Personal Political Salience

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Personal Political Salience: The Role of Personality in

Collective Identity and Action

Lauren E. Duncan

Smith College

Abigail J. Stewart

University of Michigan

Personal political salience (PPS) is proposed as a personality characteristic that assesses

individuals linkage of political events with their personal identities. Its role in facilitating

the development of politicized collective identity and action is examined. In four samples of

midlife and activist women, we show that PPS was consistently related both to politicized

gender identity and political participation. Further analyses show similar results for PPS,

politicized racial identity, and political participation. Politicized gender identity mediated

the relationship between PPS and womens rights activism, and politicized racial identity

mediated the relationship between PPS and civil rights activism. PPS is demonstrated to

independently predict political action and also to provide a personality link between group

memberships, politicized collective identity, and political participation.

KEY WORDS: political participation, personal political salience, politicized collective identity, femi-

nist consciousness, race consciousness

. . . at the precise instant of Indias arrival at independence, I tumbledforth into the world. . . . I had been mysteriously handcuffed to history,

my destinies indissolubly chained to those of my country. For the next

three decades, there was to be no escape. (Rushdie, 1980, p. 3)

Like Rushdies protagonist in Midnights Children, some individuals feel a

deep connection to their time and place in history, feel that they are handcuffed

to history. More than their peers, they feel that they are products of large social

events and processes and that events in their personal lives are understood best by

reference to social forces and movements. Stewart and Healy (1989) argued that

Political Psychology, Vol. 28, No. 2, 2007

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some generations offer more opportunities for this linkage of the personal and the

socialgenerations that come of age when there is a high level of social turbu-

lence, like wars or mass social movements. They pointed to the generations that

came of age during World War I, the Great Depression, the Second World War, andthe sixties as exemplars of this process. Other scholars have made related argu-

ments (Braungart, 1975; Elder, 1974; Elder, van Nguyen, & Caspi, 1985; Jones,

1980; Settersten, 1999; Wohl, 1974), beginning with sociologist Karl Mannheim,

in his essay on the problem of generations ([1928] 1952). We are interested not

in the generational tendency to attach ones identity to larger social events, but in

the individual disposition to do so, regardless of generation.

In a study of the circumstances under which individuals operate consciously

and consistently to express their political beliefs in behavior, Stewart and Healy

(1986) pointed to this phenomenon. They noted that the process of identity devel-opment outlined by Erik Erikson (1965, 1968, 1975), and at the center of per-

sonality psychologists understanding of identity, takes place over time and

sometimesbut only sometimesincludes a central role for political beliefs:

As commitment replaces experimentation, some political attitudes can be

expected to crystallize into a world view that in turn can be expected to

channel life decisions and aspirations that, if political attitudes form an

important part of the identity, will be reflected in political ideology and

action. (Stewart & Healy, 1986, p. 13, italics in the original)

Stewart and Healy pointed, then, to the fact that political beliefs and values will

only become part ofsome peoples adolescent identity. Where they are not inte-

grated into the personal identity, they will notbe experienced as relevant to issues

of self-consistency or authenticity (1986, p. 29). Thus, for those individuals who

feel defined by their commitment to civil rights, exposure to other individuals

racist acts or prejudiced statements requires a personal response. For committed

pacifists, consideration of war by the leaders of their country is similarly per-

sonal. For an individual who identifies with the label feminist, political debateabout the rights of women to work in particular occupations or public discussion

of womens ability to do math are experienced not merely as hot political topics

but as personally relevant. This article, building on Eriksons and Stewart and

Healys theoretical arguments, empirically examines individual differences in the

tendency to experience political events as relevant to personal identity, as having

personal meaning.

The Development of a Construct

In their initial research on the linkage between the personal and the social

through generational experiences, Stewart and Healy (1989) assessed that linkage

by asking individuals to rate the personal meaningfulness of particular social and

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historical events and experiences. Their measure of this generational linkage was

the tendency to attach more meaning to events that took place during the years in

which their generations identities were shaped (their adolescence). Subsequent

research has confirmed this approach to measuring the differential linkagebetween the personal and social for particular generations (Agronick & Duncan,

1998; Duncan & Agronick, 1995; Zucker & Stewart, in press). In this paper, we

use the same measure in a different way; instead of focusing on events that took

place during an individuals adolescence, we consider the average tendency of an

individual to attach personal meaning to events taking place long before they were

born and long after their identities were well-developed, as well as during their

adolescence. We build here on the notionoutlined by Stewart and Healythat

individual differences in the overall propensity to attach personal meanings to

social events underlie the variation in the attachment of meaning to social eventsin adolescence by individuals within generations. Thus we propose a measure of

an individual difference (personal political salience or PPS) that will predict

individuals tendency to take on politicized collective identitieswhether genera-

tional or based on other group identities. This individual difference in personal

political salience should also predict individuals inclination to take political

actions.

It should be noted that this individual difference is not the same as political

interest or political expertise (Duncan, 2005); instead, this measure assesses the

attachment of personal meaningself relevanceto political or social-levelevents. Stewart, Settles, and Winter summarized the different emphasis in political

science and psychological research on political participation, with political scien-

tists emphasizing proximate effects with direct political content (attitudes, infor-

mation, party identification; see, e.g., Rosenstone & Hansen, 1993; Verba & Nie,

1972; Verba, Schlozman, & Brady, 1995), and psychologists emphasizing broader

personality dispositions (see, e.g., Block, Haan, & Smith, 1973; Rothman &

Lichter, 1982; Stone & Schaffner, 1988). However, the two traditions overlap in

their arguments that social resources, personality, and attitudes, skills and expe-

rience accumulated over the life course are important predictors of political par-ticipation (1998, p. 65). These variables also are related in other ways; for

example, in past research, PPS was related to the quick processing of political

information, interest in politics, and political participation (Duncan, 1999, 2005;

Duncan & Stewart, 1995; 2006).

Politicized Identities and Political Action

Research on individuals motivation to participate in collective action has

enjoyed a recent surge in popularity in social and personality psychology (see, e.g.,Brewer, 2001; Duncan, 1999, 2001; Duncan & Stewart, 1995; Huddy, 2001;

Simon & Klandermans, 2001; Simon et al., 1998; Thoits &Virshup, 1997). One

important focus of this work has been politicized collective identity. Simon and

145PPS, Identity, Activism


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Klandermans (2001; see also, Simon, 1998; Simon et al., 1998) introduced a

model of politicized collective identity grounded in theories of social identity

(Tajfel & Turner, 1986). They conceptualized politicized collective identity as the

extent to which . . . group members (self) consciously engage in a power struggleon behalf of their group (Simon & Klandermans, 2001, p. 324). In their concep-

tualization, a persons politicized collective identity is fully realized only when

person engages with society in a struggle for power (i.e., collective action). Thus

Simon and Klandermans (2001) define collective action as integral to their con-

ceptualization of a politicized collective identity.

Also grounded in theories of social identity, Gurin, Miller, and Gurin (1980)

used the term stratum consciousness to describe the politicization of a group

identity. Stratum consciousness includes four elements: (1) identification with a

group, that is, recognition of shared interests among the group or a sense ofcommon fate; (2) power discontent, or belief that ones group is deprived of power

and influence relative to the dominant group; (3) withdrawal of legitimacy or

system blame, the belief that disparities based on group membership are illegiti-

mate; and (4) collective orientation, or belief that members of ones group should

pool their resources to eliminate those obstacles that affect them as a group. The

latter three elements comprise a distinctive political ideology around group mem-

bership, one that recognizes the groups position in a power hierarchy, rejects the

dominant groups rationalization of its relative position, and embraces a collective

solution to group problems. This definition of stratum consciousness is essentiallyan elaboration of elements comprising Simon and Klandermans (2001) politi-

cized collective identity and can be conceptualized as an individual difference

variable.

There is clear evidence that politicized collective identities are expressedat

least sometimesin political action (Duncan, 1999; Simon & Klandermans, 2001;

Simon et al., 1998; Strmer & Simon, 2004). For example, Duncan (1999) found

that feminist identity was related to womens rights activism, and Simon et al.

(1998) found that identification with the gay rights movement was related to gay

rights activism. However, most of this literature does not aim to understand howsome peoples group identities become politicized, while others do not, or how

one identity within an individual may be politicized (e.g., race), while another may

not be (e.g., gender, or social class position). Some research has identified factors

that predict the politicization of group identities (see, e.g., Cole, Zucker, &

Duncan, 2001; Crosby, 1976; Cross, 1971, 1991; Duncan, 1999; Gurin, Miller, &

Gurin, 1980; Zucker, 2004). Our focus in this paper is on the role that personal

political salience plays in the politicization of personal identity and therefore in the

politicization of those group identities that are most salient and important to the

individual (see Sellers, Smith, Shelton, Rowley, & Chavous, 1998).It is important to note that not all politicized collective identities are based

in social statuses. Thus, some straight individuals develop identities as allies

of gay and lesbian people and get involved in activism for gay rights; equally,



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white individuals influenced by the Civil Rights movement often became activ-

ists in antiracist causes based on an identification as a moral or ethical person or

as a person committed to the equal dignity of all persons (see, e.g., Durr, 1990;

Stalvey, 1982; Stewart, 1999; Stewart, Settles, & Winter, 1998). In these cases,individuals develop collective identities based not solely on their position in

the social structure (as straight or white), but based on their analysis of the

damage done by that social structure, and their rejection of the privileges asso-

ciated with their position in it (we might label these antihomophobic or antira-

cist identities).

The Relationships among Personal Political Salience, Collective Identity, and

Political Participation

In this article, we ask several questions. First, is PPS related to the develop-

ment of a politicized collective identity? Second, is PPS (like politicized collective

identity) related to political participation relevant to the politicized collective

identity? Third, how do PPS and politicized collective identities work together to

explain political participation? When politicized collective identity is related to

political participation, does PPS explain additional variance in that participation

above and beyond that predicted by politicized collective identity? Finally, does

politicized collective identity mediate the relationship between PPS and political

participation?We examine these questions in four samples of midlife and activist women.

Three of the samples are composed of college-educated women who came of age

during the heyday of the second wave of the womens movement; the fourth is

made up of women attending a March on Washington for reproductive rights; thus,

womens rights activism is assumed to be relatively salient to all of the women

and gender a potential focus of politicized collective identity. Because people who

score high on PPS find political events to be very personally meaningful, we posit

a positive relationship between PPS and politicized gender identities and political

activism on behalf of women as a group (Duncan, 1999). In addition, for whitewomen in one of our samples, we are able to broaden the scope of our testing to

examine the relationship between politicized racial identities and political actions

taken for civil rights issues.

We examine five hypotheses with these data. First, we hypothesize a positive

relationship between PPS and possessing a politicized gender identity for all of

these samples. According to Stewart and Healys (1989) theory, PPS should relate

to the politicization of collective identities in general; the particular collective

identities that are politicized might range quite widely in a heterogeneous sample,

with no single collective identity being politicized for very many people. However,for these samples, there are reasons that gender might be the particular focus of

politicized collective identity. The Activists interest in a particular gender-relevant

issue is evidenced in their attendance at a March on Washington. However, even



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within this group of individuals participating in a march for reproductive rights,

there are differences in how much they have or have not politicized their gender

identities. Thus, we hypothesize that the greater the tendency to personalize social

and political events (PPS), the greater the politicization of gender identity withinthis group. The logic for the three samples that came of age during the heyday of

the second wave of the womens movement is based more on their generational

experience. According to Stewart and Healy (1989), people who attach personal

meaning to social and political events generally should be more responsive to the

social movements of their time and especially social movements that are related

to their group identities (Agronick & Duncan, 1998; Duncan, 1999; Duncan &

Agronick, 1995; Stewart & Healy, 1986). For these three samples, then, who came

of age during the heyday of the second wave of the womens movement, we also

test the hypothesis that higher levels of PPS are associated with the greaterdevelopment of politicized gender identities.

In addition, if it is a general disposition to find social and historical events

personally meaningful, PPS should both be related to political participation in a

variety of social and political causes unrelated to gender and should account for

variance in political participation in womens rights activism unexplained by

politicized gender identity. Thus, we test two further hypotheses: PPS will explain

additional variance in womens rights activism above and beyond that predicted by

politicized gender identity, and it should be a better predictor of more general

activism than politicized gender identity.Fourth, following Duncan (1999), we hypothesize that a specific politicized

group identity should only mediate the relationship between PPS and specific

political concerns relevant to that identity; it should not mediate relationships

between PPS and other forms of political participation. In this sample, we test this

hypothesis for politicized gender identity and womens rights activism versus

broader indices of political participation.

Finally, in order to assess the predictive importance of PPS beyond the domain

of politicized gender identity, we consider the domain of politicized racial identity.

Here the collective identityantiracist personis not grounded in a group iden-tity defined by social status, like gender. However, since PPS should be associated

with any politicized collective identity, we hypothesize that politicized racial

identity should mediate relationships between PPS and activism for civil rights in

the Activist sample, where we have measures of these variables.

Method

Participants and Procedures

Radcliffe College Alumnae. In 1996, 114 members of the graduating class of

1964 at Radcliffe College participated in the seventh follow-up of an ongoing

longitudinal study (see Stewart, Settles, & Winter, 1998, for more information



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about sampling and procedures). The vast majority of the sample was white and

the average age of participants was 53 years. Most of the women were currently

married (67%) and had children (87%).

Smith College Alumnae. Between 1994 and 1996, 248 members of the gradu-ating class of 1964 at Smith College participated in a survey about their college

experiences, life outcomes, and politics (see Duncan, 1999; Duncan, Wentworth,

Owen-Smith, & LaFavor, 2002; and Stewart, Ostrove, & Helson, 2001, for more

information about sampling and procedures). Ninety-seven percent of the sample

was white and in 1996, the average age of participants was 53 years. Most of the

women were currently married (74%) and had children (90%).

University of Michigan Alumnae. In 1992, 105 women who had graduated

from the University of Michigan in 1967 completed a survey as part of the fourth

wave of the Womens Life Path study (WLPS) first begun by Tangri (1969). Onaverage, participants were 47 years old (see Stewart, Settles, and Winter, 1998, for

more information about sampling and procedures).

Activists. The Activist sample consisted of 1,023 people (891 women, 132

men) riding buses to the 1992 March on Washington for Womens Lives. Age

ranged from 8 to 84 (M= 34.13, sd= 14.16). For the current study, we includedfemale participants aged 17 and older who provided PPS ratings (n = 857). Sevenpercent of the sample identified with one or more ethnic minority groups. In

addition, 43% of Activists had never been married, 43% were currently married or

living with a partner, and 15% were divorced, separated, or widowed. Thirty-eightpercent of participants had children (see Duncan, 1999, for more information

about sampling and procedures).

Measures

Personal Political Salience. The PPS measure consisted of nine political and

social events rated on a 3-point scale (1 = not at all personally meaningful, 2 = alittle personally meaningful, 3 = very personally meaningful; Duncan, 1999,2005).1 Participants were instructed by the following: Please rate each of the

following events for how personally meaningful it is (or was) to you (i.e., how

much it affected your life or reflects your values and concerns). PPS scores were

computed by summing scores on all rated events and taking an item mean. The

events were: civil rights movement, Great Depression, Hiroshima, Kennedy assas-

sination, McCarthyism, sexual revolution, Vietnam war, womens movement, and

World War II. Mean PPS was 2.21 (sd= .35) for the Radcliffe College alumnae,

1 In the original surveys, the PPS measure consisted of anywhere from 14 (Activists) to 40 (Radcliffealumnae) items. See Duncan and Stewart (2006) for a discussion of how social and historical eventsmaking up the PPS measure were chosen. The PPS measure appears to be robust in that manydifferent social and historical events may be used with equivalent results. In this article, however, allanalyses were conducted using the 9 PPS items common to all four samples.



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2.21 (sd= .43) for Smith College alumnae, 2.09 (sd= .40) for University ofMichigan alumnae, and 2.01 (sd= .56) for Activists. Alpha reliability was .60, .76,.80, and .85, respectively. Individual item means are available from the first

author.Politicized Collective Identity. Several different measures of politicized

gender identity were administered to the samples. Smith College alumnae and

Activists were asked to indicate to what extent they identified as feminists

(1 = not at all to 5 = very much identified). Smith College alumnae, Universityof Michigan alumnae, and Activists answered questions assessing elements of

Gurins (1985) model of gender consciousness. Scores on the following four

measures were converted to z-scores and summed to provide an overall score on

gender consciousness. Items were taken from the 1992 American National Elec-

tion Studies (Miller, Kinder, Rosenstone, & the National Election Studies,1999). Common fate was measured by asking participants to rate the following

question on a 5-point scale: Do you think what happens generally to women in

this country will have something to do with what happens in your life? High

scores represented a sense of linked fate with other women. Power discontent

was assessed by asking participants to rate on a 5-point scale (with high scores

representing power discontent) how much power and influence in American

society they thought women had. For Smith College and University of Michigan

alumnae, system blame was assessed with two items that participants rated on a

5-point scale (1 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree). The items were Menhave more of the top jobs because our society discriminates against women and

Men have more of the top jobs because they are born with more drive to be

ambitious and successful than women (reversed scored). For Activists, system

blame was assessed with the following item: Women today face a lot of job

discrimination. For Smith College and University of Michigan alumnae, col-

lective orientation was assessed with two items scored on the same 5-point scale

as system blame. The items were The best way to handle problems of discrimi-

nation is for each woman to make sure she gets the best training possible for

what she wants to do (reversed scored) and It is not enough for a woman tobe successful herself. Women must all work together to change laws and

customs which are unfair to all women. Activists were asked to endorse one of

two statements that best represented how they believed women should improve

their status in society: (1) women should do the best they can as individuals, or

(2) womens groups should work to help women as a group. Because a number

of participants checked both options, a middle category was added to represent

endorsement of both methods. Alpha reliability for these items was .53 for the

Smith College alumnae, .62 for the University of Michigan alumnae, and .33 for

the Activists.University of Michigan alumnae andActivists also answereda question assess-

ing the cognitive centrality of gender(Gurin& Markus, 1989).Alumnae were asked

How often in your everyday life do you think about being a woman and what you



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have in common with women and men? (1 = hardly at all, 5 = very often).Cognitive centrality of gender in the Activist sample was assessed by taking the

mean of the answers to the following two questions: How often do you find

yourself feeling a sense of pride as a woman in the accomplishment of otherwomen? and How often do you find yourself feeling a sense of anger as a woman

in the way other women are treated in society? (1 = almost never, 4 = most of thetime).

Finally, both University of Michigan alumnae and Activists were given

Rickards (1989) Feminist Identity Scale (FIS), which measures the first four

stages of Downing and Roushs (1985) feminist identity development: passive

acceptance (e.g., I like being a traditional female,) revelation (e.g., I feel angry

when I think about the way I am treated by men and boys,) embeddedness (e.g.,

I am very interested in women writers,) and synthesis (e.g., I owe it not only towomen but to all people to work for greater opportunity and equality for all). In

addition, participants completed the active commitment scale of Bargad and

Hydes (1991) Feminist Identity Development Scale (FIDS; e.g., I want to work

to improve womens status.). Participants answered items on a 5-point scale

(1 = strong disagree, 5 = strongly agree).Political Participation. Political participation was assessed for Smith College

alumnae by asking participants to indicate the type and level of their participation

in 14 different causes (e.g., environment, pro-life). See the top half of the appendix

for a list of all causes included in the measure. Respondents marked whether or notthey participated in specific actions in support of each cause. Possible actions

included signing petitions, attending meetings, writing, calling, or visiting a public

official, contributing money, participating in organizations, and participating in

rallies or demonstrations (Duncan, 1999). Total activism was computed by taking

a mean across causes of all ways of participating (excluding those related to

womens rights), womens rights activism was defined as the mean number of

actions taken for pro-choice, pro-life, and womens rights causes, and civil rights

activism comprised actions taken for civil rights.

Total activism in the Activist sample was assessed as described above, across13 causes. See the bottom half of the appendix for a list of all causes included in

the measure. Womens rights activism was defined as the mean number of actions

taken for abortion rights and civil rights activism comprised actions taken for civil

rights.

Political participation for the Radcliffe College alumnae was assessed by

asking participants whether or not they had participated in the womens move-

ment and civil rights movement, and to indicate each of six ways in which they

were active (marching or demonstrating, organizational work, leadership role,

providing financial support, moral support, or supporting political candidates).Total activism was computed as the mean number of actions taken across both

causes. Womens rights activism and civil rights activism were also considered

separately.



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For University of Michigan alumnae, participants circled numbers represent-

ing the frequency with which they had participated in each of 18 political activities

in the past two years (e.g., joining a protest march, voting in elections)causes

were not specified. Total activism was computed as the mean of these 18 activities.Womens rights activism and civil rights activism were assessed as described

above for Radcliffe College alumnae.

Politicized Racial Identity and Civil Rights Activism. In the Activist sample,

we were able to create a measure of race consciousness that paralleled the

gender consciousness measure. Unfortunately, there were only 47 women of

color over the age of 17 who had complete data. However, the items used to

assess race consciousness were relevant to both white people and people of

color, and in both cases assessed the degree to which the individual viewed

black people as lacking appropriate power and status, as well as the possibilityof social change as a function of collective actions by black people and sym-

pathetic allies. Because these items might reflect different motivations on the

part of white women versus women of color, we limited analyses to white

women, and called it a politicized racial identity (antiracist). Scores on the fol-

lowing four measures were converted to z-scores and summed to provide an

overall score on race consciousness. Items were taken from the 1992 American

National Election Studies (Miller et al., 1999). Common fate was measured by

asking participants to rate the following question on a 5-point scale: Do you

think what happens generally to Black women in this country will have some-thing to do with what happens in your life? Power discontent was assessed by

asking participants to rate on a 5-point scale (with high scores representing

power discontent) how much power and influence in American society they

thought black men had. System blame was assessed with six items that partici-

pants rated on a 5-point scale (1 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree). Theitems included If people were treated more equally in this country we would

have many fewer problems and It is not really that big a problem if some

people have more of a chance in life than others (reversed scored). Collective

orientation was assessed with the following item scored on the same 5-pointscale as system blame: If Blacks, other minorities, the poor and women pulled

together, they could decide how this country is run. Civil rights activism con-

sisted of the mean across six possible actions (as described above for Smith

College alumnae) taken on behalf of civil rights issues.

Education and Income. All four samples were asked to indicate their educa-

tion level and total household income. Mean level of education for the Activists

was some graduate school, and for the Radcliffe Alumnae, Smith Alumnae, and

University of Michigan Alumnae was a Masters level degree. Mean income for

the Activists was $41,00050,000, for the Radcliffe Alumnae and University ofMichigan Alumnae, $100,000120,000, and for the Smith Alumnae, $100,000

150,000. Table 1 shows the intercorrelation of PPS, education, and income. In

three samples, PPS and education were related.



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Analyses

First, in a series of bivariate correlations we examined the relationship

between PPS and various measures of politicized gender identity. In a second set

of bivariate correlations, we examined the relationship between PPS and womensrights activism, civil rights activism, and total activism after controlling for edu-

cation and income.2 Third, in a series of hierarchical multiple regression equations,

we tested the hypothesis that PPS would explain additional variance in womens

rights activism above and beyond that explained by politicized gender identity,

education, and income, and that PPS would be a better predictor of civil rights

activism and total activism than politicized gender identity. Fourth, in another

series of regressions that controlled for education and income along all paths, we

tested the model shown in Figure 1 that politicized gender identity mediated the

relationship between PPS and the various types of political participation. Baronand Kenny (1986) specified three criteria for assessing mediating relationships: (1)

the independent variable is significantly related to the dependent variable (PPS is

related to political participation; Path C); (2) the mediator is significantly related

2 We considered controlling for age, as well, in the Activist sample. However, in that sample, age washighly correlated with education (r= .51, p


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to the independent and dependent variables (politicized gender identity is related

to PPS and political participation; Paths A and B); and (3) when the mediator is

controlled for, the magnitude of the relationship between the independent anddependent variable is reduced (i.e., controlling for politicized gender identity, the

relationship between PPS and political participation (Path C) is reduced). In cases

where Baron and Kennys (1986) criteria for mediation were met, the Sobel test

was used to test whether the mediated effect of PPS on political participation was

significantly different from zero using a bootstrapping procedure (Shrout &

Bolger, 2002).3 Finally, for the white Activists, we tested the hypothesis that

politicized racial identity mediated relationships between PPS and political

participation.

Results

As shown in Table 2, in all of our samples PPS was significantly positively

related to measures of politicized collective gender identity (feminist identity,

Gurins (1985) measure of gender consciousness, and cognitive centrality of

gender).

After controlling for education and income, PPS was significantly related to

womens rights activism, civil rights activism, and total activism in all four of our

3 In the bootstrapping procedure, samples are created from the existing data set using random samplingand replacement, and a mean indirect effect is computed across these samples. We used SPSS syntaxcreated by Preacher and Hayes (2004, 2006) and available online at http://www.comm.ohio-state.edu/ahayes/SPSS%20programs/indirect.htm.

Personal PoliticalSalience

PoliticizedGender Identity

PoliticalParticipation

Path C

Path A Path B

Figure 1. Politicized Gender Identity as a Mediator of the Relationship between Personal PoliticalSalience and Political Participation.

Note. Adapted from Motivation for collective action: Group consciousness as mediator ofpersonality, life experiences, and womens rights activism, by L. E. Duncan, 1999, PoliticalPsychology, 20, p. 613. Copyright 1999 by the International Society of Political Psychology.

http://www.comm.ohio-state.edu/http://www.comm.ohio-state.edu/


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samples (see Table 3). For two samples in the hierarchical regression analyses,

politicized gender identity was significantly associated with womens rights activ-

ism after controlling for education and income (see Table 4). Including PPS in theregression equations resulted in significant increases in the percent of variance

explained for two of the samples (as represented by the D R2 column.) That is, bothpoliticized gender identity and PPS were associated with womens rights activism

after controlling for education and income; PPS explained additional variance in

womens rights activism above and beyond that explained by politicized gender

identity in two samples. Also shown in Table 4, PPS was consistently related to

civil rights activism and total activism, after controlling for education, income, and

politicized gender identity. As hypothesized, PGI did not predict civil rights

activism or total activism.Table 5 shows the results of the mediation analyses. For two of the three

samples, after controlling for education and income along all three paths,

the relationship between PPS and womens rights activism was mediated by

Table 2. Personal Political Salience and Politicized Gender Identity

Measure M sd Correlation with PPS

Identification as a FeministSmith College Alumnae 3.48 1.10 .38***

Activists 4.50 .73 .16***

Gurins Gender Consciousness

Smith College Alumnae .12 2.54 .35***

University of Michigan Alumnae .06 2.71 .47***

Activists .33 4.32 .17***

Cognitive Centrality of Gender

University of Michigan Alumnae 1.88 1.47 .34***

Activists 3.49 .54 .15***

Feminist Identity Scale

Passive acceptance of traditional gender roles

University of Michigan Alumnae 1.81 .87 -.30**

Activists 2.15 .70 -.10**

Revelation

University of Michigan Alumnae 1.97 .70 .35***

Activists 3.35 .89 .28***

Embeddedness-emanation

University of Michigan Alumnae 2.07 .75 .19

Activists 3.57 1.06 .27***

Synthesis

University of Michigan Alumnae 2.95 .54 .27**Activists 4.28 .41 .11***

Active commitment

University of Michigan Alumnae 2.38 .89 .40***

Activists 4.39 .57 .23***

Note. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.



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Table 3. Personal Political Salience and Political Participation

Type of Political Participation b R2

Education Income PPS

Womens rights activism

Radcliffe College Alumnae .10 -.01 .26** .08*

Smith College Alumnae .02 -.07 .42*** .18**

UM Alumnae .16 .06 .42*** .24***

Activists .06 .08* .10** .02***

Civil rights activism

Radcliffe College Alumnae .08 -.13 .23* .08*

Smith College Alumnae .15 -.18 .44*** .25***

UM Alumnae -.01 .09 .54*** .30***

Activists .09** .04 .17*** .05***Total activism

Radcliffe College Alumnae .10 -.05 .35*** .14**

Smith College Alumnae .07 -.14 .46*** .23***

UM Alumnae -.15 -.01 .41*** .17***

Activists .08*** .05 .22*** .09***

Note. Unstandardized regression coefficients are available from the first author.

*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

Table 4. Additional Variance Explained in Political Participation by Personal Political Salience

Type of Political Participation b R2 D R2

Education Income PGI PPS


Smith College Alumnae .09 -.01 .21 .33** .22** .09**

UM Alumnae .19* .06 .37*** .25* .34*** .05*

Activists .07* .07 .14*** .07 .04*** .00


Smith College Alumnae .21 -.18 .12 .42*** .31*** .14***

UM Alumnae .00 .05 .10 .51*** .31*** .20***

Activists .08* .04 .05 .17*** .05*** .03***

Total activism

Smith College Alumnae .13 -.14 .13 .44*** .29*** .16***

UM Alumnae -.16 -.02 .17 .32** .19** .08**

Activists .18*** .05 .03 .20*** .09*** .04***

Note. PGI = politicized gender identity, assessed with a composite of Gurins gender consciousness

measures. Regression coefficients are from the final regression equation. Education and income

were entered as a block first, PGI was entered second, and PPS was entered last. D R2 represents the

additional variance explained by adding PPS to the regressions. Unstandardized regression

coefficients are available from the first author.*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.



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politicized gender identity. That is, the direct relationship between PPS and activ-

ism (Path C) was significantly reduced when politicized gender identity was added

to the regression equations, and the indirect effect was significantly different from

0. As expected, the relationships between PPS and civil rights activism and PPS

and total activism were notmediated by politicized gender identity in any of the

samples.Table 6 displays the results of the hierarchical regression analyses for politi-

cized racial identity and political participation for the white Activists. For civil

rights activism, womens rights activism, and total activism, politicized racial

identity for white women was associated with higher levels of political participa-

tion. In addition, PPS explained additional variance in civil rights activism and

total activism above and beyond that explained by politicized racial identity, and

adding PPS to the regressions did not eliminate the predictive power of politicized

racial identity.

Finally, as shown in Table 7, after controlling for education and income alongall three paths, politicized racial identity for white women mediated the relation-

ships between PPS and civil rights activism, womens rights activism, and total

activism.

Table 5. Politicized Gender Identity as a Mediator of Relationships Between PPSand Political Participation

Type of Political

Participation

Politicized Gender

Identity (Path B)

PPS (Path C) PPS controlling

for PGI (Path C)

Mediation?


Smith College Alumnae .33** .42*** .33** no

UM Alumnae .47*** .42*** .25* yes

Activists .15*** .10** .07 yes


Smith College Alumnae .27* .44*** .42*** no

UM Alumnae .31** .54*** .51*** no

Activists .07* .17*** .17*** no

Total activism

Smith College Alumnae .29* .46*** .44*** noUM Alumnae .31** .41*** .32** no

Activists .06 .22*** .20*** no

Note. Unless otherwise noted, all numbers are standardized b coefficients, controlling for education

and income. Unstandardized regression coefficients are available from the first author. Mediation

was determined by running the SPSS indirect macro created by Preacher and Hayes (2004; 2006)

and available online at http://www.comm.ohio-state.edu/ahayes/SPSS%20programs/indirect.htm.

If paths A, B, and C were significant and if the 95% confidence interval for the estimates of the

indirect effects did not include 0, then mediation was significant at p < .05. For each sample, the

relationship between PPS and politicized gender identity (Path A) is the same for all dependent

variables: for Smith College alumnae, b = .38**, N = 67 for UM alumnae, b = .44***, N = 87 andfor Activists, b = .16***, N = 769. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

http://www.comm.ohio-state.edu/ahayes/SPSS%20programs/indirect.htmhttp://www.comm.ohio-state.edu/ahayes/SPSS%20programs/indirect.htm


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Discussion

In all of our samples of midlife and activist women, PPS was significantly

related to measures of politicized gender identity, supporting the hypothesis that a

general tendency to attach personal meaning to social events is related to the

tendency to politicize relevant group or collective identities. The more personally

engaged a person is with the political world, the more likely that person is to have

developed a politicized collective identity based on some group identification. In

addition, though, we found that PPS was also associated with development of a

politicized racial identity (antiracist) within the sample of white women Activists.For these individuals identities based not only on (racial) group membership but an

analysis of unearned privileges associated with that group membership created the

basis of a politicized collective identity. These findings are interesting because

Table 6. Additional Variance Explained in Political Participation by PersonalPolitical Salience, Activists

Type of Political

Participation

b R2 D R2

Education Income PRI PPS

Civil rights activism .09* .06 .16*** .13** .06*** .02**

Womens rights activism .11** .05 .16*** .03 .04*** .00

Total activism .19*** .06 .12** .16*** .10*** .02***

Note. N = 622. PRI = politicized racial identity, assessed with a composite of Gurins race

consciousness measures. Regression coefficients are from the final regression equation. Education

and income were entered as a block first, PRI was entered second, and PPS was entered last. D R2

represents the additional variance explained by adding PPS to the regressions. Unstandardized

regression coefficients are available from the first author.

*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

Table 7. Politicized Racial Identity as a Mediator of Relationships between PPS and PoliticalParticipation, White Women Activists

Type of Political

Participation

Politicized

Racial Identity

(Path B)

PPS

(Path C)

PPS controlling

for PRI

(Path C)

Mediation?

Civil rights activism .18*** .16*** .13** yes

Womens rights activism .17*** .09* .03 yes

Total activism .15*** .20*** .16*** yes

Note. Unless otherwise noted, all numbers are standardized b coefficients, controlling for education

and income. Mediation was determined by running the SPSS indirect macro created by Preacher

and Hayes and available online at http://www.comm.ohio-state.edu/ahayes/SPSS%20programs/

indirect.htm. If paths A, B, and C were significant and if the 95% confidence interval for the

estimates of the indirect effects did not include 0, then mediation was significant at p < .05. The

relationship between PPS and racial identity (Path A) is the same for all dependent variables:

b = .19***, N= 622. Unstandardized regression coefficients are available from the first author.

*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

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17/22

they represent a test of the relationship between identity-related political partici-

pation and what Crosby and Gonzalez-Intal (1984) labeled ideological depriva-

tion, or relative deprivation felt on behalf of a group to which one does not belong.

An important avenue for future research is to examine the motivation and politicalparticipation of individuals who work for causes not related to their own group

memberships, and how this is similar to and different from that of people working

for causes related to their own group memberships. Taken together, these findings

add to the literature on politicized collective identities by identifying a personality

disposition, or individual difference, that can differentiate between members of

groups who develop politicized collective identities and those who do not.

It is important to note that individuals do not necessarily politicize only one of

their group identities. It is quite possible that participants in these studies had

politicized other aspects of their identities as well (e.g., sexual orientation, eth-nicity). In fact, it is quite likely that the critique of social systems inherent in many

politicized collective identities would lead individuals to politicize other aspects of

their identities as well (Duncan, 1999). Further, these results should generalize to

the relationship between PPS and other politicized collective identities in relevant

samples; e.g., gay identities or class identities. Thus, gay people and straight allies

who find social and political events personally meaningful should be more likely

than gay people and straight allies who do not find politics personally relevant to

develop politicized identities around sexuality. They should also be more active in

gay rights causes. The same should hold true for the politicization of class andother identities, including racial identities in samples of people of color.

After controlling for education and income, PPS was significantly positively

related to womens rights activism, civil rights activism, and total activism in all of

our samples. These findings indicate that PPS is related to many different types of

political participation, for a variety of causes. In addition to its association with

collective identities, attaching personal meaning to social and political events may

provide the motivation necessary for individuals to act on their beliefs about these

issues. This argument is consistent with Koestner and Losiers research on moti-

vation to participate in electoral politics (Koestner, Losier, Vallerand, & Carducci,1996; Losier & Koestner, 1999; Losier, Perreault, Koestner, & Vallerand, 2001).

Unlike politicized gender identity, PPS was a good predictor not only of

womens rights activism, but also of civil rights activism, and total activism.

However, PPS and politicized collective identity explained the most variance in

womens rights activism when taken together. After controlling for education and

income, politicized gender identity predicted only that type of activism that was

directly related to that identity (i.e., womens rights activism). This is consistent

with past researchthat showedthat a politicizedcollective identity canbe a powerful

motivator of collective action (Duncan, 1999; Simon et al., 1998). We also foundthat politicized collective identity mediated the relationship between PPS and

political participation for causes related to that collective identity. That is, politi-

cized gender identity mediated the relationship between PPS and womens rights



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activism, and politicized racial identity mediated the relationship between PPS and

civil rightsactivism. Thesefindings show that personality dispositionsareimportant

in identifying people who will become politicized. In the case of PPS, these findings

give us a glimpse into how tendencies to attach personal meaning to political eventsmight lead individuals to develop relevant politicized collective identities, which

could then motivate them to translate their political beliefs into action.

Many theoretically important issues remain for future research. For example,

it is important to examine how PPS, or the sense of being personally tied to social

processes and historical events, develops. Future research should assess the extent

to which PPS derives from temperamental differences, and the extent to which it

is learned, or socialized, in the environment of the family of origin. Similarly, to

what extent does PPS arise out of personal experiences that in effect force one to

engage with political issues? Clearly these are not necessarily alternatives; it maywell be that people with certain temperaments and dispositions are shaped by

experiences within the family, or exposure to certain kinds of experiences, to focus

on the political and social world. Understanding more about precisely how that

happens is enabled by a method of assessing the fact that it has happened.

Being able to assess personal political salience also will enable the study of

individuals who show typical and atypical patterns of political engagement. Thus,

we can examine the differences between people high in PPS but low in political

participation in contrast with those who are low in PPS but high in participation as

one way to begin to understand both exactly how PPS works in motivatingactivism, and how activism is sometimes undertaken in the absence of PPS. This

line of research also would lead us to ask what other activities people high in PPS

engage in besides political participation. For example, are these individuals who

are likely to engage in all sorts of voluntary associations and community par-

ticipation? Or is personal political salience more likely to lead them only to

engagement with political activism grounded in an analysis of power relations

between groups? Might these individuals be drawnwhen they are not political

activiststo professional activities that demand this kind of analysis, such as

political journalism, labor-management relations, mediation, even academicscholarship? In short, we believe that both the construct and the measure of

personal political salience can sharpen our understanding not only of the process

of development of collective identities and political participation, but of a wider

range of outcomes. This study contributes to the literature on politicized collective

identities and political participation by showing that individual differences in the

propensity to attach meaning to social and historical events can help us understand

which members of particular groups will politicize collective identities and which

will not. It also contributes to the literature by showing that certain types of

collective identities can provide a basis for political participation for causes notdirectly based in individual identity, but instead in attention to broader political

and social hierarchies. It opens the way to larger questions about the range of

consequences for individuals of feeling they are handcuffed to history.



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Appendix

Political Participation Items, Smith College Alumnae and Activists

Smith College Alumnae

AIDS Homeless

Antiwar/peace Moral Majority

Business/professional Pro-choice

Child care Pro-life

Civil rights PTA/PTO

Crime/neighborhood watch Republican Party

Democratic Party War support/troop support

Environment Womens rightsGay and lesbian rights

Activists

Abortion rights Employment

Antiwar/peace Environment

Business/professional Health care

Child care Political candidate

Civil rights Support our troops

Crime/neighborhood watch TaxesEducation Welfare rights

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This research was supported, in part, by grants from the University of Michi-

gan, the Henry A. Murray Center at Radcliffe College, and the Louise B. and

Edmund J. Kahn Liberal Arts Institute at Smith College. We gratefully acknowl-

edge Elizabeth R. Cole and Terri Strodthoff for their role in data collection, Bill E.

Peterson, Eileen Zurbriggen, and the members of the 20002001 Kahn Institute

Seminar on Community Activism for their helpful discussions of some of the ideas

presented in this article. We are, of course, most of all grateful to all of the

participants in these studies for their generous contributions of time. Correspon-

dence concerning this article should be addressed to Lauren E. Duncan, Depart-

ment of Psychology, Smith College, Northampton, MA 01063. E-mail: lduncan@

smith.edu

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