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Public Stockpiling of Rice in Asia Pacific
NTS Report No. 3 | April 2016
Mely Caballero-Anthony1, Paul Teng2, Jonatan Lassa3 , Tamara Nair 3 and Maxim Shrestha4
1AssociateProfessorandHeadoftheRSIS’CentreforNon-TraditionalSecurity(NTS)Studies2ProfessorandRSISSeniorAdjunctFellow;PrincipalOfficer,Director’sOffice,NaturalSciences&ScienceEducation,NIE3 ResearchFellow,RSIS’CentreforNon-TraditionalSecurity(NTS)Studies4 AssociateResearchFellow,RSIS’CentreforNon-TraditionalSecurity(NTS)Studies
CentreforNonTraditionalSecurityStudies(NTS)S.RajaratnamSchoolofInternationalStudiesNanyangTechnologicalUniversity,BlockS4,LevelB4,50NanyangAvenue,Singapore639798Tel:+6567906982Fax:[email protected]
www.rsis.edu.sg/nts NTS REPORT 2016
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Contents Executive Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Public stockpil ing of r ice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Types of public stockpiles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
The general practice of stockpiling: a historical perspective .................................................................... 6
Recent trends in the public stockpiling of rice in Asia ............................................................................... 9
APTERR and regional rice reserve mechanisms ......................................................................................... 9
Types/classification of public stockpiles .................................................................................................. 11
General implications of public stockpiling ............................................................................................... 13
General recommendations ...................................................................................................................... 17
Country Profi les . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Indonesia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
Malaysia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
The Phil ippines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
Thailand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
Vietnam .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60
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Executive Summary
Riceis,withoutdoubt,thesinglemostimportantfood/agriculturalcommodityinAsia.Otherthanits
primacy in terms of agricultural production (both in terms of volume and area dedicated to its
cultivation),thesheerbulkofitisproduced,consumed,andtradedwithintheregionandremainsan
integralpartoftheregion’seconomy,socio-culturallife,andoftentimesitspoliticalsphere.Givenits
uncontestedpositionas themost importantstaplecrop,“foodsecurity” isoften,equated to“rice
security”intheregion.
Public stockpil ing of r ice
Thepublicstockpilingofstaplegrains isoneoftheearlieststrategiesusedtomitigatefoodsupply
instability. Aftermanymillennia, it remains an important aspect, if not the cornerstone ofmany
national food policies around the world. In the case of the Asia Pacific region this essentially
translatestostockpilingandbuildingupricereserves.
Severalobjectivescanbemetthroughsuccessfulpublicstockpilingpolicies.Someoftheseinclude:
a) Stabilityoffoodsupplyandphysicalaccesstofood(duringemergenciesand/orotherwise)
b) Marketpricestabilisationandassuredaccesstoaffordablefood
c) Increased incomes for farmers in agricultural economies so as to incentivise greater
production
Most of the benefits of public stockpiling are short-term. They can be extremely useful stop-gap
measuresinensuringfoodeconomystabilityandarethusausefulbuffertohaveinagovernment’s
arsenal of food security policies. There are however numerous negative (both real and potential)
implicationstopursuingpoliciesofpublicstockpiling.Theseimplicationsarecausedbyanumberof
factors.Firstly,therearenosetnormsordirectivesonhowapublicstockpilingprogrammeoughtto
work,whattheoptimallevelsareorhowtheyaretobecalculated.Secondly,stockpilingpoliciesare
oftenusedtofulfilmultipleobjectivesandbecauseofthis,someobjectivesmayresult inactivities
whichconflictwithotherobjectives.Thesepointsareexploredingreaterdetail inthemaintextof
thereport.
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Types of public stockpiles
AnanalysisofpublicstockpilesmaintainedbycountrieswithintheAsiaPacificregionrevealedfour
different types of national public stockpiles and one regional/multilateral form. They are
summarisedasfollows:
Nationalpublicstockpiles
Emergency/humanitarianstocks:
Stockswhicharemaintainedtoprotectaccesstofoodintheeventofafoodshortageduring
emergencies.
Stocksforfoodsecurity:
Oftenreferredtoasbufferstocks, theseareusedtoensurestability intheavailabilityand
priceofrice.
Safetynetstocks
Targeted at lower income segments of society, such stocks are often sold at highly
subsidisedprices.
Stocksfortrade
Thepurposeistoguaranteeminimumprofitmarginsforfarmersandensureexportstability.
Multilateralstockpiles
Regionalfoodreserves
TheASEANPlusThreeEmergencyRiceReserve (APTERR),which comprises the tenASEAN
member statesplusChina, SouthKoreaand Japan,was setup tohelp the region stabilise
ricesuppliesduringemergencies.
Implications of Public Stockpil ing
Governments adopting stockpiling policies need to be acutely aware of its implications, on both
domesticandinternationallevels,andbepreparedtomitigatepotentialriskssuchas:
Atthedomesticlevel
• Fiscalburden
• Potentiallong-termdependency
• Politicisationoffood
• Marketdistortionandcrowdingoutoftheprivatesector
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• Lossesandinefficiencies
• Noguaranteeoffoodsecurity
AttheInternationallevel
There are two different dimensions to potential international implications of adopting stockpiling
policies.
• ImpactonInternationaltradeandeconomics
• Psychologicaleffects
Despite the negative implications and a chequered history of public stockpiling and reserve
programmes,itseemshighlylikelythatmanygovernmentsinAsiaPacificaregoingtomaintainand
operate rice reserves and stockpiling programmes. There arenumerous reasons and rationales to
supportsuchpoliciesinthevariouscountries.Factoringin,andkeepingabreastofdevelopmentsin
public rice stockpiling initiatives and policies in the region is going to be essential and important
whenthinkingof“foodsecurity”fromamacroperspective.
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Introduction
Public stockpiling is considered a strategy for domestic food security and an alternative to trade-
based policies for food. This trend is particularly noticeable in countries in the region with large
populationslikeIndia,China,andIndonesia,aswellasamongcountrieswhichhavereliedheavilyon
food imports intherecentpastsuchastheUnitedArabEmirates,Bangladesh,thePhilippinesand
Malaysia, among others. The public stockpiling of rice is not new and is gaining interest and fast
becominganimportantaspectofnationalfoodpolicies.
Stockpilingoffood,particularlystaplegrainslikerice,hasbeenusedasamethodtoensurestability
of food supply throughout human history at both the individual/household level as well as
collectivelybygovernments.Maintainingpublicstockshelpstomitigateanumberofrisksfacedby
food insecureand foodvulnerablepeople.Countrieswith food stockpiles canhelp itspopulations
weather (i) global food price shocks; (ii) local supply shocks (failed harvests); (iii) income shocks
(fromeconomicdownturnsorexchangerateshocks);(iv)disruptionsintrade(exportbans),and(v)
emergenciesandcalamities.
Mostcountriesaroundtheworldhaveexperiencewithsomeformofpublicstockpilingoffood.For
many countries with large populations, such stockpiling of food serves as an important pillar of
nationalfoodpoliciesandensuresstabilityinsupply,stabilityinpriceandallowsdistributionoffood
tovulnerablepopulations.Thishasbeenparticularlytrueinthecaseofstaplegrainslikerice,wheat
andmaize.
Theglobalfoodpricecrisisof2007-2008,whichsawtheinternationalpricesofstaplegrainsincrease
drastically,caughtmanycountriesoff-guard.Whileallimportingcountrieswerehitbytheepisode,
developing economies suffered the impacts themost as they found themselves priced out of the
market.Thisexperience,whichrevealedsomeoftheweaknessesintheinternationalfoodmarket,
ledtoare-evaluationofstockpilingstrategies,itspotentialusesandneeds.
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The general practice of stockpil ing: a historical perspective In the 20th Century the practice and popularity of stockpiling of food have gone through ups and
downsduetoavarietyofreasons;suchasworldwars,tradepolicies,technologicalbreakthroughs1
andideology.2
Inthe1940sand50s,therewaswideacceptanceoftheneedforsomeformofstockpiling(especially
emergencyreservesand/orbufferstocks)ofimportantstaplecommodities.3,4Thispositionhowever
tookaU-turnwith theonsetof theGreenRevolutionwhichsignificantlyboosted foodproduction
and it was argued that efficient international trade would be sufficient in guaranteeing a steady
supplyoffoodata lowercostacrosstheworld.This ledtomostcountriesgraduallycuttingpublic
stockpilesfromthe1970sonwards.5
Theresurgenceofpublicstockpiling
Inthe70s,maintainingstockpileswasequatedwithhighfiscalcosts,lossandwastageoffood,and
deemed distortionary to global trade andmarkets.6While some countries continued tomaintain
nationalfoodstocksofimportantcommodities,theoveralltrendshiftedtowardstradepoliciesand
internationaltradetomeetdomesticfoodsupplydeficits.7
This downward trajectory continued until 2007-2008,8 when theworld was hit by the food price
crisis.Afterclosetothreedecadesofsustainedinternationalfoodprices,the2007-2008crisisandits
1Technologicalbreakthroughshavecomeabout innumerousaspects fromseed technology to supply chainefficiencies, information technology like GPS and satellite monitoring, communications and marketinformation,tonamebutafew.2Thisreferstotheideologicalriftsofthe20thCenturybetweenmarketandplanned/stateeconomicmodels.3Porter,R.S.,“BufferStocksandEconomicStability”,OxfordEconomicPapers,NewSeries,Vol.2,No.1(Jan1950)pp.95–1184The40sand50sthinkingwasstillinfluencedbyMalthusiantheoriesandthememoryandexperienceoftheWorldWar IIwhichsaw international tradecometoahaltwasalso relatively fresh.Overallagriculturealsocommandedarelativelymoreimportantroleinalleconomiesandhencestockpilingpolicieswereconsideredimportantaspectsoffoodandagriculturepolicies.5Massell,B.F.,“PriceStabilizationandWelfare”,QuarterlyJournalofEconomics(May1969).6 Bigman, D., and Shlomo Reutlinger, “National and International Policies Toward Food Security and PriceStabilization”,AmericanEconomicReview,Vol.69,No.2,(May1979)7Bigman,D.,andShlomoReutlinger, “FoodPriceandSupplyStabilization:NationalBufferStocksandTradePolicies”,AmericanJournalofAgriculturalEconomics,Vol61,No.4,(Nov1979)8 Gilbert, Christopher L. Food Reserves in Developing Countries: Trade Policy Options for Improved FoodSecurity.IssuePaperNo.37.Geneva:InternationalCentreforTradeandSustainableDevelopment,2011.
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resultantpricehikewasanunexpectedshock. InAsia theresurgenceofstockpiling,particularlyof
rice, emerged after the export bans of rice and grains by India and Vietnam in 2007-2008, and
Russia’sbanonwheatexportsin2010.
Driven largely by increasing and volatile prices for staple grains and some vegetable oils, many
governmentshavesincedeemed internationalmarkets jitteryandunpredictable.Theresultof the
upwardpricesandvolatilitysawmanyfarmers,especiallyindevelopingcountries,beingpricedout
ofthemarketanddriventowardshunger.9
This episode also exposed vulnerabilities for most food importing and lower income countries.
Despitehavingsafely reliedon internationalmarkets toprovide foodthroughtrade-basedpolicies
for decades the crisis found markets closing on them. Many major exporters of staples like rice
closedtheirbordersbyenforcingexportbanswhichonlyexacerbatedthepanicanddeepenedthe
crisis.10
Maintainingstockpileshaslargelycometobeseenasaresponsetointernationaltradeuncertainties
and volatility.11 The crisis was a result of complex and interrelated reasons and since their
occurrence,thereisgrowingevidencethatcountries,particularlyinAsiaandAfrica,havestartedor
arerevisitingstockpilingpolicyoptionsonceagaininordertoguaranteefoodsecurityforitscitizens.
Thistrendhasbeenmorevisible(andpopular)inbothfoodimportinganddevelopingcountries.12
However,therearespill-overeffectsofadoptingsuchpoliciesinternationally.Inthecaseofthinly-
tradedcommodities13suchasrice,thedecisiontoadoptfoodstockpilingpoliciesislikelytoresultin
less stock available globally for export, thus potentially leading to limited supply and sustained
9Hadley,DerekD.andFanShenggen,Reflectionsontheglobalfoodcrisis:Howdidithappen?Howhasithurt?Andhowcanwepreventthenextone?,WashingtonD.C.:InternationalFoodPolicyResearchInstitute,2010.10Timmer,PeterC.,“ReflectionsonFoodCrisesPast”,FoodPolicy35(2010),pp1–11.11Gilbert,ChristopherL.FoodReservesinDevelopingCountries:TradePolicyOptionsforImprovedFoodSecurity.IssuePaperNo.37.Geneva:InternationalCentreforTradeandSustainableDevelopment,2011.12WorldBank.UsingPublicFoodgrainStockstoEnhanceFoodSecurity.WashingtonD.C.:TheWorldBank,2012.13Thinmarketsrefertocommoditiesofwhichaverysmallpercentageoftotalsupplyisactuallytraded.Forthecaseofriceitisestimatedthatonly7%oftotalworldproductionisinternationallytraded.
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higher prices.14 Widespread adoption of stockpiling practiceswould therefore have the opposite
effecttotheirintendedoutcomesandactuallyexacerbatevolatilitiesinfoodsupplyandprice.
RecenttrendsinpublicstockpilingpoliciesinAsiaPacific
Following the 2007-2008 food price crisis, complete reliance and dependence on trade and
international markets for food is no longer seen as a safe option for most food importing
governments. In response, there have been two separate, but interlinked policy directionswhich
havecometobeseenasfavourableinaddressingfuturemarketuncertainties.Thefirstisintermsof
buildingupnational stockpiles for essential staples like rice; the second is inpushing towards the
goalofself-sufficiency,especiallyinrice,forwhichpublicstockpilingpolicieswillbeinstrumentalto
supportsubsidiesanddefendfloorpricesandfarmers’incomes.
Table 1 offers a snapshot of some of the countries which currently engage in public stockpiling
practices for rice in theAsia Pacific region and the types of stocks theymaintain. In recent years
manydevelopingcountrieshaveexpressed interest ineitherstartingor increasingtheirpublicrice
stockholding levels through domestic procurement and imports. In the same vein, other major
importers in the Southeast Asian region, who have usually depended on trade to make up for
shortfalls in their domestic rice production, are also changing their policies. Indonesia, the
Philippines,andMalaysiaarecurrentlypursuingpoliciesandstrategiesgearedtowards100percent
riceself-sufficiency,andbuildinguptheirbufferstocks.15Ricestockpilingpracticesandpoliciesare
nowseenasanintegralpartoftheirlargerfoodsecuritypolicy.
Table1:Selectedcountrieswithexistingricestockpilingpoliciesandtypesofstocksmaintained
Entity Country Food SecurityStockpiles
Emergency/humanitarianstocks
Safety NetStockpiles
Stockpile forexportpurposes
Countrylevel China ü Japan ü India ü ü ü ü*Bangladesh ü Indonesia ü ü ü
14Timmer,PeterC.,op.cit,pp1–11.15BasedonfieldworkconductedbyJ.A.LassaandM.ShresthainIndonesia,PhilippinesandMalaysia,September-November2014
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Philippines ü ü Malaysia ü Thailand üSingapore ü Vietnam ü üBrunei ü Hong Kong(SAR)
ü
Regionallevel
APTERR ü
*.Notofficiallyverified/validated
Source:DataderivedfromliteraturereviewandfieldfindingsbyLassaandShrestha,2014.
Recent trends in the public stockpil ing of r ice in Asia MostcountriesinAsiahaveahistoryofpublicstockpilingoffood,particularlyriceandotherstaples.
Some of these programmes’ beginnings can be traced back to colonial times, while some were
formedpost-independencetoaddresscertainchallengesandneedsinthedomesticfoodeconomy.
Theresurgenceinricestockpilingwasobservedespeciallyaftertheexportbansofriceandgrainsby
IndiaandVietnamin2007-2008,andRussia’sbanonwheatexports in2010.Maintainingreserves
foremergenciesand/orunforeseendisasters (including those linked toclimatechange) isanother
aspectwhichismakingstockpiling,especiallyforrice,amoreattractiveproposition.
InthecaseofSoutheastAsia,manycountriesintheregionhistoricallyhaveadoptedamixoftrade
instrumentssuchasgovernmenttogovernmenttrade,localprocurement,andprocurementthrough
theprivatesectorinmanagingtheirricestocksandstockpiles.However,ifmostimportingcountries
were to strongly adopt stockpiling policies, thiswould put additional pressure on stocks available
globally,potentiallyleadingtolimitedsupplyandsustainedhigherprices.16Widespreadadoptionof
stockpiling practices could therefore have an opposite effect to their intended outcomes, and
actuallyexacerbatevolatilitiesinfoodsupplyandprice.Stockpilingcanalsoleadtothepossibilityof
dumpingexcessstockpileswhichwouldthenleadtoasignificantdistortionofworldmarkets.
APTERR and regional r ice reserve mechanisms TheASEANPlusThreeEmergencyRiceReserve(APTERR)andtheASEANFoodSecurityInformation
System (AFSIS) are notable achievements. AFSISwas started in 2003with the aim of becoming a
centralinformationrepositoryforfivecommoditiesintheASEANregion.Theseincluderice,maize,
16Timmer,PeterC.,op.cit,pp1–11.
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soybeans, sugar, and cassava. AFSISmonitors and analyses production, import, export, inventory
stock,prices,foodsecurityratioandself-sufficiencyratiosforthesecommodities.
The establishment of the ASEAN Emergency Rice Reserve (AERR) began in 1979 with voluntary
contributions(intheformofpledges)of87,000metrictonnes(mt)bymemberstates.Since2001a
rice reservemechanism forEastAsiawasalso consideredwhich led to the startof theEastAsian
EmergencyRiceReserve (EAERR).However, after the2007-2008 crisis, theAERRandEAERRwere
broughttogethertoformapermanentschemeundertheASEANPlusThreeEmergencyRiceReserve
or APTERR in 2009, as amechanism to address potential food shortages in the region. The final
formal agreementby theASEAN+3 states (China, Japan, andSouthKorea)was signed inOctober
2011inJakarta.
Table2:CurrentearmarkedricequantitybyAPTERRstates
Countries EarmarkedRiceQuantity(inMT)
BruneiDarussalam 3,000
Cambodia 3,000
Indonesia 12,000
LaoPDR 3,000
Malaysia 6,000
Myanmar 14,000
Philippines 12,000
Singapore 5,000
Thailand 15,000
VietNam 14,000
P.R.China 300,000
Japan 250,000
RepublicofKorea 150,000
Total 787,000
Source:ASEANPlusThreeEmergencyRiceReserveAgreement,2011
The idea andmotivation behind APTERR and AFSIS are important and noble. Understanding and
monitoringfoodsecurityfromaregionalperspective,ratherthanfromjustnationallevels,captures
thedynamicsofaregionalfoodsystemfromamacro-level.Suchaholisticoverviewcanalsoprovide
forusefulinsightsandhelpidentifyproblemareasandconcernswithregardtofoodsecuritywithin
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the region andminimise the need for national public stockpiling policies. To date however these
regionalinstitutionshavenotbeenfullyeffective.
This ineffectiveness has come about due to a number of reasons. Firstly, AFSIS still has difficulty
collectingdatainatimelymannerinordertobeabletoefficientlyevaluateandmonitortheregional
foodsecuritysituation.AnearlywarningsystemissupposedtobeanimportantcomponentofAFSIS
which could then be used to activate APTERR. The lack of timely data and sharing by states has
hinderedthis.
Secondly,theAPTERRmechanismhasstrictrulesandprotocolsintermsofactivationandreleaseof
stocks when requested by governments. Usually this takes a long time as APTERR works on the
principalofvirtualstocksanddoesnotdirectlycontrolanyphysicalproducts.Thismeansthatwhen
there is an emergency such as a natural disaster, the time taken for eventual delivery and
distributionofricetoaffectedareasbecameextremelylengthy.
Types/classif ication of public stockpiles
Ananalysisofpublicricestockpilesmaintainedinthecountriesstudiedrevealsfourdifferenttypes
ofnationalpublicstockpilesandonemultilateralform.Theyaresummarisedasfollows:
Nationalpublicstockpiles
Emergency/humanitarianstocks:
Thesearestockswhicharemaintained toprotectaccess to food,especially forvulnerable
groups,intheeventofafoodshortageduringemergencies.Releaseofsuchstockshappens
in the event of any type of emergency or as part of bigger post-disaster safety nets, as
deemednecessarybygovernments.
Stocksforfoodsecurity:
Oftenreferredtoasbufferstocks,foodsecuritystocksareusedinordertoensurestability
in the availability and price of food. Such stockpiles are usually used by governments to
control domestic supply and domestic prices of food. The theoretical foundation for such
stocks is forgovernments toprocure food fromfarmersand/ormarketsonthecheapand
releasestockswhenmarketpricesmoveabovewhatisdeemedacceptablelevelsintermsof
affordability.
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Safetynetstocks:
Safetynet stocksare targetedat lower incomesegmentsof society.Suchstocksareoften
soldathighlysubsidisedprices.Thistypeoffoodstocksissometimesmaintainedandstored
togetherwith stocks for food securitypurposes. However, unlike stocks for food security,
safetynetstocksaretargetedatcertaingroupsorbeneficiariesasclassifiedbygovernments
based on defined poverty lines, as seen in countries like India and Indonesia. Such stocks
generallyintendtoimproveavailabilityandaccessforpopulationswhosufferfromchronic
foodinsecurity.
Stocksfortrade
This type of public stock is often seen as an anomaly since it is held bymajor exporting
countries that have little urgency in terms of needing to ensure food availability for its
people.Thepurposeofsuchstocks isessentially toguaranteeminimumprofitmargins for
farmers and export stability (See Table 1). In Vietnam and Thailand, this policy is often a
response to lucrativebusiness in theoverseas food trade. InThailand, the resellingof rice
stocksprocuredbythegovernmentfromitsfarmersishandledbytheMinistryofCommerce
in international markets. Profits or losses incurred by this operation are borne by the
government.
International/Multilateralstockpiles
Regionalfoodreserves
Probablythemostcitedandwellknownexampleofaregionalfoodreservemechanism,as
mentionedearlier, is theASEANPlusThreeEmergencyRiceReserve (APTERR).Comprising
thetenASEANmemberstatesplusChina,SouthKoreaandJapan,thereservewassetupto
help the region stabilise rice (the region’s staple food crop) supplies during emergencies.
APTERR currently has 787,000 tonnes of pledged rice at its disposal.17 Other examples
include theSouthAsianAssociation forRegionalCooperation (SAARC)FoodBank inSouth
Asia18andtheEconomicCommunityofWestAfricanStates(ECOWAS)regionalhumanitarian
reserve.19,20
17PersonalinterviewwithManagerofAPTERRSecretariat,Bangkok,13September2014.SeealsoAPTERRhttp://www.apterr.org/images/pdf_apterr/APTERR-Leaflet.pdf18TheSAARCfoodbankhasyettobeoperationalised.
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General implications of public stockpil ing Public stockpiling policy implications can be evaluated both domestically and internationally. The
implicationsofbotharediscussedbrieflybelow.Governmentsintentonadoptingsuchpoliciesneed
tobeacutelyawareoftheseimplicationsandbepreparedtomitigatepotentialrisks.
DomesticImplications
• Fiscalburden
Stockpilingpoliciesentailthreemainstages;(i)procurement,(ii)storageandmaintenance,
and(iii)distributionorstockrotation.Allthreeaspectscomeatacosttonationalbudgets
andtaxpayers.Thescaleofthecostsinvolved(fixedandvariable)willdependontheoverall
size of the operation. In theory stockpiling programmes that maintain buffer stocks
primarilyforpricestabilisationshouldbeprofitable/profitgeneratingoperations,however,
mostpastexperiencesuggeststhatthisisnotsustainableinthelong-run.21
• Potentiallong-termdependency
Effective use of stockpiling can help achieve a number of benefits for national food
economies.However, stockpiling effectivenessmay lead to governments’ dependence on
theprogrammeasa long-termsolution to foodandagriculturalproblems insteadof as a
short-termfix.
• Politicisationoffood
The politicisation of food seems to have been a common phenomenon in almost all
countries that use public stockpiling programmes. With direct government control,
stockpiling programmes have been used to further political goals of incumbent
governments.A lackoftransparencyandaccountabilityoftenleadstoagreater likelihood
ofsuchpoliticisation.22
19TheECOWASRegionalFoodSecurityReservehasalsonotbeenrealisedyet.CurrentlywiththehelpoftheEU,theprogrammeisstartingtobesetup.20Op.cit.,Gilbert,FoodReservesinDevelopingCountries21WorldBank.UsingPublicFoodgrainStockstoEnhanceFoodSecurity.WashingtonD.C.:TheWorldBank,2012.22Anexampleofhowfoodandstockpilingprogrammescanbepoliticisediswhengovernmentsusestockstointerveneinlocalmarketstosupressfoodprices(andinflation)toreappoliticalbenefits.Otherexamplesarewhenincumbentgovernmentsdistributecheap(orfree)foodinfavouredconstituenciesorinsomecasesprocuringfromlocalproducersathighpricestoappeasefarmersandrelatedvotingblocks.
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• Marketdistortionandcrowdingoutoftheprivatesector
With governments becoming directly involved in the domestic (and sometimes
international)marketforfoodcommodities,theprivatesectorcanbecomedis-incentivised
and disenfranchised, and cannot partake in the food market. This can lead to the
governmenteventuallymonopolisingthefoodeconomy.
• Hampersdiversificationinfood-producingcountries
Oneofthelong-termimplicationsofcontinuouslyrunningafoodstockpilingprogrammeis
thediscouragementoffoodproductiondiversity.Sinceonlyahandfulofcommoditiesare
publiclystockpiled,mostproducersandfarmerswouldfinditsafetoinvestinandproduce
stockpiled crops/food as its sale would be guaranteed. When governments then try to
encourage producers to focus on other equally important crops, producers are often
reluctanttodiversifytheiroutputs.
• Lossesandinefficiencies
Foodisaperishablegood.Chancesof lossesduringstorageandstockpilingoperationsare
extremelyhigh.Manycasesofstockpilinghaverepeatedlyidentifiedphysicallossesoffood
stocks. There are also other losses due to unaccountability and corruption, such as the
“disappearance”ofstocksandtransportationlosses.
• Noguaranteeoffoodsecurity
Maintaining and controlling physical food stocks do not guarantee food security for a
country’spopulation. This fact isoftennotaccepted forpolitical reasons. Somecountries
whichmaintainlargevolumesofpublicfoodstockpilescontinuetosufferfromchronicfood
insecuritydue toavarietyof reasons suchasdistributionproblems,and the lackof clear
operationalguidelinesandmechanisms.
Internationalimplications
Therearetwodifferentdimensionstotheinternationalimplicationsofadoptingstockpilingpolicies.
Thefirstandmoredirect implication is intermsof international trade.Thesecond,morenuanced
implicationdealswiththepsychologicalimpactofstockpiling.
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• Internationaltradeandeconomics
Thedecisiontopursuestockpilingbyanimportingorexportingcountryautomaticallyleads
toanincreaseddemandforthestockpiledcommodity.Thiswoulddirectlyaffectthesupply
ofand/ordemandforthecommodity inthe internationalmarket.Stockpilingpracticesby
any major importing or exporting country (for the purposes of domestic food security)
wouldthereforeleadtohigherpricesaswellashigherchancesofpricevolatility.
Higherpricesorpricevolatilityintheinternationalmarketwillinturnfurtherpushforand
justify stockpiling programmes, which again increases demand and price volatility.
Eventually this becomes a vicious cycle that entrenches the need for even greater
stockpiling(seeFigure1).Thisisdangerousforinternationalmarketstability.
Figure1.Potentialviciouscycleofstockpilingpolicies
Anotherpotentialproblemofbuildinguplargestocksandreservesisthattheremightbea
need to periodically off-load excess stocks as part of either storage rotation or due to
sustainedhigh levelsofproduction. Insuch instances,particularly forexportingcountries,
stocks may be dumped onto the international market, which would lead to an artificial
suppressionofprices.Whilethiscouldbeseenasaboonforconsumers, itcouldcomeat
veryhighcoststoproducersandthelong-termviabilityofaparticularcommodity.
• Psychologicaleffects
Higherdemand
forcommodity
Increaseinprices
Greaterpotenmalofmarketvolamlity
Threatofnotsecuringsufficient
stocksonmme
Decisiontostockpile
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16
The practice of stockpiling by importing countries is often a reaction to counter the
perceived (or real) inefficiencies and failuresof the internationalmarket toprovide food.
Stockpiling is thus perceived as a useful option to safeguard against supply and/or price
disruptionsorvolatility.Howeveronecountry’scommitmenttostockpilingoradecisionto
increase stockpiling levels can send a negative signal to the rest of the market. If the
country’sdemandforaparticularfoodcommodity is largeenoughtocreateshocks inthe
supply-demandequilibrium, there ishighpotential fora cascadingeffect inworldmarket
psyche. This impactwouldbe relativelygreater fromcountrieswith largerpopulationsas
wellasthosethatrelyheavilyonimports,comparedtocountrieswithsmallerpopulations
andlessimportdependence.
Thefirstnegativeimpactwouldbetheperceptionofgreatercompetition(duetodemand
pressure).Suchperceived threatsandriskscan lead topanic in theworld foodmarketas
wasobservedduringthe2007-2008foodpricecrisis.Secondly,negativeperceptionshave
thepotentialtostarta“stocksrace”especiallyamongcountriesrelianton imports. Inthe
medium- to long term, this would erode trust in the international trading systemwhich
would be detrimental to all countries that rely on international markets for their
population’sfoodsecurity.
Lastly,mostpublic food stockpilingprogrammesandpolicies tend tobeguardedas state
secretswithlittleornoconcreteverifiableinformationavailable.Thisinformationgapand
the cultivation of a culture of secrecy surrounding national food stockpiles result in
unnecessary hostility, a lack of trust, and tensions in the international community. Such
developmentscanhavenegativeconsequencesforstatesandgovernments.
Mostgovernmentsthatchoosetoadoptpublicricestockpilingdosomainlyfordomesticfoodpolicy
purposes.Whiletherearenumerousimportantbenefitsthatstockpilingpoliciescangeneratethere
are also major negative implications and risks which come with it; both domestically and
internationally. A clear assessment of implications at all levels needs serious considerationwith a
proper cost-benefit analysis prior to the decision to pursue or change a public food stockpiling
strategy.
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General recommendations
Inanearlierstudy,aseriesofrecommendationswerederivedforcountrieschoosingtoadoptpublic
stockpilingoffoodpolicies.Itwasnotedthatsuchpoliciesneedtobecarefullyconsideredgivenits
costs, potential impacts on markets, as well as the necessity of addressing efficiency issues for
effectivenessofhumanitarian/emergencystockpiles.23
Listedbelowaresomeoftherecommendationsbasedontheresearchoncurrentfoodstockpiling
behaviour in the South and Southeast Asian regions conducted by the Centre forNon-Traditional
SecurityStudies.The researchwascarriedoutbetweenNovember2013and July2015.Beloware
general recommendations for national/public entities that are currently pursuing public rice
stockpilingpoliciesorareconsideringstarting(orrevising)theirpolicies.
Generalrecommendations
• Advocate close monitoring of stockpiling behaviour and policies of other countries in
commodities of interest through data and information available in the public domain.
Potential sources of information include agricultural statistics, news reports, annual
reportsof concernedpublic/private institutions, changes innational foodpolicieswhich
could impact stockpiling practices etc. Changes in policies might signal potential
competition for a commodity. It can also signal transitions in international market
dynamics(ifstockpilingisdonethroughimportation)asaresultofthesechanges.
• Establisharegionalpublicstockpilingdatabankwithhighlevelsofaccuracyandtimely
data. It would be in the interest of all ASEAN countries to share such data since this
develops trust among peers, and transparencyminimises chances of panic and extreme
pricevolatilityininternationalmarkets.
• Exploreoptionstowardstherealisationofmaintainingactualphysicalstocks inregional
stockpiling mechanisms to deal with disasters and emergencies (such as APTERR).
Currently,suchmechanismsdonothaveasuccessful trackrecordandsomepointtothe
virtualnatureof stocksasa critical factor. Therearealso issues surroundinggovernance
andprotocols.Anyregionalmechanismthatdealswithemergenciesshouldthereforelook
intoexploringthepossibilityofmaintainingatleastsomephysicalstockstobeeffective.
23Foramoreextensivediscussionsee,Caballero-Anthonyetal.PublicStockpilingandFoodSecurity.Singapore:RSIS,2015.
Singapore,April2016
18
• Establishclarityintermsofstockpilinggoalsandobjectivesandinstituteclearoperational
guidelines in terms of procurement, storage, release mechanisms. Often stockpiling
policies have failed or have a bad track record when toomany goals and objectives are
sought from them. A lack of clarity in the objectives and purpose of a stockpiling policy
usually creates more problems. For example, if the stockpile is purely for disasters and
emergencies,thensituationswhichcanbeconsideredas‘disasters’or‘emergencies’must
be clearly defined and guidelines for activation and operation developed accordingly.
Stockpilingpoliceswithclearlydefinedguidelineshaveproventobemoresuccessful.
• Encourage greater private sector involvement in stockpiling for greater efficiency and
transparencyofstockpilingprogrammes.Itisadvisabletoincludetheprivatesectorinthe
stockpilingprogrammetopreventdis-incentivisingorunnecessarymarketdistortions.
Inconclusion,thepracticeofmaintainingpublicstockpilesofessentialfoodcommoditieshasbeena
popularpolicybymanygovernments.Experiencehas shown thatpublic stockpiles canhelp shield
domesticmarkets in timesofproduction shortfallsor globalpricehikes in the short-term.History
hasalsoshownthattherearenumerouschallengesandimplicationsofthepublicstockpilingofrice.
Inpursuingpublic ricestockpilingpolicies,governmentshavetobeawareof thesechallengesand
adopt a system which allows for effective monitoring and governance of rice stocks. It is also
importanttofullyassessandunderstandthelong-termimpactsofstockpilingonthefoodeconomy
and food security goals. Lastly, while focusing on domestic food policies through strategies like
public stockpiling, governments also need to be aware of the potential regional and global
implicationsoftheirdomesticpolicies.
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Country Profi les
Thefollowingsectionwilllookatthepracticeofmaintainingricereservesandpublicricestockpiling
policiesofsixcountries intheAsiaPacific region.This is largelybasedonthefindingsof fieldwork
conductedinIndia,Indonesia,Malaysia,ThePhilippines,Thailand,andVietnam.Thesectionaimsto
provideanoverviewandsnapshotofpublicstockpilingofriceintherespectivecountries.
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India Table3:PublicStockpilingofRiceSnapshot
TotalPopulation 1.28billion(2014,estimate)
Quantity of public rice
stockpiles
Total(in‘000mt),2014
Production Imports Exports Consumption PublicStockpile
106,650 0 11,500 99,251 17,000
Public Stockpiling
Authority/Institution
FoodCorporationofIndia(FCI)
Purposeofpublicstockpile • Farmersubsidy/income
• Legalobligation(NationalFoodSecurityAct2013)
• Foodsafetynet/foodsubsidy
• Market/pricestabilisation
• Domesticsupplystability
Governanceofstockpile Control NameofInstitution/Organisation
Public FCI,MinistryofAgriculture,CACP
Dedicated infrastructure
forstockpiles
Facility Numbers Capacity(mmt)
Warehouses(Covered)
CoverandPlinth(CAP)
(not publicly
available)
FCIowned:15.65
Rented:21.5
Introduction
NotonlydoesIndiahavealonghistoryofagriculturedatingbackatleast6000years,itconsistently
hasoneofthehighestagriculturaloutputsintheworldandisthebiggestproducerofvariouscrops
andfruits.AlthoughthecontributionofagriculturetoGDPhasbeendecliningsteadilyovertheyears
itstillaccounts forcloseto18percent.24Thesectoralsostill reportscloseto50percentof total
employment.25
Historically,Indiaisoneofthelargestproducersofrice.OverthelastdecadeIndiahasalsoemerged
as one of the major exporters of other agricultural commodities. This is largely due to vast
improvementsanddevelopmentinportfacilitiesandinfrastructurewhichhavehadapositiveeffect
onexports,byreducingthecostofshipping.Secondly,productionhasbeenboostedby(i)opening
upofnewareasfortheproductionofstaplegrains,and(ii)changesincroppingpatternsandland-
24WorldBankData,2014.http://data.worldbank.org/country/india(lastaccessedDecember2015).25Ibid,2013
Singapore,April2016
21
usewhichhaveresultedingreateryieldperunitareaof land.Boththesefactorshavecontributed
significantlytoproduction.26
India’sdominantpositioninriceproductionandtrademeansfoodpolicyinIndiahasimplicationsfor
otherpartsoftheworld.The2007-2008pricecrisisrevealedasmuchIndia’sdecisiontostopexports
ofriceandwheatduetodomesticfoodsecurityconcerns,tosomeextent,contributedsignificantly
totheinternationalpanicwhichfollowed.
Indiahaspublicly stockpiled rice (andothergrains) forover fivedecadesnow. India is the second
largestproducerof riceafterChinawithslightlyover159milliontonnesproduced in2013.27 India
has also become the world’s largest exporter of rice since 2012, consistently supplying
approximately10milliontonnesintotheinternationalmarketeveryyear.28
Indiahasbeenself-sufficientinricesinceitsindependencein1947.Whileproductionhasnotbeen
anissueaccesstoriceforitspopulationhasremainedamajorconcern.Asoneofthemajorstaple
crops (along with wheat), rice has been stockpiled since the 1960s to try and better guarantee
physicalandeconomicaccessforitspopulation,especiallyforthoseinthelowerincomebrackets.
Figure2:IndiaRice-AnnualYieldandProductionPerCapita
Source:FAOSTATandUSDA,2014
26InterviewwithofficerfromMinistryofAgriculture,India,18thOct2014,NewDelhi27FAOData,FAOSTAT,2014.http://faostat3.fao.org/home/E(lastaccessedDecember2015)28RiceStatisticsData,IRRI,2014.http://ricestat.irri.org:8080/wrs2/entrypoint.htm(lastaccessedDecember2015).
0.00
10.00
20.00
30.00
40.00
50.00
60.00
70.00
80.00
90.00
0.00
0.50
1.00
1.50
2.00
2.50
3.00
3.50
4.00
1961
1963
1965
1967
1969
1971
1973
1975
1977
1979
1981
1983
1985
1987
1989
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1993
1995
1997
1999
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2003
2005
2007
2009
2011
2013
Consum
p]on
Kg/pe
rcap
ita/year
Yield-t/ha
Yieldt/ha Riceconsumpmonpercapitakg/yr
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22
HistoricalOverview
Food self-sufficiency has been the cornerstoneof India’s foodpolicy since independence in 1947.
Howeverthedeficitbetweentheminimumrequiredfoodandsupplyremaineduntilthe1960s.Up
until then India importedboth rice andwheat in varying amounts almost annually to supplement
their production shortfall. This gapbetweendemandand supplywas successfully closedafter the
1960sandintothe1970s,withtheonsetofthegreenrevolution.
The approach to food security in India since its independence has been to boost domestic
productionandminimiseimportdependence.Toachievethis,certainsystemsandinstitutionswere
established. These included the Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices (CACP), Food
Corporation of India (FCI) and the Public Distribution System (PDS) to better address food and
nutrition concerns through ensuring stability of prices, creating incentives to boost domestic
production, rationing of essential commodities, ensuring availability (especially for the poor and
needy),andcheckingthepracticeofhoardingandblackmarketing.29Theofficialpracticeofpublic
stockpilingofgrains(riceandwheat)startedwiththeseinstitutions.
Stockpiling of grains in India has historically beenboostedby and is part of a numberof policies.
These include regulationof traders fromexploitativemarketingpractices through theuseof legal
andregulatorymeasuressuchaslicensing,levies,stockinglimitsandmovementrestrictionsaswell
asfixingofminimumsupportprices(MSPs).30Itisarguedthatallofthesepolicieshavecontributed
significantly to the increase ingrainproductionwhichhasmanaged tokeeppacewithpopulation
growthuntilthepresent.
Asafederationof28stategovernmentsandsevenunionterritories,India’sfoodpolicy,particularly
its stockpilinganddistributionactivities,arepredominantlyhandledat thestate level.Thecentral
government’sroleisinfederalguidanceonMSPs,distributionprices,administrationmechanismand
amountspereligiblepersons.Therearedifferences inmechanismsbetweenstateshowever,given
thevaryingincomesandfoodsituationatstatelevel.
29Pangotra,Prem."PublicDistributionSysteminIndia."PhDdiss.,IndianInstituteOfManagement,Ahmedabad,2010.30Acharya,ShabdS."FoodSecurityandIndianAgriculture:Policies,ProductionPerformanceandMarketingEnvironment",AgriculturalEconomicsResearchReview22,no.1(2009):1-19.
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23
RationaleforStockpiling
The Food Corporation of India (FCI) was set up under the Food Corporation Act 1964 to fulfil a
number of objectives. This has been done with the help of a stockpiling mechanism which it
undertakesandoversees.
TheFCI’sobjectivesinclude31:
• Pricesupportforfarmerstohelpboostdomesticproduction
• Distributionof food grains throughout the country through the PDS to ensure availability
(foodsecuritystocks)
• Make food available at reasonable prices particularly for vulnerable sections of society
(safetynetstocks)
• Maintain strategic reserve to ensure supply during disruptions and emergencies
(emergencyreserve)
• Ensure reasonable domesticmarket prices through intervention when necessary (market
pricestabilisation).
Presentstockpilingpolicyandpractices
Thesizeoftheminimumpublicstockstobemaintainedisdeterminedeveryfiveyearsbyanexpert
group32 taking into account yearly fluctuations in production and government’s commitment in
providingsubsidised food.The totalamountofactual stocksatanygivenpoint in timemaydiffer
fromthenorm.Thishaslargelybeenthecase,forvariousreasons,suchasmarketpricesvis-à-visthe
MSP,whichinfluencehowmuchthegovernmentwouldprocureastheofficialbuyeroflastresort.
Procurement
TheCACPannounces theMSP for riceprior toplanting seasons. Theoretically theMSPsare tobe
announcedayearinadvanceoftheharvests.TheMSPiscalculatedtakingintoaccountthecostof
production (inputs), demand and supply in local markets, international and domestic prices and
31FoodCorporationIndia,www.fci.gov.in(lastaccessedDecember2015).32SomeofthemembersoftheExpertGroupincludeofficialsfromMinistryofAgriculture,theNationalFoodSecurityMission,CommissionforAgricultureCostsandPrices,FoodCorporationIndia,andtheMinistryofSocialJusticeandEmpowerment.
Singapore,April2016
24
impactofpricesonconsumers.Oncetheharvesting iscomplete thereare twomechanismsunder
whichriceandwheatisprocuredbythegovernment.
Firstisthroughdirectpurchasefromthefarmers.33Thisinvolvesthefarmersthemselvesortraders
whohavepurchasedatthefarm-gatetakingthegrainstoorganisedwholesalemarkets(alsoknown
as mandis) or to procurement centres. FCI, which conducts the procurement on behalf of the
government, is ready to purchase whatever amount at the MSP, provided the grains are of a
minimumstandardquality.
Thesecondprocurementchannelispurchasingricefrommillers.34Millersarerequiredtosellafixed
percentageof theiroutput to therespectivestategovernmentsatastatutoryprice.Thestatutory
price,alsoknownasthelevyprice,iscalculatedbyfactoringinmillingcostsandamodestmarginon
topoftheMSP.Thepercentageofgrainsprocuredfromthislevysystemfluctuates,atpresentitis
estimatedtobebetween30-40percent.
Governmentprocurementasa shareof totalproduction isanother figurewhich fluctuates. In the
1980sand90s,itwasintheregionof10to15percent.Since2007-2008thishasincreasedtoabove
30percent.ThischangeexplainsthemassivestockbuildupinIndia.
PublicDistributionSystem(PDS)andreleasemechanism
Distribution of government procured rice to domestic consumers is undertaken through the PDS.
The rice procured by FCI is sold to state governments at an administered price called the central
issue price (CIP).35 The state governments then distribute the stocks to public through fair price
shops. The discounted price for rice sold at the fair price shops is determined by each state
government.36
Thepriceofriceatfairpriceshopsareconsistentlylowerthangovernment’scostofprocurementas
wellasthecostsof,forexample,transportandstorage.Thegovernmentthuslosesmoneyonevery
33InterviewwithofficerfromMinistryofAgriculture,India,18thOct2014,NewDelhi34Ibid.35Ibid.36Ibid.
Singapore,April2016
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single kilogramme of rice it sells through the PDS. The total aggregated loss that this incurs is
consideredIndia’s“foodsubsidy”.37
The National Food Security Act (NFSA) 2013 has now made it a legal compulsion of all state
governmentstoprovideatleast5kilogrammesofriceatRs.3/kg(6.3centsSGD),permonth,toall
beneficiaries.38TheNFSAcoversapproximately twothirdsof India’s totalpopulationof1.2billion.
Thismeans the government of Indiawill need to procure, stock, and distribute sufficient food to
fulfilthislegalobligationonanevenlargerscalethaninthepast.
Storage
Thegovernmentreleasestargetsonminimumstockpositions,oralsoreferredtoasbuffernorms,to
bemaintainedeveryquarter(1stJanuary,1stApril,1stJuly,and1stOctober)ineveryyear.39Theseare
stocks required for public distribution and open market sale to stabilise prices. Actual stock
quantitieshaveoftenvariedandareingeneralmuchhigherthanthesetnorms.
The FCI also holds additional stocks to ensure food requirements in case of crop failure or
unacceptablefoodpriceinflation.Aftertheexperienceofwheatcropfailurein2006andtheglobal
foodpricecrisisof2007-2008,FCInowalsomaintainsa separatestrategic reserveof food.This is
referredtoasthefoodsecurityreservewhichconsistsoftwomilliontonnesofriceandthreemillion
tonnesofwheat.40
A consistent increase in public stocks of rice (and wheat) has been observed since 2007-2008 in
India.Thisincreaseinstockshasputpressureonavailablestoragecapacity.Aportionofthepublic
stocksisheldbyandwithinstates.ForstockownedbyFCIthestorageisspreadbetweenfacilitiesit
owns (approx. 15mmt), and rents from private sector, state agencies and Central Warehousing
Corporation(approx.20mmt).41
Storageofpublicfoodisamixofwarehousesforbaggedgrains(whichconstitutesthemajority)and
somesilos.TheFCIalsomaintainsoutdoorstoragewhichiscoveredwithtarpaulinorsimilarwater-
37Kubo,Kensuke."India:Theburdenofdomesticfoodpolicy."Shigetomi,S.,Kubo,K.,Tsukada,K.,&Shigetomi,S.(2011).TheworldfoodcrisisandthestrategiesofAsianriceexporters.Chiba-Shi,Japón,InstituteofDevelopingEconomies,IDE-Jetro(2011).38InterviewwithofficerfromFoodSecuritymission,MinistryofAgriculture,India,21stOct2014,NewDelhi39FoodCorporationIndia,www.fci.gov.in(lastaccessedDecember2015).40InterviewwithofficerfromFoodSecurityMisson,MinistryofAgriculture,India,21stOct2014,NewDelhi41Ibid.
Singapore,April2016
26
proofsheets(alsoknownasCoverandPlinthorCAP).Itwasestimatedthatsomefourmilliontonnes
offoodwasstoredinthismannerin2011/12.42
Table4:Bufferstockingnorms(inmmt)
Rice Wheat Total(Wheat+Rice)
Period Jan April July Oct Jan Apr July Oct Jan April July Oct
1991-1998 7.7 10.8 9.2 6 7.7 3.7 13.1 10.6 15.4 14.5 22.3 16.6
1999-2004 8.4 11.8 10 6.5 8.4 4 14.3 11.6 16.8 15.8 24.3 18.1
Upto2005 8.4 11.8 8.4 4 16.8 15.8
w.e.f.
20.04.200511.8 12.2 9.8 5.2 8.2 4 17.1 11 20 16.2 26.9 16.2
w.e.f.
22.01.20155.61 11.58 11.54 8.25 10.8 4.46 24.58 17.52 21.41 21.04 41.12 30.77
Source:FCI,2015
Recenttrendsandemergingissues
The significant stock build-up of rice in India since the global price crisis of 2007-2008 suggests
clearlythatavailabilityandproductioncapabilityarenotproblemsforIndia.Withapproximately50
milliontonnesofgrainsinwarehouses,supplyiscertainlynotaconstraint.43Thebiggerconcernhas
to dowith accessibility and affordability of food for the vastmajority of the populationwho live
belowthepovertyline.
ThegovernmentofIndiaisstronglycommittedtomaintaininglargestocksonanannualbasisasway
to combat chronic food insecurity in the country. The passing of the National Food Security
legislationhassetthelegalbasisforcontinuationofstockpilinginIndia.44Therearealreadyahostof
issuesfacingIndiawithregardstoitsstockpilingpolicy.Someofthesearesummarisedbelow.
42McCreary,Ian."FoodreservesinIndia."ReportfortheCanadianFoodgrainsBank.Winnipeg,Canada(2012).43InterviewwithofficerfromFoodSecuritymission,MinistryofAgriculture,India,22ndOct2014,NewDelhi44TheNationalFoodSecurityAct,2013(alsoRighttoFoodAct)isanActoftheParliamentofIndiawhichaimstoprovidesubsidisedfoodgrainstoapproximatelytwothirdsofIndia's1.2billionpeople.
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Fiscalcostsandlosses
Thefiscalburdenonthegovernmenttomaintainandruntheirstockpilingprogrammeissignificant.
For year 2013-14, the total cost of food subsidy (consumer subsidy + stocking costs) was 894.92
billionrupees(approx.SGD18.8billion).45Thisworkedouttoamounttoapproximately16percent
ofthenationalbudgetfortheyear.46
ThecostofstockpilingandthetotalfoodsubsidyinIndiahascontinuedinanupwardtrendsincethe
early2000s.OneofthemainreasonsforthishasbeenthesteadyincreaseinMSPandmarketprices
ofbothriceandwheat,overtheyears,whiletheCIPhasremainedthesamesince2002.Thishasled
toasignificantwideningofthegaptranslatingintocosts.
TheintroductionoftheNFSAalsomeansthatmaintenanceofpublicstockstosubsidisecloseto800
millionpeoplewillcontinuetokeepthecostshigh.Thecostsassociatedwiththetransportationand
movementoffoodgrainsacrossthecountrywillalsocontinuetoincrease.Intermsofstorage,FCI
hasstartedcallingfortendersfortheconstructionofgrainsilosandstoragefacilities.
Losses incurred by the stockpiling programme in India are broken into two separate categories;
transit losses and storage losses. For 2013-14 the total amount of grains lost in
transit/transportationamountedtoapproximately245,000tonnesestimatedat4.76billionrupees
(approx. SGD100 million). While storage losses were recorded at 187,000 tonnes valued at 4.37
billionrupees(approx.SGD92million).47
OperationalChallenges
The wide range of objectives and goals the FCI and its stockpiling programme are expected to
achieveisnotonlyatallorderbutoftentimescanbeinconflictwithoneanother.Forexampleone
challenge which has been faced in the past and could potentially crop up in the future is the
dilemmabetweenmaintainingcertainamountofstocksforpublicdistributionandreleasingstocks
tostabilisemarketpricesandfood inflation.Thepotential forsuchscenarios justifiestheneedfor
holdinglargeramountsofstocksthannecessary.
45FoodCorporationIndia,AnnualReport2013-14.http://dfpd.nic.in/writereaddata/images/pdf/ann-2013-14.pdf(lastaccessedDecember2015).46GovernmentofIndiaStatistics,2014.http://www.indiastat.com/agriculture/2/stats.aspx(lastaccessedDecember2015).47FoodCorporationIndia,AnnualReport2013-14,op.cit.
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28
Indonesia Table5:PublicStockpilingofRiceSnapshot
TotalPopulation 253million(2014,estimated)
Quantity of public rice
stockpiles
Total(in‘000mt),2014
Prod Imports Exports Consumption PublicStockpile
36,300 1,250 0 38,600 Approx3,000
PublicStockpilingAuthority BadanUrusanLogistik/BureauofLogistics(BULOG)
MinistryofAgriculture(MoA)
Purposeofpublicstockpile • Emergency/disasterreserve
• Farmersubsidy
• Market/pricestabilisation
• Domesticmarketsupplystability
• Safetynet
PresentStockpileMechanism EmergencyStockpile 300,000mt(BULOG)
56,000mt(MoA)
BufferStock 300,000mt
RASKIN 3 million tonnes (average since 2008-
2013)
Dedicated infrastructure for
stockpiles
Facility Numbers Capacity
Warehouses 1,500
Approx. 4 million
tonnes
Introduction
IndonesiaisthelargestcountryinSoutheastAsiabothintermsofterritoryandpopulation.Itisthe
world’sthirdlargestproducerofrice,afterChinaandIndia.
IndonesiahasbeenconsideredaleaderintheagriculturalrevolutionwhichsweptthroughEastand
Southeast Asia since the 1960s. Currently the sector still employs close to 40 per cent of the
country’sworkforce.Theagriculturesectorcomprisesoflargeplantations(privatesectorandstate-
owned)aswellassmallholderproductionmodes.
Large plantations are geared towards export commodities like palm oil and rubber. Smallholder
farms are more focused on the production of rice, soybeans, corn, fruits and vegetables. The
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29
Indonesian government has recently placed strong attention on achieving self-sufficiency in a
numberoffoodcommoditieslikerice,soybeans,cornandsugar.
Indonesiahasstockpiledriceforthreemainpurposes:(i)toensureadequateincomeforfarmers,(ii)
toensureadequatestockofricetocontrolpricesforensuringaccessforpoorerconsumers,and(iii)
toprovidehighlysubsidisedricetothepoorestinsocietyaspartofthegovernment’sPublicSocial
Obligation(PSO)programme.Thislast“riceforthepoor”programmeiscalledRASKINwhichisrun
byBULOGandwasstartedin2005.
Indonesia’sstockpiledriceoriginatesfromtwosources;domesticprocurementandimports.Ideally
BULOGaimstoprocureitsentirestockfromthedomesticmarketbutresortstoimportationwhen
there isa shortfall in localproduction.BULOG intervenes in thedomesticmarketby releasing rice
whenpricesaretoohigh, throughwholesalersand localmarkets.Directsellinganddistributionof
stockbyBULOGonlyhappensthroughtheRASKINprogrammewhichisreservedforthe“mostpoor”
asdefinedbythecriteriaoftheNationalWelfareMinistryandtheVicePresident’sOffice.
Figure3:IndonesiaRiceStockpileTrend(in‘000mt)
Source:BULOGData,TN2PK2014andUSDA,2014
0
1000
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IndonesiaBeginningStock(total) IndonesiaEndingStock(total)
EndofFiscalYearStock(government) TotalRiceforthepoor(Raskinsince2005)
Endingprivatestock
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30
HistoricalOverview
Rice has been an extremely important commodity for Indonesia since colonial times. The Dutch
administrationexertedtightcontrolonthedistributionofricefromsurplustodeficitregionsduring
their rule inorder tomanage localpricesandensuresupply stability.48This trendcontinuedpost-
independenceandricepolicyhasremainedcentraltoIndonesia’spoliticaleconomysince.
Controlandstabilisationofricepricehasbeenseenas“thebarometeroftheeconomicsituationin
Indonesia”,andhasthusbeenhighlypoliticised.49ItwaswiththisawarenessthatIndonesia’scentral
food authority, BULOG, was founded in 1967 under the newly established Suharto regime, and
directlyunderthecontrolofthePresident’soffice.Thetermsofreferencefortheinstitutionwason
twolevels:(i)stabilisationofricepricesand,(ii)provisionofmonthlyricerationstothemilitaryand
civilservice.50
BULOG has managed rice price stabilisation through the use of floor prices for farmers and
defendingaceilingpriceinthemarkets.Ithasalwaysconsideredimportationofriceasalastresort,
yetIndonesiahasbeenamajorimporterofriceformostyearssince1970s,exceptinthemid-1980s
whenitachievedself-sufficiency.BULOGhasthereforebeenastatemonopolyinimportationofrice
intoIndonesia.
Thepracticeofpublicstockpilingofricehasbeenseenasasuccessasitscontributiontowardsrice
price stabilisation, especially from the late 1960s to 1980s, has been significant.51 However, its
effectiveness,fromacost-benefitanalysisperspective,deterioratedovertime.Thisislargelydueto
largeaccumulationofstocks,storageandtransportationexpenses,aswellascorruption,especially
duringIndonesia’sself-sufficiencyyearsinthe1980s(1982-85).52
Startinginthe1990s,therewerecallsforreformsandre-evaluationofthestockpilingprogramme.
This was driven largely by an overall direction towards greater decentralisation and the need to
48Timmer,C.Peter,T.W.Mew,D.S.Brar,S.Peng,D.Dawe,andB.Hardy."FoodsecurityandricepricepolicyinIndonesia:theeconomicsandpoliticsofthefoodpricedilemma."InRicescience:innovationsandimpactforlivelihood.ProceedingsoftheInternationalRiceResearchConference,Beijing,China,16-19September2002.,pp.777-788.InternationalRiceResearchInstitute(IRRI),2003.49Ibid.p.78150Ibid.51Dawe,David."MacroeconomicBenefitsofFoodPriceStabilization."IndonesianFoodJournal6(1995):pp.43-64.52Ibid.
Singapore,April2016
31
designamoremarket-orientedpricepolicy.53 Thisdirectionwas furtherbolsteredafter the1997-
1998financialcrisisintheregion.
During the 1997-1998 crisis, Indonesiawas hit hard both economically and politically. During this
difficultperiodBULOGlostcontrolofdomesticricepricesinmid-1998.Intheaftermathofthecrisis,
as a result of pressures from domestic politicians and foreign donors, BULOGwas stripped of its
monopolyoverriceimportationaswellasitsmandatetostabilisericeprices.
PresentFoodReservePolicyandPractices
In the years following the Asian financial crisis, BULOG, stripped of its mandate, changed to an
agency inchargeofprocurementanddistributionofhighly subsidised food to thepoorunder the
“rice forpoor”orRASKINprogrammestarted in2005.54Sincethe international foodpricecrisisof
2007-2008,BULOGonceagainbecameanimportantactorinIndonesia’sfoodpolicy,especiallyfor
rice.
ThereasonswhichjustifypublicfoodstockpilingpoliciesinIndonesiainclude
a) Toincreasefoodproductioninordertomeetdomesticdemand
b) Toincreasefarmers’incomes
c) Toensureavailabilityofsufficientfoodsupplies/stocks
d) Toensureaffordabilityandeconomicaccessofstockpiledfoodcommodities
e) Toensurenutritionalstatusofthepeople(particularlythoselivingbelowthepovertyline)55
RASKINprogramme
Rice stocks dedicated for the RASKIN programme has averaged around 3million tonnes per year
since 2008. In 2013, the government stockpiled and distributed at least 3.3million tonnes to the
poor (comparedto3.2milliontonnes in2008).Thetotalnumberofhouseholdsbeingtargetedby
theprogrammewas15.5millionin2013.Thisisareductionfromthe19.1millionin2008.
53Timmer,C.Peter."Buildingefficiencyinagriculturalmarketing:thelong-runroleofBULOGintheIndonesianfoodeconomy."JournalofInternationalDevelopment9(1997):133-146.54InterviewwithFormerDeputyHeadofBulog-Solo,8thSept2014,Jakarta.55BULOGPresentationdeliveredattheASEANRegionalWorkshopontheRoleofRiceReserveAgencyinStrengtheningNationalandRegionalFoodSecurity,8May2009,Jakarta,Indonesia.
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ThestocksforRASKINisprocuredatmarketpriceandsoldatasubsidisedpriceofSGD1.6/kg.Sofar,
the poor (defined by seven criteria based on data from National Welfare Ministry and the Vice
President’sOffice)aretheonlygroupwhopurchasericedirectlyfromBULOG.56
Stockpileinfrastructureandlogistics
BULOG currently has 1,500 warehouses spread across 33 provinces. The total storing capacity at
presentisabout4millionmt.BULOGdoesnotyethavemodernstorageinfrastructurelikesilos,asit
considersthemnotproperfortropicalclimaticconditions.
Close to 90 per cent of the stocks is dedicated for RASKIN. Currently upgrades (materials used,
aeration technology, and integrated pest control) are happening in warehouses to modernise
facilitiesandreducestoragelosses.Intermsoftransportationofpublicricestocks,BULOGdoesnot
controltheentiresupplychain.Privatetransportationcompaniesareinvolvedintheshippingofrice
bothinternationallyandlocally.
Locallevelricestockpiling
Oneof the recentdevelopments in rice reservepolicyhasbeen theMinistryofAgriculture (MoA)
directive2012,whichwasdraftedtogetherwithMinistryof InternalAffairsandMinistryofTrade.
Accordingtothisdirective,localgovernmentsarenowencouragedtoprocureandmaintainreserve
stocksthroughtheirownmeansandattheirowncosts.Thisisseenasbeinginlinewiththeexisting
Food Law (18/2012) which emphasises the concept of shared responsibility between local and
nationalgovernmentsinensuringnationalfoodsecurity.
Aspercurrentpractice, thecentralgovernment through theMoAprovidesheadsof localdistricts
with special funds to be used according to their discretion for the purposes of ensuring food
security.Thisfundcanthusbeusedto(i)buildormaintainwarehouses,(i)procureofrice,(iii)invest
in local infrastructure, aswell as (iv) procure andbuild upof their own reserve rice stocks.57 This
directivewasdraftedinconsultationwithlocalgovernmentsacrossIndonesia.
Thisricefromthelocalreservecanbe“borrowed”byanymemberofthecommunityasandwhenin
need.Asimilaramountwillhavetobereturnedwithanadditionalamountdesignatedasaservice
chargeorasinterest.Theactualamountofthe“servicecharge”willbedecidedbythecommunity.
56InterviewwithFormerDeputyHeadofBulog–Solo,8Sept2014,Jakarta.57InterviewwithFormerDeputyofMinistryofAgriculture,Indonesia,11Sept2014,Bogor.
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GovernanceofStockpilechallenges
BULOGhasexperiencedhigh levelsof corruptionat thenational level in thepast. Thedecision in
terms procurement for BULOG is under the directive ofMinistry of Trade. BULOG needs to seek
approval from theministry before it acts. This is in terms of procurement from the international
market,orforthereleaseofstockstostabilisedomesticprices.
Stockpileasastrategyforemergencies
BULOG maintains disaster management contingency stocks of 100 tonnes per district and 200
tonnes per province. These stocks can only be activated during an emergency. This 100
tonnes/district can be released upon the issue of an official letter from the local Social Welfare
Department.
There is at least 56,000 tonnes of rice set aside for disasters across Indonesia, under the direct
controloftheCentralGovernmentandmanagedwithitsbudget.Thetotalgovernmentricereserve
is300,000tonnes)whichisusedforpricestabilisationandnaturaldisasterresponse(thisisseparate
fromtheRASKINreserves).Giventhescaleandsize(population)ofthecountry,somearguethatthis
figureistoolowandtheidealstocklevelshouldbecloserto1milliontonnes.
Issuesandareasofconcernforcurrentstockpilingprogramme
There are a number of concerns surrounding Indonesia’s rice stockpiling policy.On the one hand
thereareconcernsthat itscurrentstockpilingpoliciesare inefficientandthusshouldbereviewed.
On theother, thereareopinions that the stockpilingpoliciesdonotgo farenoughandshouldbe
furtherbolsteredmovingintothefuture.
DespitethemovebytheIndonesiangovernmenttolookmorecloselyintofoodsecurity,especially
of the growing urban poor, opinions are divided. In terms of rice stockpiling, there are now two
separateinitiativestomaintainstockpiles,(i)BULOGstillcontinuestocontrollargeamountsofstock
centrally,and(ii)theMoA’smovetoencouragelocallevelstockpiling.Thoughpotentiallyoffering
thebenefitofhavingsufficientstocksmanagedatthecentralandlocallevels,thedualmechanism
doesposeariskforduplicationofeffortandcostsinvolvedinmaintainingandoperatingthestocks.
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Malaysia Table6:PublicStockpilingofRiceSnapshot
TotalPopulation 30million(2014)estimated
Quantityofpublicstockpiles Total(in‘000mt),2014
Production Imports Exports Consumption Public
Stockpile
1,800 950 0 2,750 292
Public Stockpiling
Authority/Institution
PadiberasNasionalBerhad/NationalRiceCorporation(BERNAS)
Purposeofpublicstockpile • Emergency/disasterreserve
• Farmersubsidy
• Market/pricestabilisation
• Domesticmarketsupplystability
Governanceofstockpile Control NameofInstitution
Public/Private BERNAS, Ministry of Agriculture and
Agro-BasedIndustries(MoAAI)
Dedicated infrastructure for
ricestockpiles
Facility Numbers Capacity
(in‘000mt)
Warehouses 44
(not publicly
available)
Introduction
Malaysiahasbeenanetimporterofricesincethe1960s.Malaysia’sricestockdatasuggeststhatit
hasmanagedtocontrolitsriceimportsfromapercapitabasisoverthelast30years,notablysince
the end of 1970s.58 This has largely been due to improvements in its rice production through
technological and scientific innovations.59 This has happeneddespite reductions in cultivated land
overtheyearsasaresultofdevelopmentandpressureforalternativeuses.
At present, rice is grown on 400,000 hectares of land inMalaysia. There is however an average
annual short fallofapproximately0.8–1.4million tonnesof rice.Thisdeficit thereforehas tobe
58Daño,ElenitaC.,andErnaD.Samonte."PublicsectorinterventioninthericeindustryinMalaysia."Stateinterventioninthericesectorinselectedcountries:ImplicationsforthePhilippines(2005):pp.187-216.59Ibid.
Singapore,April2016
35
procured from international markets.60 Setting realistic targets for rice self-sufficiency at 65 per
cent,Malaysiastillhastorelyheavilyonimportstomeetthegap.
FAOandUSDAdatashowthatthecountryhascontinuedtoincreaseitsproductionoverthelast20
years which has allowed the government to increase its publicly held rice stocks, now mostly
throughdomesticprocurement.
Figure4:Malaysiariceproduction,importsandstocks(in‘000mt)
Source:FAOandUSDA2014.
60InterviewwithofficialfromStrategicPlanningandInternationalDivision,MoAAI,24thSept2014,KualaLumpur
0200400600800100012001400160018002000
1960
1962
1964
1966
1968
1970
1972
1974
1976
1978
1980
1982
1984
1986
1988
1990
1992
1994
1996
1998
2000
2002
2004
2006
2008
2010
2012
2014
BeginningStock(1000t) EndingStock(1000t) Producmon(1000t)FAO
Import(1000t)USDA Producmon(1000t)(USDA)
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36
Historicaloverview
Though rice has been the staple crop of theMalay people throughout history, with the onset of
colonialismitwasperceivedthatMalaysia(thenMalaya)didnothaveacomparativeadvantage in
termsofgrowingfoodcropsandcommodities.Attentionwasthusdivertedtowardsthecultivation
and production of commercial crops. To some extent intentions to invest in and cultivate
commercialcropsratherthanfoodcropspersistedevenafterindependence.
Ricehasnonethelessbeenconsistentlyregardedasastrategicsectorandhasbeenaccordedspecial
treatmentby thegovernment.61The formationofdedicated institutions tooverseethericesector
over the years highlights the commodity’s importance.62 These include the Rice Cultivation
Committee(1931),RiceCommission(1933),theFederationofMalayaRiceCommittee(1956),Padi
andRiceMarketingBoard(1967),NationalPadiandRiceBoard(1971)andfinallyBERNAS(1994).
Thecountry’sricepolicyhashistoricallybeencentredonthreemainobjectives.
a. Ensuringfoodsecurity(physicalaccess)
b. Raisingfarmerincomeandproductivity
c. Ensuringaffordablefoodtoconsumersatfairandstableprices.63
Based on these three objectives, the government ofMalaysia has always consideredmaintaining
some levelof self-sufficiencyasamatterof securitydespite theeconomiccosts for thecountry.64
Though self-sufficiency levels have rarely ever been 100 per cent, the government believes that
some level of self-sufficiency is necessary to reduce dependence on internationalmarkets. It has
oftendedicatedvastamountsofpubliccapitaloninfrastructuredevelopmentaswellasinsubsidies
inattemptstoboostproductionandincreaselevelsofself-sufficiency.
TheEl-NinoeventaffectingSoutheastAsiaaswellasNorthAmerica in1973which led toaglobal
foodcrisis65isseenasamajorturningpointinMalaysia’sfoodpolicy.Duetopricevolatility,overall
high prices, and difficulty in obtaining stocks in international markets, private importers stopped
importingrice.Asaresponseandlastmeasure,thegovernmenthadtointerveneinthemarket,with
61Daño,ElenitaC.,andErnaD.Samonte.2005.op.cit.62Ibid.63Ibid64InterviewwithStrategicPlanningandInternationalDivision,MoA,op.cit.65Formoredetailsonthis,refertoDaño,ElenitaC.,andErnaD.Samonte.2005.op.cit.
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37
theLembagaPadidanBerasNegara(LPN)givenagreaterrolebybeingtaskedtolookintosecuring
thenecessaryrice.66
LPNwasgiventhesolerighttoimportriceinMalaysiain1974.Priorto1974,importationofriceinto
Malaysiawasconductedona“quotabasis”throughprivate importers.67Howeverduringthecrisis
whenLPNgotinvolved,supplywassecuredonagovernmenttogovernmentbasis.Eventhoughthe
internationalpricesofricereturnedtonormalquickly,LPNcontinuedtoremainthesoleauthorised
importerofriceinMalaysia.ThiswasanadditionaltaskforLPNontopofitsexistingroletosupport
domesticriceproductionandricefarmers.LPNcontinueditsroleinoverseeingMalaysia’sricepolicy
whichincludedtheuseofbufferstockingandstockpilingsinceitsestablishmentin1971upuntilthe
early 1990s. In July 1994, LPN was privatised as part of broader reforms inMalaysia to become
PadiberasNasionalBerhad(BERNAS).
The corporatisation (1994) followed by the privatisation (1996) and finally public listing (1997) of
BERNAS was in efforts to make the national stockpiling programme efficient and profitable. All
properties,rights,andliabilitiesofLPNweretransferredtoBERNAS.Thelatterinstitutionwasalso
required to undertake all duties and social obligations of LPN on behalf of the Malaysian
government.TheregulatoryroleoftheLPNwashowevertransferredtotheMinistryofAgriculture.
ThefirstrealtestforthenewlyinstitutedBERNAScameduringtheAsianfinancialcrisis.Duringthe
crisisthepriceofricedoubledasaresultofadevaluationoftheMalaysianRinggit(whilethepriceof
rice in internationalmarkets is always denominated in US dollars). BERNASwas able to keep the
domesticpricesrelativelystablebyabsorbingmostofthepriceincrease.
In 2008, despite the costs of imported rice reaching recordhighs, BERNASmanaged to shield the
domesticmarketbykeepingpricesofbothlocalandimportedriceconstantat2007prices.Priceof
ricespiralledupwardsinMalaysiainearly2008,howeverBERNASreactedquicklywithmeasureslike
adoptingaceilingpriceforconsumers,increasingguaranteedminimumprice(GMP)forfarmersand
sacrificing its 2008 profits to keepprices stable in domesticmarkets.68 This resulted in rice prices
comingdownandstabilisingbysecondhalfof2008,eventhoughitremainedhigherthanpre-crisis
levels.
66InterviewwithProfessorfromInstituteofAgricultural&FoodPolicyStudies,UPM,23Sept2014,KualaLumpur67Daño,ElenitaC.,andErnaD.Samonte.2005.op.cit.68Ibid
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38
PresentFoodReservePolicyandPractices
Sincethemid-90sBERNAShasbeeninchargeofMalaysia’sricestockpilingprogramme.Aspartof
the privatisation and subsequent corporatisation deal, it currently undertakes a number of non-
commercial activities in the interestof consumers. These include stabilisationof riceprices in the
market,ensuringsufficiencyof ricestocks,andmaintaining thequalityandstandardof rice in the
market.
Though BERNAS is essentially a corporate entity and a public listed company, the Malaysian
Government retains 51 per cent of the share in the organisation and thus maintains controlling
interest.However theoperationcostsare itsownanddoesnothaveanallocationof thenational
budgetorreceivesgrantsfromthegovernmentaswasthecasewithLPN.
Rationaleforpublicstockpiling
Based on these roles of BERNAS it can be deduced that the rationale for maintaining national
stockpileofriceinMalaysiaisfor:
a) Ensuringfarmerincomes
b) Ensuringstabilityinfoodsupplyforconsumers
c) Marketpricestabilisation
d) Distribution/procurementoffoodintimesofemergencies
Stockpilingtargets
BERNAS builds its stocks through procurement fromboth domesticmarket and from imports.Up
untilthefoodpricecrisisof2007-2008,theminimumstockpileheldbyBERNASwas92,000tonnes.
Since 2008, this has been revised to 292,000 tonnes. BERNAS manages around 44 warehouses
acrossthecountrytostoreandmaintainitsstocks.BoththeBERNASwarehousesandmillsareused
tofacilitatedistributionofbothimportedandlocallyproducedricetowholesalersandsomedirectly
toconsumers.69
In 2008, the government announced that BERNAS would significantly increase the size of the
nationalbufferstockatanycost. Inmid-January2008 itwasannouncedthatBERNAS’stock levels
wouldbeincreasedfrom92,000mtto550,000mtwhichintheoryextendeditsreservestocksfrom
14daysto90daysofconsumption.However,afterfurtherreviewandconsideration,andoncethe
crisissubsided,itwasreviseddownto292,000tonnes(estimated45daysupply)ofrice.
69Daño,ElenitaC.,andErnaD.Samonte.2005.op.cit.
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39
Intermsof/bufferstocks,Malaysiaplanstostockpile4months’supplyofrice.70Stocksherewould
includeBERNAS,privateandhouseholdstocks.Onecropcycleforriceisonaverage3months.The4
monthsbufferwouldgiveauthoritiesenoughtimetolookforalternativesourcesandsecurestocks,
shouldtheyberequired.71
TheMechanism
BERNASaimstoprocureitsstocksfromdomesticfarmersthroughBERNASricemills.Howevermost
ofthestockdedicatedfornationalstockpileissaidtocomethroughimportation.The292,000tonne
stockpile is not kept centrally at one location but is distributed to strategic locations around the
country.
In terms of domestic procurement, BERNAS procures paddy from local farmers at market prices
(whichareusuallyhigherthanGMP).MajorityofthisprocurementhappensthroughBERNASowned
ricemills.72The32BERNASownedricemillscompetewithotherprivatericemills(closeto400)for
localpaddy.73OnaverageBERNASmillsprocesses400,000tonnesofpaddyeveryyear,givingthema
marketshareof35-50percent.74.
International procurementmeets the deficit of domestic production.Most of the rice is sourced
fromThailand,VietnamandPakistan.Therehavebeenattemptstodiversifysourcessince2008to
mitigateagainst (i)weather relatedproductionriskand (ii)highdependenceonasinglesource. It
wasabitterandharshexperiencein2008whenThailand’spricesforriceexportsincreasedbyclose
to300percent.Thisunderscoredtheimportanceoftheneedtodiversify.75
70InterviewwithOfficialfromMinistryofAgriculture,24thSept2014,KualaLumpur
71Ibid.72Wong,LarryCY,SurayaA.Emrus,BashirahMdBashir,andJohnYSTey."MalaysianPadi&RiceIndustry:ApplicationsofSupplyChainManagementApproach."InNationalRiceConferenceSwissGardenGolfResortLumut,pp.28-30.2010.73BERNAS,2015.http://www.bernas.com.my/index.php/2014-06-27-15-49-00/2014-06-27-15-49-1(lastaccessedDecember2015).74Ibid75InterviewwithOfficialfromMinistryofAgriculture,24thSept2014,KualaLumpur
Singapore,April2016
40
Issuesandareasofconcern
Theexperienceof2007-2008wassignificantforMalaysia.Thisexperiencesignificantlyerodedtrust
ininternationalmarketsandhasthusledtotherevisionofstockpilingtargets.
Some of the cited challenges in reducing dependence on imports for stockpiling include (i) aging
farmers,(ii)smallmantolandratio,(iii)landconversionissues,(iv)increasingincidencesofpestand
diseases,and(v)thehighdependencyoffarmersonsubsidies.Thesenegativelyimpactproduction.
AsaresultMalaysiahashadlittlesuccessinsignificantlyrampingupitsproductioncapacity.
With greater reliance on imports, the risk of international price volatility increases significantly.
Should the government continue to try and stabilise local markets and prices in times of
internationaluncertaintyandhighersustainedprices,therewouldbedirectlossesforBERNAS.Asan
institutionanswerabletoshareholderswithapurposetogenerateprofitsandreturns,thiscouldbe
seenasproblematic.
Futurechallengesanddirections
Increasingcostsofstockpiling
Malaysiafindsitselfinadifficultpredicamentwithregardstostockpilingrice.Ontheonehanditis
acutelyawareoftherisingsocialandeconomicchallengestowardsincreasingitsriceproductionto
greaterself-sufficiencylevels.Ontheother,ithaslittletrustandfaithininternationalmarketsand
itsgovernmenttogovernmentriceimportationmechanismithasreliedonfordecadespriortothe
2007-2008experience.
Onaverage, it isestimatedtocostapproximatelyRM2,400 (approximatelySGD810) toplantone
hectare of paddy, factoring in all input costs.76 This coupled with the ever increasing levels of
subsidiesgiventoricefarmers,wouldmakethetotalcostofnationalstockpilingsignificantlyhigh.
ThetotalcosttorunthesesubsidyprogrammesisapproximatelyRM1bln/year(approximatelySGD
340million).Thisincludessubsidiesforfarmersandmillers.Thesubsidyformillersistoincentivise
themtomillalltypesofrice.77
76InterviewwithofficialfromStrategicPlanningandInternationalDivision,MoA24thSept2014,KualaLumpur77InterviewwithProfessorfromInstituteofAgricultural&FoodPolicyStudies,UPM,23Sept2014,KualaLumpur
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41
The Phil ippines Table7:PublicStockpilingofRiceSnapshot
TotalPopulation 100million(2014estimated)
Quantityofpublicstockpiles Total(in‘000mt),2014
Production Imports Exports Consumption PublicStockpile
11,880 1,800 0 13,200 550
Public Stockpiling
Authority/Institution
NationalFoodAuthority(NFA)
Purposeofpublicstockpile • Emergency/disasterreserve
• Farmersubsidy
• Market/pricestabilisation
• Domesticmarketsupplystability
• Safetynet
Governanceofstockpile Control Commodity NameofInstitution
Public Rice NFA
PresentStockpileMechanism EmergencyStockpile 15 days national demand = approx.
475,000mt
Buffer Stock Strategic
RiceReserve(SRR)
30 days national demand = approx.
950,000 mt [inclusive of 15 days
emergencystockpile]
Dedicated infrastructure for
stockpiles
Facility Numbers Capacity
(in‘000mt)
Warehouses 366
Approx.2,200
Introduction
TheagriculturesectorrepresentsamajorpartofthePhilippineseconomy.Itaccountsforcloseto12
percentofthenationalGDPandemploysapproximately47percentofthenationalworkforce.Rice,
corn,sugar,coconuts,andfruitsconstitutesomeofitsmainfoodandcommercialcrops.
Singapore,April2016
42
Rice is the primary staple crop produced and continues to dominate the agricultural food crop
sector. One-third of the country's farmers are engaged in rice production, mostly still on a
subsistencebasisandmorethan60percentofagriculturalinvestmentisspentonriceproduction.
ThePhilippinesisoneoftheworld’stop10producersofrice.Howeveritsproductioncapacityhas
notbeenabletomeetdomesticdemandindecadesandthusPhilippineshasconsistentlybeenone
ofthetopthreericeimportingcountriesintheworld,oftentimesholdingthetopposition.Average
annual importation ranges between one to two and half million tonnes, primarily sourced from
ThailandandVietnam,andmorerecentlyfromIndia.
Due to the consistent shortfalls between the total production of rice and demand within the
country,thePhilippineshasalonghistoryandtraditionofpublicstockpilingpractices,especiallyfor
rice. Stockpiling has been away to ensure stability in supply in general aswell as inmaking sure
sufficientstocksareavailableduringtheleanmonths(July-September)78andintheeventofnatural
calamitiesanddisasters,towhichthecountryisparticularlysusceptibleto.Ithasalsobeenobserved
thatproductivity in rice in thePhilippinesdropsduring El-Nino years (almost -1tonne/ha in 1997-
1998),whichrequiresadditionalimportstooffsettheshortfall.
Figure5a:PhilippinesRiceYieldandProductivity
78Leanmonthsrefertomonthsintheyearwhenriceproductionandharvestsareminimalduetoseasons.
-
0.05
0.10
0.15
0.20
-0.501.001.502.002.503.003.504.004.50
1961
1964
1967
1970
1973
1976
1979
1982
1985
1988
1991
1994
1997
2000
2003
2006
2009
2012
Prod
uc]v
ity(t/person)
Yield(t/ha)
Yield(t/ha) Producmvity(t/person)
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43
Figure5b:TrendinRiceMilledProductionandImports
Sourceforbothfigures:FAOandUSDA2014
HistoricalOverview
Tolentino and de la Pena (2011) summarised the evolution of institutional transformation
concerning food security in thePhilippines (Table8).During thePhilippineCommonwealthperiod
(1935–1946),theNationalRiceandCornAdministration(NARIC)wasinoperation.In1952,theRice
EconomicBoard (REB)wascreatedto formulateandoverseethe implementationofan integrated
developmentplanandprogrammeforrice.79
President Ramon Magsaysay (1953-1957) introduced the National Rice and Corn Production
Program(NRCPP)anditsRiceandCornCoordinatingCouncil (RCCC) in1955. In1960,theRiceand
CornBoard(RICoB)wascreatedbyRepublicActNo.3018(orRA3018),withthepurposeoflimiting
the riceandcorn industry toFilipinos.Then, in1962, theRiceandCornAdministration (RCA)was
createdtostabilisethepriceofthegrains.80
President FerdinandMarcos (1965-1986) began hismartial law administration in 1973 and issued
PresidentialDecree(PD)No.4(orPD4),whichabolishedtheRCAandRICoBandtransferredtheir
functions into a new, much more powerful National Grains Authority (NGA). PD 1770 (1981)79Tolentino,V.,J.Bruce,andB.DeLaPena."StymiedreformsinricemarketinginthePhilippines,1980-2009."BuiltonDreams,GroundedinReality:EconomicPolicyReforminthePhilippines,AsiaFoundation,MakatiCity,Philippines(2011).80Ibid
0%5%10%15%20%25%30%35%40%45%
0
2000
4000
6000
8000
10000
120001961
1964
1967
1970
1973
1976
1979
1982
1985
1988
1991
1994
1997
2000
2003
2006
2009
2012
%ofR
iceIm
ports
Ricein'000to
nnes
ProducmonRiceMilled(FAO)('000ton) RiceImport(FAO)('000ton) PercentageofRiceImport(%)
Singapore,April2016
44
expanded the scope and powers of theNGA, and renamed it theNational Food Authority (NFA).
However,aspartofreformsintheclosingyearsofmartiallaw,theNFA’sscopewasreducedtorice
andcornbyExecutiveOrder(EO)No.1028(orEO1028,s.1985).
Table8.InstitutionalEvolutionofFoodBufferStockPolicyinthePhilippines
Period Name of Food
Authority
Governmental
Regime
KeyPolicyMeasures
1935 -
1946
National Rice and Corn
Administration(NARIC)
Philippine
Commonwealth
Local control of corn and rice industry - floor and
ceilingpricesforpalayandforrice
1952 Rice Economic Board
(REB)
1955 National Rice and Corn
Production Program
(NRCPP)
Rice and Corn
Coordinating Council
(RCCC)
Ramon Magsaysay
(1953-1957)
Other commodities were also regulated: feed
grains,sorghum,mango,peanut
1960 Rice and Corn Board
(RICOB)
Republic Act No.
3018 President
Ferdinand Marcos
(1965-1986)
limitingthericeandcornindustrytoFilipinos
1962 Rice and Corn
Administration(RCA)
stabilisethepriceofgrains
1972 National Grains
Authority(NGA)81
Rice self-sufficiency; Massive paddy procurement
at government price in 1977-1982; PD 4/1972
covering rice, corn, feed grains and others like
sorghum,mango,andpeanut
1981 National Food
Authority(NFA)82
PD1770(1981) SupplystabilisationandPricecontrol
1985, Executive Order No. 1028 was issued and
provided for thederegulationofNFA’snon-grains
marketingactivities.
81RCAandRICoBandtransferredtheirfunctionsintoanew,muchmorepowerfulNationalGrainsAuthority(NGA)82Aspartofreformsintheclosingyearsofmartiallaw,theNFA’sfocuswasreducedtoriceandcornbyExecutiveOrder(EO)No.1028(orEO1028,s.1985)
Singapore,April2016
45
TheGovernmentofthePhilippineshasgraduallyderegulateditsfoodreserveandstockpilingfroma
more diverse list of food commodities during 1970s and 1980s to only stockpiling three main
commodities, namely rice, corn and sugar. Today, both rice and corn stocks are monitored and
managed by the National Food Authority (NFA) while sugar is monitored and managed by the
NationalSugarAuthority(NSA).
Since1985,theNationalFoodAuthorityhasbeentaskedtoensurethefoodsecurityofthecountry
andthestabilityofsupplyandpriceofmainlyrice.Itfulfilsthisfunctionbymaintainingbufferstocks
whichcomprisesofmostly imported (approximately95percent)andsomedomesticallyprocured
(3-5 per cent) rice. It performs these functions through various activities and strategies, which
include procurement of paddy from individual farmers and their organisations, buffer stocking,
processingactivities,dispersalofpaddyandmilledricetostrategiclocationsanddistributionofrice
tovariousmarketingoutletsatappropriatetimesoftheyear.
PresentFoodReservePolicyandPractices
TheNFAfallsundertheauspicesoftheofficeofthePresident.Thereishoweverothergovernment
agencies that sit on the NFA council like the Department of Agriculture (DoA), Department of
Finance,DepartmentofTradeand Industry,NationalEconomicDevelopmentAuthority (NEDA),as
wellasrepresentativesfromtheCentralBank.
Intermsofreach,theNFAasaninstitutionispresentinalldistrictsinthePhilippines,whichserveas
both distribution and procurement centres. The NFA controls over 350 warehouses across the
country,usedprimarilytostorerice.Intermsofdistribution,theNFAsellsitsstockstowholesalers
intherespectivedistrictsandregions,whothenretailthericetoconsumers.NFAisnotinvolvedin
directretailtoendconsumers.83
Rationaleforpublicstockpiling
Therearenumerousgroundsunderwhichpublicstockpilingofrice(primarily)hasbeenjustifiedand
deemednecessary.Someoftheseinclude:
a) ToensurefoodsecurityinPhilippines(intermsofavailability–supplystability)
b) To ensure adequate access to food for the populace (through market intervention and
subsidisingrice)
c) Toguardagainstsupplydisruptions(especiallyduringleanmonthsJuly-September)
83InterviewwithOfficialsfromNationalFoodAuthority(NFA),14Nov2014,QuezonCity,Manila
Singapore,April2016
46
d) Toensuresufficientstockstorespondtoemergencysituations(naturaldisasters,typhoons)
e) To boost domestic production (through setting of Minimum Support Price – producer
subsidies)
f) Toensurefarmerincomes
Themechanism
Therearetwodistinctionsmadewithinthenationalricestock.Thefirst, referredtoasEmergency
Stocks,isa15daysupplyofrice.Thisamountsto31,640tonnes(dailyriceconsumptionrateofthe
Philippines,)multipliedby15.84Thisistheminimumamountwhichismaintainedatalltimes.
Thesecond,referredtoasStrategicRiceReserve,isusedtoshieldagainstsupplydisruptions,which
areseasonal.85ForexamplethedryseasonsofJuly-Septembercorrespondswithlowlevelofstocks
inthemarket.ForthisreasonNFAmaintainsaminimumof30daystocks(30x31,640tonnes)from
July1–September30everyyear.86
This30daybufferstockisinclusiveofthe15dayemergencyreserve.87NFAprocuresthenecessary
quantity for the 30-day buffer, mostly through importation, which is then maintained and
strategicallylocatedacrossthecountrybyJuly1stofeachyear.
ThisseasonalpatternofricestockpilingbyNFAcanbeobservedovertheyearsasseeninfigure8
below. Stocks tend to accumulate starting in the months of June/July due to importation in
anticipationof leanmonths and reach its highest levels in September/October after the harvests.
FebruarytoAprilusuallymarksthelowpointofstocksinmostyears.88
84InterviewwithNFA.Opcit.85Ibid86Ibid87Ibid88NFAdata.2014.http://nfa.gov.ph/about-us/nfa-council?id=101(lastaccessedDecember2015).
Singapore,April2016
47
Figure6:MonthlystockpileofriceinPhilippines
Source:NFAData,2014
Recentstockpilingtrends
ThePhilippinesfoodreservedatashowsasuddenriseinricestockpilingafterthefoodcrisisin2007-
2008.Itrosesignificantlyin2009andpeakedin2010(seeFigures8and9).Since2010theNFAhas
reduceditspublicstocklevelssignificantly.EvenintheaftermathoftheHaiyan/YolandaTyphoonin
2013, which affected the country and its agriculture production severely, there was no sign of
significantincreasesinpublicstocks.
0
500
1000
1500
2000
2500
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
in'000m
etric
tonn
es
PhilippinesPublicStockpileofRice(NFA)
January February March April
May June July August
September October November December
MonthlyAverage
Singapore,April2016
48
Figure7:TrendinPhilippinesPublicRiceStockpile(in’000tonnes)
Source:NFAdata,2014.
Issuesandareasofconcernofcurrentstockpilingprogramme
Inthe1970sand1980s,theNFAstruggledtomaintainitsthirty-daybufferstocklargelybecauseofa
small procurement share in domestic production, and the insufficient and untimely arrival of rice
imports.Thissituationnow,thoughbetter,doesnotseemtohavechangedmuch.
Findingsofrecentstudies89ontheperformanceandimpactoftheNFAsuggestlittlechangesinthe
impactofNFAondomesticmarketsandfarmpricesandascomparedtoresultsinpreviousdecades.
Both recent and earlier studies have also highlighted the distorting effect ofNFA interventions in
reducingtheincentivesforprivatetraderstoundertakepurchasing,storageofstocksandsellingin
themarket.90
Governanceandinefficiencyissues
Food Security policy in the Philippines is governed by multiple agencies, which often leads to
different or competing priorities. The Inter-agency Committee on Rice and Corn consists of DoA
(Lead),NFA,NEDA,National IrrigationAgencyandCivilSocietyOrganisation(CSO)representatives.
89Balisacan,ArsenioM.,MerceditaSombilla,andRowellDikitanan.""RicecrisisinthePhilippines:Whydiditoccurandwhatareitspolicyimplications?"Thericecrisis:Markets,policiesandfoodsecurity(2010):123-142.90Sombilla,M.A.,F.A.Lantican,andJ.C.Beltran."RiceMarketingandDistributioninthePhilippines."EnsuringRiceSecurityforAll:Issues,Constraints,andPolicyDirections,SEARCA,PhilRiceandDA-BAR(2006).
0
500
1000
1500
2000
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
RiceStockpileTrend(in'000mt)
MonthlyAverage
Singapore,April2016
49
Thiscommitteerecommendshowmuchriceshouldbeprocuredandstockpiledforfoodsecurityby
theNFA.
SomeinthePhilippinesarguethatNFAhasnotbeenabletosuccessfullyfulfilitsmandateonhelping
boost production through the use of buffer stocks. When domestically procured, it has been
observedthatNFAhasbeenbiasedtowardsbuyingfromsurplusareasandnotdeficitregions.91This
isseenasjustifiedintermsofstockavailability,howeversuchpracticeoftenmeansthatthebenefits
derivedfromsellingtoNFAisnotrealisedbyfarmersindeficitareas.Asaresultdeficitregionsfall
intoaspiralofdeficitssincefarmersareunmotivatedtogrowrice.
Imports, which constitute the vast majority of NFA stocks, has not been done in an open and
transparentmanner.Timingofprocurement isanother importantdimensionwhichhasnotalways
beenadheredtoinasystematicmanner.AsitisalreadyclearthatNFAstockshavetobesecuredby
July, as the lean months start then, decisions in terms of imports would have to happen much
earlier,whichhasnotalwaysbeenthecase.
Otherconcernsincludecostandinefficiencies.Theestimatedlossesduetoinefficiencyinitsbuffer
stockpolicyhavebeenestimatedaroundPHP170billion(approximatelySGD5billion)asof2012-
2013.92 Theestimated losspresumablyarises fromveryexpensivehandling cost inboth transport
andstorage,waste,storagelosesduetoinefficientmanagementandsometoincidencesofleakage
andsmuggling.93Theproblemofover-importationandcorruption isalsowell knownandseemto
happenonafairlyregularbasis.94
Futuredirectionofstockpilingprogramme
The future of stockpiling in the Philippines is going to be highly dependent on the results of the
currentlyon-goingNFA internal reviewandaudit.95 There seems tobewide consensus that some
formofemergencystockpileisneededforthecountrygiventhegrowingnumberofweather-related
andclimatechangeimpacts.
91InterviewwithDrLantican,18September2014,LosBanos92InterviewwithofficialsfromNEDA,19Nov2014,Manila93Mehta,Aashish,andShikhaJha."Corruption,foodsubsidies,andopacity:EvidencefromthePhilippines."
EconomicsLetters117,no.3(2012):pp.708-711.94Ibid95InterviewwithofficialsfromNFA,14Nov2014,QuezonCity,Manila
Singapore,April2016
50
Amajorjustificationforthestockpilingprogrammesofarhasbeeninensuringaccesstoriceforall
in the Philippines. In this aspect rice stockpiling is likely to continue due to the high incidence of
poverty that persists. On the other hand with close to half the population dependent on the
agriculture sector, ofwhich rice constitutes the bulk, a stockpiling programme for farmer income
and subsidypurposes is likely to remainpolitically important. Currently incomes from rice remain
relativelylowinthePhilippinesduetothehighcostofseedsandotherinputs.96
Theotherpotentialdriver forstockpiling inthePhilippinescouldbe increased importation.Should
the government drop its self-sufficiency plans, focus on its comparative advantage, and depend
strongly on importation from the region (currently Thailand, Vietnam and India), the government
mightseeagreaterneedtosecurestocks.
96InterviewwithDrLantican,18Nov2014,LosBanos
Singapore,April2016
51
ThailandTable9:PublicStockpilingofRiceSnapshot
TotalPopulation 67.2million(2015,projected)
Quantityofpublicricestockpiles Total(in‘000mt),2014
Production Imports Exports Consumption Public
Stockpile
18,750 300 9,000 11,700 18,000
Public Stockpiling
Authority/Institution
• Public Warehouse Organisation (PWO)
MinistryofCommerce
Purposeofpublicstockpile • Farmersubsidy
• Exportstability
Governanceofstockpile Control Commodity NameofInstitution
Public Rice PWO
PresentStockpileMechanism Stockpilesforexport No fixed mechanism to determine
minimumquantity.
Dedicated infrastructure for
stockpiles
Facility Numbers Capacity
(in‘000mt)
Warehouses 1800
(Not publicly
available)
Silos 137 (Not publicly
available)
Introduction
Thailand is one of the largest exporters of rice in the world. It has in fact been one of the top
exporters inthe lastdecadeandahalf followedandoccasionallyovertakenby IndiaandVietnam.
Thebuildingupofstockpileshowever,issomethingofarecentphenomenonforThailand.
Themainpurposeforstockpilingof rice inThailand is forexportsupplystability.Thisusuallydoes
notrequirelargevolumesandquantities.Therecenttrendisthusarelativelyneweventasaresult
ofinterventionistpoliciesputinplacebyparticularadministrations.
Otherthangovernmentstockpiles, therearealsoprivatestocks.Privatestocksareheldbytraders
andmillers.Combined,thetradersandmillersholdapproximately2milliontonnesofrice.
Singapore,April2016
52
WiththeincumbentjuntagovernmentinThailandtakingpower,thestockpilingprogrammeinitiated
undertheYingluckShinawatraadministrationhasbeenhalted.TheThaigovernmentisnotprocuring
anymorestocks.Afullauditofgovernmentheldstocks(inJuly2014)hasalsobeenorderedsoasto
evaluate thequality andalso to get theexactquantityof thegovernment rice reservewhichwas
accumulatedsince2011.97
PresentFoodReservePolicyandPractices
Thailandhashistoricallyhadexcesssuppliesofriceascomparedtoitsdemands.Thishasledtothe
country being a net exporter for over a century and a half. Thailand therefore has no reason to
stockpile rice for food security purposes of its people as many other countries do. The primary
challengeofthericeeconomyinThailandhasbeeninensuringsuitablepricesfor itsfarmersfrom
themarketsinordertoguaranteethemagoodincomeandkeepthemincentivisedtoremaininthe
sector.
The recent rice pledging scheme introduced in 2011 under Yingluck Shinawatra’s leadership
promised farmers a minimum price for their rice. This is not an uncommon practice, many
governmentswhichrunstockpilingprogrammestoguaranteefarmer incomesalsopubliclyrelease
anddefendminimumsupportprices (MSP)or a guaranteedminimumprice (GMP). In the caseof
Thailand theminimumpricewas setmuch higher than international prices. The governmentwas
nowcommitted toprocureandstockall the rice fromthe farmersat thepromisedprice,butwas
unabletosellthericeintheinternationalmarketswhereitwasintendedwithoutsufferingamajor
lossoneverytonnesold.Thisledtomassivestockbuild-upingovernmentwarehouses.Thericewas
stored inhopesof salewhen internationalprices goupandbeyond thepledgedpriceof close to
US$600pertonne.98
Since2012thestockpilesinThailandaveragedapproximately15milliontonnes,reachingcloseto30
million tonnes by 2013-2014.99 Stock levels have started to drop since the junta government
takeoverastheyhavedesperatelytriedtosellstocksatdiscountedprices.
Thejuntagovernmenthasalsosuspendedallprocurementbythestatewhileitcontinuestooffload
and tries to sell existing stockpiles. Despite the resolve to sell its existing stockpile the process is
likelytotakeanumberofyears.Thisisbecausebidsandsalesaredoneinbatchesof500,000tonnes
97InterviewwithmemberofThailandRiceTrader’sAssociation,11Feb2015,Bangkok98Interview,op.cit.99InterviewwithofficialfromAFSIS,10Feb2015,Bangkok
Singapore,April2016
53
each time.100 The total losses incurred by the Thai state with this round of paddy pledging are
estimatedtobeintheregionsofUS$20billion.101
‘PaddyPledging’programme
Thepaddypledgingpolicywasfirstintroducedinthe1981–1982croppingseasonwiththeobjective
to provide soft loans for farmers who wanted to delay sale of their crops. This was to tide the
farmersoverperiodswhenpricesare low, so theycanhold stocksandsellundermoreprofitable
conditions. Thissystem(ofbeingabletotakeout loansusingtheirstocksascollateral)continued
until2000.Theprogrammechangeditsobjectives in2001–2002. Itcouldnowalsoactasawayto
controlricepriceandincreasefarmers’incomes.Thismeantthattherewerenowtwodistinctways
farmerscouldusetheirstocksforgreaterincomes.
The first was now farmers could now borrow ‘soft’ loans102 from the Bank of Agriculture and
Agricultural Cooperatives (BAAC) using their paddy as collateral stored in their own facilities.
Alternatively,theycouldchoosetobringtheirpaddytoagovernment-operatedwarehouserunby
thePublicWarehouseOrganization(PWO)locatedineverydistrictinthecountrywheretheycould
storetheirrice instead.ThegovernmentofThailandprovided interestsubsidyforthefarmersand
paidthefullinterestrateontheBAACloans(about6.0–7.0percent)forfarmerswhochosethefirst
optionofstoringricethemselves.IncaseofthesecondoptionwhenthericeisstoredbyPWO,they
wouldneedtopaythreepercentinterestandthedifferencewouldbecoveredbythegovernment.
100InterviewwithmemberofThailandRiceTrader’sAssociation.Opcit.101InterviewwithDrNiphon,13Nov2014,Manila102Softloansareloansatlowerinterestratesandmorefavourabletermsfortheborrowerascomparedto
marketnorm.
Singapore,April2016
54
Figure8:Totalpaddyproductionvs.totalpaddyprocuredthroughpledging(inmmt)
Source:GovernmentStatisticalOffice(amendedfromPoapongsakorn,2010)103
Lessons,issuesandareasofconcernofThailand’sstockpilingprogramme
Politicisationofricepolicy
GiventheprocedureandinstitutionalarrangementofhowricepolicyinThailandisformulated,itis
littlesurprisethatitissosusceptibletopoliticisation.Theinitialreviewwhichstartedthehighlevel
ofpledgingoriginatedinThaksinShinawatra’sgovernmentinearly2000s.Whileitwasjustifiedon
the grounds of helping the farmers, who constitute the low income section of Thailand, public
stockpilingofricecouldalsobeseenasappeasementofhispoliticalbaseandawayofbuyingvotes.
TherewasacontinuanceofsimilarpoliciesbythesubsequentYingluckadministration.Thepledging
policy cost Thailand’s its top position in the internationalmarket as it could not afford to sell its
stocksbelowitspledgedlocalprices.
CostsofStockpiling
Other than the direct fiscal costs associatedwith the pledging programme, therewere also large
lossesincurredintermsofphysicalstock.Itisestimatedthatcloseto2milliontonneswaslostdue
103Poapongsakorn,Nipon,andD.Dawe."ThepoliticaleconomyofThairicepriceandexportpoliciesin2007-2008."Ricecrisis:Markets,policiesandfoodsecurity(2010):pp.191-217.
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
Totalproducmonpaddywetanddry Totalpledgewetanddryseasons(mmt)
Singapore,April2016
55
toapoor rotationsystem.Anothercoupleof tonnes isnowsaid tobeof significantlybadquality,
whichwillbehardtosellorauctionoff.104
Lossesarealsoincurredasaresultofsmuggling.Duringtherecentpledgingprogramme(2011-2014)
smugglingfromneighbouringcountriesissaidtohavebeenrampant.105RicefrommainlyCambodia,
andinsomecasesfromVietnam,weresaidtohavebeensmuggledintoThailandtoprofitfromthe
extremelyhighpledgeprices.Ablackmarketforsmuggledricewassupposedlyoperatingextremely
wellduringtheseyears.106
CrowdingoutofthePrivateSector
The running of pledging programmes in Thailand also had an impact on the private sector. The
private sectorhasalwaysbeenan importantplayer for ricebothdomesticallyand internationally.
During the pledging programme, the high prices offered by the government meant the private
traderscouldnotprocureanyriceinthemarketforclosetotwoyears(2012–2014).
Thisledtoanumberofbusinessesshuttingdownandexitingthericemarket.Othersmovedtofocus
onothercommoditiesinstead,wheretherewaslow/nogovernmentintervention.Onlyricetraders
andbusinesseswithconnectionstothegovernmentcouldgetaccesstogovernmentstocksandbuy
at low prices.107 The rest were priced out. This is likely to have long-term consequences for
Thailand’sriceeconomy.
FuturedirectionsforThailand’sfoodpolicyandstockpiling
It is now clear that the costs of Thailand’s recent pledging programme have far outweighed the
gains.Afterthisbitterexperienceitisunlikelythatanyfuturegovernmentintheshort-tomedium-
termwill likelypursue similaroutof control stockpilingpolicies.Public rice stockpilesare likely to
dropandremainatmore“acceptable”levelsofuptosixmilliontonnes(levelsbeforeYingluck’srice
policyrevision).108
104InterviewwithmemberofThailandRiceTrader’sAssociation.Opcit.105Ibid106InterviewwithofficialfromAFSIS.Opcit.107InterviewwithmemberofThailandRiceTrader’sAssociation.Opcit.108Ibid
Singapore,April2016
56
VietnamTable10:PublicStockpilingofRiceSnapshot
TotalPopulation 90.7million(2014,estimated)
Quantityofpublicstockpiles Total(in‘000mt),2014
Production Imports Exports Consumption Public
Stockpile
28,074 400 6,200 22,100 2,000
Public Stockpiling
Authority/Institution
• VietnamFoodAssociation
• VINAFOOD1(RedRiverDeltaProduction)andVINAFOOD2
(MekongRiverDeltaProduction)
Purposeofpublicstockpile • Farmersubsidy/income
• Exportstability
• Market/pricestabilisation
Governanceofstockpile Control NameofInstitution/Organisation
Public VINAFOOD1andVINFOOD2
Dedicated infrastructure for
stockpiles
Facility Numbers Capacity(in‘000mt)
Warehouses
(Covered)
(not publicly
available)
Approx.2,000
Silos
None
Under
construction
(numbers
unspecified)
VINAFOOD 1 and 2 plans to
constructsilosforatotalof4
million tonnes of storing
capacity.
Introduction
Vietnam, throughVINAFOOD1and2, havemostlybeen stockpiling two commodities. First is rice
whichservesastheprimegrainthatdominatesVietnam’sfoodproduction.Secondiscoffeeasithas
beenan increasingly importantagriculturalexport commodity forVietnam.Stockpilingof riceand
coffee has largely focused on producers. As mentioned above, every year, the Vietnamese
government announces calls for national stockpiling of rice. During 2014- 2015, Vietnam
experiencedslightlossesofashareoftheworld’sricemarkettoThailandandIndia.
Singapore,April2016
57
ThestockpilingpolicyhasbeeninstrumentalforVietnam’sriceexports.Itisawell-organisedpublic
and private cooperative mechanism which ensures continuity of exports. At present, the
government of Vietnam is planning to increase its public stockholding capacity from 2mmt to 4
mmt.Thismeansthatby2020,itislikelythattheVietnamesegovernmentmayhavestocksofabout
4mmtatanygivenpointintime(orbetween15-20percentoftotalannualdomesticconsumption).
The rationaleof thegovernmentasexpressedand justifiedby theVFAandVFAmembers, is that
such an increase in stockpilingwill be helpful for the farmers to sustain their production (and by
extensiontheirincomes)andimprovetheiroverallwelfare.
However, there are sceptics of this new proposal.109 The proposed targets are considered
unnecessarybecauseVietnamdoesnotneedlargepublicreservesduetothecostsforthestateto
maintainthestockswhentheprivatesectorcouldbeputinchargeofholdingstocks.Inthepast,rice
reserves were needed especially in the North due to unstable production, these have however
stabilisedinrecenttimes.Vietnamhasagoodinternationalmarketforitsrice,whichalsosuggests
thereisn’taneedtomaintainlarge(public)reservesfordomesticconsumptionpurposes.Vietnam’s
main rice export destinations include China (biggest importer), other Asian countries (Philippines
and Indonesia) as well as Africa (e.g. Ivory Coast and Angola) and Latin America. Critics of
Vietnamese rice stockpilingpolicy thus feel thatwhat is needed is topromoteVietnamese rice in
morecountriesandregionsso itcanreapthebenefits fromthe internationalmarket. Thecostof
stock rotation is also going to be significantly higher – as the governmentwill need to rotate its
entirestocksevery2-4yearstomaintainthequalityofstockpiledrice.
One of the most controversial policies on stockpiling is the Vietnamese Government Decree
109/2011whichregulatesminimumstockamounts for riceexports.Thedecreestates that“a rice
businessmusthaveawarehousecapableofstockingatleast5,000tonnesofrice,andaricehusking
plantwitha10tonnesperhourcapacity,tobeeligibletoexporttheirproducts.”110Thepolicywas
initially created to boost rice exports. However this policy has triggered high dropout rates of
exporters from smaller provinces. Furthermore, the decree considers rice to be one homogenous
109InterviewwithDirectorofResearchDepartmentforPublicServicePoliciesCentralInstituteforEconomicManagement(CIEM),Sept2014.110NguyenTrongThua,headoftheAgro-ForestryProcessingandSaltIndustryDepartment,MinistryofAgricultureandRuralDevelopment.SeeRicestockpilepolicyharvestsall-roundgains[May2013]25/05/2013http://english.vietnamnet.vn/fms/business/74990/rice-stockpile-policy-harvests-all-round-gains.html[LastaccessedSeptember2014]
Singapore,April2016
58
commodityanddoesnot recognise theexistenceofnichemarkets forspecific ricevarietieswhich
existsintheglobalmarket.Asaresult,thispolicyhasbeenhighlycriticised.111
Vietnam’s rice stockpiling programme started in the mid-1990s and it continues to increase its
stockpileamountsaspartofthe“exportreadiness”strategy112.Theexportsinvolvedifferenttypes
of rice including high value rice, such asVietnamese aromatic rice and glutinous rice,whichhave
seenanincreaseintermsofmarketsharerecently.113Thissteadyincrementinstockpileshasbeen
possibleduetoboththe increases inyieldaswellas inproductionsince1990s.Vietnamcurrently
produces three cropsofpaddyevery year– Spring,Winter andAutumn.Mostof theharvest and
stockpilingoccursduringtheWinter-SpringandSummer-Autumnperiods.
Figure9:TrendofpaddyyieldinVietnam1970s-2012
Source:USDAandFAOdata,2014
Governanceofricestocks
VINAFOOD1inHanoilooksaftersupplyandavailabilityofricefortheNorthernregionsofVietnam.
VINAFOOD2inHoChiMinhCitymanagesriceproductionintheMekongDelta(Southernregions).
While VINAFOOD 1 has rice as its core business, it also functions as a general trading company
111SeestatementbyTruongThanhPhong,chairmanofVietNamFoodAssociation(VFA),VietnamNews25/05/2013.http://english.vietnamnet.vn/fms/business/74990/rice-stockpile-policy-harvests-all-round-gains.html[LastaccessedSeptember2014]112ExportReadinessCenter2011:Vietnam’sExportReadinessWashingtonStateUniversity,30April2011.http://export.wsbdc.org/assets/uploads/4fa8635086bf9Vietnam_Country_Report_V5_63011.pdf[LastaccessedNovember2014].113SeericeinformationattheVinafood2.http://www.vinafood2.com.vn/EN/Pages/SanPham.aspx
0
20
40
60
80
1973
1976
1979
1982
1985
1988
1991
1994
1997
2000
2003
2006
2009
2012
YieldofCrops:Paddyaverage YieldofCrops:Paddy:SpringPaddy
YieldofCrops:Paddy:AutumnPaddy YieldofCrops:Paddy:WinterPaddy
Singapore,April2016
59
dealingwithothergrains.114ThroughVINAFOOD1and2,thegovernmentofVietnamhasbeenable
toexport6-7milliontonnesofriceannually.
Thispriceof rice tends to slumpduring theWinter-Springharvests (aroundMarch).115 Inorder to
mitigate the sudden shock to farmers' incomes, the governmentoften stockpiles rice through the
privatefirmsinordertoensurethe30percentprofitmarginforthefarmers.116Therealsoseemsto
be pressure on the part of the government and private traders to export the Winter-Spring
stockpiled rice as soon as possible since firms have to start anticipating and planning for the
Summer-Autumnricestockpiles.
GovernanceIssuesofStockpiling
TheVFAhas125officialmembersandabout10associatemembers.VINAFOOD1andVINAFOOD2
are the two key firms which is owned by the government. Its members deal with food and
agriculturalproduction,processingandtrading includingdealingwithprocessedfood.TheVFAhas
beenmandatedtodeterminethequantityandquotaofgovernment's food(rice)procurementfor
stockpiling. Since theheadof VFA should come from itsmembers, there are issues regarding the
fairness and the legitimacy of quota policy for each province. There are also issues around non-
memberfirmsthatcanalsoplayarolegiventhefactthatexistingstoringcapacityofVFAmembers
insomeregionhavebeenexhausted.
In addition, cooperation between VFA and local governments is often absent. Local governments
view VFA as unilaterally deciding rice quotas from each region based on a ‘top-down’ approach
withoutproper local consultations.117Asa result somequotasarenotproportional to the levelof
localproduction.
114InterviewwithMr.QuachManhDung,DeputyMarketingManager.(HewrotehisMScthesisonfoodcrisis2007-2008).115VoThanhDo[DeputyheadoftheAgro-ForestryandFisheriesProcessingandSaltIndustryDepartment],VietNamNet,Stockpilinghelpstoboostricefarmers'profits[12June2014]116Dr.NguyenMihnHai,PhoneInterviewon2October2014.SeealsoPhamHoangNgan(2010)117HuynhVanGanh,DirectoroftheKienGiangDepartmentofIndustryandTrade.SeeVietnamNews-June,172013http://vietnamnews.vn/economy/240851/delta-hit-by-low-rice-prices.html.
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60
ConclusionGiventhefindingsfromthefieldaswellastheliteratureandsecondarysourcesavailable,itseems
clear that stockpilingof rice is likely to continue, if not expand, in theAsiaPacific region into the
foreseeablefuture.Thereanumberofreasonsforthis,someofwhicharelistedbelow.
• Most countries have a history in terms of public stockpiling of rice and many have
continuedtooperatesomeformofpublicricestockpilingprogrammesfordecades.Thisis
thereforenotarecentphenomenon.
• Thereareindicationsthatmostgovernmentshavestartedrevisitingthestockpilingoption
after the experience of the 2007-2008 global food price crisis. Hence there seems to be
greaterresolve.
• Therecentrevisitingandre-assessmentintermsofpublicstockpileshastwofeatures;(i)in
terms of quantities and volume of rice placed under reserve (ii) types and kinds of
commodities(staples,grainsetc.)tobestockpiled.
• Reviewsandauditsareon-going inanumberof thecountries for institutionswhichhave
been dealing with public rice stockpiling and distribution programmes. Some aim to
minimise losses and inefficiencies experienced in the past. Others are keener to explore
differentorganisationalandstructuraloptionsforbetterefficiencyandcost-effectiveness.
These are welcome signs but also point to the resolve and commitment towards
maintainingstockpiles.
• One of the main rationales for public stockpiling has been the eroding of trust in the
internationalmarketsand long termstabilityof internationalprices forkeycommodities.
Malaysia,PhilippinesandIndiaareexamplesofthis.Henceinternationaldevelopmentsand
factorsarealsobecominginstrumentalinstockpilingpoliciesandnotjustpurelydomestic
ones,whichwaslargelythecaseinthepast.
• Anincreasingnumberofnaturaldisasters,emergenciesandtheissueofclimatechangeare
also weighing in. This is leading to greater consideration for the need to maintain
emergencystocksespeciallyincountrieslikethePhilippinesandIndonesiawhichareprone
tomajornaturalcatastrophes.
• Maintaining food reserves is also becoming popular as part of government “social
obligations”.Thisisintermsofprovidingfoodaspartofsafetynetsforthelessfortunate.
India’s National Food Security Bill, Indonesia’s RASKIN programme, and Philippines’ NFA-
runsubsidisedfoodprogrammesallattesttothis.
Singapore,April2016
61
Public stockpiling of rice is therefore likely to remain an important part of food policy for many
governments in Asia Pacific. The justification for this is increasingly on the grounds of “food
security”,which isoftentimesunderstoodandconstrued indifferent/varyingways.Howevergiven
theimplicationsofstockpilingpolicies,bothonthedomesticfrontaswellasinternationally,whatis
likelytobethenewnormalofgrowingandlargenational/publicreservesiscertainlygoingtobean
importantfacettobeawareof,monitor,andconsiderwhendiscussingAsia’sfoodsecuritymoving
forward.