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DECCAN

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Südindische Malerei des 17. und

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South Indian Painting of the 17th and 18th Century

INTRODUCTIO

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DECCANSouth Indian Painting of the 17th and 18th CenturyAlong with the Mughal Empire and Rajasthan, the Deccan is one of India’s great independent art regions. Its painting is particularly famous, whether book illumination, single folios, or ragamala series.

Until the complete subjugation of southern India by the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb at the end of the seventeenth century, five dynasties ( including those of Bijapur and Golconda )—direct heirs of the Bahmani Sultanate ( 1347–1527 )—determined the destiny of the Deccan Plateau. After their victory over the neigh-boring kingdom of Vijayanagara in the Battle of Talikota in 1565, there came a “Golden Age” that lasted about 120 years. The inte-gration of the Deccan into the Mughal Empire from 1687 to 1724 was only a brief phase, during which painting continued to flourish. In 1724, the administrative province of Deccan split off from the Mughal Empire and was absorbed into the principality of Hydera-bad, which was to remain in existence until the middle of the twentieth century.

For centuries, the Deccan—or large parts of it—was under the rule of Muslim princes. The urban culture was also Mus-lim, while the rural population was predominantly Hindu. Never-theless, religious separatism did not prevail, quite the opposite in fact: the population itself was strongly mixed, and a lively back and forth was the general rule, with immigrants arriving from other regions of India, the Middle East and East Africa. Thus, the Deccan was already “global,” if you will, when that term did not even exist.

This diversity is echoed in its painting. The result is an art that is as fascinating as it is stylistically inconsistent, a trait which does not always make it easy for researchers.

The Museum Rietberg’s collection comprises around sixty works, many of which are presented to the public here for the first time. The exhibition traces the history of Deccani painting from 1600 to 1800 in three “chapters” or rooms:

Room 1 is dedicated to the seventeenth century with the centers of Bijapur, Golconda and North Deccan, and the Mughal transition period.

Room 2 covers the eighteenth century with painting from Aurang-abad and its environs as well as the principality of Hyderabad and its capital, followed by a look at painting in the South Deccan ( Wanaparthy and Mysore ).

Room 3 is entirely dedicated to the Deccani ragamala series. A concentrated analysis of two ragamala scenes concludes the exhibition.

Caroline Widmer ( Indian Painting ) and Axel Langer ( Middle East )

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1 Deccani Painting in the 17th Century

Courtly Deccani painting is characterized by a great openness to foreign motifs and the tech-niques of Persian and Mughal-Indian painting. Knowledge was spread by itinerant artists such as Farrukh Beg, a Persian-born painter active at the Mughal court around 1600 before work-ing for the princes of Bijapur, or the painter Muhammad ‘ Ali, who preceded him. Later,

more and more works from Safavid Iran and northern India reached the south.

But the Deccani artists were not only receptive to for-eign ideas—their work, or indeed the painters themselves when they worked directly for other courts or patrons, influenced the art of their neighbors in turn. Muhammad Khan, for example, worked for Sultan Muhammad ‘ Adil Shah ( r. 1627–56 ) in Bijapur and can later be traced to the court of the Persian Shah ‘ Abbas II ( r. 1644 to 1666 ). Even better known is Rahim Dakkani, who very probably worked in Isfahan in the late 1680s. Deccani features and motifs are also found in Mughal painting of the seventeenth and, increas-ingly, the eighteenth century. Even early Pahari painting in the Punjab hills at the foot of the Himalayas adopted Deccani motifs at the beginning of the eighteenth century.

Bijapur painting has always been highly regarded by scholars: the almost fifty-year reign of Sultan Ibrahim ‘ Adil Shah II ( r. 1580–1627 ) is still considered the “Golden Age.” Even the sul- tan himself appeared as a musician and poet: he combined the Islamic and Hindu worlds of thought in his work and tried to at- tract the best artists to his court. The painting of his time is char-acterized by great lyricism. This becomes especially evident when compared to the often invoked “realism” of Mughal painting.

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Mughal Empire

Ahmadnagar

Bijapur

Golconda

North DeccanAurangabad

Bijapur

Goa

Bidar

Golconda Hyderabad

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1The princes of Golconda were even more devoted to Persian and Mughal art. From the outset, their painters were in a lively and constant exchange with Iran: on the one hand, the Golconda art-ists took up Persian models, on the other, their works inspired painters in Isfahan. From 1640, however, they increasingly began to explore themes, styles and techniques of Mughal painting. These include portrait painting and a tendency towards lightly toned brush drawings. The Golconda style is more “robust” com-pared to Bijapur, with occasional touches of irony and eccentricity.

The “princely schools of painting” came to an end with the complete subjugation of Bijapur in 1686 and Golconda in 1687 by the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb. There followed a period of tran- sition under Mughal domination, in which a kind of free art market developed with both former and new players. This transition period ended in 1724 with the founding of the new principality of Hyderabad, independent of the Mughal Empire.

3 A Shāhnāma for the Prince of BijapurSultan Ibrahim ‘ Adil Shah II was a great lover of books and had a library with several thousand works. Among them were illustrated manuscripts from Iran, such as a Shahnama ( Book of Kings ) from the last third of the seventeenth century, from which the Bijapur painters of this folio ( no. 2 ) may well have taken their inspiration. By and large, the painters of the Bijapur Shahnama were in- spired by classical Persian iconography, that is to say the compo-sitions of the scenes with the most important persons and their deeds follow established Shahnama models. Stylistically, how-ever, the Bijapur painters went their own way.

This becomes clear in comparison with the Shiraz folio on the right from c. 1570/80 from our collection ( no. 4 ): The similar-

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ities are limited to the posture and gestures of the figures as well as the type and coloring of their clothing. The people are always depicted in the same size, regardless of whether they are in front or behind. The background is similar; usually a rocky, barren landscape with a high, golden horizon. The golden “clouds” border-ing the lines of text on the illustrated pages also go back to a Shiraz convention. This is also true of the preference for muted shades of pink and purple. In Bijapur, however, they are often contrasted with rich greens and oranges.

The conception of the bodies is quite different: The South Indian painters model the faces by means of shadows, their boulders appear heavy and solid. The trees are also more sculpted and seem to follow a natural growth. Particularly typical of Bijapur are the fine, often red brushstrokes with which the paint-ers give the dark foliage a tactile quality.

Our folio shows a rarely illustrated episode: On the right of the picture is Farud, the brother of the Iranian king, Kay Khosrow. Farud had come into conflict with Kay Khosrow’s general Tus after the latter had invaded his territory. In the course of the dispute, Tus sent first his son-in-law and then his son to fight Farud. Both times Farud killed the young men and their horses, as shown here in the picture. Later, Farud was slain by a Persian soldier in battle.

2 Farud Kills the Horse of a Persian Folio from a scattered Shahnama India, Bijapur, 1600–1610 Gift of Eberhard and Barbara Fischer Museum Rietberg Zurich | 2016.210

4 Shirin Meets Farhad in the Mountains From a Khamsa ( “Book of Five” ) by Nizami Iran, Shiraz, c. 1575 Gift of Hans Vontobel Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVA 1015

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5 A Peculiar Equestrian Portrait

Although only a handful of Shahnama manuscripts or fragments are known from all of India, its greatest hero, Rustam, was a well-known figure. This also applies to his typical appearance, as it has come down to us from numerous illustrated Persian manu-scripts: he wears a doublet made of tiger skin, his favorite weapon is a club in the shape of an animal’s head, and his helmet, made from the skull of a leopard, is particularly striking.

The rider in the picture on the right ( no. 6 ) is similarly clothed. Since four demons are also visible, it was long be- lieved that this leaf depicted the victorious Rustam after the bat-tle with the White Div. The devilish adversary lies at Rostam’s feet with his head cut off; the bold hero wears his skull as a helmet ornament.

However, the image raises some questions as the scene deviates from the usual depictions: in his fight against the demon lord, Rustam is never depicted as a rider. Moreover, his favorite stallion Rakhsh is not a white horse. Finally, the whole get-up is reminiscent of portraits of Indian princes, who liked to be painted on horseback.

It was not uncommon for an Indian prince to portray himself in the guise of a legendary hero. However, it is more difficult to identify the sitter. There are some reasons to believe that it is Abu‘ l Hasan Qutb Shah, the last prince of Golconda, who ruled from 1672 to 1687.

The fact that Abu‘ l Hasan allowed himself to be por-trayed as the “second Rustam” can be explained by the historical background: similar to the Persian hero, he saw himself beset by a “demon state” located in the north—in his case the Mughal Empire. In 1687, he put up a heroic fight against Aurangzeb, but in the end lost his battle, his land, and his possessions. He died in 1699 after twelve years of captivity.

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6 Equestrian Portrait of Abu‘ l Hasan Qutb Shah ( ? ) in the Guise of Rustam India, probably Golconda, 1675–90 Alice Boner Legacy Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 1035

8 A Not Uncommon MishapElephants played, and to some extent still play, an important role in India. From time immemorial, they have been used as working, parading, and fighting animals. Although basically docile, the periodic unpredictability of bull elephants—known as musth—can be dangerous. In captive pachyderms, this annual aggressive-ness is occasionally directed at humans during the reproductive phase.

Such a dramatic scene is depicted in the brush drawing on the left ( no. 9 )—but not without glee. Fearing the elephant gone mad, the plainly dressed animal keeper has fled into the branches of a tree. In his distress, his turban has come undone. The strikingly ele-gant mahout ( elephant rider or trainer ) tries to hold back the enraged bull by drilling the hook of his elephant staff into its skull.

The depiction of a mahout on his running elephant is a common theme in Deccani painting. This can be seen in the painting on the right ( no. 7 ), which shows great similarities in many details. The comparison also makes clear how skillfully and inventively the artist handled this stock figure and placed it in a new context.

The elephant attack is also revealing for two other reasons: it is a brush drawing accentuated by a few colors—ochre, brown and red. This technique is called nı m qalam or “half-pen” in India. Its ori-gins go back to Persian art, where it flourished towards the end of the sixteenth century. The technique reached northern India via Persian artists who migrated to the Mughal court. At the same time, shortly

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1before 1600, it also appeared in Ahmadnagar in the Deccan, but then disappeared for a while. From the middle of the century onwards, the nı m-qalam technique enjoyed particular popularity in Golconda.

Another feature is the barely visible inscription in Takri characters on the upper edge. At that time, the Takri script was only used in northern India, among others in the Pahari region. Therefore, it can be assumed that this drawing had reached the extreme north from southern India. Recent studies also support an older thesis that some South Indian painters had moved as far as the area at the foot of the Himalayas after being subjugated by Aurangzeb in the late 1680s. Therefore, Deccani motifs also left their traces in Pahari painting.

7 Elephant with Driver India, Deccan, 17th century Alice Boner Legacy Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 1063

9 Elephant Attack India, Golconda, 1650–1700 Alice Boner Legacy Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 1064

10 Deccani Painting as a Model for PersiaDeccani influences can be traced not only in northern India, but also in Persian painting at the time of Shah ‘ Abbas II ( r. 1644 to 1666 ). Deccani artists thus not only absorbed Persian stylistic tendencies, but their art also became a model for Persian artists.

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This is exemplified in the works of Muhammad Shaykh ‘ Abbasi, who was active in Isfahan between 1647 and 1683. India played an important role in his œuvre. However, it was not Shaykh ‘ Abbasi who launched this new, Deccani-inspired direction in Persia. A central role was played by his teacher, Bahram Sofrakish. As far as we know, this elusive artist began his career in the Deccan and was active in Isfahan around 1640. Shaykh ‘ Abbasi not only contin-ued his style: around half of his works depict Indians or are other-wise related to Indian culture. In at least one case, there is also evidence that he copied an older composition from Ahmadnagar. Finally, he adopted the Indian manner of painting pearls with a thick application of paint, as can be seen in the jewelry of the Indian envoy on the right of the picture ( no. 11 ).

The way he painted the eyes is significant. He used the Deccani formula of leaving the crescent-shaped eyelid white. This becomes clear if one compares it with the eye of the mahout in the elephant attack ( no. 9 ). His preference for lightly toned brush drawings ( nı m qalam ) may also be related to works from the Deccan. In other works by Shaykh ‘ Abbasi, trees reminiscent of the Bijapur style can also be found.

The small painting shows the meeting of Shah ‘ Abbas I ( r. 1588–1629 ) with Khan ‘ Alam, the ambassador sent by Emperor Jahangir ( r. 1605–27 ), in Isfahan in 1618/19 . Shaykh ‘ Abbasis’s composition is based on a depiction by the Indian court painter Bishandas, who had accompanied Khan ‘ Alam on his embassy. The Indian work was taken up several times by Persian artists around the middle of the seventeenth century. Shaykh ‘ Abbasi’s version, however, is special: it is a recreation of a Mughal original in the Deccani style by a Persian artist.

11 Shah ‘ Abbas I Receives an Indian Envoy Shaykh ‘ Abbasi, probably Isfahan, dated 1065 H. ( 1654/55 ) Gift of Dr. Carlo Fleischmann Foundation Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVA 1039

13 Painting in the North DeccanOne of the basic tasks of the art historian is to put certain material into a temporal framework and assign it to a specific place. To do this, she/he makes use of dated and signed works. Together, these form a group with certain characteristics: these include a consist-ent style, preferred themes and motifs, and the techniques used. This framework then allows undated and unsigned works to be assigned—or excluded. Inscriptions and dedications on the one hand, and documents independent of the works on the other, additionally help to condense the overall picture that emerges.

For Mughal painting, which was tied to a court where many signed and dated works and writings survive, it is relatively easy to write a coherent history of its art. This is more difficult for provincial principalities like those of the Deccan, because less material is available. But here, too, research over the last hun- dred years has produced a viable framework.

Finally, there are also works that cannot be assigned to any of the known princely schools of painting in the Deccan. The name “Northern Deccan” was coined about forty years ago for this small group of surviving folios, all of which come from ragamala series.

The Bangala Raga folio from a ragamala series ( no. 12 ) is an exemplary representative. ( For a detailed appraisal, see also nos. 43–50 in Room 3. ) On the one hand, the strongly colored palette and flat-looking figures are characteristic. Also typically Indian is the motif of the ascetic sitting on an ( antelope ) skin and the book ( pothi ) he holds in his hands. On the other hand, it is noticeable that there are also motifs that have been taken over from courtly Deccani painting and stylistically adapted. In the present example, these are the two birds with their long tails, reminiscent of the Persian simurgh, a mythical bird akin to the phoenix. In the remaining folios, these are the decoration with

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( Islamic ) arabesques, the fountains, or the row of flowers or shrubs at the lower edge of the picture, and the animated bands of clouds. The last two motifs also speak for a chronological classifi-cation in the second half of the seventeenth century.

12 Bangala Raga Folio from a Ragamala series India, Aurangabad, c. 1675 Gift of Emmi Maier-Meierhofer Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 1680

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15 A Period of TransitionWith the complete subjugation of the Deccan in 1686/87 by Aurangzeb, not only the princely houses and their workshops disappeared, but also the decisive points of reference that are indispensable for an art-historical classification.

This is why Deccani painting at the time of Mughal rule—until 1724—is mostly attributed as “Aurangabad”. In 1653, Prince Aurangzeb had made the city of Fatehnagar in the north of the Deccan, which was under Mughal administration, his head-quarters and renamed it Aurangabad. From here he led his con-quering campaigns against southern India. From 1682, the city served as the seat of government for his empire, which now encompassed almost all of India. From 1724 to 1763, it was finally the capital of the independent principality of Hyderabad.

Many high-ranking army officers and wealthy civil serv-ants were stationed in Aurangabad and the city attracted many artists from neighboring areas or from the former princely work-shops. A kind of “free art market” developed where many styles and different talents came together.

A good example of the “Aurangabad” style is provided by the Ragamala folio ( no. 14 ). Details such as the lush, leafy trees with their recognizable branches, the mauve rocks, the high sky horizon and the various scales ( the oversized water lilies ) are Dec-cani. Added to this is the rich coloring.

The style of the painting is clearly different from that of the North Deccani Ragamala ( no. 12 ). Since the artist was famil-iar with Mughal art ( see the cloudy sky ), it may be a former Dec-cani court painter who painted this—and other folios of this unknown ragamala series for one of the officials residing in Aurangabad.

The case is more complicated with the page from a Gulshan-i ‘ ishq ( Garden of Love ) ( no. 16 ). The present illustration ( one of fourteen known folios so far ) has stylistic features from Golconda ( the faces, see also no. 17 ) as well as Bijapur ( the trees ).

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The simple arrangement of foreground, middle, and background as a zigzag movement and the reduced palette point to a production between c. 1700 and 1725. So far, however, there is disagreement about the geographical attribution. More information is needed here to perhaps one day solve the mystery.

14 Gambhira Ragaputra by Shri Raga Folio from a Ragamala series India, Aurangabad, c. 1670 ( ? ) Gift of Horst Metzger Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 2065

16 Manhar Saves Champavati from the Demon From a scattered Gulshan-i ‘ ishq by Nusrati India, Golconda, Bidar or Hyderabad, 1700–25 Purchase with funds from the City of Zurich Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 857

17 Sufi Shaykh on a Terrace India, Deccan, early-18th century Purchase with funds from the City of Zurich Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 1669

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18 Representative Portraits of Senior OfficialsDespite all art-historical uncertainty, what can be said with com-plete confidence about painting during the transitional period under Aurangzeb’s rule is that portraiture enjoyed great popularity among the high Mughal officials. They loved to have themselves painted in a “princely” pose.

One of these portraits shows the Turkmen official, Qadir Dad Khan Lati, on the roof terrace of a house listening to music ( no. 21, on the wall ). In his hand he holds a flower—a gesture that was common in the seventeenth century for portraits of members of the ruling family. With this, and with the music, he refers to his cultural-spiritual interests.

The terrace as a backdrop for a portrait has its models in Mughal painting. The earliest examples of the “terrace portrait” date back to around 1605, and appear in Golconda as early as 1630. Here it gradually developed into the standard type of repre-sentative portrait of a prince. The combination with a veranda below, as seen here, however, is unusual.

The equestrian portrait ( no. 19 ) shows ‘ Ali Asghar Khan Bahadur on horseback. The nobleman of Persian origin served Abu‘ l Hasan Qutb Shah of Golconda. Aurangzeb later appointed him chief administrator of the Karnataka district in the southeast of the Deccan.

In this equestrian portrait, ‘ Ali Asghar is seen hunting with a falcon. The horse’s braided mane betrays Mughal influence. This is also true of the horse’s posture: it presents itself in the levade. The levade is a “figure” of European baroque equestrianism. It became popular through portraits by Velázquez and Rubens and reached India through engravings or oil paintings. For the first time, Aurangzeb had himself portrayed in this manner in the 1660s. At about the same time, a similar equestrian portrait was painted in the Deccan, integrated into a hunting scene.

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In the Deccan, this subsequently developed into an independent, multi-figure portrait type such as this one by ‘ Ali Asghar.

At the beginning of the eighteenth century, the Deccani “equestrian hunting portrait” influenced Mughal painting, but also became popular in Rajasthan. Early evidence is provided by the portrait of Maharana Amar Singh II of Mewar ( no. 20 ). The small sanctuary behind the hill on the right and the painting tech-nique reminiscent of the nı m-qalam technique confirm that the painter was inspired by Deccani models.

19 ‘ Ali Asghar Khan Bahadur on Horseback India, North Deccan, around 1700 Purchase with funds from the City of Zurich Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 828

20 Maharana Amar Singh II of Mewar Rides to the Temple of his Family Deity Attributed to the “Stipple Master” India, Rajasthan, Mewar, c. 1710 Alice Boner Legacy Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 1067

21 Portrait of Qadir Dad Khan Lati India, North Deccan, around 1700 Purchase with funds from the City of Zurich Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 837

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22 Deccani Painting in the 18th Century

After the fall of Bijapur in 1686 and Golconda in 1687, the Deccan became a separate adminis-trative unit within the Mughal Empire. Aurang-zeb also moved the capital of the Mughal Empire in the Deccan to Aurangabad. In 1713, Emperor Farrukh Siyar ( r. 1713–19 ) appointed Asaf Jah I ( 1671–1748 ), who had served as gov-

ernor to various Mughal rulers, as Nizam al-Mulk, “Administra- tor of the Empire,” and thus administrator of the six provinces of the Deccan. In 1724, he founded the Asafjahi dynasty and with it the independent principality of Hyderabad, which existed until 1948. His fourth son Asaf Jah II ( r. 1762–1803 ) moved the seat of government from Aurangabad to Hyderabad around 1763. The city thus developed into an important cultural center.

With the loss of independence, the centrally organized patronage of Deccan artists collapsed. With the strengthening of the regional government under Asaf Jah I and his successors, however, painting again received increased courtly support. This, as well as the fact that painters worked for a broad audience, including the non-princely, led to an artistic and stylistic diversi- ty within Deccan painting that is as exciting as it is complicated in terms of art history. Geographical classifications can only be made for this period with reservations.

Thus, as we have already seen, works produced in the north of the Deccan between about 1670 and 1724 can gener-ally be classified under the category of “Aurangabad.” At the same time, some experts generally assign works from the period after 1700 to “Hyderabad.” However, we know that painting con- tinued in Golconda, for example, which is only a few kilometers away from Hyderabad. Hyderabad often refers not only to the city itself, but also to the entire territory of the principality of the same

Mysore

Principality of Hyderabad

Mysore

GolcondaHyderabad

Wanaparthy

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2name. This, however, encompassed both central and eastern Deccan and at times reached as far as the southern tip of the sub- continent. Similar to Aurangabad, Hyderabad is thus not infre-quently used as a collective term for works of Deccan painting from around 1710/20 to the early nineteenth century.

The profound political changes were accompanied by major migratory movements. Already during the Mughal transition period ( see also Room 1 ), the presence of nobles from regions north of the Deccan is attested—a fact to which many scholars also attribute corresponding influences in painting. At the same time, people—including artists—emigrated northwards from the Deccan. This in turn explains Deccani elements in paintings from Bikaner ( Rajasthan ) to Lahore ( Punjab ).

Finally, there are the Europeans ( especially the British and French ), who also took part in painting, either as customers or by bringing European art with them and thus influencing local traditions. For their part, historical collections in European cities such as Amsterdam, Berlin, Dresden, London, and Paris prove that Deccani painting found its way to the West as early as the first quarter of the eighteenth century.

23 Hyderabad as an Art CenterFrom the second quarter of the eighteenth century, much of the art production was concentrated in the principality of Hyderabad and its eponymous capital.

Characteristic is a stylistic diversity in which influences from other Indian regions and migrating artists are reflected. Nevertheless, certain traits and peculiarities can be identified.

Many paintings follow a strict symmetry and order, which is even noticeable in textile patterns and especially in geometrically arranged flowerbeds. Even the leaves of the trees

are perfectly arranged. Furthermore, there are strong contrasts between immaculately white walls and highly ornate marquetry, stuccowork and fabrics. This aesthetic refers to the art of the Mughal court under Muhammad Shah ( r. 1720–48 ), where paint-ings with similar characteristics were created.

Architecture plays a fundamental role. This becomes clear on folio no. 33 with its three-quarter dome. Such domes are characteristic of Islamic mosques in the Deccan, but here the painter adopted the motif for the depiction of a Hindu temple. Many paintings also show terraces that can only be entered via several steps and are skillfully staged by the painters in terms of perspective to suggest a spatial effect of depth. Finally, the two-colored skies, whose color gradients are designed by means of horizontal stripes, are particularly striking.

The paintings from in or around Hyderabad are charac-terized not only by a stylistic and motivic diversity, but also in terms of quality. The fine execution of some paintings, ( nos. 31 and 32 ) for instance, clearly indicates that workshops were work-ing in the immediate vicinity of the Nizam ( the title of the ruler of Hyderabad ), and in close contact with the court. In addition, how-ever, there must have been a free market of sorts that produced for an audience from the larger urban environment. Certain motifs were produced here in large numbers and in a less sophisticated manner.

24 Bilaval ( Vilavali ) Ragini Folio from a Ragamala series India, Hyderabad, 1720–40 Gift of Horst Metzger Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 2067

25 Desavairati Ragini Folio from a Ragamala series India, Hyderabad, c. 1750 Gift of Horst Metzger Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 2071

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26 Madhumadhavi Ragini Folio from a Ragamala series India, Hyderabad, c. 1750 Purchase with funds from the City of Zurich Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 862

27 Prince and Ladies Visit Ascetics Workshop drawing India, Hyderabad, c. 1750 Gift of Horst Metzger Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 2060

28 Sad Mistress with Servants Folio from a Rasikapriya series India, Hyderabad, 1775–80 Gift of Horst Metzger Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 2073

29 “European” Albums with Indian PaintingAfter the period of its greatest expansion and the death of Aurang-zeb in 1707, the Mughal Empire gradually disintegrated. Internal power struggles undermined the administration, local Indian as well as Afghan tribes further weakened stability. The dominion of the Nizam of Hyderabad, as well as Bengal and Awadh, made themselves independent. The conquest of Delhi in 1739 by Nadir Shah of Persia dealt an additional blow to the empire. Finally, both the English and French East India Companies interfered.

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The two European trading companies also had people in their service who were very interested in Indian culture. Some acquired albums of miniature paintings, which they later brought to Europe. The most important collections are those of Jean-Baptiste Gentil, Robert Clive, Richard Johnson, and the Swiss Antoine-Louis Henri Polier ( in India 1758–1788 ).

Polier was a knowledgeable collector with an eye for quality who had good contacts with the rulers in Awadh and Lucknow. Since he acquired mainly contemporary paintings, in other words those from the eighteenth century, we fortunately have reliable clues for dating the two Rietberg works ( nos. 31 and 32 ).

Apart from the fact that Venkatchellam was court artist for Asaf Jah II, the Nizam of Hyderabad ( r. 1762–1803 ), from the 1790s onwards, we know next to nothing about a princely work-shop during this period. An influence of contemporary Mughal painting can be seen, among other things, in the shrine ( no. 32 ) rendered in central perspective, which is strongly reminiscent of a temple scene by the Mughal artist Faqirullah. Interestingly, the painter Kishan, who worked in Hyderabad around the same period, also depicted the Shiva shrine in central perspective in his ver-sion of the Bhairavi Ragini ( no. 33 ). The second Polier folio from Hyderabad ( no. 31 ) also shows Mughal traits.

At the other end of the quality scale is the portrait of Mir Muhammad Amin Khan ( no. 30 ), which must have been painted at the beginning of the eighteenth century. It probably originally belonged to a series of portraits of dignitaries from the time of Aurangzeb. Such series, of which there are several, were created not only for local clients but were also acquired by Europeans.

30 Portrait of Mir Muhammad Amin Khan India, Golconda, c. 1700–10 Anonymous gift Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 867b

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31 Canada Ragini Folio from a Ragamala series Formerly part of the Polier Album India, Hyderabad, 1770–75 Gift of Hans Peter Weber Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 1820

32 Bhairavi Ragini Folio from a Ragamala series Formerly part of the Polier Album India, Hyderabad, 1770–80 Jürg Stockar Legacy Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 879

33 Bhairavi Ragini Folio from a Ragamala series Kishan, son of Muttam musavvir India, Hyderabad, 1770–75 Alice Boner Legacy Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 1058

34 Southern DeccanParticularly colorful paintings were created in Wanaparthy, about 150 kilometers south of Hyderabad. The small but influential vassal state of the prince of Golconda came under Mughal rule after his fall in 1687, but collaborated with Asaf Jah I ( r. 1724–48 ) in Hyderabad from 1724.

What can actually be discerned in the three paintings ( nos. 35–37 ) remains controversial: While they have mostly been identified as folios of a ragamala, more recent research assigns them to another series. The inscriptions in Telugu are

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verses in Sanskrit invoking Hindu deities. They do not correspond to the classical ragamala verses, but certainly contain allusions to them. It is therefore unclear whether they go back to as yet un- identified textual sources on ragamala or represent a tradition of their own.

Iconographically, however, the folios are very close to the classical ragas or raginis ( see nos. 38–39 ), even if they have some peculiarities.

The dating is also disputed and fluctuates between 1750 and 1775. This short time span covers a whole generation of painters and patrons. If the dating were somewhat later, it would even be likely that one of the few female patrons, namely Rani Janamma, commissioned the paintings here.

Artistically, the folios have a more vernacular style and clearly deviate from the appearance of paintings from the North Deccan and Hyderabad. Besides the expressive and strongly con-trasting colors, the setting is very abstract. Typical are the white dots with which, for example, rocks are framed or patterns of the background that are more reminiscent of textile patterns than motifs from nature.

35 Bhairava Raga ( ? ) Folio from a Ragamala series ( ? ) India, Wanaparthy, c. 1750 Gift of Horst Metzger Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 2063

36 Nilambari Ragini ( ? ) Folio from a Ragamala series ( ? ) India, Wanaparthy, c. 1750 Gift of Horst Metzger Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 2064

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37 Nat Ragini( ? ) Folio from a Ragamala series ( ? ) India, Wanaparthy, c. 1750 Gift of Horst Metzger Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 2062

38 Nat Ragini Folio from a Ragamala series India, Rajasthan, Bikaner, c. 1720 Gift of Horst Metzger Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 2164

39 Nat Ragini Folio from a Ragamala series India, Rajasthan, Mewar, c. 1640 Gift of Horst Metzger Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 1971

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40 Further SouthSouth of Bijapur and Golconda, miniature painting played little or no role for a long time. During the heyday of the Vijayanagar Empire ( 1336/46–1565 ), important artistic achievements took place mainly in the field of temple architecture. It was not until the first half of the nineteenth century that Mysore ( Karna-taka ) became a center of painting and book arts. These achieve-ments are attributed to Raja Krishnaraja Wadiyar III ( r. 1799–1868 ) as a great patron of the arts.

It was probably under his reign that the present illustra-tion from a Devimahatmya manuscript, the great Hindu praise of the goddess Devi ( no. 41 ), was created. Besides this work, other illustrated manuscripts in the regional language Kannada are known, all attributed to the same artist. His name has not sur-vived, but he may have been active at the court of Mysore between 1820 and 1830. His artistic legacy is of exceptional quality, preci-sion, and originality.

For researchers, it is still a great mystery how a painter could create such a qualitatively impressive and independent, and thus in the true sense of the word “original” work. After all, as far as we know today, he did not draw on any pre-existing tradition. Even from the geographically closest art region, Deccan, there are hardly any traces to be found in the style of the Mysore master. The current state of research leaves open the question of where this artist learned his skills in using composition, brush, and the precious pigments.

41 Durga Mahishasuramardini Folio from a Devimahatmya India, Karnataka, Mysore, 1820–25 Purchase with funds from the City of Zurich Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 914

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42 RagamalasSeries of paintings called ragamala are conspicuously common in Indian painting. As there is no equivalent of the theme outside India, it is difficult to “translate” its essence, which encompasses painting, poetry, and music.

The term ragamala is composed of the words “raga” and “mala.” Mala can be translated comparatively easily as “garland” or “chain”; in the context of a sequence of images also as “series.” With the translation of raga as “coloring,” on the other hand, the reference to music is more difficult from a Western perspective. Raga comes from Indian music theory and refers to a sequence of usually five to seven notes. For each raga, these now follow certain ascending or descending sequences and evoke a certain mood ( rasa—literally “taste” ) in the audience—or rather, they “color” a certain state of mind. Each raga is also composed of different basic moods ( eroticism, heroism, pity, anger, comedy, fear, horror, aston-ishment ), one of which always predominates.

The ragamala paintings, however, are not a visual trans-mission of these moods, but refer iconographically to literary sources in which the visual imagination of the ragas is described in contemplative verses. The best known and probably most widely received in painting is the work of Kshemakarna, a priest from Rewa ( central India, in the present-day state of Madhya Pradesh, bordering the Deccan to the north ). His Ragamala was probably written around 1570 and is based on older models. Kshemakarna describes a system of six ragas, to which five raginis are assigned, whereby the raga is understood as the head of the family and the ragini as the wife; the couple is blessed with “chil-dren” to form a “extended family” consisting of eighty-six ragas.

In the Deccan, too, there is a multitude of images from ragamalas. But in keeping with Deccani stylistic diversity, different traditions also come together with regard to the ragamalas.

Scholars believe that one possible explanation for this confusing diversity is the fact that painting shifted to Hyderabad.

The painters there were confronted with a new system of Kshe-makarna ragamala, hitherto unknown to them. Since it contains far more ragas than the versions with which they were familiar, they had to fill in the gaps with fragmentary information and thus came up with entirely new, inventive images.

45 A “Floral” Ragamala from the Aurangabad RegionA large group of connected leaves of a Deccani ragamala series in the collection of the Museum Rietberg comes from the Aurang-abad region ( nos. 43–50, see also no. 12, Room 1 ). On the basis of the fifteen works ( not all of which are on display in the exhibition ), it is possible to approximate how a complete eighty-six-part ragamala series might have affected the viewers and what the artists’ work might have looked like. A second series from the same period—of which, however, we have only two folios—appears at first glance to be confusingly similar. However, it dif-fers, among other things, in that it has an inscribed text field and a border consisting of several lines ( no. 44 ).

The paintings in both series have a memorable, expres-sive style; their abundance, both in terms of color and pattern and individual pictorial elements, is particularly characteristic. The expression “horror vacui”—the fear of emptiness—is clearly evi-dent: every surface, no matter how small, is filled with flowers, animals, figures, or arabesques. Geometry and symmetry also play a major role in these paintings. The color palette is fully exhausted, where strong color ( contrasts ) can also be found alongside the pastel shades popular in the Deccan, in sometimes extraordinary combinations.

Even though experts like to describe this series as “typ-ical,” or even “purely Deccani,” some elements can be traced

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back to Rajasthan or Central India. These include the grid-like compositions, the stylized trees, or certain rock formations. But is it not precisely the combination of foreign and own motifs that constitutes Deccani painting?

The present folios indicate a lively exchange between Amer ( Rajasthan ) and the Deccan, in which Mughal images were also received. Later, astonishing parallels emerge in Amer, but also in Bundelkhand, which is also Rajasthan. The area around Aurangabad in the north of the Deccan lends itself to the localiza-tion of this series, as the provincial capital of the Mughal Empire had a thoroughly cosmopolitan character and later even became the seat of government of Aurangzeb. The bilingual inscription in Sanskrit and Persian on the reverse of the folios underlines this cultural diversity.

43 Hindola Raga Folio from a Ragamala series India, Aurangabad, c. 1675 Purchase with funds from the City of Zurich Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 1683

44 Hindola Raga Folio from a Ragamala series India, Aurangabad, c. 1670 Gift of Horst Metzger Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 1954

46 Rama Raga Folio from a Ragamala series India, Aurangabad, c. 1675 Purchase with funds from the City of Zurich Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 1688

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47 Champaka Raga Folio from a Ragamala series India, Aurangabad, c. 1675 Purchase with funds from the City of Zurich Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 1689

48 Mangala Raga Folio from a Ragamala series India, Aurangabad, c. 1675 Purchase with funds from the City of Zurich Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 1685

49 Sorathi Ragini Folio from a Ragamala series India, Aurangabad, c. 1675 Gift of Barbara and Eberhard Fischer Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 1692

50 Gonda Raga Folio from a Ragamala series India, Aurangabad, c. 1675 Gift of Barbara and Eberhard Fischer Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 1693

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51 An “Architectural” Ragamala Series from HyderabadIn addition to the folios of a late seventeenth-century ragamala series from Aurangabad ( nos. 43–50 and no. 12 in Room 1 ), the Museum Rietberg also owns a three-part ( only two exhibited: nos. 60 and 62 ) and a second, five-part fragment of a ragamala series from around 1770 ( four exhibited: nos. 52–54 and no. 33 in Room 2 ). The five folios of the latter group are distinguished by a narrow, red-ground border with dense, floral vine work in gold.

One feature of the five Rietberg folios that immediately catches the eye is the prominent role played by the architecture. We have already discussed the use of central perspective in con-nection with the temple depicted in no. 33. This, however, is an exception. On the four others, the artist( s ) leave it at a traditional, even old-fashioned conception compared to contemporary works. They rely more on the surface effect than on a partial spatial effect ( compare nos. 24–26 and 28 in Room 2 ). However, this har-monizes well with the clearly prominent and deliberately used color fields ( for example white, pea green, brick red, silver grey, and red lead ).

If we take a closer look at the architectural setting, we notice that the five scenes take place in the defined space of palaces and gardens. The folios seem less like a direct illustra- tion of the ragamala but rather like images of its staging: it is as if the palace inhabitants were acting out the ragamala.

A glance at the older ragamala series of the seven-teenth century ( nos. 43–50 and no. 12 in Room 1 ), however, teaches us that palace architecture already plays an important role here.

Thanks to recent research, the ragamala fragment can be attributed to the painter Kishan. He was the son and successor of Mattam “musavvir” ( pers. for “painter” ), who worked from the mid-1730s for Asaf Jah I, the first Nizam of Hyderabad ( r. 1724–48 )

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and his successors. His son Kishan was active between 1750 and 1775/80. He worked not only as an independent artist but also continued his father’s studio. This circumstance also explains the stylistic differences in the present folios: they were made by several painters. Accordingly, the present series was probably made for a wealthy client of the urban upper class.

52 Malagaudi Ragini Kishan, son of Muttam musavvir, or workshop India, Hyderabad, 1770–75 Alice Boner Legacy Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 1061

53 Vilavali Ragini ( or Shyama Kalyana Ragini ) Kishan, son of Muttam musavvir, or workshop India, Hyderabad, 1770–75 Alice Boner Legacy Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 1062

54 Patamanjari Ragini Kishan, son of Muttam musavvir, or workshop India, Hyderabad, 1770–75 Alice Boner Legacy Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 1060

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58 Todi Ragini: Supra-regional “Fashions”

Finally, the exhibition offers a comparative view of two ragamala scenes or ragas. These are Todi ( nos. 55–60 ) and her companion Hindola ( nos. 62–64 ). Todi as well as Hindola stand for spring-like moods in the ragamala tradition.

The scene referred to as Todi ragini is one of the easiest images to identify. In the ragamala, she is described as a woman with a sharp gaze and a delicate body. Separated from her beloved, the unhappy lover lives in seclusion in a grove where she charms the game.

The five Todi ragini scenes here clearly show that the iconography, in other words the elements by which a depicted scene can be deciphered, is clearly defined. The central ele-ments—a lonely woman with a vina ( an Indian string instrument ) and gazelles—are recognizable in all the examples.

But there are other similarities, and differences, that stand out: Image no. 57 is a Todi ragini from Bikaner ( Rajasthan ). Traditionally, the Bikaner artists were strongly oriented towards Mughal painting. This also applies to ragamala series in general and this Todi ragini in particular. The water-lily pond that concludes the picture towards the front is, however, “modern” in comparison.

If one widens the view to the four Deccani Todi raginis, one also discovers the water-lily pond ( which is not mentioned in the ragamala ). It is obviously one of the indispensable elements of the Todi ragini scene in the eighteenth century. The water-lily pond is not, however, a South Indian invention. A very early example can be found in a Kashmiri manuscript from around 1650, from where the pictorial motif seems to have spread rapidly. It can already be found in Kishangarh ( Rajasthan ) and in the Deccan ( see “Raga Gonda,” no. 50 ) around 1680.

Another similarity concerns the heroine’s garment: in three of the four folios she wears a wrap-around skirt of gold-

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ground brocade with scattered flowers and an orange ( or white ) pleated front. ( In one case, the color scheme is reversed. ) Again, this is a supra-regional “fashion”: the earliest examples are found in a ragamala folio from Murshidabad, the capital of the Nawabs of Bengal ( 1704–57 ) and a little later in the Deccan ( no. 59 ).

For all the individuality of the separate artists, one can already see from these few examples how interwoven Indian painting was in the eighteenth century and how mobile its artists probably were.

55 Todi Ragini Folio from a Ragamala series Kishan, son of Muttam musavvir, or workshop India, Hyderabad, 1770–75 Alice Boner Legacy Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 1059

56 Todi Ragini Folio from a Ragamala series India, Deccan or Panjab, c. 1810 Gift Horst Metzger Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 2157

57 Todi Ragini Folio from a Ragamala series India, Rajasthan, Bikaner, around 1800 Gift Horst Metzger Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 2159

59 Todi Ragini Folio from a Ragamala series India, Deccan, c. 1760 Purchase with funds from the City of Zurich Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 821

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60 Todi Ragini Folio from a Ragamala series India, Deccan, c. 1770 Gift of Horst Metzger Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 2069

61 Hindola Raga: When does the central identifying feature appear?Hindola raga is the third main raga according to Kshemakarna’s classification. Like Todi ragini, it is a spring raga and is accordingly associated with the blossoming of passion and young love. It is for this reason that it is later often associated ( in connection with the devotional bhakti movement ) in certain areas of India with the Hindu god Krishna.

In Kshemakarna, Hindola raga is described as a royal lord who has sprung from the navel of the Creator ( probably an allusion to Vishnu ). He has fair skin, his “flower arrows” are buzzed about by bumblebees, he wears a sparkling crown and bestows good fortune on good people. All these features also characterize the iconography of the Hindola: from the splendidly decorated get-up to the precious headdress and the buzzing insects.

In our series ( nos. 43–44, 62–64 ), the ( probably ) earli-est folio comes from the inscribed Aurangabad ragamala series mentioned above ( no. 43 ). Iconographically, two things are par-ticularly striking about this work: On the one hand, the aspect of Hindola’s royal appearance is strongly emphasized by the depic-tion of several servants. On the other hand, the usual swing is missing. The Sanskrit term hindola denotes a “swing” and is icono-graphically the most important element by which the Hindola raga is recognized.

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3The oldest known illustration of the ragamala verses by Kshe-makarna, dated around 1610/1620 and painted in the popular Mughal style, has the same features. Here, too, the swing is miss-ing, and the main figure is accompanied by a servant.

It seems that the iconography changed shortly after the completion of the inscribed Aurangabad folio. For in the un- inscribed series produced only a little later ( no. 44 ), the new vari-ant—which was to become the iconographic standard—is already visible: the king sits on his swing and is idolized by female beauties.

As Hindola raga depictions from Orchha in northern India suggest, the iconographic shift towards the central swing probably took place earlier. Apparently, painters in the Deccan followed the older iconography of Kshemakarna’s version for a longer time and took up the new variant with swing only in the last quarter of the seventeenth century.

Subsequently, the emphasis also shifted away from the staging of royalty towards the feeling of springtime and freshly emerging love. Instead of young men, Hindola raga now idolized female beauties. From there, it was only a small step to link the female affection for Hindola with the devotional love for Krishna that is central to mystical bhakti devotion.

62 Hindola Raga Folio from a Ragamala series India, Rajasthan, Bundi or Uniara, c. 1770 Gift of Horst Metzger Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 2013

63 Hindola Raga Folio from a Ragamala series India, Rajasthan, Bundi or Uniara, c. 1770 Gift of Horst Metzger Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 2013

64 Hindola Raga Folio from a Ragamala series India, Rajasthan, Bikaner ( ? ), 1650–75 Alice Boner Legacy Museum Rietberg Zurich | RVI 1056

Selected Bibliography

Bautze, Joachim. Lotosmond und Löwenritt. Indische Miniaturmalerei. Stuttgart, 1991.

Blohm, Peter. “Led up the Garden Path: The Rose Garden Hidden by History.” In Perspectives ( March 2011 ): 45–57.

Faruqui, Munis D. “At Empire’s End: The Nizam, Hyderabad and Eight-eenth-Century India.” In Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 43, No. 1 ( Jan. 2009 ): 5–43.

Glynn, Catherine, Robert Skelton and Anna L. Dallapiccola. Ragamala Paint-ings from India: From the Claudio Moscatelli Collection. London: Wilson, 2011.

Habighorst, Ludwig. Moghul Ragamala. Gemalte indische Tonfolgen und Dichtung des Kshemakarna. Koblenz: 2006.

Haidar, Navina Najat and Marika Sardar eds. Sultans of the South: Arts of India’s Deccan Courts, 1323–1687. New York: 2011.

Overton, Keelan. “Book Culture, Royal Libraries, and Persianate Painting in Bijapur, circa 15800–1630.” In Muqarnas, Vol. 33 ( 2016 ): 91–154.

Ramaswami, Preeti Bahadur ed. Nauras: The Many Arts of the Deccan. Delhi: 2015.

Seyller, John. Mughal and Deccani paintings: The Eva and Konrad Seitz Col-lection of Indian Miniatures. Zürich: Museum Reitberg, 2010.

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Seyller, John and Jagdish Mittal. Deccani Paintings, Drawings and Manu-scripts in the Jagdish and Kamla Mittal Museum of Indian Art. Hyderabad: 2018.

Subrahmanyam, Sanjay, “The Career of Colonel Polier and Late Eight-eenth-Century Orientalism.” In Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 10, No. 1 ( April 2000 ): 43–60.

Laura Weinstein, “Illustration as Localization: A Dispersed Bijapuri Manu-script of the Shahnama”, in Gabrielle van den Berg and Charles Melville ( eds. ), Shahnama Studies III: The Reception of the Shahnama, pp. 347–372.

Zebrowski, Mark. Deccani Painting. London: Sotheby Publication, 1983.

Imprint:Texts: Caroline Widmer and Axel LangerTranslation: Hannah YoungLayout: Myrtha Keller and Simon Hofmann© Museum Rietberg, 2021