Religion Residencial

8/2/2019 Religion Residencial

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Housin g Stu dies, Vol. 13, No. 4, 52754 8, 1998

Religion and Residential Search Behaviour in the

Belfast Urban Area

JO HN McPEAK E

Northern Ireland Housing Executive, Belfast, Northern Ireland

[Paper rst received, mid-1996; in nal form, April 1997]

ABSTRACT This paper presents the results of an investigation of the residential searc

behaviour of owner occupier households in the Belfast Urban Area (BUA). The stud

area is segregated on the basis of religion . The patterns of religious residential segre

gation ca n be traced back alm ost 200 years, and recent eviden ce shows that segregation

continues to intensify. This suggests that the patterns are supported by contemporar

residential decision-m aking. Whilst residential mobility has been subject to intensiv

research effort, by comparison the investigation of residential search behaviour has beenneglected. The principal focus of this paper is to explore the similarities and difference

in behaviour of Catholic and non-Catholic searchers as a rst step in developing a bette

understanding of search in general and the role of religion in particular. The paper nd

that Catholic household search differs signicantly from that of other household

Interestin gly, Catholic household search in Belfast is found to be consistent wit

minority household search in segregated urban areas of the US .

Introduction

This research reported in this paper is part of a wider study concerned wit

developing a better understanding how residential decisions are made in

segregated urban housing market (McPeake, 1995). The study is set in the Belfas

Urban Area (BUA), an area recently described as one of the most highl

segregated in Europe, if not in the world (Keane, 1990). While perhaps a littl

overstated, Belfast undoubtedly experiences a high degree of segregation witthe principal division being by religion. Religious residential segregation i

Belfast is particularly entrenched and bound up with the wider issue of th


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528 John McPeake

Figure 1. Location map.

Residential mobility plays a key part in shaping the development of urba

areas (Waldorf, 1990). Correspondingly, a considerable research effort has bee

directed at understanding why, where, how far, and in what direction the

move (e.g. Cadwallader, 1992; Clark, 1986; Coupe & Morgan, 1981; Simmons

1968). It is clear that most households that relocate engage in some form o

search. Perhaps surprisingly, this is an aspect of residential decision-making tha

remains comparatively under-researched. This paper aims to make a contribu

tion in this eld of study. The main concern is the manner in which household

organise and engage in search against the background of a segregated housin

market.

Research Context

The Belfast Urban Area

Belfast, the principal city of Northern Ireland, has a population of some 280 00people, although development has extended beyond the city boundaries formin

the larger Belfast Urban Area essentially the statutorily dened area within th


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Residential Search Behaviour in Belfast 52

unity with the Irish Republic and the unionists, comprising mainly the Prote

stant descendants of the plantation settlers, who wish to maintain the politica

separation of Northern Ireland from the Irish Republic (Boal et al., 1976, p. 80

The chief political issue that underlies the Troubles is the nature and purpos

of the state itself. Simply put, the legitimacy of the current political anconstitutional arrangements is supported by the unionist majority and disputed

by the nationalist minority. Seen in this context, the conict is not about religio

per se. Indeed, Belfrage (1988, p. 406) writes that religion is best regarded as

badge of identication to describe two traditions, two perspectives on the past

two views of cultural superiority In short, Northern Ireland is a divide

community in which it has become convenient to use religious afliation as

label to describe two distinct ethnic groups, but these divisions that are marked

by religion run very much deeper. One of the most obvious division s occurs ithe housing market.

Religious Residential Segregation in B elfast

There is a long history of religious segregation in B elfast, dating back at least 20

years (Boal, 1994). A number of scholars have pointed to the relationshi

betw een inter-comm unity conict and intensied segregation in the city (Smit

& Chambers, 1991). The origins of the contemporary Troubles in Norther

Ireland are related to the re-emergence of civil un rest in the late 1960s. In Augus

1969 inter-community violence was widespread in Belfast, so much so that b

September of that year the so called Peace Lines had been erected to keep th

two communities apart. Some of these peace lines exceed 6m in height and th

longest is over 1 km in length. The Northern Ireland Housing Executive, th

bod y re sponsible for public sector housing in Northern Irelan d, now recog nise

the existence of 15 such peace lines in Belfast.

Throughout the past 30 years segregated space in Belfast has been puried

and consolidated such that the ethnic boundaries have become more clearldened. Keane (1990) showed that during the 1970s segregation increased in a

tenures and the most recent Census conrms that segregation further intensied

during the 1980s. By 1991, of the 117 wards that make up the BUA, the Censu

showed that 62 were more than 90 per cent one religion or the other. Clearly, a

far as housing is concerned, Belfast is justiably described as a divided city

Parallels with Racial Segregation

The starting point for the study w as the ob servation that the patterns of religiou

residential segregation in Belfast have much in common with the patterns o


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530 John McPeake

ment of the city and aspects of current residential patterns can be traced bac

almost 200 years. Second, racial and ethnic minorities in Britain account for jus

5 per cent of the population and even in urban settings the minority population

rarely exceeds 10 per cent. In contrast, in the US as whole, the black population

represents 12 per cent, and in urban areas it typically exceeds 25 per cen(Goering, 1993). In Belfast, Catholics make up 42 per cent of the population

(DHSS, 1992). Although Smith (1989) notes that Neither the size nor th

concentration of the black population in Britain has allowed ghettoisation t

develop on a scale or intensity comparable to that in the U SA, this canno

be said for Belfast where more than half of the population live in wards tha

comprise 90 per cent or more single religion groups.

The basic proposition that underpins the research presented in this paper i

that as the patterns of residential segregation are similar, the process of decisionmaking may also be similar. In particular, the paper seeks to test the hypothesi

that Catholic search behaviour in the BUA is consistent with black househol

search behaviour in urban areas of the US.

Literature

Residential search is essentially about nding the right kind of dwelling, at th

right price, within an acceptable location and timeframe (Knox, 1995). Over th

past 15 years, the literature on residential search has grown spasmodically bu

three issues are commonly addressed: the amount of search effort expended b

searchers, information acquisition and use during search, and spatial searc

activity. A theme that frequently links these studies is the extent to which th

various dimensions of search vary according to the socio-economic and demo

graphic characteristics of searchers on the one hand and the nature of th

dwellings that they search or purchase on the other. Unfortunately, most of th

major empirical investigations of residential search have ignored race an

ethnicity as potential explanatory factors leading one recent commentator to notthat there is almost no empirical evidence with which to compare th

search characteristics of minority and white home seekers (Newburger, 1995

p. 446).

Search Effort

There is no common denition of search effort. However, most studies tend t

report the duration of search, the number of dwellings inspected and thnumber of areas searched (Barrett, 1976; Clark & Smith, 1982; Hemple, 1970

Michelson 1977) The literature on search tends to suggest that household


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of the households. For example, he reports that households that moved t

houses took much longer to look for their new accommodation than thos

choosing apartments. Similarly, the longest active search period was associated

with households moving to detached houses, irrespective of the form of thei

previous accomm odation. Similar ndings are reported by Maclennan (1992One of the richest sources of information on racial differences in searc

behaviour is the US Govern ments Hous ing Allow an ce Dem and Experimen

(Kennedy, 1980). Using this data, Cronin (1982) reports that minorities search fo

longer but examine fewer dwellings than non-minorities. In a more rigorou

analysis of the same data, Vidal (1980, 1982) conrms the nding in terms o

search duration, but he shows that the difference in the number of inspecte

dwellings was not signicant. Lakes (1981) investigation of owner occupie

search in New Jersey, US con

rms these

ndings. Lake recognised that raciadifferences in search effort might be explained by socio-economic, demographi

and other differences between the two groups. However, after controlling for

host of background variables, he found that race continued to exert an indepen

dent effect on search effort, with blacks spending half as long again thinkin

about moving and 24 per cent longer in active search than whites, all othe

things being equal. In contrast, when background factors were taken int

account, the differences in the number of dwellings considered disappeared

More recently, Newburger (1995) produced results that are broadly consisten

with Lakes study: blacks were found to search for longer than whites an

examine fewer vacancies than whites. As with Lakes (1981) study, her analysi

conrms that race exerted an independent effect on search behaviour.

Information Acquisition and Search

Most studies acknowledge that the housing market is a complex market i

which information plays an important role (Smith & Mertz, 1980). Household

are faced with imperfect information on housing opportunities and mustherefore, search for information upon which to base their choices. From th

outset, studies of residential search have noted that search is essentially abou

the collection of information and its use in order to reduce uncertainties (Silk

1971).

There are a wide number of information channels potentially available t

searchers, each with its own characteristics in terms of accuracy, timing, cos

and spatial coverage. A succession of empirical studies suggest that the mos

important channels are newspaper advertisements, estate agents, personal contacts and personal observation of For Sale signs usually by driving around

although the relative signicance of each varies from study to study (Barret


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532 John McPeake

estate brokers, newspapers, and driving or walking around. Zonn also report

that black households used more information than whites, a nding late

supported by Vidal (1982). In contrast, Lake (1981) reports that the mos

surprising result of his analysis is that startlingly little differences are discern

ible in either the information sources used or found helpful by black and w hithome buyers (p. 145), although nothing is said about the volume of infor

mation use. His data indicate, however, that minorities rely more heavily tha

whites on informal sources. In common with Zonn, information from estat

agents was also more important to blacks than whites. More recently, Farle

(1996) demonstrated that whilst black searchers appear to rely more on informa

sources and less on agents than is the case with white searchers, relatively few

differences remain when the socio-economic characteristics of the searchers ar

taken into account.Another important aspect of racial and ethnic differences in information i

search is the extent to which particular sources have differential impacts o

search outcomes. As personal contacts often share a searchers attitudes an

circumstances the range of choice generated by such contacts may be relatively

narrow. Thus, if the searcher is from a minority community that is highl

segregated, as is the case with C atholics in B elfast and blacks in typical US cities

then subsequent search may well be spatially restricted. More overt discrimi

nation has been reported in the form of racial steering by estate agents. Palm

(1976) points out that households that rely on estate agents are making use o

a highly structured and spatially limited information source (p. 28). Mor

recent research in North America indicates that racial steering by agents contin

ues to be a common feature of urban housing markets (Teixeira, 1995; Turner &

Mikelsons, 1992). Steering may occur by controlling the information provided t

searchers. Such claims have been widely investigated using an audit methodol

ogy in which households, differentiated only on the basis of race, approach th

same agents and appear to receive different treatment (Farley, 1996). In othe

words, on the basis of the phenotypical characteristics of the potential buyeragents are presumed to inuence the corresponding search (and subsequen

mobility) by steering households to certain areas or away from others. Whils

interesting, it is difcult to see how such an approach could operate in Belfas

as, in contrast to folklore, no phenotypical signs of searcher religion exist.

Spatial Aspects of Search

Economists have long recognised that dwellings are distinguished from manother commodities by their durability, heterogeneity, and spatial xity (Rothen

berg et al 1991) In combination these features mean that search is an inevitabl


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is spatial mobility within reassuring connes (p. 131). Spatial search behaviou

is known to vary with certain characteristics of the searcher. For example

Maclennan (1992) show s that 57 per cent of young, low-income, rst-time buyer

searched in just one area, compared to 44 per cent of his overall sample. I

contrast, high income households searched over a much wider range of areamirroring the effect with search duration.

As with the other aspects of search behaviour, relatively little information i

available on racial and ethnic differences in spatial aspects of search behaviour

although the evidence that is available is unequivocal: minority household

engage in more restricted spatial search than white households. Using simpl

descriptive measures, Cronin (1982) shows that when compared to non-minorit

households minority households search fewer neighbourhoods and that thei

search is more restricted geographically. Moreover, Cronins results reveal thaminority households search and move to n eighbourhoods that are d ifferent from

those selected by non-minority households. In this regard, he writes that

minority households will, ceteris paribus, be less likely to search in general, an

will be more likely to search in neighbourhoods with higher proportions o

minority households than they otherwise would (p. 81).

One possible explanation for the longevity of racial residential segregation i

that segregated households may concentrate their search in their area of origin

It has b een w idely reported in the literature on residential m obility that intra-ur

ban mobility ten ds to occur over sh ort distances. In such circums tan ces, it i

possible that households may not search outside the connes of their ow

neighbourhoods, or their search may be spatially constrained in other way

Vidals (1982) analysis shows that whilst blacks and whites searched an

relocated over similar distances, both black and white households restricte

their search in ways that tended to reinforce a racially concentrated pattern o

housing (p. 63). W hite households concentrated their search in white neigh

bourh oods; 87 per cen t of neig hbourhood s searche d by whites had less than 1

per cent minority population. Similarly, black households concentrated theisearch in black neighbourhoods; almost two-thirds of neighbourhoods searche

by minority households were black or racially mixed. Vidals results, thus

suggest that segregated outcomes in part reect segregated search patterns.

Method

A Conceptual Model of Search Behaviour

The basic proposition that underpins this study is that Catholic househol

search behaviour in the BUA will be consistent with black household searc


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534 John McPeake

Figure 2. A conceptual model of search behaviour.

on residential search, many more factors are considered as inuences on beha

viour (Baker & Wilkie, 1992; Beatty & Smith, 1987; Srinivasan, 1990; Srinivasa

& Ratchford, 1991; Urbany et al., 1989). Beatty & Smiths (1987) paper i

particularly relevant. They list seven categories of variables that impact o

search b ehaviour: market environment, situational variables, potential payof

knowledge and experience, individual differences, conict and conict resoution, and cost of search (Figure 2). In this context, religion is just one of severa

variables that describe differences in households. The important point is tha

religion is not seen or treated on its own. Indeed, the model and the associated

variables represent one of the most comprehensive conceptions of residentia

search behaviour. Thus, whilst the primary focus is on determining the indepen

dent effect of religion on search, the results h ave more w idespread and genera

application within the general domain of search behaviour.

Research Design


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Table 1. A pro le of buyers and their housing

Religion Religion

Buyer RC Oth er Total Dwellin g RC Other Tota

Characteristics % % % Characteristics % % %

Age H oH Dwellin g type

, 5 24 17.7 8.6 11.6 Terraced 36.9 33.5 34.6

25 2 34 50.8 44.6 46.6 Semi-detached 33.8 33.7 33.8

35 2 44 16.8 25.2 22.5 Detached 18.2 21.3 20.3

45 1 14.6 21.6 19.4 Oth er 11.1 11.4 11.3

c2 5 17.27 p , 0.001 c2 5 1.01 p 5 0.998Family size Dwellin g size

One 23.9 20.0 21.3 , 85 sq metres 35.7 32.7 33.7

Two 24.5 26.9 26.1 8595 sq metres 29.8 36.8 34.5Three 18.4 19.5 19.1 . 95 sq metres 34.5 30.5 31.8

Four 18.3 22.9 21.4

Five 1 14.8 10.8 12.1

c2 5 4.14 p 5 0.387 c2 5 2.79 p 5 0.248Buyer status Purchased new

First time 58.8 46.3 50.4 No 82.7 68.5 73.1

Previous owner 41.2 53.7 49.6 Yes 17.3 31.5 26.9

c2 5 7.80 p 5 0.005 c2 5 12.93 p , 0.001Economic status Location

Employed 90.2 84.8 86.5 Inner city 13.5 8.6 10.2Unemployed 4.6 4.2 4.3 Middle city 65.1 42.6 49.9

Inactive 5.1 11.0 9.1 Outer city 21.4 48.8 39.9

c2 5 5.29 p 5 0.071 c2 5 39.39 p , 0.001Annual family in come Dwellin g price

, 15k 32.6 36.2 55.0 , 31 501 40.8 46.1 44.3

15 2 25k 40.7 36.8 38.0 31 50144 000 24.6 24.6 24.6

. 25k 26.7 27.1 27.0 . 44 000 34.7 29.4 31.1

c2 5 0.97 p 5 0.617 c2 5 1.93 p 5 0.382BASE 186 385 571 186 385 571

Source: Authors survey.

than one person, certain information on preferences, aspirations and searc

strategy were compiled separately for individual partners. This was done t

allow the construction of indicators of conict and conict resolution within th

household in line with the conceptual model outlined above.

Subjects and their Housing


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536 John McPeake

Results

Most studies of residential search behaviour have approached the problem o

how the nature of search varies within the population through simple bivariat

analysis. Indicators of search are analysed in conjunction with factors such aage and income. Whilst informative, such an approach is largely descriptive i

nature. In order to isolate the independent effect of any particular factor it i

necessary to employ multivariate techniques. In the following paragraph

search behaviour is analysed rst within a simple bivariate basis, thus enablin

comparisons with earlier studies of residential search. However, in recognition

of the limitations of this approach, a series of regression models are constructed

in which the effects of a whole of set of independent variables, includin

household religion, may be assessed.

Bivariate Analysis of Search Behaviour

Search effort. As n oted above, s earch duration, the number of dw ellings inspecte

and the number of areas searched are the common measures of search effort. I

this study, the number of information channels used is also treated as a

indicator of effort. Search duration was measured as the number of week

betw een the time that the household decid ed to move ho me to the time at whic

their offer on the house that they eventually purchased was accepted. This i

interpreted as the period of active search. The number of dwellings inspected

was dened as those dwellings visited in person and viewed internally an

externally. Dwellings identied and rejected without personal visits w ere ex

cluded. The number of areas searched refers to the number of communit

districts in which dwellings were inspected (NIHE, 1993). Information channe

use was measured as a simple count of the number of sources employed at an

stage during active search. In overall terms, recent home buyers in the BUA

searched for an average of just under 22 weeks, examined around nine dwellingtypically in one or two areas, and in the course of search they used severa

different information channels (Table 2).

With a large sample even modest differences can be statistically signican

However, as Table 2 shows, there are large differences between Catholics an

non-Catholics in terms of search effort. Generally, Catholic buyers searched fo

much longer than non-Catholic buyers (p , 0.001). For example, 30 per cent o

Catholic households searched for less than three months (012 weeks) compared

to 43 per cent of non-Catholic buyers. Similarly, C atholic h ouseholds searched ia smaller number of areas than non-Catholics, a nding that was again highl

signicant (p , 0 001) Th us three quarters of Catholics searched in just one are


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Table 2. Search effort and searcher religion

Religion

Measure of search RC Oth er Total

effort % % %

Search duration (wks)

0 2 4 15.0 20.4 18.6

5 2 12 14.7 22.7 20.1

13 2 26 39.1 40.7 40.2

27 2 52 22.3 12.5 15.7

. 52 8.8 3.8 5.4

c2 5 19.42 p , 0.001Mean 25.3 19.9 21.7

t 5 2 2.36 p 5 0.01

No. dwellings viewed

1 20.0 29.4 26.3

2 13.4 18.3 16.7

3 2 5 15.8 20.6 19.0

6 2 10 17.9 12.5 14.2

11 2 20 16.0 11.3 12.8

. 20 17.0 8.0 11.0

c2 5 21.50 p , 0.001Mean 11.7 6.9 8.5

t 5 2 4.34 p , 0.001No. areas searched

1 74.6 54.3 60.9

2 13.5 29.5 24.3

3 9.6 9.9 9.8

4 2.2 3.6 3.1

5 1 2 2.7 1.8

c2 5 27.49 p , 0.001Mean 1.39 1.73 1.62

t 5 2 4.32 p , 0.001

No. channels used1 13.6 17.2 16.0

2 7.7 19.0 15.3

3 16.0 22.4 20.4

4 19.1 13.8 15.5

5 11.1 12.7 12.2

6 14.6 7.7 9.9

7 1 17.9 7.2 10.7

c2 5 35.99 p , 0.001Mean 4.30 3.41 3.71

t 5 2 4.84 p , 0.001


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538 John McPeake

Table 3. Information use and searcher religion

Religion

RC Oth er Total

Channel % % %

Newspaper adverts 46.3 28.6 34.4

c2 5 17.33 p , 0.001Property magazin es 73.4 63.0 66.4

c2 5 6.05 p 5 0.014Estate agent 80.6 74.0 76.2

c2 5 2.97 p 5 0.084Personal contacts 67.8 49.8 55.7

c2 5 16.49 p , 0.001Driving around 58.1 46.5 50.3

c2 5 6.70 p 5 0.010Oth er journeys 35.1 28.9 30.9

c2 5 2.19 p 5 0.139Oth er channels 36.2 39.6 30.9

c2 5 0.62 p 5 0.431Any market source 91.6 91.2 91.4

c2 5 0.02 p 5 0.879Any non-market 87.7 75.4 79.4

source c2 5 11.60 p , 0.001

Base 186 385 571

Soorce: Authors survey.

journ eys (31 per cent), su ch as journ ey to work , leisu re trips, and stopping of

whilst making a specic trip to view a dwelling.

Large differences in information use were found between Catholic and non

Catholic searchers. In ve of the seven main channels, Catholic use signicantlexceeded non-Catholic use (Table 3). For both groups, the most commonly use

source of information was estate agents. Although more Catholics (81 per cent

than non-Catholics (74 per cent) used this channel, the difference was no

statistically signicant. The difference was signicant, however, in terms of th

use of property magazines and newspaper advertisements. Similarly, in terms o

non-market sources, Catholic use generally exceeded non-Catholic use, wit

signicant differences recorded in respect of personal contacts ( 1 18 per cent

and driving around (1

11 per cent).A different perspective on information use can be obtained by focusing on th

channels that lead to eventual purchase Although estate agents were the mos


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Table 4. Information use and effectiveness by religion

Channel leading to

Channels used purchase Channel effectiveness

RC Non-RC All RC Non-RC All RC N on-RC AllChannel % % % % % % % % %

Newspaper adverts 46.3 28.6 34.4 12.6 9.0 10.2 26.7 31.8 29.6

Property magazines 73.4 63.0 66.4 15.8 22.0 20.0 21.7 35.1 30.0

Estate agent 80.6 74.0 76.2 22.4 36.3 31.8 28.0 49.1 41.8

Personal contacts 67.8 49.8 55.7 20.0 10.9 13.8 29.4 21.9 24.8

Drivin g around 58.1 46.5 50.3 20.9 14.8 16.8 36.1 31.8 33.4

Other journeys 35.1 28.9 30.9 4.4 3.6 3.9 12.3 12.6 12.5

Other sources 36.2 39.6 38.5 3.9 3.4 3.6 10.4 8.6 9.1

Base 186 385 571 186 385 571 1 86 385 571

Note: Effectiveness is calculated as percentage of searchers using a channel that found their new hom

via that channel.

Source: Authors survey.

Catholics the informal sources were more effective. Thus, almost half of non

Catholics using estate agents, found their new homes through this source

compared to just 28 per cent of Catholics. In contrast, 29 per cent of Catholic

who used their personal contacts found their home in this way compared to 2

per cent of non-Catholics (Table 4).

In some respects the data on channel effectiveness are the reection o

individual household search strategy. As noted earlier, there is some empirica

evidence that indicates that different channels are used in different stages o

search. Differences in channel selection and effectiveness may thus reec

differences in channel sequencing. Figure 3 shows that the pattern of infor

mation use is broadly similar for both Catholics and non-Catholics, althougthere are some interesting differences. Both groups tend to make signicant us

of real estate agents and property magazines early in their search, but usag

levels tail-off as search progresses. However, reduction in use begins later an

is not as dramatic for Catholics as for non-Catholics. Newspapers are als

frequently used in the initial stages of search, and especially by Catholi

households. Driving around tended to increase to the mid-point in the infor

mation sequence, and reduce thereafter. On the other hand, more specic trip

tended to become important from the mid-point onwards. It was quite commonfor survey respondents to indicate that they had identied a further viewin

opportunity whilst driving to inspect a particular dwelling Personal contact


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540 John McPeake


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by at least on e of the 571 survey respon dents. By relating the nu mb er of Catho li

searchers per ward to the total number of searches per ward, an index o

Catholic spatial search concentration was constructed. This ranged from 0

where no Catholic households searched, to 100, where all of the searchers in th

ward were Catholics. Overall, in some 41 per cent of wards Catholic householdmade less than 10 per cent of all inspections. Around one-fth of BUA ward

had between 10 per cent and 29 per cent of inspections made by Catholics and

just over one in ten had between 30 per cent and 49 per cent of inspections from

the Catholic community. In 28 of the 117 BUA wards (24 per cent) the majority

of searchers were Catholics. This is interesting because Catholic household

constituted a majority in just 18 wards in the BUA as a whole. At the opposit

end of the scale, almost one-tenth of BUA wards were searched almost exclu

sively by Catholic households. This latter category includes seven wards wherthe Catholic population exceeds 90 per cent.

Figure 4 shows that the pattern of spatial search (B) corresponds quite closely

to the und erlying distribution of the population by religion (A). T he C atholi

population is concentrated into the w estern sector of the city, with tranches o

mixed religion wards extending outwards from this sector, particularly toward

the north and south. Catholics are virtually absent from the east of the city

although there are Catholic enclaves towards the south-east. Similarly, in term

of search behaviour, it is clear that Catholic search is concentrated in the north

and west of the city, and relatively little Catholic search activity is recorded in

the east of the BUA. However, it appears that Catholic households searched i

greater than expected numbers in three main areas: (1) the south-east of th

urban area, where there is signicant new private sector construction; (2) nort

Belfast, an area recognised as quite well mixed; (3) in the suburban wards to th

south of the BUA. The presence of Catholic search in such areas is, as yet, no

matched by relocation activity in any signicant numbers, but these may b

areas for subsequent Catholic expansion, and, if this were to occur, it holds ou

the prospect of a possible reduction in segregation levels. Whilst the patterndisplayed in the two maps are similar, the differences noted above suggest tha

factors other than religion are important in understanding spatial search behav

iour in the BUA. This is an area that requires further investigation.

Multivariate Analysis of Search Behaviour

The preceding analysis provides a wealth of information of the general charac

teristics of search behaviour and it suggests that there are clear differencebetw een Catholic and non -C atholic househ old s. How ev er, in order to ex plor

these differences more fully it is necessary to control for a range of possibl


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542 John McPeake


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Table 5. Variables employed in regression analysis of search effort

Category Variables Description

Dependent DURATION D uration of active search in weeks (ln).

variables VIEWED N umber of dwellings inspected inside & outside (ln).AR EAS N umb er of com mun ity dis tr icts in which h ou sehold

searched (ln).

N CH AN S N umb er of in for mation chann els us ed in sear ch.

Market SETSIZE No. of sales within searchers price range (ln). Range

environment from survey question. Numbers calculated from

DoE register of sales.

COMPETE(01) Set to 1 where searcher found properties sold before

could view or revisit. Taken as indication of lively

market conditions.

Situational factors DWGNEW (01) Set to 1 if the dwelling was newly constructed.DWGSIZE Dwelling oor space in square metres (ln).

D WG PR IC E D welling pu rchase p rice in (ln).

D WG LO C D welling location (2 d umm y var iables for inn er city

and middle citysuburban areas act as reference

category).

D WG TY PE D welling ty pe (3 du mmy v ar iab les w ith detached as

reference category).

ECONMOVE (01) Set to 1 if searcher moved home because of job-

related reasons.

S EGW ARD S et to 1 if p revious add ress 90 per cen t or m or e

Catholic or non-Catholic.SAFETY (01) Set to 1 if searcher felt unsafe or discriminated

against in search area.

Pot enti al payoff SATISFY (01) Set to 1 if search er in di cate d that h ouseh ol d w as

very satised with new home.

SALEASK Purc hase pr ice as per ce ntage of ini ti al askin g pri ce .

Taken as an indication of bargaining outcome.

Knowledge & FTB (01) Set to 1 if searcher was a rst-time buyer.

experience RM OVE (0 1) S et to 1 if s ear ch er mov ed fr om pr eviou s home les s

than 30 months. Indicator of reasonably up-to-date

market knowledge.UNCERT (01) Set to 1 if searcher indicated uncertainty over what

wanted from search (i.e. no clear idea of what

wanted at outset of search).

Individual HOHAGE Age of H ead of Household (H oH) in years (ln).

differences HOH ED UC N umb er of years H oH sp ent in full time education

(ln).

FSIZE Family size (ln).

PCHILD (01) Set to 1 where primary school-aged children present

in family.

RC_HHLD (01) Set to 1 if household is Roman Catholic. All other

households set to 0 (60 per cent Protestant, 5 per

cent mixed religion, 2 per cent other).


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544 John McPeake

Table 6. Standardised regression (Beta) coefcients for each of the four measure

of search

Category

variables Independent DURATION VIEW ED AREAS NCHANS

M arket SETSIZE 0.081 * 0.057 0.049 0.016

environment COMPETE 0.043 0.226 *** 0.114 ** 0.162 ***

Situation al DWGNEW 2 0.043 2 0.011 0.021 0.011

factors DWGSIZE 0.007 2 0.170 ** 2 0.056 2 0.177 **

DWGPRICE 0.197 *** 0.036 2 0.012 0.050

SAFETY 0.107 *** 0.078 * 0.299 *** 0.120 **

ECONM OVE 0.049 0.080 * 2 0.014 0.020

DWGTYPE

TERRACE 0.114 2 0.010 2 0.054 2 0.113SEMI 0.053 0.050 0.128 2 0.029

FLAT 2 0.056 2 0.089 2 0.115 * 2 0.184 **

DWGLOC

INNER 0.077 * 0.087 * 2 0.049 0.024

MIDDLE 0.062 0.056 2 0.199 *** 2 0.003

SEGW ARD 0.066 * 2 0.047 0.028 2 0.036

Potential SATISFY 0.128 *** 0.165 *** 0.021 0.118 **

payoff SALEASK 2 0.212 *** 2 0.146 *** 2 0.088 * 2 0.099 *

Knowledge & FTB 0.037 0.019 0.008 0.054experience RMOVE 2 0.046 2 0.089 * 2 0.087 * 2 0.047

UNCERT 0.176 *** 2 0.001 2 0.016 2 0.029

Individual HOH AGE 0.038 2 0.081 2 0.129 ** 2 0.020

differences HOH EDUC 0.047 0.049 0.016 0.068

FSIZE 2 0.141 ** 0.170 ** 0.174 ** 0.223 **

PCHILD 0.070 2 0.148 ** 2 0.208 *** 2 0.165 **

RC_HHLD 0.082 * 0.072 2 0.185 *** 0.148 **

Conict & CMIND 2 0.087 * 0.175 *** 0.171 *** 0.151 ***

co nict DWELPROB 0.099 ** 0.255 *** 0.105 ** 0.077

resolution CON FLICT 0.212 *** 2 0.151*** 2 0.086 * 0.030

Costs of LACKTIM E 2 0.364 ** 2 0.015 2 0.114 ** 2 0.008

search LACKCASH 2 0.022 2 0.200 *** 2 0.032 2 0.036

Intercept (B) 0.956 3.487 *** 1.012 ** 11.794 **

R2

0.53 0.39 0.38 0.24

Adjusted R2 0.51 0.36 0.35 0.20

n 571 571 571 571

Note: Signicance levels: * p , 0.05 ** p , 0.01 *** p , 0.001.


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outcome (SALEASK), uncertainty over search (UNCERT), and family siz

(FSIZE). Each of these have beta coefcients in excess of 0.1. Importantly

household religion (RC_HHLD ) continues to exert an independent effect o

search duration, with Catholic households searching for longer than othe

households, all other things being equal. Unlike in the bivariate analysis reported above, the religion effect on the number of dwellings inspected disap

pears when other factors are considered. Overall, 14 variables are signicant. I

particular, difculties in deciding which dwelling to buy (DWELPROB), compe

tition with other searchers (COMPETE), changing ones mind during searc

(CMIND) and family size (FSIZE) all exert strong and positive impacts on th

number of dwellings inspected. In contrast, nancial problems (LACKCASH

serve to curtail this aspect of search activity. As expected, religion is a

important in

uence on spatial search activity. It is one of the 15 signi

canvariables in the model. It seems that in addition to being Catholic (RC_HHLD

having primary school-aged children in the family (PCHILD), searching fo

dwellings in the middle city (MIDDLE), age of head of household (AGEHOH

time constraints (LACKTIME) and searching for a at (FLAT) all serve t

substantially restrict spatial search activity. Finally, in terms of the number o

information channels used, household religion again remains a signicant facto

when all other inuences are included. Catholic households do use mor

information than their non-Catholic counterparts.

Summary and Conclusions

This paper began by suggesting that Catholic search in the Belfast Urban Are

would be similar to black household search in segregated settings in the US

Using survey data from 571 households that recently purchased an owne

occupied dwelling in the BUA, residential search behaviour was examined i

terms of effort, information use and spatial search activity.

Bivariate analysis on the basis of religion indicated that, when compared tnon-Catholics, Catholic households were found to search for longer, use mor

information, but concentrate their search in fewer areas. These differences wer

consistent with the US literature on racial differences in search behaviour

However, the bivariate analysis indicated that C atholic households examine

more dwellings than their non-Catholic counterparts, a nding that was out o

line with the US evidence.

Whilst interesting, bivariate analysis is limited in that the observed difference

on the basis of religion may re

ect the effects of other, unobserved variables. Tcompensate for this deciency, a series of regression models of search behaviou

was constructed The rationale behind this is that by controlling for a range o


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546 John McPeake

Important differences were also found in the sequencing of channel use. Take

together, these results strongly support the initial proposition that Catholi

search behaviour in Belfast mirrors black household search in segregated set

tings in the US.

Aside from religion, a variety of other inuences on search behaviour werconsidered. With the exception of religion, the most important tended not to b

related to the characteristics of household itself or the attributes of the dwellin

purchased. This is interesting in that most previous studies of residential searc

behaviour have largely focused on such factors , implying that many of the mor

inuential factors may have been missed. In particular, measures of conict an

conict resolution, potential payoff, and market environment seem to mer

further work. The approach of collecting data separately from individuals withi

the household is also an area where more research is required.

Acknowledgements

The author would like to thank two anonymous referees for their constructiv

comments. The views expressed in the paper are those of the author and are no

necessarily those of his employer, the Northern Ireland Housing Executive.

CorrespondenceJohn McPe ake, Assistan t Director Development Division, Northern Irelan

Housing Executive, The Housing centre, 2 Adelaide Street, Belfast BT2 8PB. Te

144 (0) 1232 318412 Fax: 144 (0) 1232 318391. Email: [email protected]

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