of expansion of their colonial war.

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to include intellectuals, large sectionsof the petite bourgeoisie, as well asreligious and military grups. The pop-ular triumph in the last elections heldin Chile, with the designation of thecandidate of the people's forces, Sal-vador Allende, as President o f theRepublic, is another blow to imperial-ism on this continent, along with theantioligarchic and anti-imperialist pro-cess being carried out in Peru. We wishto stress our support of the struggleof the Latin-American peoples andwarn the peoples of Africa and Asiato remain alert to the attempts of Yan-kee imperialism to block the populartriumph i n Chile. W e likewise callthe attention of the peoples of Africaand Asia to the repression unleashedagainst the Tupamaros and other rev-olutionary sectors in Uruguay, wherethe revolutionary movement has at-tained extraordinary successes — aswell as in Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay,Puerto Rico and other Latin-Americancountries.

Within the United States proper,the development reached by the revo-lutionary forces during the past yearsthreatens to shake the structures o fimperialist domination.

The movement of youth against theViet Nam war; the struggle o f theAfro-American people against racialdiscrimination and the exploitation towhich they are subjected, and for betterliving conditions; the struggle of thestudents; of the Indian and Chicanominorities and the Puerto Rican im-migrants is shaping up to a force whosemagnitude is incalculable. The repres-sion against the leaders of the blackmovement and the murder of students— as occurred at Kent University —are expressions o f the brutality o fwhich Yankee imperialism is capable,not only towards other peoples, but_even against its own people as well.

Faced with these criminal acts, andwith the imperialist aggressions againstthe peoples, our duty is to foster agreater cohesion among the revolution-ary ranks, to make our own struggle— the solidarity among our peoples —more effective in its unity against tl-ccommon enemy o f al l the peoples:Yankee imperialism.

Long live the solidarity among thepeoples o f Africa, Asia and LatinAmerica!

KA P C H E A :POLITICALPROGRAM

34

T H E aim of the present politicalprogram of FUNK is to realize

the broadest national union for fight-ing against all the maneuvers and ag-gression of the American imperialists,overthrowing the dictatorship of theirflunkeys headed b y L o n Nol-SirikMatak and f o r defending the na-tional independence, peace, neutral-ity, sovereignty and territorial integrityof the country within her present fron-tiers and for building a free and dem-ocratic regime of the people progress-ing toward the construction of a pros-perous Cambodia conforming to theprofound aspirations of our people.

Unite the Entire PeopleDesiring to develop the Five-Point

Declaration o f Samdech, Head o fState, FUNK proposes the followingtasks:

—Unite and mobil ize a l l socialclasses and strata, all political par-ties, all professional or religious or-ganizations, all patriotic personageseither at home or abroad, irrespec-tive of their political opinion, sex andreligious belief, so as to safeguardCambodia's national independence,peace, neutrality and territorial in-tegrity within her present frontier,oppose US imperialist schemes andaggression, and overthrow the fas-cist and racist dictatorship o f theAmerican imperial ists ' flunkeys-headed by Lon Nol-Sirik Matak.—Welcome as brothers the masses,of the people, and all functionaries,policemen, o ff icers , noncommis-sioned 'officers and men i n the-armed forces of the Lon Nol-Sirik-Matak clique, intellectuals, students

and other personages, who have de-cided to join FUNK. Those peoplewho for various reasons cannot asyet join FUNK but oppose the USimperialists and their flunkeys cancoordinate their efforts with thoseof FUNK, and they wi l l also bewelcomed w i th understanding b yFUNK.—As the U S aggression againstCambodia is a component o f theplan for the expansion of the warwhich the American imperialists arelosing in South Viet Nam and Laos,FUNK coordinates its struggle withthat of the fraternal peoples of VietNam and Laos on the principle thatthe liberation and defense of eachcountry are the affairs of its ownpeople and the principle that mutualsupport aniong the three peoplesmust be based on mutual respectand the legitimate aspirations o feach people concerned. •—Create and strengthen the Na-tional 'Liberation A r m y ( N L A )comprising guerrilla units, partisans,those elements in the Royal KhmerArmy who refuse to submit to thedictatorship of Lon Nol-Sirik Matak,flunkeys of the I.?S imperialists, andthose elements i n the mercenarytroops of the -traitors Lon Nol andSink Matak who will decide in thefuture to join the ranks of the NLA.—The mission of the N L A is tódestroy to the maximum the enemyarmed forces and to defend andexpand the liberated areas, the solidrear for our struggle.—Those *army units' now servingthe reactionary regime, which fo r

various reasons cannot jo in theNLA a t present bu t which arestruggling against the US imperial-ists, can coordinate their actionswith those of the N L A in strikingat the U S imperialists and theirflunkeys.

Severely punish the reactionariesguilty of crimes against the people,but show leniency to those criminalswho have sincerely repented.—The wounded and the prisonersof war will be looked after and treat-ed humanely.

Build a Democratic andProsperous Cambodia

The F U N K declares that "Poweris, and will always be, i n the handsof the progressive, industrious andgenuine working people who wil l en-sure our motherland a bright futureon the basis of social justice, equalityand fraternity among all the Khmers"(Solemn Declaration of Samdech, Headof State, on March 23, 1970). Thepeople are the source of all power.

The democratization o f the Cam-bodian society is being carried out inthe liberated zone at present and willbe carried out in the whole countrylater in the following ways:

—By guaranteeing to al l 'Cambo-dians, except traitors known to thecountry, the freedom of vote, thefreedom of standing for election, the

fredom of speech, the press, opin-ion, association, demonstration, res-idence, travel at home and abroad,etc. Safeguarding the inviolability

35

of the person, property, wealth andprivacy of correspondence.

—By guaranteeing effective equal-ity to- both sexes, striving to wipeout backward traditions discriminat-ing against women. Encouraging-by all means the cultural and pro-fessional development of women to,enable them fully to participate inthe common struggle. Giving pri-mary importance t o training andeducating women cadres at all levelsin the national life. Abolishing poly-gamy.—Buddhism is and will remain the-state religion. B u t F U N K recog-nizesand guarantees the freedom ofall other religions and beliefs: Is-.lainism, Brahmanism, the belief ofthe Khmers-Loeur, Catholicism,,Protestantism, Caodaism, etc. T h eplaces of worship are protected.

Looking with greatest solicitude.after the needs of our war invalidsand the families of our fighters who,gave their lives for the country, andreserving privileged treatment f o rthem.

Ensuring the protection o f thelegitimate rights and interests o fforeign nationals who respect ourlaws and customs, the independenceand sovereignty of Cambodia.

Seeing that the legitimate rights,and interests of the minority nation-.alities and Cambodian nationals liv-ing abroad are respected.FUNK is devoted to building up,

and developing an independent nationaleconomy by relying principally on the

36

resources a n d productive forces o fCambodia.

This economic policy finds concreteexpression in:

—Freeing t h e national economyfrom persons who engage i n prof-iteering, smuggling, blackmarketingand inhuman exploitation o f t h epeople.—Protecting and guaranteeing therights of ownership of land and prop-erty i n accordance w i th the lawsof the state. Confiscating the landand property o f traitors who areactive accomplices in the pay of theUS imperialists and who have com-mitted crimes against the people.The land and property seized w i l lbe distributed among t h e needypeasants.

—Guaranteeing to the peasants theright of ownership of the land theycultivate. Establishing a fair systemon land rent and rates of interest onloans.—Helping the peasants resolve theagrarian problem through a fair so-lution o f unreasonable debts.

—Helping the peasants increase pro-duction and labor productivity. Pro-tecting and developing cooperationand the good customs of mutual aidin the countryside.

—Ensuring the conditions o f safeand rational exploitation, the mar-keting a n d economical transporta-tion of products.—Encouraging t h e format ion o ftrade unions. Guaranteeing security

-of employment and reasonable re-muneration to the laboring classes.Improving working Conditions. En-suring a system of social insurance.

Developing the industrializationof the country and carrying out arational industrial policy so thatproduction wil l meet the- principalneeds of the people to the maximum.Studying adequate measures for theelimination of faults in the adminis-tration of state or joint enterprises.--Encouraging the national bour-geoisie to run well and set up enter-prises beneficial to the people in con-formity with the laws concerningwage earners. Ensuring rational anduninterrupted sale of manufacturedgoods.

Helping the handicraftsmen raiselabor productivity and diversify theirproducts and ensuring the sale oftheir products on the best terms.—Developing communication linesand the means of transportation.

Safeguarding the interests o fschool and university students, intel-lectuals and functionaries; providingemployment for "those without oc-cupation" and the unemployed i naccordance with their .ability, andhelping them develop further theirability to serve the motherland. '

Maintaining the nationalization ofthe banks and foreign trade.

With regard to foreign trade, en-couraging and developing export,,limiting imports to equipment and

' products necessary to the national

37

economy. Protecting national prod-ucts from foreign competition.—Safeguarding the purchasing pow-er of the riel 1 and paying attentionto improving the public finance.Alongside the democratization and

the realization of the above-mentionedeconomic policies, FUNK pays atten-tion to the training of persons capableof correctly applying these objectives.The policy of FUNK concerning edu-cation and culture seeks to:

—Develop the good traditions of theAngkor civilization handed down tous till now. Build a national cultureon the basis of patriotism and lovefor the fruits of labor and love forart. Protect historical relics andmonuments.--Khmerize gradually the curriculafor the different stages of education,including higher education.—Adopt the national language asthe sole official language in the pub-lic services.—Adapt the educational programsand methods to the needs of thecountry.

Encourage and assist scientificresearch and experimentation andencourage the efforts of• those whowish to deepen their studies.—Promote research into our nation-al history which is often distortedby foreign authors, and include our

1 Thir ty- f ive riels make one dollar.(Ed. noté.)

38

national h istory i n t h eprograms.—Ensure c o n t i n u o u sthrough regular schoolpractical training. ,—Develop preschool education: nur-series, kindergartens and preschoolclasses.—Enstire free education and provide.scholarships for the needy childrenand youth.—Ensure and support an extensivepolitical, c iv ic and cultural educa-tion among the people and the youth.—Help every citizen realize his du-

ties to himself, to society and to thepeople. Ins t i l l actively the ideas o fpublic interest and love o f serviceto the community and o f makinghimself useful to the people. T h i spolitical, c iv ic and cultural educa-tion should be carried ou t a t a l llevels, in the ministries, public ser-vices and administrations, factories,shops, cooperatives, i n the capital,provinces, districts, villages and fam-ilies. D e v e l o p t h e ideas o f mo-rality, honor, national dignity, pa-triotism, mutual aid, usefulness o fcollective labor, the sense and noble-ness of rendering sacrifices fo r thepeople's cause, the spir i t o f work-ing conscientiously and practicingeconomy, and the respect for publicproperty.

education

educationterms o r

Foreign Policy

The foreign pol icy o f F U N K i sone o f national independence, peace,neutrality, nonalignment, solidarity andfriendship w i t h a l l peace-loving and

justice-loving peoples and governments.FT TNK maintains relations o f friend-ship and cooperation with all countriesaccording t o t h e f i v e principles o fpeaceful coexistence and the spir i t o fthe Charter of the United Nations i r -respective of their political system andideology. I t wi l l not participate in anymilitary alliance, nor does i t allow anyforeign country to set up military basesor station troops and military personnelon the territory of Cambodia fo r thepurpose o f aggression against othercountries. T h e F U N K does not acceptthe protection of any country or of anymilitary alliance. I n t h e c o m m o nstruggle against U S imperialism, theF U N K pursues a policy of friendship,militant solidarity and cooperation withLaos and Vie t Nam according to theprinciple that the liberation and thedefense of each country are the affairof her own people and that the threepeoples pledge to do their best to sup-

m m i z z e r a mamnumemon,w

Other means used by imperialism are the policy, carefully stimu-lated, of divide-and-rule, using for this the religious, cultural, racialand political ideology of the oppressed masses [ . . • ] .

First Tricontinental Conference, January 19661111.1111.111MMMIMI

port one another according to the desireof the interested country on the basisof mutual respect. I n addition, Cam-bodia is ready to make concerted ef-forts with Laos and Viet Nam to makeIndochina genuinely a zone o f inde-pendence, peace and progress, whereeach nation preserves its integral so-vereignty with the sympathy and sup-port of the peoples and governmentsof the socialist countries, nonalignedcountries and peace-loving and justice-loving countries in the world, includ-ing the American people.

FUNK expresses full support for thestruggle of the peoples of the worldfor peace, independence, democracy andsocial progress, against the aggressiveand warlike US imperialists, againstold and new colonialism in all its forms;it expresses full support for the struggleof the peoples of Asia, Africa and LatinAmerica for independence and freedom,the struggle of the Chinese people forthe recovery of Taiwan, an integralpart of the People's Republic of China,the struggle o f the Korean peopleagainst the US imperialist aggressorsand for the liberation of the southernpart of their country and the reunifica-tion of Korea, the struggle of the Arabpeople, the Palestinian people in par-ticular, for their fundamental nationalrights against the Israeli aggressors inthe pay o f the US imperialists, thestruggle of the American people againstthe war of aggression, against racialdiscrimination and for peace and theirgenuine interests, etc.

The Khmer people, under the leader-ship of FUNK, are prepared to make

all sacrifices to win final victory overthe US imperialists and their lackeys,the Lon Nol-Sirik Matak clique, forthe present struggle is decisive to thefreedom and dignity of our future gen-erations and is essential to the inde-pendence, freedom and progress of thepeoples of Indochina and the rest ofthe world.

In this spirit, F U N K pays warm,tribute to the political organizations,the various religious and cultural organ-izations, patriots and progressives whohave approved o r w i l l approve theFive-Point Declaration o f Samdech,Head of State, dated March 23, 1970,and who have joined or will join theorganizations of FUNK or remain out-side these organizations to fight againstthe aggression of the US imperialistsand their local flunkeys.

For its part FUNK strengthens andunfolds political activities with a viewto raising the patriotic level and thedetermination of the Khmer people inthe current struggle for national salva-tion. Our whole people will certainlyrise as one man to march gloriously to-ward final victory over the US aggres-sors and the Lon Nol-Sirik Matakclique in their pay.

FUNK wi l l certainly prove itselfworthy of the confidence and sympathy.of al l the Khmer patriots and theirforeign friends in the world.

Long live FUNK!Long live independent, peaceful, neu-

tral, democratic and prosperous Cam-bodia!

REBELLIONIN

CHAD

T H E burning political situation i nChad i s demonstrated b y t h e

growing strength of the forces o f theNational Liberation F r o n t o f Chad(FROLINA) which operate in variousregions of the country.

The news of the death of 12 Frenchsoldiers from the Sixth Overseas ArmyRegiment, 70 km to the west of Faya-Largeau, i n the Bet (regions of Bor-

Ennedi and Tibesti) in the north-

em zone of Chad, caused a strong reac-tion i n ' the French press and violentdebates in Parliament, where the oppo-sition deputies attacked the Pompidouand Chaban-Delmas regime fo r theirinterventionist policy in French Africa.

French Military Intervention

The f i r s t a r m e d intervention b yFrance in Chad was an operation of

42

aerial transport o f supplies betweenFort-Lamy and Faya-Largeau in 1968.

The President o f Chad, FrancoisTombalbaye, requested t h i s mi l i ta ryaid. from France on the basis o f anagreement between the French metrop-olis and her former Afr ican colonies,authorized by the French Parliamenton July 28, 1960 — that is, at the verymoment when they granted them inde-pendence.

The dispatch of new reinforcementsto Chad took place in Apr i l o f 1969,shortly after the visit of the Secretaryof State of •the Presidency o f Francefor A f r o -Malagasy Affa i rs, JacquesFoccart, which took place in March ofthat year. L a t e r , i n t h e month o fMay, m i l i t a r y materials were a lsosupplied to the former colony.

According to what Léo Hamon, Sec-retary o f State, stated b e f o r e t h eFrench Pr ime Minister i n rep ly t othe attacks o f opposition leaders, theFrench forces in Chad were composedof 1225 soldiers and .529 officers andsubofficers, o f whom 240 men were

• on an aerial base; and i n the S ix thOverseas Army Regiment stationed atFort-Lamy there were t w o ForeignLegion companies and t w o infantrycompanies (660 men i n total) whosetask i t was to fight the rebellion; and385 men .for a i r transport reinforce-ments and helicopters and 529 officersand subofficers in a mission of techni-cal assistance to the Chad forces.

Despite this aid, the Tombalbaye re-gime has not been able to smother therebel uprising which has intensified itsforces.

Tombalbaye, i n a gesture motivatedby his own initiative or "friendly sug-gestions" — one could n o t b e surewhich dec la red on August 11 :and I alone am the one that requestedthe French to come and restore order.Chad, actually, does not have the meansto carry out alone the double actionof pacification and administrative re-form necessary."

Who Fights in Chad?

The Chad regime considers i ts op-ponents t o b e bandits. F o r someFrench spokesmen,

. . . the war in Chad is not exactlybeing carried out by revolutionaries,but rather by rebels, but to prolongit runs the r isk that they may be-come revolutionaries, a n d Francefind itself then facing not national-ists who demand a government thatresponds to such aspirations with alittle independence, b u t rather amore r a d i c a l , m o r e intransigentmovement.

According to Dr. Abba Sidick, Sec-retary-General of F R O L I N A ,

. . . the policy practiced up to nowin Chad has been one of discrimina-tion w i th respect to what is calledthe North.The North forms a block of IslamicArabic civilization. T h e Tombal-baye regime rejects this reality andtries to place in doubt its moral andspiritual values. There exists a dis-crimination in educational material,with the South 75% schooled whilethe • figure i n the N o r t h scarcelyreaches 5 % ; a l l the administrative

43

and political posts are occupied bycitizens f r o m t h e South and t h eeconomic policy tends toward theexclusive development of the South.But we do not want any secession ;there Will be no new Biafra in Chad.

Thus Sidick maintains that,FROLINA i s n o t a polit ical

- party. I t is a political-military or -ganization which has a dual objec-t ive: to bring down, the present re-gime in Chad by Violence and im-mediately place i n i ts stead a pro-gressive, secular, people's regime.And although we do not, f o r themoment, have an exhaustive politicalprogram, w e are working towardthis.I f t h e rebel nucleus succeeds i n

consolidating itself as all latest eventsseem to indicate, i t can bring Francemore serious problems than violent at-tacks by the opposition in Parliament,which probably wil l not .be very agree-able after the experience of the "hot"month of May 1968, running the r iskthat the Tontbalbaye regime may betoppled from power in the face of theimpassibility — which i t itself has de-clared — of containing the FROL,INAforces alone.

An alternative i s tha t the Frenchsoldiers may be replaced b y "Nor thAmerican advisers."

One can never lose sight of the factthat what occurs in Chad is not com-pletely devoid of interest to neighbor-ing countries such as Sudan, Libya,Cameroon, Cent ra l -African Republicand even the Congo ( K ) , whose re-gime supplies effective a id t o To m -

44

balbaye i n h i s struggle against t herebels.

In this Nor th to which D r. AbbaSidick refers, the ethnic group knownas the Toubous is concentrated, extend-ing to the surroundings of Lake Chadand Coufra in Libya.

The Toubous, who give the impres-sion of being delicate because they arethin, nevertheless have great resistance.During the winter they can walk for upto three days without taking water andthey are accustomed to long marches.In a region where the heat reaches50°C, the Toubous are extraordinarilyagile, on the sand and on the rocksor climbing mountains. B u t the Tou-bou rebels operate n o t on ly i n B e tbut also in central and south Chad, inOyaddai, Biltine, Abou Beia, Guera ,Batha, Baher Salamat and some 70 kmfrom Fort-Lamy.The Presence of Kinshasa and Israel

in the Chad War

On February 2, 1968, the creationof the Union of Central African States(UCAS) was announced, formed b yCongo ( K ) , Chad and the Central-African Republic (CAR) , which with-drew on December 9 of the same year.

The creation of UCAS responds tothe policy o f U S penetration i n th isregion whose highest representative isMobutu, who, in his turn, has in Tom-balbaye a point f o r attack no t on lyagainst such African countries as CAR,Sudan, Libya, Niger and Nigeria, butalso against the rear guard of the Arabworld.

US influence over the Chad regimeis implicit in the declarations of Georges

Diguimbaye, Minister of Planning andCooperation, who, on his return fromWashington on July 2, 1968, stated:"Our relations wi th France are priv-ileged but we understand that countrycannot bear a l l the weight o f Chad'sdevelopment."

Given T ombalb ay e' s l oya l t y t oUCAS, Mobutu last year agreed t othe training b y Israeli instructors o f200 young Chad citizens as paratroopercommandos. T h i s group returned t oChad at the beginning of October 1969.

Congolese war equipment and sol-diers have participated i n operationsagainst t h e rebels a long w i t h t h eFrench and t h e Chad army. I t i sknown tha t t w o Congolese airplanesparticipated i n one o f the encountersand that in March of this year, duringan aerial attack against the rebels i nSalamat, they los t a helicopter andnumerous soldiers.

The C IA also intervenes in this warthrough the military and security treatythat exists between the Congo ( K ) andthe Republic o f Chad. Through thischannel, Tombalbaye has been "grant-ed" a Haitian adviser. T h e presenceof Israelis i n this war is justified bythe 'desires of Te l Av iv to weaken therear guard o f the Arab world. Some50 foreign military advisers have beenworking in Chad since 1969, and oneof them is the head of the Chad secur-ity forces.

Behind the support o f the Israelisand the Congo ( K ) a r e the No r thAmericans, w h o move the i r pawnswithin their strategy to supplant theformer European metropolises i n thisregion of Africa.

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If the peoples of the three continents f ight unswervingly againstimperialism, colonialism and neocolonialism, headed by North Amer-ican imperialism, they will be able to defeat any enemy, no matterhow powerful.

rs1 Tricontinental Conference., January 1966

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REPUBLIC OF CHAD

AREA: 1 284 000 km2.

GEOGRAPHY: Boundaries: Libya on the North, Sudan on the East, CentralAfrican Republic and Cameroon on the South and Southwest, Nigeria onthe West. Elevations of 1500 meters to the East and 3400 to the North

POPULATION: 3 500 000 inhabitants according to the 1967 census.Birthrate: 1.5%.6000 strangers (almost all French).3 inhabitants per km2.

PRINCIPAL CITIES: Fort-Lamy (capital) with 130 000 inhabitantsFort-Archambault w i t h 3 6 000Moundou w i t h 3 0 000 J 1Abéché w i t h 2 5 000 „90% of the population lives in the plains,forests and deserts.

ETHNIC AND RELIGIOUS POPULATION:a) Muslim Arabs, Peuls, Ouadaiens, Baguirmiens, Kanembous

and Toubous;b) Saras, Massas, 11/Ioundangs, Kotokos, Bondoumas, and Had jarais,

who are neither Muslim nor Catholic.50% Muslims, 45% Animists and 5% Catholics.

ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISION: 14 PREFECTURES

1) Chari-Baguirmi2) Mayo Kebbi3) Mayen-Chani4) Logone Occidental5) Logone Oriental6) Tandjilé7) Salamat

3>

8) Kenem9) Bat ha

10) Guera11) Ouaddai12) Biltine13) Borko-Ennedi-Tibesti14) Lac

POLITICAL PARTIES:There is only one party, the Progressive Party of Chad (PPT), and onecentral trade union, the National Union of Chad Workers (UNATRAT).

Pirate Attack Against the DRV

. T HE Executive Secretariat o f the Organization of So:idarity-•of the Peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America energetically

condemns the US Government whose air force has carried out, onNovember 21 and 22, savage bombings and strafings against thicklypopulated zones o f the Democratic Republic o f Viet Nam, causingmany deaths and casualties among the civilian population, as wellas launching rockets against different points o f the suburbs inHanoi, the capital..

These new actions o f war committed b y the Nixon Adminis-tration against the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam have disclosedNixon's bellicose and obstinate nature and the hypocritical charact ccof his so-called "f ive-point peace initiative" proposed on October 7,1970, which only aims at deceiving the progressive opinion of theNorth American people and the rest o f the peoples o f the werldin order to serve the schemes o f prolonging the war of aggressionagainst V i e t Nam and o f intensifying i t throughout the wholepeninsula o f Indochina.

OSPAAAL severely warns Nixon's government regarding t lwadventurous acts o f war aforementioned and .demands the cessationof all actions against the sovereignty and security of the DemocraticRepublic of. Viet Nam.

OSPAAAL . warmly greets the people and the army o f theDemocratic Republic o f Viet Nam ,who, with their high spirit ofvigilance and their great disposition to fight, have defeated tly,new adventurous actions of the Yankee aggressors; and at the sametime reaffirms its unalterable determination to remain always along-side the Vietnamese people in their anti-Yankee struggle and f o r

* nat ional salvation until f inal victory.

47

Guinea: The People Smash the InvasionTo H is ExcellencyAhmed Sékou TouréPresident of the Republic of Guinea

P O R T U G U E S E colonialism, wh ich has undergone s o manydefeats on the battlefields o f Guinea-Bissau, Angola and Mo-

zambique, has carried out an armed aggression against the fraternalpeople o f Guinea. T h e Portuguese mil i tary forces, supported bythe N AT O imperialists and their Afr ican lackeys, have committedthis new aggression wi th the aim of overthrowing the governmentyou head and implementing the plan o f recolonizing Afr ica. W ecomdemn these cowardly and criminal plans which have been care-fully prepared by the Portuguese colonialists and bands of Europeanand Afr ican mercenaries paid by international, imperialism in orderto ~ t h r o w the government you direct and the Democratic Partyof Guinea, ardent symbols o f A f r ican independence and liberty.The rapid and irrevocable decision o f the people, government andthe Democratic Party o f Guinea has confronted the invaders hero-ically and has foiled the schemes o f colonialism and imperialism.OSPAAAL expresses i t s unconditional solidarity and support tothe government you lead, t o the Democratic Party o f Guinea andto the fraternal Guinean people in their struggle fo r national sal-vation. The triumph o f the people's forces under your leadershipconstitutes an additional victory of the progressive world movementand o f the movements f o r national liberation.

Solidarity with Pakistan

I . N response t o the natural disaster suffered b y the people o fPakistan, in which hundreds o f thousands o f persons lost their

lives, the Executive Secretariat o f O S PA A A L sent a message toMiraj Khalid, Secretary-General o f the Pakistan Organization f o rAfro-Asian Peoples Solidarity, expressing i ts condolence i n thesemost d i ff icul t moments f o r the population o f the affected zones,and reiterating its profound feelings of sympathy and solidarity withthe people of Pakistan.

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. . . the struggle of the people o f Viet Nam is in itself a directsupport, and a powerful contribution — especially through the richexperiences accumulated — to the national liberation movementsof the peoples of the three continents [ . . . ] .

First Triconi-inental Conference, Jenne ry 1966

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At the V Congress o f the KoreanWorkers' PartyTo Comrade Kim II SungSecretary-General of the Central Committeeof the Workers' Party of Korea.

T H E Executive Secretariat of the Organization of Solidarityof the Peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America, on behalf

of the entire revolutionary and progressive 'peoples o f the threecontinents, extends the warmest congratulations to you, the greatleader of the revolution, on your having been reelected as Secretary-General of the Central Committee of the Workers' Party of Korea atthe historic Fifth Congress of your Party, which summed up the bril-liant fulfillment of the Seven-Year Plan set forth by the Fourth PartyCongress and has opened new vistas for the development of theKorean Revolution. Under your leadership, the 'Workers' Partyof Korea has inherited the brilliant revolutionary traditions of theglorious An t i -Japanese Armed Struggle, i n the past years ledthe Korean people to achieve national independence and freedom,successfully accomplished the anti-imperialist, antifeudal democraticrevolution in the northern half of the Republic, smashed the USimperialist aggressors in the three years of the severe FatherlandLiberation War and defended the revolutionary gains with credit.It put an end once and for all to a centuries-old backwardness andbuilt upon the debris after -the war a developed socialist powerwith an independent national economy. We are firmly convincedthat the Workers' Party of Korea, with Juche, its great revolution-ary -idea, wil l surely carry out successfully the magnificent tasksput forth a t i ts recent Fi f th Congress. O n this occasion, theExecutive Secretariat of OSPAAAL expresses once again its fullsupport to and militant solidarity with the Korean people in theirjust struggle to drive the US imperialists out of the southern halfof Korea and achieve the reunification of the country under yoursagacious leadership. We sincerely wish you a long life and successin your work, as well as in your anti-imperialist and anti-Yankeestruggle for the final victory of the Korean Revolution and theworld revol ution.

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