PERCEPTIONS ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CULTURE AND DEVELOPMENT:

A CASE STUDY OF IBAN COMMUNITY IN NANGA MEJONG, SKRANG. SARAWAK. MALAYSIA.

By

ISOBETH BANA

A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for

the degree of Master in Environmental Management in Development Planning

Faculty of Social Science University Malaysia Sarawak

May 2005

•

ABSTRACT

The Iban have changed because they desired an improvement in their living, economic

status and not to be left out in the modernizing society in Sarawak. In the process, the

Iban have to sacrifice many aspects of their traditional living values. This study is about

the perception of the Iban community in Nanga Mejong, Skrang on the topic of the

relationship between culture and development. It was done using qualitative research

methods. The methods include in-depth interview with the tuai rumah, focus group

interviews and fieldwork participations. The focus groups interviews consist of three

different groups; the men's group (the longhouse's committee), the women's group and

the youth's group. This study has shown that there was a conflict between the young and

elderly respondents pertaining the issue of development. The elderly perceive that

development brought positive impact in term of socio-economic but otherwise in term of

socio-culture. The young respondents otherwise are very comfortable with the ideas of

development. Another issue arise was the conflict between the Iban traditional practices

and Christianity. Some of the respondents especially the elderly fear that if their children

embrace Christianity, they would not remember and consequently abandon the traditional

customs, religion and the old 'adat' of the Ibans. From the study, today's youth are

exposed to all sorts of culture, especially the western ones. If today' s youth do not inherit

these priceless skills from their present older generations, the Iban culture will be at strike

in the near future so will the existence of their identities and race. Therefore, with respect

to Iban culture there is a need to carry out an in-depth research, collation and

documentation of Iban culture. This is to ensure that the Iban culture will remain alive

through the process of development.

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I ABSTRAKS

Dalam mengejar impian untuk menikmati kehidupan yang sempurna, masyarakat Iban

terpaksa mengorbankan beberapa aspek budaya mereka agar tidak ketinggalan di dalam

mengejar arus modenisasi. Kajian ini adalah mengenai persepsi komuniti !ban di Nanga

Mejong, Skrang berkenaan dengan hubungkait antara budaya dan pembangunan. Kajian

ini dijalankan dengan menggunakan kaedah kualitatif. Antara kaedah yang digunakan

adalah seperti 'in-depth interviews' dengan tuai rumah, 'focus group interview' dan

penglibatan secara kajian lapangan. 'Focus group interviews' me lib atkan tiga kumpulan

iaitu kumpulan lelaki (terdiri daripada AJK rumah panjang), kumpulan wanita dan juga

kumpulan remaja. Daripada kajian ini, didapati wujudnya konflik di antara responden

muda dan tua dari aspek pembangunan. Bagi responden tua, mereka mengatakan

pembangunan membawa kesan positif dari segi sosio-ekonomi tetapi sebaliknya dari segi

sosio-budaya. Walaubagaimanpun, bagi responden remaja, ide atau konsep pembangunan •,

dilihat sebagai suatu prospek yang positif. Selain itu, wujudnya konflik yang berkaitan

dengan am alan tradisi masyarakat !ban dengan agama Kristian. Sesetengah responden

menyuarakan kebimbangan sekiranya, anak mereka menganuti agama Kristian, mereka

akan lupa dengan budaya dan tradisi lama serta adat masyarakat !ban. Oleh yang

demikian, untuk memastikan budaya masyarakat !ban kekal untuk generasi akan datang,

beberapa langkah tegas harus dijalankan. Antaranya termasuk in-depth research,

penyusunan dan mendokumantasikan informasi berkenaan dengan budaya masyarakat

!ban.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to give thank to all people who supported me and were involved in one way

or another in the preparation of this dissertation. With the biggest contribution to this

dissertation, I am deeply indebted to my supervisor, Dr. Ling How Kee for her

encouragement, advice, mentoring, and research support throughout this study. I also

truly appreciate her patience and tolerance during my numerous mishaps.

I would also like to thank my cousin, Nicholas Bujang without whose assistance and

supports, this dissertation would not have been possible. Mr. Robert Malong also has my

complete gratitude for his guidance and patience while I was working on this dissertation.

I would also like to thank all my friends for helping me and being patient with me while I

was working on this dissertation. I appreciate all their friendships and their collective

encouragement to finish this dissertation. I especially like to thanks Wong Tat King,

Humperry Robert Linggie, Nancy, Fomalavia, Ruth Robert, Elena Castello and Mark

lana.

I also want to thank my parents (especially my mum) and my fiance. Because of their

financial and spiritual support, I have been able to come to UNIMAS and study at an

advanced academic level. This dissertation is dedicated to them.

At last, I want to devote this dissertation to my Lord. Thank Him for giving me good

parents, fiancee and my advisors Dr. Ling How Kee and my cousin, Nicholas Bujang. It

would not have been possible to complete this master's program without His grace.

To all of you, thank you.

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ABSTRACTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.0 INTRODUCTION 1.1 BACKGROUND OF MY OWN INTEREST 1.2 STATEMENTS OF THE PROBLEM 1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS 1.4 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY 1.5 THE METHODOWGY OF THE STUDY 1.6 SCOPE OF STUDY

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW

2.0 INTRODUCTION 2.1 DEFINITIONS OF CULTURE 2.2 DEFINITION OF DEVEWPMENT 2.3 THE RELATION BETWEEN CULTURE AND

DEVEWPMENT 2.4 INDIGENOUS PEOPLE OF ASIA 2.5 THEffiANOFSARAWAK 2.6 EVOLUTION AND DEVEWPMENT OF IBAN CULTURE 2.7 CONCLUSION

CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY

3.0 INTRODUCTION 3.1 WHY USE QUALITATIVE RESEARCH METHODS? 3.2 RESEARCH DESIGN 3.3 THE SELECTION OF SITES OF RESEARCH 3.4 THE SELECTION OF INFORMANTS 3.5 METHODS OF DATA COLLECTION

3.5.1 In-depth Interviews 3.5.2 Focus Group 3.5.3 Trial interview 3.5.4 Interviewing the Infonnants/Respondents 3.5.5 Field Work 3.5.6 Observation of the Infonnants/Respondents

3.6 DATA ANALYSIS PROCESS 3.7 WRmNG QUALITATIVE RESEARCH FINDINGS 3.8 CONCLUSION

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i - ii iii

1 - 3 4 5 6 6 6 7

8 8 -10

11 - 12

13 -15 16 - 20 21- 29 30 - 33 34 - 35

36 36 - 37

38 39 39

40 41 - 42

43 43 -45 46 -47

48 48 49

50 50

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CHAYfER 4: RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS

4.0 INTRODUCTION 4.1 BACKGROUND OF SKRANG REGION AND NANGA

MEJONG 4.2 DEMOGRAPHIC DATA

4.2.1 4.2.2 4.2.3 4.2.4 4.2.5 4.2.6 4.2.7

Gender Distribution Age structure and Migration data Marital Status Religious Affiliation Education Level Household Occupation Household Income

4.3 THE MEANING OF CULTURE 4.3.1 Culture are invented by the ancestor 4.3.2 Culture is identity of each ethnic 4.3.3 Culture is dynamic

4.4 CULTURE CHANGE 4.4.1 Changed because of the attitude of Ibans himself 4.4.2 Change because of development

4.5 THE MEANING OF DEVEWPMENT 4.5.1 Change in the standard of living 4.5.2 Development means government intervention •f 4.5.3 Development, culture and Tourism 4.5.4 Comfortable with idea of development

4.6 DILEMMAS ARISE FROM THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CULTURE AND DEVELOPMENT 4.6.1 Religions and communal life 4.6.2 Inter and intra ethnic relations 4.6.3 The future of !ban culture and heritages

CHAYfER FIVE: CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 5.0 CONCLUSION 5.1 RECOMMENDATIONS 5.2 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH

II I

51 52 - 53

54 54 55 56 57 58 59

61 61

62 - 63

64 - 66 67 - 69

70 71

72-73 74

75 -76 77

78 79

80 81 82

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1 Pie- Chart showing Sarawak's Ethnic Composition from 2000 census

Figure 2 Location of study sites

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Yearly cycle of rice cultivation

Table 2: Respondents Gender

Table 3: Respondents age

Table 4: Marital Status of the respondents

Table 5: Respondents Religion

Table 6: Respondents Education Level

Table 7: Household Occupation

Table 8: Household Income

t f

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CHAPI'ER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.0 INTRODUCTION

Indigenous peoples around the world face many common problems in relation to

the broader society around them. Yet each region and culture raises its own

issues for which no universal answers are adequate.

In Asia, we have no common terminology for indigenous peoples. In

India, the term "indigenous" is frowned upon as connoting "primitive,

underdeveloped" and people prefer to refer to themselves as "tribals" or by the

Hindi term adivasi (literally, "original inhabitants"). Conversely, in the

Philippines, the term "tribal" is rejected as connoting backwardness and the term

"indigenous" is preferred (Sillitoe, 2000).

In Australia and Taiwan, the familiar term "aborigine" is considered

pejorative and not used by those who are conscientized to their cause. In ,

Indonesia, the term pribumi (indigenous) and the Malaysian counterpart ,~ I.

bumiputera have political connotations indicating Indonesians and Malaysians of IMalay stock 'in contradistinction to the small but wealthy and influential

communities of Chinese and Indian descent' (Lim & Gomes, 1990).

1 I 1I

1I !•lI l

Although there are no exact figures, it is estimated that the indigenous

peoples of Asia are about 350 million people. In China alone, the officially

recognized "ethnic minorities" exceed 100 million. In Southeast Asia, they

include the "hill tribes" of Akka, Karen, Shan, and Chin in Myanmar and

Thailand, the "montagnards" of Vietnam, and the Hmong of Laos and southern

China (Lim & Gomes, 1990).

On the Malaysian island of Borneo, the indigenous Iban, Dayak, and

Kadazan people form a majority. In Indonesia, the peoples of the "outer islands,"

that is, all but Java, Bali, and Sumatra, can be characterized as belonging to non­

dominant minorities. Perhaps the following three examples will illustrate some of

the situations of Asia's indigenous peoples (Lim & Gomes, 1990).

Studies have shown that the indigenous peoples have tried to maintain

their linguistic, cultural and religious identity since well before the time of Christ

(Lim & Gomes, 1990; Nicholas & Raajen, 1996; Sponsel, 2000). They are

usually looked down upon by the dominant groups in society, and they are often

the objects of discrimination, harassment, and oppression by the dominant groups.

These indigenous minorities have never assimilated into the dominant majority

group.

In other cases, they are peoples who were forced to leave their homelands

and migrate elsewhere due to the pressures of war, famine, or appropriation of

2

their lands by others. They differ from the dominant majority in language, culture

and religion. They are usually considered to be at the bottom of the social and

economic scale, are looked down upon and discriminated against, and regarded by

the dominant majority as "backward" (Nicholas, 1996).

On the one hand, indigenous peoples are considered an obstacle to

national progress, while on the other, landlords oppose education programs in

order to keep indigenous people uneducated so as to better control them (Urn &

Gomes, 1990). Indigenous peoples are regarded with suspicion because they

resist assimilation and yet in many cases indigenous peoples do not have the

rights of full citizenship. For example, in Thailand, 60% of hill-tribe people are t

I •

not citizens.

Studies also have stated that mostly the indigenous peoples in Asia affirm

that the beginning of the end of their culture, identity and communal dignity

began with the arrival of the development and Christian missionaries (Hughes,

2003).

As a result of the above-mentioned factors, we find in modern Asia an

increasing marginalization of indigenous peoples. 'The marginalization is social,

in that they live on the outermost and lowest fringes of society, political, in that

they have little say in decisions that affect their lives, economic, in that they are

among the poorest, religious in that traditional religion is not considered on a par

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with the great world religions, cultural in that they are seen to hang on to

primitive and non-adaptive ways, and physical in that they live in isolated areas

distant from "civilization" (Hughes, 2003).

Development has created a hybrid culture, but as people come to have

closer contacts with their neighbors and begin to live and work together,

difficulties arise. Indigenous peoples in Asia often feel no solidarity with those of

a neighboring tribe, and several regions have experienced violent intertribal

clashes. Much work needs to be done in Asia before we have an intelligible a

comprehensive explanation of these social phenomena (Hughes, 2(03).

1.1 BACKGROUND OF MY OWN INTEREST

As an Iban myself who grew up in the city, I often see my parents and my

grandparents argue about culture. As a Christian believer, my parent tried to

compromise with my grandparents who are both pagan. Sometimes, I heard my

grandmother said something like 'you are all blind by these modernizations that

make you forget your own root'. This usually made me wonder whether

development jeopardizing our culture.

Although sometimes I did agree with her. Born in the city, I have a very

minimal knowledge on my own culture. Until I worked in the Sarawak Culture

Village, I did not realize the values of my own culture, which is unique and

4

I !

beautiful. In this study, I intend to seek out the perception of the Iban community

in Nanga Mejong, Skrang on the relationship between culture and development.

1.2 STATEMENTS OF THE PROBLEM

The 'Dayak', preferably nowadays called the Iban changes and the receptive

response to the changing surroundings transformed the Iban practices and values.

Looking at the elements in that set of criteria and comparing it to the condition of

the modern Iban in general, it is no longer valid except the feelings of belongings

and the remembrance of the old days that the older generation keep on reminding

the new generations about.

Recent studies have seen that the Iban has been so involved and become

the participants in the changing modernizing society. New form of Iban identity

emerged and the construction of the new identity taking place at various sites,

through continuous interactions with the others, also with the surroundings

(Ngidang, & Sanggin, 2000).

Although the aim of this study is to seek out the perception of the Iban

community in the case study area on the relationship between culture and

development, there are some issues that needed to be discussed. Other studies of

Iban communities have shown how well adjusted Iban culture has been not only

to the environment but also to itself as a design for communal living. What I

hope to do in this study is to find out, how a culture which has defined by the Iban

5

people and what are their perceptions toward culture change and the relationship

between culture and development.

1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

The research questions that guide this study are:

1.3.1 What does culture means to the people?

1.3.2 How do they perceive and experience the changes in their culture?

1.3.3 What does development means to the people?

1.3.4 What are the dilemmas arise from the relationship between culture and

development?

1.4 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

From the research questions above, the following objectives have been identified:

1.4.1 To identify the perception of the Than community in the case study area on

the meaning of culture.

1.4.2 To determine how they perceive and experience the changes in their

culture.

1.4.3 To identify what is the respondents understanding on the meaning of

development.

1.4.4 To determine whether there are any dilemmas arise from the relationship

between culture and development.

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1.5 THE METHODOLOGY OF THE STUDY

This study was done by using qualitative research methods. The reasons for using

this method and also the process of this study will be discussed in detail in chapter

three. The research was carried out in Nanga Mejong, Skrang district with 26

households.

The interviewing method used in this study was in-depth interviews and

focus group. Other than that, both direct and participation observations were also

used in this study. The observation are done while conducting the interviews and

also while staying at the case study area. A guideline was designed and employed

the in interviews of the following key informants in order to gather data about

their opinions, knowledge, and perceptions:

)p> The Tuai Rumah

)p> Focus groups interviews of longhouse committees, women's group and

youth group were also carried out

1.6 SCOPE OF STUDY

As mention earlier, this study attempts to see the perception of the Than

community in the case study area on the relationship between culture and

development. However, this study is not intended to examine others factors such

as socio-economic and political system but only emphasised on the perception of

the Than people on the relationship between culture and development.

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CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.0 INTRODUCTION

This chapter discusses six main issues. Firstly, it defines the meaning of culture.

Secondly, it discussed the meaning of development. Thirdly, it dwells with the

relationship between culture and development. Fourthly, it discusses the

indigenous people of Asia in term of their struggle to preserve their culture in the

face of development. Fifth, it reveals the Borneo's cultural diversity. Next, it

traces the history of the Iban existence in Sarawak. Finally, it discussed Iban

culture particularly the factors influencing the evolution of the Iban culture, and

how these cultural values have evolved as a result of modernization.

2.1 DEFINITIONS OF CULTURE

The word culture comes from the Latin root colere (to inhabit, to cultivate, or to

honor). In general, it refers to human activity; different definitions of culture

reflect different theories for understanding, or criteria for valuing, human activity.

Culture means different things to different people. Culture has been

defined in a variety of ways by different scholars. According to Kroeber and

Kluckhohn culture are made of assumptions and ideals that are stored in people's

minds and consequently are hard for the outsiders to see (Kroeber & Kluckhohn,

1952).

8

Many studies have defined culture as dynamic and can be taught and

learned, making it a potentially rapid form of adaptation to change in physical

conditions. Culture is never static. Basically, human culture is very dynamic.

The internal as well as the external environments pressures, propel people to

change their behaviour and adjust to suit the existing environment, a process

known to many anthropologists as adaptation. In order to survive and be able to

keep pace with the development, people must be willing and able to adjust

accordingly with the changing environment (Sanggin, 2(00).

Culture is also accumulative. Whenever a new element is added to the

existing culture, the existing cultural practices may have to give way and lose

their importance. Because of this characteristic, we are able to witness changes in

the culture communities through processes known as adaptation and enculturation

(Sanggin, 20(0).

Adaptation refers to a phenomenon whereby an existing culture subjected

to change to adapt to changing times. In sense, culture changes due to internal

forces. On the other hand, enculturation is a process whereby outside cultures are

slowly absorbed into the existing culture of a particular community and changing

and bringing new forms of culture among the community (Sanggin, 2(00).

Another key aspect of culture is that 'it is created by people'. The

'person-made' aspects of culture can be contrasted with the environment givens

9

that people face (Herskovits, 1948). Another definition of culture was by Child

and Kieser (1977), who describes culture as patterns of thought and manners that

are widely shared by the community.

Another common way of understanding culture is to see it as consisting of

three elements: values, norms, and artifacts. Values are ideas about what life is

important. They guide the rest of the culture. Norms are expectations of how

people will behave in different situations. Each culture has different methods,

called sanctions, of enforcing its norms. Sanctions vary with the importance of

the norm; norms that a society enforces formally are called laws. Artifacts are

things, or material cultures that derive from the culture's values and norms

(Dictionary ofModern Sociology, 1969).

From the above definitions, it is clearly seen that there are no one

definition for culture. After reading all of these definitions we can summarize

that cultures are mostly about values and norms which are about what is right and

what is wrong or perhaps about what is desirable and what is undesirable. These

values evolve simply from experience, religions, a philosophy or an ideology.

Other way to describe culture is it is a way of thinking, feeling and

believing which at the end, the community members developed ways of dealing

with the arisen of cultural change that reflected from its environment and

10

economic setting. It can be used and manipulated, discarded, segmented,

homogenized and adapted (Wood, 1980)

2.2 DEFINITION OF DEVELOPMENT

According to the Secretary-General of the United Nations Kofi Annan,

development is bringing us more choices and new opportunities for prosperity. It

is making us more familiar with global diversity. But it also brings uncertainties.

Millions of people around the experience it not as an agent of progress but as

descriptive force, where many millions are completely excluded from its benefits

(Mangella, 1994).

In my opinion what Kofi Annan said was definitely true, no doubt about it.

Development might bring 'thousand of goodies' but on the other hand not

everybody gain benefit from it. Development also means changes in its

environment or in other word contributed to a social restructuring. Social

structures include relationship patterns among individuals, small groups, formal

organizations, institutions and whole social systems as well as beliefs, values,

norms, sanctions and many other phenomena (Earl, 1994).

Development has been perceived mostly by some as an evil force.

Actually development is an irreversible process, not an option. It is positive and

not an evil force, but it is also blind and therefore needs to be carefully harassed

(Edward, 1976).

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Various branches of development theory can, in part, be traced to their

reliance on quite differing definitions of the term development. Many definitions

focus on the goals or ends of development projects. However, as Staudt points

out, people-centred development is likely to place at least as much emphasis on

the means as well as the ends. So development programmes become "a process

of enlarging people's choices" (Staudt, 1991).

Increasingly, development theorists and practitioners contend that

development does not work for people unless it is conceived and realised by them

(Campfens, 1997; Jones, 1995; Chambers, 1993; Bayliss, 1991).

At the conceptual level, development is not a progress in a single

direction, but a process of continuous adaptation, problem-solving and

opportunity-exploiting under pressure. Causality is complex and circular, not

simple and linear. Development is not movement towards a fixed goal but

continuous adaptation to maximise well-being in changing conditions (Chambers,

1993).

Clearly there are parallels between this conceptual understanding of

development and Jones' (1995) depiction of the community as dynamic and ever-

changing. Chambers concludes that practical development initiatives focus on

decentralisation and empowerment, thus enabling local people to exploit the

12

diverse complexities of their local conditions and to adapt to rapid change (Jones,

1995).

2.3 THE RELATION BETWEEN CULTURE AND DEVELOPMENT

In general terms, Culture and Development is about the role of culture and

cultural processes in achieving development, as in issues of poverty, human

rights, gender equality, health, environmental concerns, and associated fields. The

objective of Culture and Development is development: it is about the relationship

between culture and very pragmatic and practical issues of survival and the

improvement of the human condition, and ways in which culture can contribute

to, or influence, the success of interventions in these areas.

In his excellent paper, originally developed for the Stockholm UNESCO

intergovernmental conference on Cultural Policies for Development in 1998 (and

reprinted here), Mervyn Claxton noted: "The concept of culture and development

concerns the interactions between the two [culture and development], and not just

the development of culture itself... the response to the problem of describing and

measuring the interactions between culture and development has been ... to

quietly sweep the development component under the carpet... and to concentrate

on the promotion of cultural policies" (Claxton, 1998).

There are several dimensions to Culture and Development: it is about the

relationship between cultural factors - beliefs, traditions, ways of living - and

13

development, and the extent to which they influence one another. This dimension

of the debate (sometimes referred to as the cultural dimension of development)

has been stimulated by a growing awareness that development programmes which

fail to consider the cultural environment and cultural factors influencing their

sustainability are likely to end in failure.

The papers contributed by Claxton, Sengendo and Gutierrez (1998);

represent some fascinating viewpoints on this aspect of Culture and Development.

An added dimension to this is cultural rights, and recognition that people's

cultural identity, beliefs and values can be a powerful ally for and as well as a

barrier to development.

Claxton also stated that before long, the term Culture and Development

has subsequently been used to describe a broad range of cultural issues and

challenges in developing countries. In the 1990s the World Bank started

exploring these themes, using Culture and Development to refer more narrowly to

the relationship between development and the protection and preservation of

tangible and intangible cultural heritage.

Development currently prioritizes poverty, health, gender as urgent issues.

Culture and development is therefore tied to the same critical agendas. In the long

term, however, development is not simply about ensuring that people can survive,

but that they have quality of life.

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In 1984, the author, poet and dramatist Ariel Dorfman visited six Latin

American countries for the Inter-American Foundation, to explore the link

between culture and survival. He returned with the conviction that the benefits of

culture in development did not come down to mere statistics:

"The real advantage consists in having made some people feel more

human. How do you measure the amount of dignity that people accumulate? How

do you quantify the disappearance of apathy? With what machines do you

evaluate someone's rediscovered identity, the power that they now feel to set their

own goals and not merely take what others are willing to hand down?" (Hughes,

2003).

The transformation processes, as well as development, have brought to the

fore the problem of cultural changes and the establishment of new identities

through the interaction of past values and present existential difficulties of

cultures affected by transformation.

Different interpretations of culture give rise to different understanding of

cultural change, implying both development and transformation. Any major

change, however, should be viewed in the context of the relationship between

culture and economy, which, through their inherent differences and consequent

relations, influences the character of the rapid developmental and transitional

changes. In this respect, the choice of a culture, the establishment and

15

development of cultural identities and of the cultural communication context,

defines also the character of development and the nature of transformation.

2.4 INDIGENOUS PEOPLES OF ASIA

This section of the report examines the situation of Indigenous Peoples in the

whole of South and South East Asia with a focus on four countries: India,

Thailand, Indonesia and the Philippines. Within this region, the politically

marginal and ethnically distinct peoples who inhabit the forests of the Asia-

Pacific are in a phase of rapid social change, characterised by accelerating

deforestation, dispossession of their lands and rapid integration into the market

(Lim & Gomes, 1990).

Their common experience of cultural impoverishment, has brought many . ')of these peoples to realise that despite their diversity and differences they all share 'J

a common struggle against the process of development. In the face of powerful

outside interests - outside their villages and outside the region which seek to

profit from their forests and their internal political divisions, many of these

peoples are in a phase of rapid reorganisation, linking up to create new institutions

- local associations, national organisations and international networks ­

through which they can better project their demands and influence decisions that

affect them (Lim & Gomes, 1990).

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