open house 1 Vol.37 No.1.pdf · 2012-03-05 · Eastern Mediterranean University, Mersin 10, Turkey...

Eastern Mediterranean University, Mersin 10, Turkey and at Development Planning Unit, University College London, 34, Tavistock Square, London WC1H 9EZ, Great Britain

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C o m m u n i t y P a r t i c i p a t i o n

C r i t i c a l R e g i o n a l i s m

H i g h R i s e C o m m u n i t i e s

H i s t o r i c a l P r e s e r v a t i o n

I n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n

M a s s C u s t o m i s a t i o n

P r o g r e s s i v e C h a n g e

S o c i a l S p a c e s

T r a d i t i o n a l S h e l t e r s

In this issue:Adnan, Ahmed, Al Haija, Aycı, Boyacıoğlu, Davidson, Daud, Dikmen, Elias-Ozkan, Gottsman, Hamzah, Lucas, Osman, Salas, Yun.

open house internationalVol 37 No.1 2012 ISSN 0168-2601

a C I B e n c o u r a g e d j o u r n a l

T h o m s o n I S I A r t s & H u m a n i t i e s

E B S C O p u b l i s h i n g

w w w . o p e n h o u s e - i n t . c o m

w w w . o p e n h o u s e - i n t . c o m E l s e v i e r S c o p u s

Director & Editor-in-ChiefNicholas Wilkinson, RIBA, Eastern

Mediterranean University, North Cyprus.

DPU Associate, University College London,

UK.

[email protected]

BOARD OF EDITORS

Collaborating EditorDr. Ashraf M. Salama,

Department of Architecture & Urban plan-

ning, Qatar University, Qatar.

[email protected]

The journal of an association of institutes concerned with the quality of built environment. Thepublishing framework is shaped around the forces which act on built environment, which main-tain, change and transform it. The content consists of articles which deal with these issues andin particular with responsive, self-sustaining and re-usable environments which have the capac-ity to respond to change, provide user choice and value for money.

w w w . o p e n h o u s e - i n t . c o m openhouse

openhouse

Dr.Iftekhar Ahmed, RMIT University,Australia.

Dr. Zainab F. Ali, BRAC University, Dhaka,Bangladesh.

Dr. Robert Brown, University ofWestminster, London, Great Britain.

Prof.Marta Calzolaretti, Housing Lab,Sapienza Universita di Roma, Italy.

Dr. German T. Cruz, Ball State UniversityMuncie, USA.

Carla Corbin, Department of LandscapeArchitecture, Ball State University, USA.

Ype Cuperus, Delft University ofTechnology Delft, The Netherlands.

Dr. Ayona Datta, London School ofEconomics, UK.

Dr.Md Nasir Daud, University of Malaya,Malaysia.

Forbes Davidson, Institute of Housing &Urban Development Studies, Rotterdam,The Netherlands.

Diane Diacon, Building and SocialHousing Foundation, Coalville, GreatBritain.

Prof. Yurdanur Dulgeroglu-Yuksel,Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul,Turkey.

Dr. Bruce Frankel, Ball State UniversityMuncie, USA.

Prof. Avi Friedman, McGill University,Montreal, Canada.

Catalina Gandelsonas, University ofWestmister London, Great Britain.

Dr. Ahmed Abu Al Haija, PhiladelphiaUniversity, Engineering & ArchitectureDepartment, Jordan.

Prof. Keith Hilton, Mansle, France.

Dr. Karim Hadjri, Queens University,Belfast, UK.

Prof. Nabeel Hamdi, Professor Emeritus,Oxford Brookes University, UK.

Dr. Sebnem Önal Hoskara, EasternMediterranean University, Turkey.

Prof. A. D. C. Hyland, Consultant, UK.

Ripin Kalra, Max Lock Centre, University ofWestminster, London. and WSPInternational Management Consulting Ltd.(WSPimc), London.

Dr. Mahmud Mohd Jusan, Faculty of Built Environment, UniversitiTeknologi Malaysia (UTM).

Dr. Stephen Kendall, Ball StateUniversity Muncie, Indiana, USA.

Prof. Bob Koester, Ball State UniversityMuncie, USA.

Prof. Roderick J. Lawrence, University ofGeneva, Geneva, Switzerland.

Dr. Fuad Mallick, BRAC University,Dhaka, Bangladesh.

Prof. Andrea Martin-Chavez, UniversidadAutonoma Metropolitana, Mexico.

Dr. Magda Mostafa, Associate Professor,The American University in Cairo, Egypt

Babar Mumtaz, DPU, University CollegeLondon, London, UK.

Geoffery Payne, GPA Associates London,Great Britain.

Dr. Sule Tasli Pektas, Bilkent University,Turkey.

Prof. Gulsun Saglamer, Istanbul TechnicalUniversity, Istanbul, Turkey.

Dr. Mark Napier, Urban LandMark,Pretoria, South Africa.

Dr. Masa Noguchi, MEARU, MackintoshSchool of Architecture, UK.

Prof. Ibrahim Numan, Fatih SultanMehmet University, Turkey.

Prof. Paola Somma, University of Venice,Italy.

Prof. Jia Beisi, University of Hong Kong.

Dr. Peter Kellett, University of Newcastleupon Tyne, Great Britain.

Dr. Omar Khattab, University of Kuwait.

Dr. Levente Mályusz, Budapest Universityof Technology and Economics (BME),Hungary.

Prof. Amos Rapoport, University ofWisconsin at Milwaukee, USA.

Prof. Seiji Sawada, Meiji University, Tokyo,Japan.

Dr. Florian Steinberg, Asian DevelopmentBank, The Philippines.

Dr. Inga-Britt Werner, Urban and RegionalStudies, The Royal Institute of TechnologyStockholm, Sweden.

Prof. H. J Visscher, OTB, Delft Univertsityof Technology Delft, The Netherlands.

Patrick Wakely, Professor Emeritus,University College London, UK.

Dr. Christine Wamsler, University ofManchester, UK and University of Lund,Sweden.

: Yonca Hurol, Eastern Mediterranean University, Mersin 10, Turkey.: ETIKA STUDIO Nicosia via Mersin 10, Turkey. [email protected]: Esra Can, Emre Akbil, Etikastudio, Nicosia via Mersin 10, Turkey. [email protected]: C. Punton, P.O Box 74, Gateshead, Tyne & Wear, NE9 5UZ, Great Britain. [email protected]: The Urban International Press, P.O Box 74, Gateshead, Tyne and Wear NE9 5UZ, Great Britain.: Printed by Eastern Mediterranean University Print House, Gazimagusa, Mersin 10, Turkey: By courtesy of Donovan Gottsmann & Amira Osman, figure 8 from Environments of Exchange and by courtesy ofJieheerah Yun, figure 1 from Remodelling Of The Vernacular In Bukchon Hanoks

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Aims

Open House International

The Open House International Association (OHIA)aims to communicate, disseminate and exchangehousing and planning information. The focus of thisexchange is on tools, methods and processes whichenable the various professional disciplines tounderstand the dynamics of housing and so con-tribute more effectively to it.

To achieve its aims, the OHIA organizesand co-ordinates a number of activities whichinclude the publication of a quarterly journal, and,in the near future, an international seminar and anannual competition. The Association has the moregeneral aim of seeking to improve the quality ofbuilt environment through encouraging a greatersharing of decision-making by ordinary people andto help develop the necessary institutional frame-works which will support the local initiatives of peo-ple in the building process.

The journal of an association of institutes and indi-viduals concerned with housing, design and devel-opment in the built environment. Theories, toolsand practice with special emphasis on the localscale.

Delft University of TechnologyDepartment of Housing Quality and Process InnovationOTB Research Institute of Housing, Urban and MobilityStudies Jaffalaan 9, 2628 BX Delft, The Netherlands(Henk Visscher)[email protected]

The Royal Institute of Technology (KTH)Division of Urban and Regional StudiesSE-10044 Stockholm, Sweden(Inga-Britt Werner) [email protected]/BBA

McGill UniversitySchool of ArchitectureMacdonald Harrington BuildingCentre for Minimum Cost Housing Studies,815, Sherbrook Street West.Montreal, PQ. Canada H3A 2K6.(Avi Friedman)[email protected]

Ball State UniversityCollege of Architecture & Planning, Muncie, Indiana,47306, USA. (Stephen Kendall)[email protected]/cap

The Development Planning UnitUniversity College London.34, Tavistock SquareLondon WC1H 9EZ.(Caren Levy)[email protected]/dpu

The Urban WorkshopPO Box 927785Amman 11192 Jordan(Nashwa Suboh)[email protected]

HousingLabDipartimento di ArchitetturaAteneo Federato delle Scienze Umane delle Arti edell'Ambiente, SAPIENZA Università di Roma, Roma, Italy.(Marta Calzolaretti)[email protected]:w3.uniroma1.it/housinglab

The Glasgow School of ArtMackintosh School of ArchirectureMEARU, 176 Renfrew StreetGlasgow G3 6RQ. Great Britain(Masa Noguchi) [email protected]

Budapest University of Technology & Econ. (BME)Faculty of Architecture Budapest, Muegyetem rkp. 3.1111 Hungary(Levente Malyusz) [email protected]

Universiti Teknologi Malaysia (UTM)Resource Development DivisionPerpustakaan Sultanah ZanariahUniversiti Teknologi Malaysia (UTM) 81310 Skudai Johor, Malaysia (Anuar Talib) [email protected] http://portal.psz.utm.my/psz/

Philadelphia University,Engineering & Architecture Department,Faculty of Engineering, P.O Box 1, Jordan.(Ahmed Abu Al-Haija) [email protected]/content/view/448/590/

University of Malaya,Faculty of Built Environment, 50603 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. (Md Nasir Daud) [email protected]://www.fbe.um.edu.my

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Contents

EDITORIAL Nicholas Wilkinson

THE VALIDITY OF PREVI, LIMA, PERU, FORTY YEARS ONJulián Salas (CSIC-IETCC), Patricia Lucas (CSIC-IETCC)

EXAMINING THE POTENTIAL FOR MASS CUSTOMISATION OFHOUSING IN MALAYSIA

Md. Nasir Daud, Hasniyati Hamzah and Yasmin Mohd Adnan

COMPARISON OF POST-DISASTER HOUSING PROCUREMENT METH-ODS IN RURAL AREAS OF TURKEY

Neşe Dikmen, Soofia Tahira Elias Ozkan, Colin Davidson

REMODELING OF THE VERNACULAR IN BUKCHON HANOKS Jieheerah Yun

A ‘FAREEJ-IN-THE-SKY’: TOWARDS A COMMUNITY-ORIENTEDDESIGN FOR HIGH RISE RESIDENTIAL BUILDINGS IN THE UAE

Khaled Galal Ahmed

ENVIRONMENTS OF CHANGE: AN OPEN BUILDING APPROACHTOWARDS A DESIGN SOLUTION FOR AN INFORMAL SETTLEMENT

IN MAMELODI, SOUTH AFRICADonovan Gottsmann, Amira Osman

ALIENATION OF TRADITIONAL HABITATS & SHELTERS INJORDANIAN VILLAGES

Ahmed Abu Al Haija

A READING IN CRITICAL REGIONALISM: ANALYSIS OF TWOHOUSES BY HAN TUMERTEKIN

Hilal Aycı & Esin Boyacıoğlu

Open House International is covered by EBSCO Publishing, USA and the Thomson ISI products: the Social Science Index (SSCI) the Arts &Humanities Citation Index (A&HCI), Current Contents/Social& Behavioral Sciences, (CC/S&BS) and the current Contents/Arts & Humanities,(CC/A&H).The journal is also listed on the following Architectural Index lists: RIBA, ARCLIB, Avery and Ekistics index of periodicals. OHI is online for subscribers atwww.openhouse-int.com

NEXT ISSUE: THEME ISSUE: URBAN SPACE DIVERSITY, Paradoxes and RealitiesGuest Editor: Prof. Dr. Ashraf Salama, Department of Architecture and Urban Planning, College of Engineering, Quatar University,Doha, Qatar. e-mail: [email protected]

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open house in te rnat iona l march 2012 vo l .37 no.1 Open Issue: Validity of Previ, Lima,Peru. Mass Customisation, Malaysia. Post Disaster Housing, Turkey. Community Oriented Design, CriticalRegionalism. Remodelling. Alienation of Traditional Habitats, Jordan. Environments of Change, South Africa.Editor: Nicholas Wilkinson

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Vol.36 No.3 2011OPEN HOUSE INTERNATIONALTheme Issue: AFFORDABLE HOUSING: QUALITY ANDLIFESTYLE THEORIES

Vol.36 No.4 2011OPEN HOUSE INTERNATIONALOPEN ISSUE

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Previous Issues

EditorialAshraf M. Salama and Urmi Sengupta

Trans-Disciplinary Knowledge For Affordable Housing - Ashraf M. SalamaThe Housing Triangulation: A Discourse On Quality, Affordability And Lifestyles In

India - Urmi SenguptaModeling Quality And Housing Preferences For Affordable New Housing

Developments - Alina Delgado and Frank De TroyerThe Cost Of Housing: More Than Just Dollars - R.J. Fuller and U.M. de Jong

Affordable Housing In Turkey: User Satisfaction In Toki Houses - Miray Gürand Neslihan Dostoğlu

Minimum Energy- Maximum Space: Higher-Density Attached Family Housing -N. K. Burford, J. Thurrot, A.D. Pearson

Lifestyle And Affordability Choices In Traditional Housing Of Old Dhaka -Iftekhar Ahmed

Towards Affordability: Maximizing Use Value In Low-Income Housing- DinaShehayeb and Peter Kellett

Which Is Better, Social Houses Or Gecekondus? An Empirical Study OnIzmir’s Residents - Ebru Cubukcu

Challenges And Prospects For Affordable And Sustainable Housing: The CaseOf Yola, Nigeria- Jallaludeen Muazu and Derya Oktay

Squatter Housing As A Model For Affordable Housing In Developing Countries- Elmira Gür and Yurdanur Dulgeroglu-Yuksel

EditorialNicholas Wilkinson

Future Direction Of Sustainable Buildings In Japan- Tetsuya Saigo, Seiji Sawada& Yositika Utida

Flexibility Of Traditional Buildings And Craftsmanship In China- Jia Beisi & JiangYingying

Applying Eco-Features Of Traditional Vietnamese Houses To ContemporaryHigh-Rise Housing- Le Thi Hong Na & Jin-Ho Park

Virtual Prototyping For Open Building Design- Şule Taşlı Pektaş & Bülent ÖzgüçSimilarities And Differences Between Contemporary Turkish Houses And Those

Worldwide- Şengül Öymen Gür & Şengül Yalçınkaya ErolNew Trends In The Dutch Housing Market- Peter Boelhouwer & Joris HoekstraThe Bedouin Tent In Comparison With Uae Housing Provision-Ali Al Amaireh

Child -Friendly Urban Environment And Playgrounds In Warsaw- AnnaPawlikowska-Piechotka

Environmental And Social Issues In Jordanian Low-Income Housing Design-Ahmed Abu Al Haija

Book Review- Jia BeisiEdited by Nicholas Wilkinson RIBA, EasternMediterranean University, North Cyprus.

DPU Associate, University College London, UK.

[email protected]

Guest Edited by Ashraf M. SalamaDepartment of Architecture and Urban Planning,Qatar University& Urmi SenguptaSchool of Planning, Architecture and CivilEngineeringQueen’s University, Belfast.

Vol.36 No.2 2011OPEN HOUSE INTERNATIONALTheme Issue: TOWARDS A SUSTAINABLE CITY:PIECEMEAL vs GRAND PLANNING

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Previous Issues

EditorialJosé A. Chica, Peru Elguezabal and Stephen Kendall

The Tendency of the “Open Building” Concept in the Post-Industrial Context -Jiang Yingying & Jia Beisi

Evolutionary Algorithms In Architecture - Peter SchwehrOpen Building Implementation in High-Rise Residential Buildings in Hong Kong -

Wai Kin Lau &, Daniel Chi Wing HoInterface Design for Open Systems Building - Jochem C. Nijs; Elma Durmisevic

& Johannes I.M. HalmanDesign Considerations for Modular Open Building Systems - R. Mark Lawson,

Ray G. Ogden &Sunday Popo-OlaSuccess and Failure in Flexible Building - Rob Geraedts

KUBIK: Open Building Approach for the Construction of an UniqueExperimental Facility Aimed to Improve Energy Efficiency in Buildings

- José A. Chica, Inés Apraiz, Peru Elguezabal, Marc O. Rrips, Victor Sánchez &Borja Tellado

The Cultivation of Adaptability in Japan - Toru Eguchi, Robert Schmidt III,Andrew Dainty, Simon Austin & Alistair Gibb

Developments Toward a Residential Fit-Out Industry - Stephen KendallModular Ecotechnological Architecture: A Response to the Demands of the 21st

Century - Jone Belausteguigoitia, Jon Laurenz & Alberto Gómez

Guest Edited by Prof. Yurdanur Dulgeroglu-Yuksel.Istanbul Technical University, Department ofArchitecture, Istanbul, Turkey.

Guest Edited by Dr. José A. Chica, TecnaliaConstruction, Unit C/Geldo,Spain, Peru Elguezabal, Tecnalia Construction, UnitC/Geldo, Spain &Prof. Dr. Stephen Kendall, Ball State University,Indiana, USA.

Vol.36 No.1 2011OPEN HOUSE INTERNATIONALTheme Issue: OPEN AND SUSTAINABLE BUILDING

EditorialYurdanur Dulgeroglu-Yuksel

Sustainability, Professionalism and Urban Design; a Learning Process- MartinSymes †

Traditional Urban Planning Approaches and Sustainable City- Syful Islam Connectivıty in the Multi-Layered City: Towards the Sustainable City- Bob Brown

Conservation and Maintenance as a Means of Sustainable Development -Finnish Perspective- Kaisa Broner-Bauer

Adaptive Re-Use and Urban Regeneration in Dhaka - A Theoretical Exploration-Quazi M. Mahtab-Uz-Zaman

Residents' Perception of Home Range in Cairo- Aleya Abdel-Hadi, Eman El-Nachar & Heba Safieldin

Green Design of Tall Buildings in Kuwait: Obstacles & Opportunities-OmarKhattab & Adil Al-Mumin

Architectural Continuity Towards Cultural Sustainability in Bodrum- Nezih AyıranRethinking the Local Knowledge Approach to Placemaking: Lessons From

Turkey- Mahyar ArefiPlanning and Sustainability Trajectories in a Rapidly Growing Metropolis:

Istanbul- Mehmet Doruk Özügül & Hüseyin Cengiz

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sue NEXT ISSUE Vol 37 .No 2. 2012

URBAN SPACE DIVERSITY: PARADOXES AND REALITIES

Guest Editors: Prof. Dr. Ashraf M. Salama, Department of Architecture and Urban Planning, Qatar University, Doha, Qatar. Prof. Dr. Alain Thierstein, Institute of Spatial and Territorial Planning, TU-Munich, Munich, Germany.

ABSTRACTWith their socio-physical, socio-economic, socio-cultural, and sociopolitical presence cities and towns have alwaysbeen highly differentiated spaces expressive of heterogeneity, diversity of activities, entertainment, excitement, andpleasure. Unveiling lessons learned on urban diversity this issue aims at providing a conceptualization of urban diver-sity and elaborating upon its underlying contents and mechanisms by exploring the variety of meanings adopted in theurban literature. it attempts to establish models for discerning urban space diversity while mapping such models onselected cases across different regions including Africa, Europe, and the Middle East.

CONTENTS0. Editorial: Understanding Urban Diversity: Multi-scales and Multi-ContextsAshraf M. Salama and Alain Thierstein

1. Diversity as a Unique Constellation of Superimposing Network Logics Alain Thierstein and Anne Wiese, TU-Munich, Munich, Germany.

2. Public Space Networks as a Support for Urban Diversity.Ana Júlia Pinto and Antoni Remesar, University of Barcelona, Barcelona, Spain.

3. Exploring Urban Diversity in the Emerging City of Doha, QatarAshraf M. Salama, Qatar University, Doha Qatar, and Remah Y. Gharib, Qatar Foundation, Doha.

4. Cultural and Economic Influences on Multicultural Cities: The Case of Doha, Qatar.Yasser Mahgoub and Reham Qawasmeh, Qatar University, Doha, Qatar.

5. Diversity in the Public Space of a Traditional City - Zaria, Nigeria Shaibu B. Garba. Sultan Qaboos University, Muscat, Oman.

6. Urban Space Diversity in South Africa: Medium Density Mixed DevelopmentsKarina Landman, University of Pretoria, Hatfield, South Africa.

7. Diversity in Conviviality: Beirut’s Temporary Public Spaces.Christine Mady, Cardiff University, Cardiff, United Kingdom.

8. A Tale of Two Souqs: The Paradox of Gulf Urban Diversity.Ali A. Alraouf, Qatar University, Doha, Qatar.

9. The (Im)possible Mosque: Spatial Mutation and Identity Needs in Northern IrelandFodil Fadli, Qatar University, Doha, Qatar.

10. The Impact of Digitalization on Social Interaction and Public SpaceSusan J. Drucker, Hofstra University, and Gary Gumpert Urban Communication Foundation, NY, United States.

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EditorialThe composition and subject balance of manuscripts inthis Open Issue of OPEN HOUSE INTERNATIONALrange from experimental housing, through to mass cus-tomisation to Post-Disaster housing procurement meth-ods and community oriented high rise building andOpen Building. Starting with the Validity of PREVI, Lima,Peru, (p.6, Salas and Lucas, 2011) the focus is on anevaluation some forty years later after initial construction.Then on to Mass Customization of Housing, Malaysia,(p.16, 2011) for promoting customer satisfaction andcontributing in the long run to sustainability of the hous-ing industry. The overall conclusion was that there is apromosing future for customised housing coming direct-ly from prospective buyers. In both cases large scaleindustrialised operations are the key words BUT ratherthan huge three dimensional elements, the proposalsopted for precast small elements on an industrial basisdeployed in a rationalised construction philosphy thusallowing users to participate in the design and buildingprocess.

Manuscripts in this issue further develop com-munity and participatory themes. Post-Disaster HousingProcurement Methods, Rural Turkey (p.28, Dikmen,Elias-Ozkan and Davidson, 2011) is shown by studiesinto two post earthquake renovation projects. Hereinsight is gained into a top-down strategy in Dinar 1995and a bottom-up strategy in Cankiri 2000. Both theseprocurement methods are compared which highlightbetter ways of influencing future housing procurementprocesses after earthquake disasters.

In the case fo Bukchon Hanoks, Seoul (p.40,Yun, 2011) successful examples of integrating modernfacilities with traditional house forms are shown incor-porating resident ideas and memories in the designprocess. In a similar way the ‘fareej’manuscript, (p.48,Ahmed, 2011) which by definition ‘fareej’ is the smallestunit in the residential urban context in the UAE, workstowards ‘a community oriented design for high rise res-idential building in the UAE.

Running concurrently with this change andparticipatry theme in this ‘open’ issue of Open HouseInternational we move towards an Open Buildingapproach for informal settlements in Mamalodi, SouthAfrica (p.71, Gottsman and Osman, 2011). Foundedon the idea that what is needed is a dynamic servicecore which leads to open ended, healthy and proges-sive buiding. There is clear evidence of an organic archi-tecture always changing, always growing and avoidingthe fixity and singularity of a finite designed product.

Alienation in Jordan (p.83, Al Haija, 2011)comes round again not this time in the context of largescale mass housing but of government demolishment ofrural villages due to lack of public services and lack ofinhabitants. Given some resources the local communi-ty could focus their efforts to protect and rehabilitatetheir long established habitat and traditions. Villagesbecome abandoned in spite of their considerablehuman and material potentialities.

The last article deals with two houses in therural context in an Aegean village in Turkey (p.93, Ayciand Boyacioglu, 2011). But more than just andappraisal the article tries very successfully to link thedesign of two houses by Han Tumertekin to the localcontext at the same time “without denying the univer-sally enlightening content of the modernist project”. Thisis the definition of critical regionalism.

Nicholas Wilkinson RIBA.

REFERENCES

SALAS, J., LUCAS, P. 2011, The Validity of Previ, Lima, Peru,

Forty Years On. Open House International. Gateshead,UK.

DAUD, N., HAMZAH, H.,ADNAN,Y.M, 2011, Examining The

Potential for Mass Customisation of Housing in Malaysia.

Open House International. Gateshead,UK.

DIKMEN,N.,ELIAS-OZKAN,S.T.,DAVIDSON,C.,2011,

Comparison of Post-Disaster Housing Procurement Methods

in Rural Areas of Turkey. Open House International.

Gateshead, UK.

YUN,J. 2011, Remodelling of the Vernacular in Bukchon

Hanoks. Open House International. Gateshead,UK.

AHMED,K.G, 2011, A ‘Fareej’ in the Sky: Towards a

Cummunity-oriented Design for High Rise Residential

Building in the UAE. Open House International.

Gateshead,UK.

GOTTSMAN,D.,OSMAN A., 2011 Environments of Change:

an Open Building Approach Towards a Design Solution for

an Informal Settlement in Mamelodi, South Africa. Open

House International. Gateshead,UK.

AL HAIJA, A.A., 2011 Alienation of Traditional Habitats and

Shelters in Jordanian Villages. Open House International.

Gateshead,UK.

AYCI H., BOYACIOGLU E., 2011 A Reading in Critical

Regionalism: Analysis of Two Houses by Han Tumertekin.

Open House International. Gateshead,UK.

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arch 2012 The Validity of PREVI, Lima, Peru, Forty Years O

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Abstract

PREVI, Spanish initials for “experimental housing project”, was conceived in Lima in 1967. Among other initiatives, itlaunched an international architectural competition that led to the construction of a 500-unit compound based on pro-posals put forward by teams such as Atelier 5, Aldo van Eyck, and Íñiguez de Ozoño and Vázquez de Castro. Theforty years that have lapsed in the interim and the ongoing transformation of the homes by their dwellers afford anopportunity to reflect on the suitability of the construction technologies proposed in the competition.

Ongoing growth and the rationalisation of construction methods were two of the basic premises underlying thecompetition. The remodelling that has taken place in the interim stands as proof of the success of the first premise, butthe use of traditional techniques to build the additions calls some of the most sophisticated proposals for industriali-sation into question.

At the time, the tendency was to rely on large-scale industrialisation, as can be seen in the German and Polisharchitects’ proposals. Nonetheless, many of the PREVI proposals opted for rationalising construction and precastingshort series of small elements, rather than huge three-dimensional members. In the situation presently prevailing inLatin America, the viability of some of the technological proposals deployed in the PREVI might be profitably revisited.

Keywords: PREVI, housing, rationalisation, industrialisation, Latin America.

THE VALIDITY OF PREVI, LIMA, PERU, FORTY YEARS ON.

1. WHAT WAS PREVI IN 1970?

Contrary to practice in Europe, where urban con-struction must conform to a formal plan, in LatinAmerica even today building is primarily an infor-mal affair. The existence of any number ofunplanned settlements, along with a wide variety ofself-building practices, generate a social, technicaland constructional context that cannot be ignoredwhen proposing possible housing solutions thatentail the use of low-cost industrial technologies.What options can industrialisation offer in domainswhere informal and planned construction co-exist?How does industrialisation respond in an environ-ment where self-building is a highly likely occur-rence? The PREVI (Spanish initials for “experimentalhousing project”) experience may shed some lighton dwellers’ appreciation and interpretation ofhousing designed and built in Lima forty years ago.The fact that most of the proposals submitted to thecompetition were in fact implemented, along withthe explicit recommendation in the specifications onthe use of industrialised processes, have made the

PREVI quarter a test bench from which conclusionscan be drawn. Given the time that has lapsed(Figure 1) and user remodelling, the effectiveness ofthe various solutions devised for this competition forsocial housing in Latin America can now beassessed.

PREVI was conceived in 1967 by thePeruvian Government to improve the housing situ-ation in Lima. It initially included three housingplans or programmes denominated pilot projects inthe competition specifications, which pursued theobjectives listed below.

- PP1 proposed the construction of a newquarter based on the proposals submitted inresponse to a competition with a dual scope:national and international. Peter Land, a Britisharchitect associated with the organisation, chose aseries of foreign teams that would be invited to par-ticipate in this section, which included some of themost renowned architects of the time. More specif-ically, the short list included: Atelier 5 (Switzerland),Aldo van Eyck (Netherlands), ChristopherAlexander (USA), Candilis, Josic and Woods

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n.Julián Salas and Patricia Lucas

(France), José Luis Íñiguez de Ozoño and Vázquezde Castro (Spain), James Stirling (United Kingdom),Toivo Korhonen (Finland), Germán Samper(Colombia), Fumihiko Maki, Kionori Kikutake(Japan), Charles Correa (India), Herbert Ohl(Germany), Knud Svenssons (Denmark), OskarHansen and Svein Hatloy (Poland).

- PP2 formulated practical plans for reno-vating deteriorated housing.

- The objective in PP3 was to produce adesign for low-cost self-built housing. The earthquake that razed Lima on 30 May 1970prompted the division of PP3 into two programmes,one in accordance with the initial self-buildingpremise and another, denominated PP4, thataddressed earthquake-resistant issues.

The list of participants in the internationalsection for PP1 included some of the most promi-nent members of what came to be known as thethird generation of the modern movement. Thisgroup of architects, while beginning to questionsome of the axioms established in the early twenti-eth century, honoured many of the movement’sunderlying intentions, as attested by their interest inthe issue of social housing. Today, Charles Correa,one of the architects invited to compete in PREVI,observed that architects had been involved in social

housing since the early twentieth century. He main-tained that this was the engine that drove the mod-ern movement, unleashing the concern, and theimagination, of architects such as Walter Gropiusand Le Corbusier, who understood the exceptionalrelationship between housing and architecture.(García-Huidobro et al., 2008: 150).

This interest in housing, in conjunction withthe environment prevailing in Peru, where cost andtechnology had to be carefully monitored, favouredthe submission of a series of proposals that aimedto innovate construction methods. In fact, in thePREVI Operating Plan, explicit reference was madeto these requirements in the description of theobjectives pursued in PP1: Design and constructionof a new urban settlement consisting of low-costhousing, with its respective public facilities and ser-vices, based on research in and development ofnew or existing design and technological solutions,with a view to enhancing the cost-effectiveness ofthe resources used and reduce direct constructionexpense (Barrionuevo et al., 1971 v. 1: 8).

These premises provided an incentive forsubmitting designs involving viable technologicaloptions in the technical and entrepreneurial cir-cumstances prevailing at the time in Peru. The con-struction systems proposed, in which cutting edge

Figure 1. Lima: the PREVI quarter today. source: authors’ formulation based on an extract from Google Maps.

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sophistication, which would have been unthinkablein this environment, was ruled out, nonethelessaimed to rationalise and industrialise on siteprocesses while lowering costs. These options weremeant to provide solutions for a wide swathe ofintermediate income families affected by housingshortages in Latin America. They were not gearedto palliating extreme poverty or intended for emer-gency situations. Such needs were addressed moredirectly in PREVI plan PP3, which explicitly encour-aged participants to work in these areas and to pro-pose: a system of “lots and services” to accommo-date migrant families and deedless occupants (onland taken over) with very low incomes(Barrionuevo et al., 1971 v. 1: 8).

PREVI was intended to be an opportunity tobuild viable and affordable solutions that couldsolve Latin America’s social housing problem. Abroad sampling of the proposals for economicindustrialisation in place in those years was tested.With the passing of time and the enlargements andinformal construction processes undergone byPREVI housing, these industrialised systems can beassessed, not only for cost-effectiveness and dura-bility, but also to determine which of the varioussolutions proved to be most flexible and adaptablefor users, or which have co-existed most successful-ly with the changes made in this housing by its

inhabitants.

2. WHAT IS PREVI TODAY?

The need for housing and the ambition with whichthe competition was established led to the materi-alisation of most of the international designs sub-mitted (Figures 1 and 2). Around 20 units wereawarded to each team. The jury’s final report […]highlighted the importance of capitalising fully onthe various ideas put forward by the national andinternational participants (Barrionuevo et al., 1971v. 1: 16). This made the PREVI a test bench for con-struction techniques while generating an urbanhousing complex that is still in use today.

Today PREVI is one of Lima’s more peculiarquarters (Figure 1), grouping the different types ofhousing designed by the architects concerned. Butfar from disregarding the change taking place inthe city, its dwellers have remodelled and enlargedtheir homes, completing them in keeping with theirneeds. This provides a measure of their acceptanceof the PREVI designs and initial architectural solu-tions.

A review of the main changes affecting thequarter, compiled in a book bearing the eloquenttitle ¡El tiempo construye! (“time builds”) (García-

Figure 2. The PREVI experimental neighbourhood. Source: (Barrionuevo et al., 1971 v. 1: 18).

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Huidobro et al., 2008), reveals the increase in res-idential density that has taken place in the urbanfabric through successive enlargements on andadditions to this housing (Figure 3). The nineteensixties approach, which called for one or twostoreys, has grown upward (Figures 4 and 5).Urban dynamics and the enlargements built bymost of the inhabitants have generated a quarterwith a predominance of three-or four-storey build-ings used indistinctly for commercial or residentialpurposes (Figure 6).

The increase in building density, mixedusage and the pursuit of formal variety to break theserial monotony and individualise the housing arethe most visible changes undergone by the PREVIdesigns. Use and time, through successive enlarge-ments, have changed the design not only of eachindividual house, but of the urban group as awhole. Users have re-interpreted and modified theoverall proposal. The question is whether the tech-nological approach has suffered the same fate.

3 .RAT IO NAL I SE D C O NSTR UC T IO NAND GROWTH OVER T IME

The specifications for the competition encouragedparticipants to present proposals that, throughrationalised and technically suitable design, wouldlower costs and construction times with respect toconventional procedures. The preference for inno-vation was clear. But innovations also had to beadapted to the situation in Lima at the time, char-acterised by country-to-city migration and sponta-

neous suburban construction in the so-calledyoung towns, informal settlements rising in the wakeof the population overflow. As Peruvian anthropol-ogist Matos Mar judiciously observed, The invasionof lands in the mountains is attendant upon massinvasions of urban property in the capital and majorcities, giving rise to the inordinate growth of slumsand shanty towns (Matos Mar, 2004: 36). One ofthe conditions laid down in PREVI was to assumethat the dwellers, after receiving their homes, wouldundertake remodelling and improvements. Thecombination of an urge to innovate and the needto adapt to local realities spawned what are per-haps the two most visible lines of work in the PREVIcompetition: the commitment to rationalised con-struction and the acknowledgement of that thehousing would grow with time.

3.1. Enlargeable housingThe pressure exerted by migration from the countryto the city and the appearance of spontaneous, pri-marily self-built, settlements, was a clear indicationthat the users of the new housing would very likelyenlarge their new homes with time. The inhabitantshad already proven their construction skills in theinformal sector. For that reason the teams partici-pating in the competition were asked to provide nota finished product, but a structured process able toaccommodate continued growth: The homes wereto be designed for families with two to six childrenand the potential to expand to provide living spacefor up to approximately ten people in the future(Barrionuevo et al., 1971 v. 1: 15).

As early as 1968, then, PREVI was ques-

Figure 3. Remodelling of PREVI housing: 1985-2003. Source: (G.-Huidobro et al., 2008: 32)

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tioning the definition of housing as a finished prod-uct. The needs to be met and the assimilation oflocal circumstances led to proposals in which hous-ing was viewed as an ongoing construction processable to adapt to the composition of the familieswho would both inhabit and remodel these units.

This situation was reinforced by the localfamily structure, which differs from the nuclear fam-ily for which European public housing is normallydesigned. This type of family organisation wasfavoured by the economics of the informal or“protest” sector. As Matos Mar wrote: Protest sectorcompanies are predominantly family-run and thisimbues them with a very peculiar identity. They arestaffed by both the nuclear and the extended fami-ly (siblings, uncles and aunts, in-laws, cousins)(Matos Mar, 2004: 60). The structure of the extend-ed family that prevailed among these residents gen-erated a new type of home, which was neither anindividual single family dwelling nor collectivehousing based on “horizontal” ownership, i.e.,flats. García-Huidobro has called these apparentlyindividual dwellings that in fact house different,generally inter-related nuclear families, multi-familyhomes (García-Huidobro et al., 2008: 137).

These extended families are more prone tothe self-building that makes housing an enlarge-able system. Indeed, recognition of this social real-ity has inspired some of the most significant pro-posals in Latin American housing. This view ofhomes as seeds, enlargeable and improvable overtime, can be detected, albeit with shades of differ-ence, in Mexican architect Carlos González Lobo’s(González Lobo, 1999) Gran Galpón system,

Chilean Alejandro Aravena’s proposals or theworks erected by an Argentinean group, CEVE.

While the remodelling that has lent PREVIits current appearance has completely erased thelines of many of the original architectural propos-als, it is also indicative of the popular success ofhomes able to meet the need to grow. As predict-ed, the homes have been enlarged. The questionnow is how this was done, taking account on theone hand of the changes to which the housing hasbeen subjected and on the other of the constructiontechniques used in such enlargements.

3.2. Rationalised constructionThe specifications for the competition called notonly for design flexibility, but also incentivised theuse of technologies that would adapt to change. Allthe housing designs and construction technologiesmust be flexible and envisage progressive (horizon-tal and/or vertical) growth to suit the dynamic andchanging social, cultural and economic character-istics of the families forming the community(Barrionuevo et al., 1971 v. 1: 15).

Figure 4&5. Upward housing growth, 2010. (Photographs: Christian Schilder)

Figure 6. Mixed use, 2010 (Photographs: Christian Schilder)

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The intention to improve the constructionprocess opened the door to the industrialised tech-niques in use at the time in Europe. But those tech-niques had to be tweaked to accommodate theflexibility required to adapt to the technical realitiesprevailing in Peru.

From the nineteen fifties through the seven-ties, industrialisation in Europe’s most technologi-cally advanced countries underwent a boom periodof mass euphoria: Systems based on large panelspredominated in so-called Eastern Europe andwere quantitatively significant in European Unioncountries. (Salas, 2000: 33). Some of the interna-tional designs submitted to PREVI exuded confi-dence in large-scale industrialisation. The Polishand German proposals purported to transfer con-struction practices developed and used in thosecountries to Lima.

This was not the most common technolog-ical approach adopted by the participants in thecompetition, however. Around 1970 a new stage ofindustrialised construction appeared in Europe. Theoil crisis, the reduction of the mean size of buildingsand the growing proportion of single family homesled to a period of “crisis and perplexity” (Salas,2000: 35). It was then that the rigidity and adapt-ability of large-scale systems began to be calledinto question for developments that did not involvean especially large number of units. It was alsoaround this time when the first so-called “compati-ble elements” began to appear.

The criticism levelled against large-scale precastingin Europe in the nineteen seventies, together withthe peculiarities of Peruvian needs, led several par-ticipants to propose rationalised, rather than indus-trial, systems. This was the approach adopted bythe Spanish team, with its Tabibloc proposal(Figures 9 and 10) (Vazquez de Castro, 1981) orthe Swiss Atelier 5’s proposal to build lightweightpanels on site. Other teams, headed by Colombianarchitects Esquerra, Saenz, Urdaneta and Samperand the Dutch architect Aldo van Eyck (Figures 11and 12), proposed systems that rationalised con-ventional techniques by using modular concreteblocks to build reinforced masonry walls. In bothcases, the idea was to test techniques that wouldimprove traditional construction procedures with noneed to export technologies to Peru that would beunsuited to the realities of its capital city.

4 .THE PP1- PRE V I INDU STR IAL ISE DPROPOSALS

4.1. Analytical sketch of the three construction fam-iliesThe commitment to innovation that characterisedthe competition constituted a specific premiseunderlying the building of the so-called experimen-tal neighbourhood, the complex resulting from thematerialisation of the PREVI-PP1 proposals: The

Table 1. The three PREVI-PP1 technological families

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objectives sought were to adapt and implement theexperimental construction systems proposed by theparticipants, develop new modular materials forconventional systems, improve existing practicesand methods, design and experiment with newsolutions for building services and establish a com-prehensive approach to indoor facilities(Barrionuevo et al., 1971 v. 1: 19).

A brief review of the proposals for industri-alisation put forward in the original PP1 designsreveals that although the construction solutions var-ied widely they can be grouped into three families(Table 1). These would include designs based onlarge-scale, Europe-like industrialisation (Figures 7and 8), others opting for rationalised masonry(Figures 11 and 12) and a third group that exploreda promising intermediate approach in which ratio-nalised procedures were combined with more orless industrialised lightweight elements produced insmall on-site plants (Figures 9 and 10).

One of PREVI’s research objectives was toexplore precast systems applicable to social hous-ing. Jacques Crousse, a Peruvian architect whoparticipated in the national section of the competi-tion, now says in this regard: At the time, large-scale precasting was thought to be a promising sys-tem for mass construction intended to meet theenormous demand for housing both in the ThirdWorld and post-war Europe. […] An additionalproblem was the difficulty of providing an open sys-tem, i.e., one in which housing could evolve overtime. […] We found this ambitious project to be

both realistic and feasible (García-Huidobro et al.,2008: 152).

The PREVI design that best exemplifiedEuropean large-scale industrialisation, submittedby Herbert Ohl’s German team (Figures 7 and 8),was described as follows: The construction systemproposed consists of overlapping large, mechani-cally joined (with bolts or pins) reinforced concretemodules or frames measuring 7.20 m long, 3 mhigh and 1.20 m wide. Each one weighs 6 t and isprecast in steel moulds in a plant located near theworksite. They are assembled on site with a specialbridge crane on wheels for mobility (ININVI, 1988:20). This team also proposed building a spiral stair-way with three-dimensional precast elements.

As may be deduced from the German pro-posal, PREVI was instituted at a time when large-scale industrialisation was still regarded to be atechnological panacea in the “North”. But the needto provide for adaptations prompted some partici-pants to opt for what is known as rationalisedmasonry, i.e., organisational improvements on tra-ditional, labour-intensive techniques. Others pro-posed small-scale precasting systems or methods torationalise small elements, short series of whichcould be produced on site in some cases.

One such rationalised constructionapproach was adopted by Tabibloc, the proposalsubmitted by the Spanish team headed by Íñiguezde Ozoño and Vázquez de Castro (Figures 9 and10): The construction system consists of confinedmasonry that uses specially designed concrete

Figure 7&8. Large-scale industrialisation proposal: PREVI-PP1 Design 16 – Germany. Architect: Herbert Ohl

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blocks, Tabiblocs. Each block has four partitionsforming three internal openings, the one in the cen-tre to be filled with mortar, constituting an acousticbarrier, and the two side openings to be left emptyfor thermal insulation. Tabiblocs come in 18 shapesfor use in intersections, abutments and joints. In allcases they constitute permanent formwork (ININVI,1988: 23).

The proposal put forward by Aldo vanEyck’s Dutch team, while similar, was closer to whatis known as rationalised masonry (Figures 11 and12). The construction system uses concrete andsteel as the basic materials. It consists of reinforcedmasonry walls built with modular concrete blocks.The roof is made of hollow reinforced concretemodules that span the distance between walls orbeams. The result, in short, is a lightweight precastconstruction system (ININVI, 1988: 25).

4.2. PREVI contributions and transfer of the result-ing technologyThe successive remodelling of PREVI housing canbe used as a basis for assessing the actual viabilityand constructional interpretation of these proposalsfor industrialisation and their possible transfer toother areas of Latin America. Several approachesinvolved rationalisation and small-scale precasting,some of which was conducted on site. In additionto adaptation to local realities, these constructionsolutions were viewed as a possible industrial incu-bator for the area’s business fabric.

Despite the 40 years that have lapsed,however, during which incremental construction hasbeen ongoing, scantly any trace can be found ofthe assimilation of these technological proposals bythe local business fabric. Most of the enlargementswere built with wholly traditional techniques. Doesthis mean that no one capitalised on the techno-logical innovations introduced by PREVI? Whilethese techniques appeared not to have taken rootin the local market, relationships can be detectedbetween PREVI technological proposals and con-struction procedures in place in other areas of LatinAmerica.

The Sandino (Cuba), block-panel (CostaRica), Servivienda (Colombia) and Sancocho(Cuba) systems (Lorenzo Gálligo, 2005), based onthe rationalised precasting of small elements, canall be classified in the same construction family assome of the PREVI systems. The industrial kernelthat PREVI attempted to plant in its day wouldappear to continue to be a technological seedlingthat is still attempting to develop in Latin America.The technological realities of the marketplace seemto be moving in other directions, however.

5. CONCLUSIONS

Forty years after the implementation of the PREVIproposals, a number of conclusions can be drawnin connection with the competition itself and the

Figure 9&10. Tabibloc: rationalised construction. PREVI-PP1-Design 19 – Spain. Architects: Íñiguez de Ozoño and Vázquez de Castro

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construction technology it inspired. The results ofthese technologies can also be assessed with a viewto analysing their possible validity for new housingconstruction in Latin America.

The first item to be assessed is theapproach adopted by PREVI itself in terms of its twobasic premises: growth over time and rationalisedconstruction. The wisdom shown by the competitionorganisers in connection with the first of thesepremises is visible in the mention in the specifica-tions to what was, and continues to be, a typical sit-uation in Latin America. Up-scoring the inclusion ofthe potential for enlargement and inviting the short-listed architects to address this possibility con-tributed largely to their submission of housingdesigns geared to healthful growth, avoiding, forinstance, undesirable consequences such as theexistence of poorly illuminated and poorly ventilat-ed rooms.

The competition also successfully promot-ed technical innovation by favouring rationalisedconstruction and small-scale precasting techniques.This call for innovation, in conjunction with a

demand for flexibility, led Vázquez de Castro andOzoño, Samper, van Eyck and Atelier 5 to presentproposals that involved an intermediate degree ofindustrialisation. These architects proposed improv-ing construction process organisation and produc-ing short series of elements in small labour-inten-sive, equipment-light production plants, somelocated directly on site (Salas, 2000). This interme-diate approach between imported industrialisationand traditional construction even today appears tobe one of the most suitable solutions for LatinAmerica.

It is no coincidence that the teams fromtechnologically developed countries such asGermany, Poland and the United Kingdom submit-ted precast solutions for large-scale members.Another conclusion that can be drawn from PREVIis the direct relationship between technology andthe social and economic situation prevailing whereit is to be used, the technological genes, to use theterm coined by K. Reddy (Reddy, 1998: 27).

In as much as such conditions are notreadily exportable, particular attention must be paid

Figure 11&12. Rationalised masonry . PREVI-PP1-Design I11-Netherlands. Architect: Aldo van Eyck

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to evaluating technical capabilities at the actualworksite, especially where cooperation projects areinvolved. Precast members whose weight or volumeprecludes their handling by local workers or simplelocally available machinery would not appear to bea viable solution. The sole way that such anapproach would be feasible would be for the coun-try of origin to export patents and equipment to thehost, heightening the latter nation’s technological,and hence economic, dependence.

Forty years later, the PREVI poses yet anoth-er paradox. Although its implementation ushered ininnovative technologies and the housing wasdesigned for future enlargement, subsequent con-struction has involved primarily traditional tech-niques. The political determination that drove theinitial proposal did not last long enough to promoteindustrialised building or access to its products.Indeed, PREVI blocks are among the few compo-nents that are still being manufactured in Perutoday. A modified version (affecting its form andproduction process) of the Tabibloc proposed byÍñiguez de Ozoño and Vázquez de Castro has beenused in a number of projects in Spain, however.While PREVI design and development constitutedan industrial laboratory, then, its findings haveapparently failed to take root in residential con-struction in Lima.

The adaptability of the small-scale industri-alisation and rationalised construction systemsintroduced in the wake of the PREVI proposals canbe assessed very favourably. In light of the changesmade in the designs, however, and the realisationthat they were the result of the use of traditionaltechniques, the question that should now be posedis why such technologies failed to take root in thelocal industrial fabric.

The authors wish to expressly thank Peruvian engineer Raquel

Barrionuevo, who participated actively in PREVI as a member

of the building team, for the invaluable information she pro-

vided and for her generous cooperation in this study.

REFERENCES

BARRIONUEVO R., JARA C. and SANTOLALLA J. 1971,

PUBLICACIÓN “PREVI”, Ministerio de Vivienda y Construcción

del Perú, Lima.

GARCÍA-HUIDOBRO F., TORRES TORRITI D. and TUGÁS N.

2008, ¡El tiempo construye! El Proyecto Experimental de

Vivienda (PREVI) de Lima: génesis y desenlace,Gustavo Gili,

Barcelona.

GONZÁLEZ LOBO C. 1999, Vivienda y ciudad posibles,

Editorial Escala, Bogotá.

ININVI 1988, PREVI 20 años después: resultados y conclu-

siones, Secretaría Ejecutiva del Programa de Actividades

PREVI’88, ININVI, Lima.

LORENZO GÁLLIGO P. (coord.) 2005, Un techo para vivir.

Tecnologías para viviendas de producción social en América

Latina, CYTED, Edicions UPC, Barcelona.

MATOS MAR J. 2004, Desborde popular y crisis del Estado.

Veinte años después, Fondo editorial del Congreso del Perú,

Lima.

REDDY K. 1998, Background and Concept of Appropiate

Technology, UNIDO, Conferencia en India, Nueva Delhi

SALAS SERRANO J. 2000, La industrialización posible de la

vivienda latinoamericana, Editorial Escala, Bogotá.

VÁZQUEZ DE CASTO J. A. 1981, Sistema integral Tabibloc,

serie 20 de industrialización de la construcción: prefabricación

ligera, Imprenta Safer, Madrid.

Author’s Address:Julián Salas: [email protected] Lucas: [email protected]

Instituto de Ciencias de la Construcción Eduardo TorrojaConsejo Superior de Investigaciones CientíficasC/Serrano Galvache nº 428033 - Madrid913020440

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Md. Nasir Daud, Hasniyati Hamzah and Yasmin Mohd Adnan

Abstract

In housing, mass customisation is increasingly seen as a useful innovation for promoting customer satisfaction and thusfor contributing to the long-run sustainability of the housing industry. A major stimulus has been the escalation in com-petition among housing developers in response to the increase in housing consumers’ want for individuality in theirpurchased properties. However, in the absence of confirmatory evidence, the presumed consumers’ want for individ-uality has remained only as a perception until now. In quest for the evidence, an empirical investigation was conductedrecently through a questionnaire survey that involved housing consumers, both existing owners and prospective pur-chasers, in four centres of population across Peninsular Malaysia. This paper presents the findings from the survey. Theevidence that was found supports the conclusion that mass customised housing is very much a way forward inMalaysia. The findings show that while buyers’ dissatisfaction with current developer-delivered housing has led to adesire or preference towards customised house, buyers’ satisfaction with existing situation has not weakened the desire.In the context of Malaysia, this study is important to the development of mass customised housing since it has exam-ined market readiness on the demand side, one of the critical criteria for the concept to be successful in the country.

Keywords: Mass customisation, housing, Malaysia

EXAMINING THE POTENTIAL FOR MASS CUSTOMISATION OF HOUSING IN MALAYSIA

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INTRODUCTION

As housing consumerism grows in sophisticationwith prospective buyers becoming more discrimi-nating and discerning due to improved informationand communication technologies, housing devel-opers increasingly have to re-assess their supplyresponse to the market. Already the situation hasresulted in developers’ implementation of certaininnovations as they embrace the challenges ofcompetition in the market. To drive customer satis-faction, a growing practice has been seen amonghousing developers to accommodate requests fromindividual house buyers for incorporating a degreeof design variations from the standard while theconstruction is being done. An industry-wide adop-tion of such practice will contribute positively towastage elimination since pre-occupancy workssuch as extension, re-tiling and layout alterationsthat invariably entail some wastage of materials canbe avoided.

There have been renewed interests in design

and layout flexibilities as evident from their imple-mentation successes, albeit in varying degrees, inthe UK, USA, Japan, Taiwan, Netherlands andmore recently China. A particular innovation in thedesign and process within the housing industry isthe Mass Customisation, a concept that is closelyaligned to the goal of enhancing customer satisfac-tion and thus of ensuring sustainability in the longrun. As highlighted by Hart and Taylor (1996), masscustomisation involves ‘the use of flexible processesand organisational structures to produce variedand often individually customised products and ser-vices at the price of standardised, mass producedalternatives’. It operates on the basis that producersor providers of goods and services could capturemore market share by delivering customised prod-ucts on a mass basis. In other words, mass cus-tomisation is the capability of producers to offerpersonalised products, each product tailored tocustomers’ requirements, on a large scale. Theargument is that customers, while seeking somebasic standards, also want ‘some individual recog-

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annition and custom treatment’ at the same time(Lovelock, 1988). Thus, mass customisation offersa competitive approach to challenging the moretraditional strategies such as mass production. Thiscustomer-centric approach, selling lifestyle and fan-tasy, has featured strongly as the marketing strategyfor myriad categories such as apparel, constructionand home furnishings, computers, sports equip-ment, publishing and printing and balloons (Zipkin,2001).

An earlier paper investigated the notion ofhousing mass customisation together with its per-ceived implications in Malaysian context (Hamzahet al, 2010). Following that, the current paperreports the findings from an empirical study that hasbeen undertaken to examine the state of marketreadiness towards mass customised housing. Thereare two major parts to this paper. The first part syn-thesises literature related to the study whilst the sec-ond part presents the analysis of the data to reporton whether or not empirical evidence exists to sup-port the conclusion of demand for mass housingcustomisation concept. In the context of the latter, itis possible to distinguish the two types of data thathas been examined: the first relates to respondents’perceptions based on their responses with regard totheir system of preferences, and the second isbased on documenting house buyers’ actual choic-es of action when it comes to undertaking renova-tion works.

THE L ITERATURE

Central to the evolution of mass customisation inbusinesses have been the increased competitionand the drive to win customer loyalty via customersatisfaction i.e. customer focus. According to Zipkin(2001), the main enablers to mass customisationare elicitation, process flexibility and logistics.Elicitation entails the decision and communicationof customer preference to the producer, aided bycustomer-relationship management (CRM) andautomation (IT-based) (Zipkin, 2001). Process flexi-bility translates the information into physical prod-uct in high-volume. Pine and Gilmore (1998)argues that flexibility in both processes and organi-sational structures is pivotal to the successful imple-mentation of mass customisation; it is what distin-

guishes mass customisation from mass production.Closely related to mass production, flexibility in pro-duction has been enhanced by innovations such asmodular design, lean operations and digital-IT.Finally, logistics is the stage whereby products man-ufactured according to individual customer’s pref-erences are delivered to the correct customer.

Lampel and Mintzberg (1996) outline thespectrum of design and logistic strategies betweenpure standardisation and pure customisation interms of what each feature is characterised by ateach step along the way. Further, Pine et al (1993)’s“product-process change matrix” divided into fourthe stages in which organisations can operate,namely invention, mass production, continuousimprovement and mass customisation. It could thusbe argued that mass customisation should come asa natural progression in the housing sector wheretechnological innovations have been continuouslyexperienced.

The implementation of housing mass customi-sation in developed economies has been widelydiscussed in literature. For instance, Barlow andOzaki (2001) highlighted possible demand andsupply side barriers to mass customisation in the UKwhich has been adopted since the late 1990sencompassing building design and service pack-ages. Among factors mentioned are local authori-ty’s rigid planning and design guidelines and mort-gage lenders’ apprehension about how innovativedesigns could affect future marketability of theproperty. In the US, Larson et al (2004) report thatmass customised housing found ready convertsamong the sophisticated “baby boomer” genera-tion. As a result, cutting edge technologies havebeen developed in the country to cater for thisdemand. An example is the MIT’s automateddesign tools (ADT) that facilitate agile and cus-tomisable architectural systems and strategieswhich are supported by the current building tech-nology. In Japan, the discerning Japanese home-buyer with highly personalised taste has rejecteduniformity (Barlow and Ozaki, 2003). The first masscustomisation system - Sekisui Heim M1 - accepteduser control while also harnessing industrial pro-duction. Van Gassel (2002) provides an insight intothe success of mass customisation in theNetherlands which is attributable to good institu-tional support, particularly in terms of the govern-

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ment subsidies for industrial, flexible and demount-able building (IFD) pilot projects (Van Gassel,2002). A Dutch case study was provided byCuperus (2003) to signify how the availability ofOpen Building and Lean Construction in the con-struction industry may contribute to the achieve-ment of mass customisation goals. In Taiwan, abusiness strategy called ‘pre-sale’ has dominatedthe housing market especially in metropolitanareas, entailing an open dialogue between cus-tomers and the builder to achieve a commonagreement on the design, cost and quality as astrategy to ensure customer satisfaction (Lai et al,2004). During this stage, the builder is amenable toaccommodating buyers’ input – albeit within thescope of possibility – while building has not enteredphysical construction.

As is typical in many cities across Asia, theconventional housing market’s delivery of stan-dardised products in Malaysia has the recognisedincapacity to live up to individual purchasers’ exact

wants, with the purchasers often ending up makingalterations to their properties as exemplified inFigures 1, 2 3 and 4. This presents a significantchallenge for which, as the market grows in matu-rity, the introduction of innovative solutions via masscustomisation is welcome. The Taiwan case raisesan important issue with regard to the soundness ofbuyer decision-making process in a housing marketoffering mass customisation and buyers lack infor-mation and professional knowledge on a virtualbuilding carrying myriad customisation possibilities.A partial solution is provided by the informationtechnology, for instance a hybrid approach com-bining case-based reasoning (CBR) and geneticalgorithm (GA) (Juan et al., 2006). With theincreasing demand for housing customisation, sup-pliers bear the responsibility to offer customers cus-tomisable housing units, as well as to satisfy theirneeds and expectations within a preferred budget.

Another catalyst to mass customisation isadvancement in building technology. The

Figure 1. Typical units in a row of mass produced terracehouses in Shah Alam

Figure 2. The top floor balcony is the owner's own additionto the property

Figure 3. The end property has its car porch ceiling raisedand the fence gate replaced with a motorised system.

Figure 4. The renovation has involved a frontal extension ofthe upper floor to create additional living space.

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anIndustrialised Building System (IBS) describes theconstruction technology in which all building com-ponents such as wall, slab, beam, column andstaircase are mass produced either in factory or atsite factory under strict quality control and minimalwet site activities (Lim, 2006). Arguably, this systemacts as a catalyst for mass production in construc-tion. To further boost the industrialisation of theconstruction sector, manufacturing concepts areadopted including the Lean Construction originat-ing from the car manufacturing industry aiming atreducing waste from design to delivery (Cuperus,2003). The Open Building concept is also intro-duced whereby building occupiers determine spec-ifications that best suit their needs, thereby creatingthe conduciveness for responsibility and care.

The discussion of the literature above hashowever, through its emphasis on the productionaspect, addressed mainly the supply side of masscustomisation. An equally, and perhaps even morecritical aspect is the demand side which needs to beassessed for an indication of the potential marketreception to the concept. While performing theassessment may not be altogether straightforward,a considered approach is to study the prospectivebuyers in terms of their house-buying preferencesand to examine actual buyers of standard massproduced housing units in terms of both their satis-faction on the delivered units and their subsequentactions on renovation. Examining the respondents’responses and preferences will provide an under-standing of the demand side behaviour and willallow certain perspectives to be gained with regardto the potential of mass customisation in Malaysia.

COLLECTING THE EVIDENCE

As enumerated earlier, the concept of hous-ing mass customisation is new to Malaysia. A com-prehensive work on the potential of mass customi-sation would require an examination of both thedemand and supply sides. The current study is use-ful in that it provides the starting point to the work.The prime motivation is that no data currently existsin relation to how ready consumers are for howhousing mass customisation although such data isimportant to the housing industry.

A questionnaire survey was adopted. Given

that the main objective is to examine consumerreadiness towards mass customised housing, thesurvey was designed with housing consumers as itstarget aiming to achieve a reasonable mix of own-ers and non-owners of property in the sample. Therationale for this approach is the consideration thatboth the owners and non-owners can provide use-ful indications concerning the desirability of masscustomised housing from a prospective buyer’spoint of view, while the owners can additionallyprovide indications of the satisfaction from the per-spective of the purchaser who has actually takendelivery of developer’s standard house. In this man-ner, the data can allow the issue to be examinedfrom two different perspectives with the added ben-efit that the comparison could lead to furtherinsight. For sampling, a systematic procedure hadbeen adopted while the stock of double-storeyhouses was taken as the sampling frame. Becausesystematic sampling had been used, the propor-tions for owners and non-owners had not beenmade to conform to certain a priori values but wereinstead allowed to follow the results of the randomprocess that emanated from the procedure.Double-storey houses had been adopted as thesampling frame because this particular housingsector represents the largest inventory of mass-pro-duced houses in the country in line with its popu-larity among house buyers.

For the purpose of the sampling, thePeninsular Malaysia was divided into eastern andwestern regions. This way of dividing up the penin-sula is not only geographic but also serves thedemographic and economic reasons well. The tworegions are differentiated on their economicdynamism with the latter showing generally moreprogressive and dynamic growths than the latter. Interms of the demography, the eastern region ismore biased towards the Malay populace while thewestern region has a generally more balancedracial composition.

To achieve the aim of this study, respondentsamples were to be drawn from localities thatwould reflect the house buying population in eachregion. Based on this consideration, the cities ofKota Bharu and Kuala Trengganu had been chosento represent the eastern region while Shah Alamand Kemuning the western region. A sample of 120respondents was targeted for from each locality

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and was subsequently drawn according to the sam-pling procedure mentioned earlier. The question-naire had three main sections. Section One was tocapture the basic socio-economic information ofevery respondent with section two to capture housebuyers’ attitudes and reactions in relation to theirpurchase of developers’ mass produced house,while section three was to identify the extent towhich the idea of mass-customised housing has itsappeal among prospective purchasers.

THE EMPIR ICAL ANALYS IS AND F INDINGS

First, the profiles of the respondent samples wereexamined. Result details are described in AppendixA. Given that systematic sampling has no controlon proportions of instances within any particularattribute, variations in the racial composition werefound across the different samples. Nevertheless,the compositions bear reasonable correspondenceto that of the actual population in the localitieswhere the samples were drawn from. The predom-inance of the Malays was evident in all the samples.In the cases of Kota Bharu and Kuala Trengganu,this merely underscores the demographic bias ofthe eastern region towards the Malays. However,for Shah Alam and Kemuning where a similar con-dition does not apply, the situation can beexplained in terms of the socio-political factorsunderlying the greater magnetism of these two cen-tres of population among the Malays.

In terms of the gender, all samples achieveda fairly balanced mix of the sexes across the differ-ent races with an overall male to female ratio of

57:43. An exception was Kemuning where theChinese showed high skewness towards the malesex while the Indian had only one respondent, afemale. Again, this is an effect that flows directlyfrom the use of systematic sampling procedure butone which we do not consider to affect fundamen-tally the validity of the analysis. In terms of age, themodal age group was 30 - 40 years for all theareas except Shah Alam where the mode was 30years and below. In Shah Alam, only 12% of therespondents in its modal age groups were ownerscompared to 42% for Kota Bharu, 39% for KualaTrengganu and 76% in Kemuning; within the 30 -40 year category, Shah Alam’s proportion of own-ers was 51%. Table 1 depicts the age profile of therespondents.

To indicate their employment background,respondents were asked to choose from a range ofemployment categories listed in the questionnaire.In Kota Bharu, 42% of the respondents fell underthe two top employment categories - the profes-sional and management. The varying percentagesacross the different locations (40% for KualaTrengganu, 63% for Shah Alam and 74% forKemuning) showed that employment structures varybetween the cities with cities in the western regionhaving higher proportions of higher paid jobs thanthose in the eastern region. In fact, KualaTrengganu had the administrative or clerical cate-gory (a lower position in the employment ladder) asthe modal employment group.

Owners were asked to rate their level of sat-isfaction, based on Likert scaling of 1 to 5, withregard to their purchased developers’ units. Usingmean as the measure of central tendency, statisticswere computed for the scores. For Kota Bharu, the

Table 1. Age profile of respondents

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mean satisfaction level was low at 2.2 with a vastmajority (86.5%) of the owners indicating dissatis-faction (rating 1 or 2) as against only 8.1% indicat-ing high satisfaction (rating 4 or 5). The results werevery similar for Kuala Trengganu where the meansatisfaction level was at 2.1 with 93.5% of ownersrating dissatisfied, but were markedly different forShah Alam and Kota Kemuning where only 38.3%and 30.2% rated dissatisfied respectively with thecorresponding mean scores of 3.06 and 3.32.Thus there is reason to believe that the eastern canbe distinguished from the western region on thebasis of the satisfaction levels of house buyers.

It would be reasonable to surmise that own-ers would react rather predictively according to theirsatisfaction or lack of it and that the nature of theirreaction would influence their decisions or actionsin terms of renovation initiatives. If this presumptionis correct, the inclination to renovate is expected tobe greater among the dissatisfied owners than thesatisfied owners; as a corollary, more of dissatisfiedowners and less of satisfied owners would engagein makeover initiative. However, when the data wassubjected to Chi-square significance test (as illus-trated in Table 2), no evidence is found of suchassociation at α = 0.05 level of significance. Thisimplies lack of association between owners’ satis-faction level and their makeover initiative. In fact,the samples in combination produced a test valuejust outside the significance level (at α = 0.055)with the individual data for Shah Alam, Kemuningand Kuala Trengganu producing values even fur-ther outside . These results are interesting for theirlack of intuitive appeal. Only Kota Bharu showed asemblance of the expected behaviour where theexistence of an association between satisfactionlevel and the makeover initiative was indicated.

Next the data on dissatisfied owners wasexamined for possible link between owners’ dissat-isfaction and reaction to the dissatisfaction in termsof makeover initiatives. As expected, the link was

very strong for all the four locations with dissatisfiedowners either already having had alteration jobsdone or had committed to one for the near future;none indicated that they would not do anythingabout it. In Kota Bharu, all but one dissatisfied own-ers performed makeover exercises at some pointafter acquiring their properties; even the singleexception indicated an intention to perform thesame in the near future. For Kuala Trengganu, theproportion of dissatisfied owners who had renovat-ed was 93.1% while the remaining 6.9% would fol-low soon. In Shah Alam, the corresponding pro-portion was 88.9% with the remaining 11.1% indi-cating their plan to renovate immediately.Kemuning had the lowest percentage of its dissatis-fied owners performing renovation. Even so, thepercentage was high at 84.6% with the remaining15.4% all indicating their intention to renovate inthe near future.

However, when responses from the satisfiedowners (scores of 4 or 5) were analysed, the find-ings became of interest because of some unexpect-ed results they produced. In particular, they showedthat makeover activities were high even among thisgroup and almost matched those of the dissatisfiedowners. Taking all the samples together, the pro-portion of satisfied owners who engaged inmakeover was 74.0% while the results for the indi-vidual locations were 100% for Kuala Trengganu,81% for Shah Alam and 70.8% for Kemuning.Only Kota Bharu was an exception with a muchlower renovation rate of 33.3%, which relatesclosely to what is expected. It ought to be notedthough that the sample sizes for Kuala Trengganuand Kota Bharu are probably too small for conclu-siveness (see Table 3). Nonetheless, together withthe findings of insignificance earlier, these resultsmake evident the fact that satisfaction level may notbe the only factor in owners’ decision to renovate.In a way, these results also accounted for why lackof association was found earlier between satisfac-

Table 2. Correspondence between satisfaction level and renovation done

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.. tion level and makeover initiative. They also allowus to reasonably conclude the existence of associa-tion between renovation behaviour and satisfactionlevel among the dissatisfied owners although a sim-ilar conclusion cannot be made about the satisfiedowners. It is suggested here that this apparent non-conformance in results is capable of some expla-nations which lie beyond the scope of current inves-tigation. However, further evidence in the next para-graph reinforces this argument.

This is taken in light of the fact that a signif-icant majority of the owners intended to pursue sub-sequent renovations. Of all the owners (satisfiedand dissatisfied included) who had actually under-taken renovation works, 73.7% intended to pro-ceed with a second (or subsequent) renovation inthe near future. By location, the percentages were94.1% for Kota Bharu, 72.4% for Kuala Trengganu,48.8% for Shah Alam and 79.1% for Kemuning.Even among just the satisfied owners, more thanhalf (54.1%) indicated their intention to renovateagain. It would seem that a separate investigationwould be needed to provide confirmatory evidencein support of the above partial indication.

It is also a paradox that, in terms of the timingof the renovation, the proportion that performs pre-occupancy renovation was higher among the satis-fied group (16.2%) than the dissatisfied group(12.9%) as shown in Table 4. This suggests evenfurther that the motivation for housing customisa-tion goes beyond mere satisfaction level. The pro-

portion is also higher among the satisfied group fordoing post-occupancy customisation only.

In all, evidences are compelling that dissat-isfied owners make the majority of house buyers inthe eastern region but to a much lesser extent in thewestern region. They also suggest an intense linkbetween being dissatisfied and making the renova-tion move. However, evidence of the converse situ-ation is less clear with a majority of satisfied houseowners pursuing renovation despite not having thedissatisfaction reason for it.

In relation to whether customers would pre-fer a customised house over developer’s standardunit, the response was overwhelmingly positiveamong the respondents (see Table 5). Respondentswere also asked in terms of the various opportunitycosts that they would have to bear to secure cus-tomised houses. Nonetheless, very similar resultswere obtained where the opportunity costs were interms of having to pay more or to wait longer. Onall the above aspects, owners and non-ownersscored similarly except on the willingness to pay,where the proportion was greater among non-own-ers. Of those who chose customised housing, only5.3% were unwilling to pay more for it with slightlyhigher percentages unwilling to wait longer orspend time at architects’ office, at 9.2% each.

The high importance respondents placed onthe availability of options to own customised hous-es is evident from the mean score of 4.32 comput-ed for this question. Some concern was expressed

Table 3. Responses among satisfied owners across the different sample areas

Table 4. Pre-occupancy renovation among the different groups

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by respondents with regard to the possibility of suchoption leading to too many choices that couldcomplicate decisions (mean = 3.24), but respon-dents were at the same time in favour of customisedhouse for the flexible price it offers (mean = 3.95)and for the wastage it avoids (mean = 4.01). Infact, the Chi-square test of independence showedsignificance of association between the two lattervariables and the importance factor at α = 0.05level of significance. Also evident was the fact thatbetween current owners and first time buyers, thelatter were more in favour of customised housingon every aspect evaluated, as statistics in Table 6make clear.

How do dissatisfied owners compare againstthe satisfied group in terms of the renovation

details? The data is shown in Table 7. For the firstrenovation, three items emerged as most common-ly pursued by the owners: door grille, window grilleand repainting. In this respect, there were little dif-ferences between the satisfied and dissatisfiedgroups as in Table 7 with a vast majority spendingon these three items. This means that the threeitems were basic necessities to owners regardless ofwhether they were satisfied or dissatisfied. Of thethree, two were related to security while the otherwas repainting job. The dissatisfied owners appeared to have done

more in terms of the counts on the renovation jobsdone, doing an average of 5.55 pieces of renova-tion jobs per person. This figure is, however, onlymarginally (6%) higher than the satisfied group, at

Table 5. Aspects of respondents’ preference toward customised housing

Table 6. Respondents’ attitude towards customised housing

Table 7. How dissatisfied owners compared against satisfied owners on renovation details

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5.26 pieces per person (Table 8).In terms of the individual groups of renovation,

the dissatisfied group was inclined more towardssecurity, sizes and ventilation and less on cosmetic,compared to the satisfied group. This indicates, toan extent, where the dissatisfactions lie (Table 9).

What about those who currently already havea house and are purchasing a new one - what dothey consider to be important in new houses?Combining the samples together as presented inTable 10, the results showed high importance own-ers placed on all the listed attributes of house size,makeovers and security with security aspect rankedthe highest followed by size and makeover.However, this order does not necessarily follow inthe individual locations. In Kuala Trengganu, own-ers placed security second, after size. In terms ofhouse size, owners in Kuala Trengganu place high-est importance (4.69) followed by Kota Bharu(4.65), Shah Alam (4.61) and Kemuning (4.34).On security, owners in Kota Bharu believe it to beabsolutely important while those in Kemuning, ShahAlam and Kuala Trengganu believe it to a lesserdegree. Makeovers lag behind in third place; how-ever, Shah Alam owners placed much greater

importance on makeovers compared to otherareas, as seen from the high average score thatalmost match for other attributes while KualaTrengganu placed the lowest on this attribute.

Among non-owners, similar ranking obtainedwhereby security prevailed as the highest on aver-age score albeit with slightly lower mean than in thecase of owners. Among non-owners, those inKemuning appeared to have placed greatestimportance on security although not as highly asthe absolute importance placed by owners in KotaBharu. It needs to be noted that the ranking resulthere is merely suggestive and not considered con-clusive in view of the limitations in the data.

How did owners and non-owners compare?The results show that non-owners place less impor-tance but the differences are too marginal to be sig-nificant. Overall, the two groups placed similar lev-els of importance across the attributes concerned.However, in different areas, the results were slightlydifferent. In Kemuning and to a large extent inKuala Trengganu, non-owners placed higher onimportance level than owners on all attributes.

Table 8. Counts on renovation jobs done

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CONCLUSION

This study has set out to examine whether or notthere is demand-side market readiness for thehousing mass customisation concept. The findingsshow evidence in the positive direction. They sug-

gest that housing mass customisation appearsheaded for a promising future. This is evident fromthe fact that dissatisfaction is prevalent among buy-ers of the developer-delivered standard housingproducts and also that an overwhelming proportionof the prospective buyers are strongly in favour of

Table 9. Counts on renovation jobs done by group of works

Table 10. Importance placed on the various aspects of renovation

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customised housing. Further in support is the readi-ness of a vast majority of the prospective buyers toendure costs in time and money to secure housingthat is customised to their wants.

This study is important to the developmentof mass customised housing in Malaysia since it hasexamined one of the critical success criteria for theconcept: market readiness on the demand side.Through a survey of the housing consumers, thestudy found confirmatory evidence of a demand formass-customised housing given the consumers’low satisfaction currently with the standard-specifiedhousing products that have been supplied to themarket. It also reveals the extent of house owners’readiness to embrace housing customisation toachieve their desired housing products. This is alsotrue of future buyers who displayed high motiva-tions for undertaking housing renovations as theyseek a specification that matches their exact desire.Also clear is that renovation is compulsive not onlyamong the dissatisfied group but even among thesatisfied owners. Although the findings show thatsatisfaction is not necessarily the only motivation forrenovation, they also show that the enthusiasmtowards renovation is universal. This perhaps doesnot come as a surprise because as house buyersbecome more sophisticated and discriminating intheir taste, they expect housing suppliers to respondin a more buyer-centric manner.

In light of the evidence in this study, a con-certed programme on housing mass customisationpresents the logical next step forward for theMalaysian housing industry. Given the positiveimpacts of mass customisation on wastage avoid-ance, enhancement of house buyer satisfaction,promotion of building sustainability, and on theentrepreneurial opportunities open to housingdevelopers, it is not surprising that this concept hasgained increasing recognition among developednations. This does not mean that there is no down-side to it. There are, however, lessons to be learnedfrom each country. Barriers to innovation must beaddressed; Malaysia must achieve significant levelof IBS in housing construction for mass customisa-tion to be viable. Institutional support is an impor-tant consideration. The legal framework needs tofacilitate this important innovation in housing withsimilar spirit from the implementing bodies. Theelicitation gap between builder and customer has

to be narrowed or closed, with particular referenceto Taiwan’s case. Finally, readiness on the demandside must be met with similar readiness from thesupply side. As the next step to this study, therefore,the supply-side readiness for the concept needs tobe examined. This would constitute the next stageof the research.

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APPENDIX A. Profile of respondent samples

Author’s Address:Urmi Sengupta SPACE-School of Planning, Architecture, and CivilEngineeringQueen’s University BelfastBelfast, Northern Ireland, United [email protected]

Nese Dikmen, Soofia Tahira Elias-Ozkan and Colin Davidson

Abstract

Earthquakes strike without warning, even though they are known to recur. It is nonetheless difficult to mobilize resourcesto plan for them in advance, despite the high social and economic costs that can be anticipated, and despite thehumanitarian obligation to provide quality and safe housing.

This research examines two post-earthquake housing reconstruction projects in rural areas of Turkey, where dif-ferent procurement strategies were used. A top-down strategy was adopted in Dinar after the October 1995 earth-quake; and a bottom-up strategy, was adopted in the Orta district in Cankiri after the June 2000 earthquake in theregion.

Based on information obtained from government agencies, building contractors and the projects beneficiaries, acomparison has been made between the two procurement methods. While no generalized conclusions can be drawn– as the projects were conducted in the particular circumstances that prevail in rural areas of Turkey – it is possible tohighlight key factors that can properly influence future housing procurement processes.

Keywords: earthquake; housing procurement; housing reconstruction; top-down approach; bottom-up approach;community participation.

COMPARISON OF POST-DISASTER HOUSING PRO-CUREMENT METHODS IN RURAL AREAS OF TURKEY

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parison Of Post-Disaster Housing...

INTRODUCTION: D ISASTERS AND RECOVERY

Disasters are defined as “sudden calamitous eventsbringing great damage, loss, or destruction”(http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/dis-aster); Weeks (2007:2) also defines disasters as“widespread events, which involve massive loss oflife and significant damage to shared infrastruc-ture”. On the other hand, Choularton (2001:61)supports the argument that disasters are not eventsbut the negative results of an event or series ofevents, whose impact is disruptive and destructiveand whose magnitude is sufficient to be labeled‘disastrous’.

It must immediately be pointed out that even ifthe notion of “disaster” is directly associated with anatural event, such as an earthquake or a hurri-cane, it is not often the natural event per se whichleads to many deaths and injuries, but rather theway the built environment has developed, sponta-neously or planned, over the years (Lizarralde et al.

2010). It is indeed the insufficient performance ofthe built environment which gives a disaster its threequalifying traits, which are: significant loss of life;sudden occurrence without effective warning; andwidespread impact over society, culture, and oftengeography (Weeks 2007:3). Although it is possibleto predict the occurrence of some natural disasterslike hurricanes and storms, others like earthquakesor landslides cannot be predicted precisely– neitherin time nor place – even if, in many regions, onecan be sure that a disaster will occur sooner orlater. This inability to foresee precisely has animpact on the relative priority attached to advanceplanning for disaster mitigation, post-disasterrecovery and reconstruction.

If lessons can be learnt from a disaster and,more importantly if the lessons can be transformedinto explicit or tacit knowledge so as to prevent ormitigate future disasters, then the original disastercan be considered to have had a beneficial impacton society, however perverse this may appear(Choularton 2001:61; Gharaati and Davidson

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Nese Dikmen, Soofia Tahira Elias-Ozkan, Colin Davidson2008).

Disaster preparedness relies on “the knowledgeand capacities developed by governments, profes-sionals, organizations, communities and individualsto effectively anticipate, respond to, and recoverfrom, the impacts of likely, imminent or current haz-ard events or conditions” (UNISDR 2009:21).Indeed, disaster preparedness presupposes aneffort to “design” the disaster response system thatcan best fit the local administrative and social con-texts (Davidson 2010), even in situations of pre-dictable chaos.

After a disaster occurs the resulting social andeconomic destruction is manifest in the more imme-diately visible destruction of the physical environ-ment. Hence, the major problem after a disaster isto enable the victims, whose psychological, social,and economic integrity was damaged along withtheir physical environment, to obtain a new habitatwith at least similar qualities, or even better, at animproved level (Tas et al. 2007:3418).

This goal is not easy to attain, since sudden anddestructive disasters create chaos and disorder bothfor people and for local community organizations;consequently, administrative activities that havehitherto been functional, linearly designed and cen-tralized are seriously disrupted. “This chaos alsoaffects the performance of a disaster response sys-tem in organizing a timely and coordinated opera-tion” (Corbacioglu 2006:212). In the event of adisaster, the focus tends to be on response and ini-tial recovery, with little long term planning; whilereconstruction projects are procured in an ad-hoc,reactive way (Masurier et al 2006:6). This state ofaffairs is not conducive to sustainable recovery,reconstruction or disaster mitigation.

Disaster mitigation and risk reduction areimportant prerequisites to maintaining sustainabledevelopment because a widespread disaster hasthe power to hamper, any ongoing progress andachievements in the direction of sustainable devel-opment (Chowdhury 2011:399).

To counter this risk the following seven princi-ples of sustainable development can be applied todisaster recovery, in order to ensure a sustainablesolution (Rosenberg 2011:178):1. Balance needs and limits imposed by naturalforces2. Take precautionary actions that limit vulnerabil-

ity.3. Rebuild to last several generations.4. Aim to reduce poverty.5. Consider effects of damage on surroundingareas. 6. Make the polluter pay for the “downstream”damage7. Ensure community participation.

The recovery process following a natural disasterrelies heavily on a well-planned approach directedtoward both short-term and long-term housing,while increasing community resilience (Gonzales2011:315).

POST-DISASTER RECONSTRUCTION

There is a clear humanitarian imperative to providevictims of a disaster with basic shelter rapidly, in thesame sense as there is a humanitarian imperative toensure access to water, sanitation, food and health-care equally rapidly. However, the humanitarianjustification for housing reconstruction (a longerterm endeavor) is more problematic.Reconstruction resembles development in that itdeliberately sets out to re-establish lost assets, oreven to provide better and more robust facilitiesthan existed prior to the disaster event (Barakat2003:1).

In the specific case of housing reconstruction,one runs up against two apparently divergent doc-trines: (i) the so-called top-down approach, whichuses official paths including governments, banksand developers; and which observes formal normsfor building standards and land-use management(Johnson 2007:33) and (ii) the bottom-upapproach which relies on empowerment of the dis-aster victims (now the “beneficiaries” of the recon-struction project) so that they can be given thewherewithal to improve their own habitat. Thesetwo doctrines are based on simplistic views of thereconstruction processes, and choosing betweenthem impedes designing properly adapted respons-es to the urgent requirements. Top-down tends totake little account of the beneficiaries’ capabilitiesand resourcefulness; bottom-up may risk bypassingpotential methods for speedy and safe reconstruc-tion.

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Worldwide experience of reconstruction afterdisasters, whether natural or man-made, hasdemonstrated the failure of conventional top-downapproaches (El-Masri and Kellett 2001:536). Thisis because top-down approaches tend to empha-size standardization and technology-oriented solu-tions to get the job done quickly and economically.The outcomes of the top-down approaches havebeen found to neglect cultural and local conditionsas well as users’ needs because this approach isoften adopted in response to the urgency to supplyhousing rapidly (Johnson 2007). Indeed,approaches that are not bottom-up can producehousing units that are expensive and alien; i.e. theyare either not affordable or not suitable for the ben-eficiaries. Such post-disaster housing (PDH) unitsare often altered to fit the rural lifestyle or, failingthat, abandoned by the users.

In contrast, the essential principles of the bot-tom-up approaches in dealing with reconstructionafter disasters call for involving the user, adoptingappropriate technologies, and integrating rebuild-ing and development concurrently (El-Masri andKellett 2001:536). Although, user involvement mayresult in time-consuming discussions and complexmanagement operations before implementationcan start, the overall advantages of bottom-upapproaches have been extolled by many scholars.El-Masri and Kellett (2001) claim that if and whenproperly planned and implemented such anapproach guarantees a smoother implementation,a more economical solution that is better tailored tothe needs and means of the users and to their abil-ities and aspirations (El-Masri and Kellett2001:536). Some authors go so far as to suggestthat successful reconstruction cannot be achievedwithout the participation of civil society and localorganizations, which usually have a better under-standing of the dynamics of the social structurewithin a given community as opposed to largergovernmental units (Miller and Rivera 2011)

According to many authors ( Barakat 2003;Barenstein 2006; and Lawther 2009; etc.), com-munity driven reconstruction projects are advanta-geous because they can be more cost-effective andof better quality (if technical and supervision skillsexist); they permit incremental re-construction andthus earlier occupation; they are more empoweringas they build up confidence, local capacity and

employment opportunities; and finally, they helppreserve the local cultural heritage.

It has to be pointed out that these two doctrines(top-down and bottom-up) are based on over sim-plified views of the reconstruction processes, andadopting the position that one has to choosebetween them impedes designing properly adaptedresponses to the urgent requirements. Indeed, inaddition to the integral top-down and bottom-upapproaches, other approaches have been tried thatare often more suitable to local conditions and cul-tures. For example in Gujarat four differentapproaches to post disaster housing reconstructionwere employed by the administration. Barenstein(2006:2) lists them as follows:• The “contractor driven approach” (either in-situ,at the original location; or ex-nihilo, at a new loca-tion) where the reconstruction work is handled by acontractor, with design and technical consultants.• The “subsidiary housing approach”, whereother agencies complement government grant withconstruction material and technical guidance.• The “participatory housing approach”, wherethe various agencies lead the processes with fullparticipation of the beneficiaries.• The “owner driven approach”, where the own-ers did not participate in the construction work butretained full control over the processes.

The two Turkish examples described in thispaper correspond to the first and last of theseapproaches to post-disaster housing reconstruc-tion, and represent the classical top-down and bot-tom-up approaches.

POST-DISASTER HOUSING PROCUREMENT

According to a report prepared by Rudman et al.(2003) disaster preparedness planning (before thedisruptive event occurs) involves various govern-mental and non-governmental agencies that mayhave overlapping jurisdictions and competingagendas and interest. Hoard et al. (2005) refer toreports published by the Institute of Medicine (IOM2002) and the Office of Rural Health Policy (ORHO2002) when they point out that it is not easy for allparties to collaborate and communicate effectively,

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Nese Dikmen, Soofia Tahira Elias-Ozkan, Colin Davidsonespecially when these agencies have limited

resources and funding; as is often the case in ruralareas. In the post-disaster situation, these chal-lenges are even more complex because of the gen-eral disruption in organized society and the ensuingchaos; it is not even easy to make up on any defi-ciencies in the advanced planning, and there areusually many of them. It is not surprising thereforethat designing the planning process, (called the‘organizational design’), is challenging; indeed itsimportance is not often properly recognized.

In construction sector terminology, the organi-zational design process is referred to as ‘procure-ment’ and it includes all the stages of planning,design, and production of buildings and infrastruc-tures (Lyons 2009). Masurier et al (2006:4) refer toMoore’s (2002) point of view that procurement is astrategy for development which aims to satisfy theclient’s needs and state that procuremnet entailsdetailed preparations by the agencies concernedfor delivering the reconstruction project; while thesepreparations include identification of suppliers andfacilitators, drafting agreements and legal frame-work; establishing target costs and assigningresponsibilities. Masurier et al. (2006:4) point outthat it is crucial to establish an adequate procure-ment system which ensures that rebuilding work isspeedy and low cost; resources used are local;communication and trust between all parties isestablished amicably; and the system adopted isnot unfamiliar for its implementers.

In essence, organizational design and procure-ment are inseparable. Organizational designinvolves preparing for and consolidating the rela-tionships between the parties who will be implicat-ed with or affected by a program of work and itsconstituent projects; procurement translates thisorganization into a set of defined agreements withthe required participants, including determininghow they will be chosen and contracted with.Conversely, adopting a particular procurementstrategy (for whatever reasons – regulations, cus-toms, habit, etc.) affects the nature of the organiza-tional designs that are reasonable in the circum-stances (Davidson 2010:88). These are discussedin the specific context of Turkey.

POST -D ISEASTER RECONSTRUCT IONIN TURKEY

Turkey has suffered many natural disasters in theform of earthquakes, landslides, floods, droughts,rock falls and avalanches, etc. due to its geologi-cal, topographical and climatic conditions. Sincethe beginning of the last century, such disastershave caused approximately 87,000 deaths,300,000 injuries and damaged almost 700,000buildings. Of these buildings 76% were damagedduring earthquakes, 10% during landslides, 9% infloods and 5% due to other natural disasters(Turkish Republic Country Report On DisasterManagement 2008).

Due to widespread destruction of human habi-tat, providing permanent shelter to the homelessconstitutes an important portion of the post-disasterreconstruction budget. How this budget is appor-tioned between the various reconstruction projectsand which procurement method is opted fordepends on government policies and fundingagency contracts. For example, the World Bank wasone of the international agencies that providedfunding to the Turkish government for post-earth-quake housing reconstruction in Kocaeli, in 1999.According to Ganapati and Ganapati (2009: 42,49), although the terms and conditions of theWorld Bank’s loan contract supported public par-ticipation in the reconstruction project it was limitedto the participation of the beneficiaries in the dis-cussions only and their feedback was not evenincorporated into the housing plans. As the authorspoint out, the perspectives of the disaster victims areimportant and are at the core of public participa-tion; yet they receive only cursory attention in offi-cial reports; perhaps due to a sense of urgency,concern for cost effectiveness and inflexible termsand conditions of the loan.

Turkish law defines three types of procurementmethods for providing post-disaster housing: con-tractor-driven, funding agency-driven and owner-driven approaches (applying the terminology devel-oped by Barenstein 2006). However, decision-mak-ing in the post-disaster context is not easy, and thechoice of approaches often falls back on routinesand their repetition.

If the contractor-driven approach (referred to asthe “tendering-procedure” in Turkish law) is adopt-

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ed, the procedures follow the classical process oftwo-step procurement: contractors are pre-quali-fied, invited to tender and the lowest conformingtender is selected. This procedure is advantageousfor contractors as it allows them to demand a price-hike under the inflation clause.

If the funding agency-driven approach is adopt-ed, the government agency not only provides thefunding, construction materials and technical guid-ance for the project but also institutes a specialcommittee that oversees the work undertaken bythe (usually) small contractors. This procedure isadopted only if the work is not profitable enough toattract large contractors to bid for the project.

In contrast to these two procedures which bothcorrespond to the top-down approach, the owner-driven procedure is an example of the bottom-upapproach. Here the home owners who are the pro-ject beneficiaries are provided with funds to repairor reconstruct their houses in accordance withArticle 44 (Regulations on allocation of post-disas-ter rebuilding funds to disaster victims, 1970).According to this regulation the Ministry of PublicWorks and Settlement (MPWS) provides auditedassistance, in the form of technical supervision, andhouse re-building loans to disaster victims whohave earned the status of beneficiaries. A part ofthis assistance may be provided in the form of con-struction material and the rest in cash. Periodic pay-ments are released at various stages of completionafter the approval of the Ministry’s technical teamthat is monitoring the progress of the constructionworks.

It should be noted here that the amount offunding per unit provided to contractor- or agency-driven projects exceeds that provided to beneficia-ries for their owner-driven projects. For example, inKocaeli, the Ministry floated tenders for centrallyheated PDH measuring 99m2 at an estimated costof 12 billion Turkish Liras (TL) per unit (20,000 USDin April 2000); while the Prime-ministry estimatedthe cost of an 80m2 PDH unit, without a heatingsystem, to be 14,000USD. Meanwhile, the amountof loan provided to owner-driven projects was only6 billion Turkish Liras (10,000 USD) per unit,regardless of the size of the PDH or its heating sys-tem (T.C Sayistay Baskanligi 2003:8-9)

Although, construction companies can claiman increase in their costs on the basis of current

inflation rates; this difference is not paid to owner-driven projects. For instance in Kocaeli, the con-tractors had initially agreed to build the PDH unitfor 9.6 billion TL (16,000USD) but later theyclaimed an extra 900 million TL due to price infla-tion, thereby increasing the cost of the PDH unitfrom 9.6 to 10.5 billion TL. Whereas the beneficia-ries had to make do with the fixed amount of 6 bil-lion TL only (T.C Sayistay Baskanligi, 2003:52).

RESEARCH SCOPE AND OBJECTIVES

The aim of this study was to analyze and comparethe top-down and bottom-up approaches adoptedfor procuring post-disaster housing in rural areas ofTurkey. To this end it was necessary to first under-stand how the procurement procedures fit into theoverall strategic planning for post-disaster recon-struction and then to determine the various stepstaken in the two approaches. In 2005, researchwas undertaken in the villages of Cankiri, where theowner-driven model was used for the constructionof post-disaster houses; this model was based onthe bottom-up approach. Hence, to compare it withone based on the top-down approach a somewhatsimilar field survey was done in the villages of Dinar,in 2008; where the contractor-driven ex-nihilomodel had been used.

Interviews were first conducted with 11 officialsof the General Directorate of Disaster Affairs(GDDA) and MPWS to collect information on post-disaster reconstruction and the housing procure-ment methods. Details on the tendering procedurefor the top-down contractor-driven project in Dinarwere obtained from one of the builders of the post-disaster houses in that region; and information onthe bottom-up owner-driven housing projects wassolicited from the headmen of the 9 quake affectedvillages in Cankiri. Finally, regulations on housingprocurement methods were studied and a flowchartwas prepared linking strategic planning of recon-struction projects with the post-disaster housingprocurement procedures. In this diagram (shown inFigure 1) recommendations based on the findingsof the research have also been integrated.

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Nese Dikmen, Soofia Tahira Elias-Ozkan, Colin DavidsonSTRATEGIC PLANNING OF POST-DIS-

ASTER RECONSTRUCTION PROJECTSIN TURKEY

In order to understand the difference between thetop-down and bottom-up approaches adopted forprocuring post-disaster housing in Turkey, it isessential to analyze them as part of a strategic planfor post-disaster reconstruction projects. Figure 1shows the various steps taken in the aftermath of adisaster, beginning with a rapid initial assessment ofthe situation followed by emergency aid consistingof rescue operations and meeting immediate needsof the disaster victims -- including the establishmentof communication networks and safety in the area.Then, a detailed assessment of loss of life andproperty is made and the number of homeless andtheir housing needs are identified. The disaster areais cleared of any dangerously damaged buildingsand reconstruction work begins, either in the samearea or at a different location depending on the sit-uation on the ground. Although reconstructionwork entails repair and rebuilding of both infra-structure and buildings in the disaster area, thispaper focuses specifically on post-disaster housingreconstruction in rural areas.

A post-disaster housing project is plannedaccording to the number of beneficiaries and theirrequirements, and a decision is made as to its loca-tion and the procurement method; i.e. top-down orbottom-up. If a top-down approach is to be adopt-ed then the PDH design is selected from one of thestandard plans approved by the Ministry and theconstruction work can be started by a turn-key con-tractor or the funding agency. On the other hand,a bottom-up approach delegates much of theresponsibility to the beneficiaries of the reconstruc-tion project. Detailed steps followed in eitherapproaches are presented in the abovementionedflow chart, which was prepared according to infor-mation gathered through interviews with the gov-ernment officials and the beneficiaries. This figurealso illustrates possible measures for improvingeither approach by integrating the participatoryprocess, as recommended at the conclusion of thisstudy.

TOP-DOWN APPROACH TO POST-DIS-EASTER HOUSING PROCUREMENT :THE CASE OF D INAR

An earthquake of magnitude 5.9 on the Richterscale shook Dinar and neighboring districts ofAfyonkarahisar province, on the 1st of October1995. Consequently, 2,473 houses were severelydamaged, 1,218 houses were moderately dam-aged and 2,076 houses were slightly damaged.

In the aftermath of the disaster, initial damageand needs were assessed and the disaster victimswere provided with tents, blankets and food,accordingly. Later, the GDDA completed thedetailed damage assessment and identified thenumber of heavily-, moderately- and slightly- dam-aged properties and the number of beneficiaries ofthe reconstruction project. The Ministry decided toprovide loans to repair the moderately damagedhouses and to construct new PDH for owners ofseverely damaged houses. Meanwhile, all benefi-ciaries were to be housed in temporary housing aslong as repair and reconstruction works continued.

The Ministry opted for a top-down contractor-driven approach and floated tenders for the pro-curement of new PDH in the disaster area. Four-storey apartment buildings were to be constructedfor beneficiaries in the urban areas, while in ruralareas, where empty land was abundantly available,detached houses more in keeping with the rurallifestyle were to be built. It was also considered pru-dent to relocate those rural settlements which hadsuffered colossal damage due to their proximity tothe fault-line. The GDDA team scoured the area forappropriate locations for new settlements near theoriginal villages and the village headmen wereconsulted in this regard.

Earlier, in 1983, the Ministry had commissionedstandard PDH designs for urban and rural areas inthe four climatic regions of Turkey. Some of thesehouses were designed as single and some as dou-ble-storied structures with covered areas rangingfrom 65 to 85m2 depending on the number ofbedrooms (2 or 3). Houses designed for rural areasalso incorporated barns under the house or next toit (T.C. Bayindirlik ve Iskan Bakanligi, 1984). Onlyone of these readymade standard PDH plans, con-sisting of a single-story and having a covered areaof 76.61 m2, was chosen for construction in the vil-

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lages of Dinar. The quake-hit settlements wereexamined and a decision was made to relocate vil-lages that were exposed to future earthquake risks.The mukhtar i.e. the village headman was consult-ed on the new location for the PDH. and the hous-ing project was built at a distance from the originalsettlement, on more stable ground.

Information on funding agencies or the termsand conditions of their loans could not be obtainedfrom the interviewees; hence, it can only be

assumed that the reason for selecting a standarddesign and adopting the top-down approach inDinar were the same as those quoted by Ganapatiand Ganapati (2009) for the World Bank fundedprojects in Kocaeli.

The tender for turn-key construction projects inthe affected villages was floated and constructioncompanies with previous experience in PDH pro-jects were selected, through a pre-qualificationprocess, to tender individually for each group of

Figure 1. Correspondence between satisfaction level and renovation done

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Nese Dikmen, Soofia Tahira Elias-Ozkan, Colin Davidsonhousing. The Ministry awarded the work to more

than 10 construction companies with the lowestbids and the construction started in 1996. TheMinistry inspected the construction works at variousstages for conformity with the architectural andengineering plans and the site-specific require-ments before releasing the payments due at thesestages. The project progressed smoothly and thehouses were completed within one year, as per con-tract, and handed over to the beneficiaries. As iscustomary, the last payment to the builders washeld back to be released after one year of occupa-tion of the houses by the beneficiaries; in case anyproblems or faults appeared in the construction thatneeded rectification by the builders.

BOTTOM-UP A PPROACH TO POST -DISEASTER HOUSING PROCUREMENT:THE CASE OF ÇANKIRI

On 6th of June 2000 an earthquake of magnitude5.9 on the Richter scale shook the Orta district inCankiri and the surrounding villages. The resultingdevastation was especially concentrated in the ruralarea encompassing 9 villages (Demirtas et al.2000:1-2). According to the records of the GDDA,1,892 houses were demolished or heavily dam-aged, 184 were moderately-damaged and 2,440houses were slightly damaged.

When the disaster occurred, the initial damageassessment was done by official teams and theimmediate needs of the disaster victims, such astents, blankets and food were met. Later, the GDDAand the MPWS completed the damage assessmentsurvey and determined the number and types ofhousing units required as well as the number ofbeneficiaries of the project to whom house-buildingloans would be granted.

The Ministry started the reconstruction project inthe disaster area, within the self-build paradigmand decided to provide house building loans topeople whose houses were demolished or heavilydamaged. In the year 2000, interest free loans of 5billion TL (8,300 USD) were provided to each ben-eficiary with a payback period of 20 years. The fol-lowing year, house building loans of 6 billion TL(10,000 USD) with the same repayment plan wereprovided to beneficiaries who had not been able to

get the loan earlier.Consequently, 1,221 permanent post-disaster

houses were constructed in 69 villages and districtsof Çankiri province. Three types of PDH weredesigned by a private firm for the reconstructionproject initiated by the Ministry. These houses, withareas of 73.68 m2, 84.71 m2 and 103.75 m2respectively, were to be constructed with brickmasonry walls, reinforced concrete structure and atiled timber roof. Beneficiaries who did not likethese standard designs had the option to get theirhouses custom designed by architects of theirchoice. It should be noted that the amount of loanwas fixed and independent of the size of the pro-posed house.

The GDDA Construction Supervision Unit inOrta, was established specifically for the recon-struction project in the area. This unit was responsi-ble for approving the custom designs, monitoringthe construction works and releasing the loan pay-ments to the beneficiaries according to the com-pleted stages of construction. Most of the houseswere completed by the year 2003.

Interviews conducted with beneficiaries residingin the affected villages of Cankiri revealed that sev-eral problems had been encountered during theimplementation phase of the owner-build project.In accordance with the owner-driven approach thegovernment had sanctioned an interest-free loan tothe beneficiaries, allowed them to select their houseplans, choose their own contractors or builders andmanage their construction project themselves. Theloan installments were handed over at predefinedstages to the beneficiary who in turn paid theirbuilders.

This procedure gave rise to three importantproblems; the first was related to costs, the secondto building material and the third to management.It is a recognized fact that mass- or serial-produc-tion is more cost effective than one-off productions.Not surprisingly, since each unit of accommodationin Cankiri was produced one by one by individualowners, it resulted in higher unit costs. The secondproblem was related to the unavailability of con-struction material in the villages: the beneficiarieshad to bring it from unknown retailers in neighbor-ing towns; the added time and cost increased thetotal cost. The third problem was related to thehome owners’ lack of construction management

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abilities: the beneficiaries did not have adequateknowledge and experience on how building workshould proceed and when to provide which build-ing material; they either spent more than the allo-cated loan on the material by choosing compara-tively expensive alternatives or by over-ordering.Some beneficiaries used part of the loan to employexperts to help them, when they realized that theydid not have enough knowledge and experience oncontracting issues. Due to these problems, eitherthe construction period was extended or the moneyran out before the house was completed. As aresult, much of the construction took about 2 yearsto complete whereas several houses could not evenbe finished.

COMPAR I SON OF TWO POST -D I S -EASTER HOUS ING PROCUREMENTMETHODS

The research indicates that the reconstruction pro-ject in Dinar was carried out systematically and inconformity with the regulations, and permanenthouses were completed within one year, as stipulat-ed. No failure or interruption was experienced inthe “contractor-driven” top-down approach adopt-ed by the state. On the other hand, in Cankiriwhere the “owner-driven” bottom-up approach wasadopted, the construction period for the houseswas longer and at times had to be extended due toproblems encountered by the beneficiaries. Theseproblems stemmed from the beneficiaries’ lack ofknowledge and experience in terms of finding asuitable builder for the construction works, enteringinto a contract, procuring the right amount andquality of material at the right time and generallymanaging a construction project.

As post-disaster houses in Dinar were mass pro-duced by private construction companies who hadprior experience of building PDH and also haddependable material suppliers the actual cost ofconstruction was the same as that estimated andfell within the budget. On the other hand, the costsof the post-disaster houses in Cankiri were higherthan estimated due to their customized designs,which were comparatively larger than standardunits for which the loans were provided. Also, thenon-existence of building material suppliers in the

villages forced the beneficiaries to travel long dis-tances to procure material from unknown suppliers;thus adding further to the total cost.

Looking beyond these contractual considera-tions, when the Dinar and Cankiri projects arecompared, the interesting differences are found toreside principally in the place allowed for user-par-ticipation in the process, with long term conse-quences. The beneficiaries in Dinar did not have asay in the design selected for the PDH as theMinistry chose a single house type to be built by allthe construction companies in the area. Whereas,in Cankiri, beneficiaries were given the option tohave custom designs built in case they did notchoose one of the three standard housing designsprovided by the Ministry.

Based on the findings of this research, the pos-itive and negative aspects of the top-down and bot-tom-up approaches to post-disaster housing pro-curement methods (i.e. contractor-driven approachin Dinar and owner-driven approach in Cankiri) arepresented in Table 1 below. When the two methodswere compared, the top-down approach wasfound to be more positive in terms of selection ofand control over the building contractors and thecost and duration of the project; in short, in termsof project management. On the other hand, thebottom-up approach was found to be more positivein terms of user participation and diversity in hous-ing types.

Though the top-down approach is more con-venient in post-disaster reconstruction projects inrural areas from the point of view of project man-agement; user-satisfaction is also of paramountimportance in the success of a project. If the bene-ficiaries are not satisfied with any aspect of the PDHproject it is not easy to persuaded them to moveinto the new housing. There are many examples ofPDH lying vacant because the beneficiaries werenot satisfied with their design, facilities or location;as, for example, in the case of Gujarat (Barenstein2006). In the long term, an inadequate fit betweenthe beneficiaries’ way of life and the accommoda-tion provided them will entail social costs that placea burden on public finances (Dikmen 2010).

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CONCLUSION

In this paper, an example each of the bottom-upand top down approaches is described, based onfield studies; the comparison highlights the need formore flexible models of the reconstruction process.The rural lifestyle and economy calls for differentspaces and their arrangement within and withoutthe dwellings, such as barns, bread ovens and foodstorage. A failure to cater to these needs within theframework of the reconstruction project will lead tothe PDH being abandoned, sooner or later. Thiswould be tantamount to the failure of the projectand a failed project means a waste of resourceswhich cannot be justified to the public at large.

As usual in the field of building and construc-tion, the fundamental question concerns selectingthe priorities for reconstruction projects and decid-ing who determines them. To what degree are con-struction-convenience and associated cost savingsmore important than variety of housing types andthe fit with user requirements? In other words, is itbetter to build more cheaply and provide housingfor more beneficiaries or to build, at greater cost,houses that are adapted to their occupants’ life-styles?

Another important issue concerns the beneficia-ries’ capabilities. Within the objective of empower-ing the beneficiary, is he or she being placed in asituation where delegated responsibility requiresmore skills than he or she can have? Does he orshe know how to recognize what user requirementsare and how to ensure that they are provided?

There is no standard response to such ques-tions, if only because of the unavoidable impact oflocal traditions and cultural norms. Nevertheless,findings of the two post-disaster housing case-stud-ies persuade us that the sustainability of a recon-struction project in rural areas can be ensured ifcertain precautions are taken in both procurementmethods. It is recommended that a bottom-upapproach be adopted to improve the success rateof the project; although, this is not always possiblewhen the funding agency cannot be convinced ofits advantages. Hence, if a top-down procurementapproach cannot be avoided then the followingprecautions are recommended:• Involve all parties in decision making processesrelated to the housing project• Incorporate the requirements and lifestyle of thebeneficiaries in the design brief of the housing unit• Respect the opinions of the beneficiaries with

Table 1. Importance placed on the various aspects of renovation

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regard to the location and design of the project• Consider the climate and topography of theproject location in the architectural design as wellas in the site layout• Ensure the continuity of cultural and historicalheritage of the area and its people.

In the case of a bottom-up approach, followingadditional precautions are recommended:• Provide technical assistance to the beneficiaryand not just check the progress of the constructionworks to release payments• Either provide the construction material as partof the aid or help establish a building materials out-let in the village that carries standard quality mate-rial and fittings• Assess the skills and abilities of the beneficiariesand provide on-site training to those who can takepart in the management or construction teams witha little guidance.• Encourage active participation of the beneficia-ries in all stages of the building work to ensurefinancial and psychological benefits.• Provide extra funding to counter price hikes dueto inflation.

REFERENCES

http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/disaster, accessed

on 15.0.2011

BARAKAT S. 2003, Housing reconstruction after conflict and

disaster, Humanitarian Practice Network, O.D.I. Network Paper

43. Humanitarian Practice Network, Overseas Development

Institute, London, www.odihpn.org.

BARENSTEIN J.D. 2006, Housing reconstruction in post-earth-

quake Gujarat: a comparative analysis, Paper No. 54,

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aIF Research Group, University of Montreal, C.P. 6128Main Post Office, Montreal, Quebec H3C3J7, CanadabDepartment of Architecture, Suleyman DemirelUniversity, 32260, Isparta, TurkeycDepartment of Architecture, Middle East TechnicalUniversity, 06531, Ankara, Turkey* Corresponding author

Jieheerah Yun

Abstract

Regenerated hanoks, Korean-style vernacular houses in Bukchon (North Village) of Seoul, have been celebratedas the successful examples of a hybrid dwelling integrating modern facilities in a traditional house form. Whilethe modernization project during the postwar era encouraged South Koreans to live in high rise apartments,hanoks became one of the alternative residential options as urban forest of concrete high rises were perceived tobe aesthetically unappealing as well as ecologically unsustainable. Hopes are high that remodeled hanoks canameliorate not only dreary urban landscape but over-competitive and harsh everyday life conditions.

While preservation guidelines for regenerated hanoks provide residents with a possible stylistic model, itbecomes questionable whether they are viable solutions given the proliferation of structures which seeminglyadhere to the guidelines without considering local urban context. By pointing out the difference between thepreservation guideline and its real life manifestations, this paper illustrates how imagined aspect of the vernacu-lar architecture takes precedence over the experiential aspect. In this process of selective appropriation, variousvernacular housing types are flattened into a standardized representation of upper class dwellings. This articleconcludes that it is possible to bring diversity by encouraging flexible interpretations of vernacular architecture andincorporation of residents’ memories in the design process.

Keywords: Vernacular House, Technology, Community Development, Historical Preservation, Tradition.

REMODELLING OF THE VERNACULAR IN BUKCHONHANOKS

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INTRODUCTION

Under the influence of the critical re-evaluation ofurban renewal and modernist planning principles,conservation and adaptive reuse of traditionalbuildings have become more attractive. While mostof the conserved structures had been mostly histor-ically significant artifacts representing “high cul-ture”, preservationists and practitioners began to beconcerned about insufficient attention given to thepreservation of vernacular architecture (Wyatt1986). Especially in Third World countries withexperiences of condensed modernization process,there is added urgency to develop a new prototypewhich integrates technology in vernacular houseform to counter the dominance of nondescript con-crete boxes for living. This paper examines theregeneration of hanok, Korean-style house, inBukchon – meaning North Village - of Seoul as anexample of such attempt to integrate the old andthe new.

Effort to remodel deteriorating hanok to restorehistoricity of Seoul was materialized in the BukchonHanok Regeneration Project in 2000, whichreceived UNESCO Asia-Pacific Heritage Award in2009. Although many architects argue that livingin remodeled hanok can be as convenient as apart-ment complex, the popular notion was that living inhanok can be quite inconvenient, given the difficul-ty of maintenance and high construction cost.Therefore, the project put forward plans to providefinancial aid to those remodeling or constructingnew hanoks in the area. After the initiation of theproject, there has been a surge of interests inremodeling hanok in various cases including resi-dential and commercial structures. In the regenera-tion project, engineers, architects, and local gov-ernment cooperated together to formulate designguidelines designed to maintain the traditionalambience of the area while allowing some leveragefor residents to make necessary repairs. Despiteraising awareness of the potential of vernacular

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architecture, the project also brought out conflictswhen various cases of unorthodox constructionsfailed to consider local urban conditions whileseemingly adhering to the design guidelines.Although design guidelines were formulated pri-marily as a possible stylistic model, its large scaleapplication can generate unintended conse-quences. The case of Bukchon illustrates that objec-tive of preservation plan cannot be achieved whenlack of experiential aspect of a vernacular houseresults in the standardized design guidelines.

B UK CHO N AND DE F IN I T IO N O FHANOK

Bukchon, located in the historical center of Seoul,refers to an area between Gyeongbokgung andChangdeokgung palace complexes (Fig 1).Positioned between the two palace complexes, itpresented an attractive residential option accordingto Feng Shui principle. Natural landscape of the vil-lage was superior to other residential quarters inSeoul at the time. Located on a higher terrain far-ther away from the Cheonggye River, the area wasnot only safe from occasional eruptions but boast-ed a beautiful view of Bukak Mountain. Living inBukchon also presented socio-political advantages.It was a desirable residential quarter for high offi-

cials of the literati class since its proximity to themonarch meant more political opportunities(Hwang 2005). Concentration of vernaculardwellings in the area has prompted the city govern-ment to describe the area as “street museum in theunban core” on the official website of the village(Seoul Metropolitan Government 2009).

Hanok, which literally means Korean-stylehouse, commonly refers to various traditionalKorean dwellings. Architectural characteristics ofhanok include impermanence of materials andmodular spatial organization. Stones were rarelyused except for foundation of sites. Use of wood,tiles, and other impermanent material meant thatreplacements had to be made regularly. Forinstance, the tiled roof has to be replaced every 20to 40 years while other materials such as thatched-roofs require shorter replacement time of one ortwo years. When a structure was destroyed by a fireor a war, destroyed components were replaced withnew materials while intact parts were recycled.Today many centuries-old Buddhist temples arerepository of rich construction histories with layers ofmeanings attached to each building part.

Spatial unit of hanok is called Khan (間), whichrefers to the space in-between two columns. Theconcept of khan was applicable to both length andarea. For instance, if a building measures 3 khansby 2 khans, it has an area of 6 khans. The conceptdiffers from a room in Western houses - anenclosed area with walls - since in hanok a roomcan be made up of different numbers of khan.Such modular organization of hanok meant therewas more flexibility.

Despite such shared characteristics, there werewide variations of hanok according to socio-eco-nomic classes and regions. Typical upper classhouses in the late Chosun Dynasty were composedof Sarang and Ahn compounds. While Sarangcompound consisting of study and a receptionroom represented the “male” part of household,Ahn compound - literally meaning “inside” – repre-sented “female” part of the household reserved forprivate matters. Upper class residences also fea-tured a separate quarter near the main gatereserved for servants to answer the visitor’s call aswell as tending household animals. In addition, anextra space dedicated to ancestor worship wasneeded in order to uphold filial duties specified in

Figure 1. Map of Old Seoul, the circle and text added by the author. Source: (Gale 1901)

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Confucius ethics. Since wooden post and beam houses were

costly due to scarcity of materials, most commonerschose thatched roof houses since rice straw, thematerial for thatched-roof, was relatively accessiblein agricultural regions (Fig 2). Thatched-roofs pre-sented other advantages such as natural ventilationand moisture control. In other regions with lessarable fields, different local materials were used.For instance, vernacular dwellings in mountainousKangwon province use barks of oak trees as roof-ing material instead of glazed tiled roofs. In theisland of Cheju, basalt rocks make up thefence/outer walls of the house compound. Basaltrocks, common in the volcanic island, help reducethe intensity of strong ocean breeze while at thesame time protecting the courtyard from intrusionsof livestock.

Despite the presence of diverse prototypes, it iseasier to grasp the notion of hanok when it is imag-ined as the opposite of contemporary dwellings.Although the form of hanok implies the timelessaccumulation of ancient building traditions, theterm itself is new. The term hanok was included inKorean dictionaries in the middle of the 1970s in

order to distinguish traditional houses from Westernstyle houses (Kim 2003). Although the vernacularbuilt forms associated with hanok were not “invent-ed traditions” (Hobsbawm & Ranger 1983) sincethey were not factitious rituals, the act of lumpingthem together to create a new category of hanokwas based upon their affiliation with the “imaginedcommunity” of the Korean nation-state (Anderson1983). Thus, despite existence of countless varietiesof Korean vernacular dwellings, the term Hanokbecomes operable by invoking a common heritageshared by ethic-Koreans.

HANOK AS THE IMAGINED VERNACULAR

There exists no consensus with regard to what con-stitutes a vernacular house. The term vernaculararchitecture is defined by a set of “attributes of tra-ditionality” (Rapoport 1989), “participation,engagement, and an egalitarian political ethic”(Glassie 1990), and “transmission of tradition”(Oliver 1989). While the commonly held notion ofa vernacular house associates the term with tradi-tional forms, a vernacular house does not neces-sarily exclude modern elements. Habraken wenteven further, by noting that there exists no funda-mental discord between mass produced compo-nents and vernacular building system (Habraken1985). Implicit design principles of traditionalhanoks bear many things in common with those ofOpen Building movement, which promotes adapt-ability over time and a higher level of user control(Open Building Foundation 1991). In the case ofhanok, such high level of ambiguity is confoundedsince the very nature of hanok construction neces-sitates replacement of materials. Impermanence ofmaterial is one of the characteristics of hanok, mak-ing its regeneration not an exceptional event butever recurring routines to be dealt with. In such acontext, the concept of preservation becomesobscure since replaced parts, which reflect devel-oping technologies, inevitably introduce altered fla-vors. Thus, instead of dichotomous relationshipbetween the vernacular and the contemporary, thispaper takes the definition of the vernacular as bothimagined and real experiences of traditionallifestyle regardless of what material it utilizes. The

Figure 2. From top, Bark-roof hanok in KangwonProvince: Hanok in Cheju Island with basalt rock walls.Source: From the top, (Sin 2000), (Society of HanokGonggan 2004).

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case of Bukchon represents the process whichimaginative component dominates over the experi-ential one, at least partly due to the way preserva-tion guidelines are formulated.

How regenerated hanoks are imagined to bevernacular can be glimpsed from the portrayal ofhanok in various popular media. One of the factorsbehind the recent surge of “Hanok Renaissance” isa mounting criticism toward the monotonous anddull urban landscape of Seoul, or “apartmentforests,” consisting of endless rows of rectangularconcrete boxes. In contrast to aesthetically unap-pealing and ecologically unsustainable concreteboxes, remodeled hanoks (Fig 3) were hailed asexamples of more balanced and responsiblelifestyle.

For instance, portrayal of residences in remod-eled hanoks, reflected in popular magazines andnewspaper, hinges upon the idea of dialecticsbetween two opposing forces such as material andimmaterial, technology and spiritual, fast pacedurban life and leisurely slowness. Despite residualimpressions of hanok’s incommodiousness, popu-lar media introduced interviews with the residents ofremodeled hanok to illustrate that living in urbanhanok is not as radical as it seems. Simplicity gen-erated by structural characteristic of Hanok isappreciated as embodying an aesthetic of empti-ness. The lack of color and absence of decorationin paper screen walls and doors have been hailedas reflecting the core Taoist belief in “non-action”.Instead, features of natural beauty were framed ina very purposeful way, by surrounding it with empti-ness and accentuating it. Too much artificiality orconstruction is discouraged as interfering with med-itation. Such harmonious coexistence of design andnon-design within architectural language of hanok

was praised as a philosophical statement which“simultaneously sought to overcome the limits ofartificiality and inactivity” (Kim & Kwan 2004: 7).

While minimalist aesthetics believed to beinherent in traditional built forms are understood asthe alternative to excessive intentionality, they arealso imagined to possess a moral dimension.Simplicity as a rejection of extravagance is “anexpression of elite literati’s philosophy emphasizinggraceful and restrained lifestyle rather than luxuri-ous or indulgent attitude” (Society of HanokGonggan 2004: 259). In a similar vein, willing-ness to put up with small inconveniences is cele-brated as an evidence of independence and men-tal fortitude. Maintenance of existing hanok struc-ture, not withstanding new construction, involvesmuch more work than living in an apartment com-plex with 24-hour security guard-cum-repairman.In other cases, new meaning is attached to morespecific architectural features previously regardedas irksome. A newspaper article introduced a jour-nal written by a mother who noted that while herchildren tripped at high door threshold in the begin-ning, they soon learned to avoid falling whichreminded her of an argument that living in hanok isconducive to cultivation of careful behavior (Kim2009). Although the high door threshold is notintended to promote careful behavior, it is imaginedto impregnate children with fastidiousness. Inanother case, handling paper sliding-doors, whichoften requires slow and careful maneuvers, is citedas an example which teaches the children to seek aroundabout solution rather than using a sheer force(Cho 2009: 21). Overcoming minute annoyance isrendered as heroic attempt to break out of banalmodern life enslaved by addiction to technology.

In addition to curing over-reliance on technolo-

Figure 3. Remodeled hanoks in Bukchon being used as modern art museum and galleries. Source: Author.

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gy, living in hanok is imagined to promote socialinteractions among residents. Hanok’s associationwith pre-industrial mode of living has generatedexpectation that open spatial layout of hanok willstrengthen social ties among neighbors. InsookPark, who currently manages hanok accommoda-tion in Bukchon, noted that one of the reasons shemoved to hanok was because of her childhoodmemory of affectionate village community (Oh2009). Another resident explained that their deci-sion to move to Hanok was made after he saw thesketch of his child depicting his home. The child’sportrayal of his home as a cold concrete boxalarmed him enough to decide to move. It is fearedthat while the older generation can retain somememory of idyllic traditional life, younger genera-tions would never experience the sense of commu-nity if they continued to live in high-rise apartments.

However, residence in hanok does not guaran-tee tightened social relationship among neighbors,let alone the rest of traditional lifestyles. While theprocess of imagining traditional value is the impor-tant aspect of vernacular house, such spiritualdimension is not reflected in the actual lived expe-riences. Contrary to the belief that the value of eliteliterati is inherent in hanok, many contemporary

urban hanoks in Bukchon are designed to supportaffluent contemporary upper class lifestyle.

PRESERVAT ION DES IGN GUIDEL INE

Close association between hanok and upper classlifestyle can be glimpsed in the repair standardjointly prepared by the city government and HAUDArchitects, Planners & Engineers. Since one of theaims of the Bukchon Regeneration Plan was histor-ical preservation, the city prepared repair guidelinewhich could prevent emergence of unconventionalhanoks. The repair standard only specified designguideline for tiled roof hanoks, with even more spe-cific guidelines for the treatment of outside wallsadjacent to streets. As such, it selectively appropri-ated and flattened various forms of hanok into stan-dardized type of historical upper class residence.According to the guideline, outside walls are to bedivided into three parts, with upper part consistingof paper screen windows and plasters, middle partbeing either red brick or cobble stone, and lowerpart consisting of larger granite stone. The result-ing façade is a fire wall composed of rustificatedstone base, brick, and plaster walls juxtaposedtogether. Such outside wall treatment is advanta-geous since it not only resists fire and water, butpossesses excellent insulation qualities.

Hanok depicted in the repair guideline (Fig 4)shows a wall with moderate height, with lower partof rustificated foundation occupying a small por-tion. According to the guideline, it is recommend-ed that the height of the outside wall is about themiddle height of neighboring wall, with the mainstructure of Hanok appearing over the wall (SeoulMetropolitan Government 2001). However, evenwhen guideline was meant to promote safety andcontextual conformity, architectural practices ofBukchon illustrate that they do not always corre-spond to the intentions of the design experts. Theguideline has been manipulated in several cases toraise the embankment in advance and enlarge thefoundation disproportionately to support poshlifestyles (Fig 5). Although most of the unorthodoxhanoks follow the tripartite wall composition depict-ed in the guideline, the proportions are negotiatedto accommodate built-in-garages.

Several newly constructed hanoks become

Figure 4. Repair Guideline showing elevation and per-spective drawing of remodeled hanok. Source: (SeoulMetropolitan Government 2001).

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fortress-like structures with a hint of traditional formsuch as tiled roofs. To a certain extent, such uncon-ventional treatment of façade is due to the crampedurban condition which does not allow enoughspace for a courtyard. Others note that urbanhanoks are fundamentally different from hanoks inthe earlier period since the prototype continues toadapt to the process of urbanization and industrial-ization. While this observation supports a more flex-ible interpretation of tradition, it alone cannotaccount for the stylistic uniformity in Bukchon.Notwithstanding the fact Bukchon was a popularresidential district for upper class literati, there wasno strict segregation according to class whichmeans that diverse house types co-existed. In fact,even during the Chosun Dynasty, numerous distinctvernacular dwelling types such as log cabins,thatched roof houses, and shingle-roofed houseswere common.

LOCAL URBAN CONDIT IONS

Despite relatively slower urban growth of historicalpart of Seoul, the area near Bukchon has seenmany commercial developments. For instance, fif-teen-story-high Hyundai Building, constructed in1986, abuts the edge of Bukchon (Fig. 6). Anotherlarge structure is the Constitutional Court, also con-structed in the 1980s causing demolition of oldhanoks in the area. Establishment of large com-mercial and governmental agencies prompteddevelopment of small businesses such as restau-rants and cafes. Recent designation of the area asa historical cultural district, where reconstruction ofmore than four stories is forbidden, has resulted in

a series of legal battles between corporations andthe city government. Spatial experience of the vil-lage is compounded by commercial developmentof Insadong, area south to the village famous fortraditional antique shops and art galleries. Spill-over developments from Insadong, another specialcultural district of Seoul, have permeated into theformerly quiet residential area. Surrounded by sitesof cultural heritage, the village is vulnerable tospeculation and gentrification.

What is noteworthy is that in this process of con-structing upper class dwellings with full amenities,conflicts between neighbors escalate. Although theuse of tiled roofs and wooden columns seems toshow attempts to blend into the neighborhood, it isclear that such gesture stops short of tokenism whenmassive wall and broadened road disrupt the tradi-tional relationship between hanok and streets. Theunconventional construction method produced fric-tion between the existing residents who sufferedfrom the high level of noise coming from the con-struction sites. Others observed the process of gen-trification when previous residents in Samchung-dong part of the village sold their houses to the richoutsiders after the sharp rise in land price (Lee2008). In addition, division between NGOs afterthe beginning of the regeneration project is pointedout as contributing to the process of community’sdisintegration (Lee 2006). Ironically, the effort torevitalize vernacular house form has resulted in per-verse transformation of hanok. At the same time,the dream of cultivating idyllic communitarianneighborhood proved premature when construc-tion of fortress-like hanok contributed to the con-flicts among residents.

Figure 5. Although contemporary hanoks in Bukchon maintain the tripartite wall composition described in the design guideline, they are far from the imagined lifestyle of restraint and simplicity. Source: Author.

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CONCLUSION:FUTURE OF HANOK

The future of urban hanok remains uncertain.Controversies surround the definition as well asscope of hanok. While the preservation guideline isdesigned to promote vernacular houses by inte-grating technology into traditional forms, they arenot effective in preventing cases which seeminglyadhere to guidelines without substantial considera-tion of local urban context. Ironically, efforts todevelop alternative housing type have producednegative externalities such as increased conflictsamong neighbors and gentrification. At the sametime, narrow definition of hanok in the guidelineencouraged stylistic uniformity.

However, urban hanoks do not have to remainas cultural artifacts to avoid becoming an excusefor new constructions of fortress-like villas. First, cur-rent definition of hanok in the guideline as “wood-en structure with tiled roof” has to be rearticulatedto allow flexible re-interpretation of vernacularhouse. Although intricate restoration guidelines aredesigned to prevent sprouting of unorthodox struc-tures, presence of fortress-hanoks illustrates thatsuch guidelines can be easily avoided. Rather, whatis needed is a greater level of participation by resi-

dent themselves in determining the type of a ver-nacular house they wish to build. As things standnow, residents have to resort to tiled roof hanok inorder to qualify for financial aid even if they wish tobuild different types. Considering that most ofKoreans had lived in thatched-roof houses, suchmeasure harms the preservation of diverse types ofvernacular houses. Other types of hanok such asthatched-roof structures and bark roofs should notbe excluded just because they present higher main-tenance work.

Second, incorporating resident’s memory of liv-ing in hanoks can supplement the lack of stylisticdiversity. When considering vernacular houseforms, various types of information such as informalcorrespondences should supplement formal docu-ments. Disproportionate reliance on formal docu-ments can lead to negative consequences.Currently, regenerated hanoks observing the aes-thetics of the guidelines stop short at replicating theexterior of traditional forms without considering theexperiential component. For instance, floor plansof remodeled hanoks show strict separation offunctions just like modernist apartment instead ofreflecting flexible utilization of space, which is themain characteristic of hanok. Although traditionalmulti-purpose spaces such as Daechung, mainfloored hall, replace living room in contemporaryhanok, strict functional differences among kitchen,bathroom, and bedroom remain.

Just as it is absurd to suggest that there is onesingle definition of a vernacular house, it is unrea-sonable to suggest that a priori category of hanokexists within Korean society. Hence, it is necessary torestore the balance between imagined and livedaspect of a vernacular house. Only tireless effort tointegrate diversity within the vernacular can bring ameaningful application of tradition in contemporarydwellings.

Figure 6. A View of Hyundai Building from the edge ofBukchon. Source: Author.

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Nezar Alsayyad and Jean-Paul Bourdier, eds. Dwellings,

Settlements and Tradition: Cross-Cultural Perspectives.

University Press of America, Lanham, Md.

SEOUL METROPOLITAN GOVERNMENT. 2001, Basic Plans

to Re-make Bukchon, Bukchon Gakkugi Gibon Gaehoek,

Seoul Development Institute, Seoul.

SEOUL METROPOLITAN GOVERNMENT,

Official Website of North Village

http://bukchon.seoul.go.kr/eng/index.jsp, accessed in 2009.

SIN, Y. 2000, Hanok We Must All Know, Uri ka Ch� ngmal

Araya hal uri Hanok, Hyeonamsa, Seoul.

SOCIETY OF HANOK GONGGAN. 2004, Cultural Space of

Hanok, Hanok ui Konggan Munhwa, Kimoonsa, Seoul.

WYATT, B. 1986, “The Challenge of Addressing Vernacular

Architecture in a State Historic Preservation Survey

Program”, Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture, Vol. 2.

Author’s Address:

Jieheerah Yun

338 Wurster Hall

University Of California,

Berkeley, Ca 94720-1820 USA

&

2601 Hill Top Drive,

#1325, San Pablo,

Ca 84806, USA

Khaled Galal Ahmed

Abstract

Most of the native citizens in the UAE live in public or private single-family houses. Given the tremendous cost ofdeveloping this type of housing and the inability of providing single-family houses to cover all the current andfuture needs for public housing, high-rise residential buildings seem to offer an alternative. But the question is;does this type of housing suit the local communities in the UAE, especially in light of the failure of the previouswestern experiences?. Through addressing this question, the research proposes an approach towards a commu-nity-oriented design for high-rise residential buildings in the UAE.

The research first investigated the reasons behind the community-relevant shortcomings of the traditionalhigh-rise residential developments in the West. Afterwards, it briefly reviewed the status quo of the community-rel-evant considerations in the design of the recently built high-rise residential buildings in the UAE, where it has beenfound that little concern has been devoted to the community needs. In an effort to find an answer to this prob-lem, the research examined four recent design experiences as examples for the current universal efforts to designcommunity-responsive high-rise residential developments. Some conceptual approaches were derived from theseexperiences that are envisaged to help reach an approach for the case of the UAE. Nonetheless, because of theunique social and cultural traits of the UAE native society one cannot rely on these global conceptual approach-es alone. Instead, the research proposes an approach that, while benefiting from the relevant global experiences,is chiefly pivoted on the vertical reconfiguration of the idea of the ‘fareej’ as the smallest unit in the residentialurban context both traditionally and in the future official urban plans in the UAE.

Keywords: fareej, high-rise, residential, community, UAE.

A ‘FAREEJ-IN-THE-SKY’: TOWARDS A COMMUNITY-ORIENTED DESIGN FOR HIGH-RISE RESIDENTIALBUILDINGS IN THE UAE

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arch 2012 A ‘Fareej-in-the-Sky’: Towards a Com

munity-oriented Design...

1. INTRODUCTION

Although there is no precise definition that is uni-versally accepted, the high-rise structures are gen-erally defined as structures over 10 or more storieshigh (Wener and Carmalt 2006). EmporisStandards (2010) defines a high-rise building as astructure whose architectural height is between 35and 100 meters. On the other hand, there is agrowing debate about the ability of high-rise resi-dential buildings to accommodate the growingdemand for urban housing because, in many citiesof the world, space becomes ever scarcer and,hence, higher density inner city housing becomes apriority. Worldwide, a variety of high-rise housinghas been built. This ranged from the large publichousing estates in the 1960s and 1970s, to themore recent luxurious high-rises in up-market cen-tral districts. All current indications seem to point

towards the continued construction of high-rise res-idential buildings (Yuen 2005). It is argued that lux-urious, slender, sustainably developed, good quali-ty high-rise housing could provide a good livingenvironment (Bouw 2004) and it is believed thathigh-density vertical communities are the most sus-tainable living solution for the future (Jan and NorrGroup 2009). Baker (2010) stated the argument ofAntony Wood, the Urban Habitat executive directorthat, "It is only in the intensification of our cities andthe inclusion of mixed urban-public facilities in thesky that the true vibrant, dense cities of the futurecan be realized.”

Nonetheless, the world experience in the pastrevealed failure in accommodating communityneeds. In more recent Western cases, the commu-nity-relevant considerations of the design of thehigh-rise residential buildings have been compro-mised from the outset as the designers, in many

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edcases, have been exclusively occupied with func-tional issues, architectural features and/or energyconservation. Just to mention a few examples: 930Poydras Residential Tower, Louisiana, New Orleans,USA (Minner 2010), Residential Glass Tower, LosAngeles, USA (World Architecture News 2008) andTurning Torso Residential Tower, Malmö (DesignBuild Network 2010). Furthermore, the mainstreaminternational research about high-rise residentialbuildings is currently focusing on environmentalsustainability, with little concern about the commu-nity social and cultural aspects (see for example:Niu 2004, Lai and Yik 2009, Baldwin et al 2008,Guertler and Smith 2006). Wener and Carmalt(2006) add that there is limited research on humanbehavioral and social responses to issues of sus-tainability in buildings in general, and even less sofor high-rise buildings.

Led by multinational property developmentfirms such as Emmar, Al Dar and Nakheel, the UAEhas witnessed accelerated development of high-riseresidential buildings, albeit with a slower pace afterthe world economic crises in 2008. The shortage inthe number of housing units in the UAE which wasexpected to reach to 27900 units in 2010 (DED2010) increases the demand for high-rise residen-tial buildings. This need on the one hand, and thesocial failure of some world examples of high-riseresidential buildings coupled with the negligence ofthe social and cultural aspects in the contemporarydesigns of residential towers in the UAE, on theother hand, poses the research main question:“how can the design of high-rise residential build-ings in the UAE be more community-oriented?”. Inthis research community is defined according to theCambridge Dictionary (2011) as the people livingin one particular area or people who are consid-ered as a unit because of their common interests,social group or nationality. In this case, the UAEnative communities living, or would live, in high-riseresidential buildings are the target. Community-ori-ented design in this research means the designwhich considers the unique social, cultural, func-tional and environmental needs of the local com-munity for which it is going to be applied.

To tackle the research question, the researchbegins with a brief investigation for the reasonsbehind the societal failure of high-rise residentialbuildings in the West. Then, the research undertook

a brief review of the status quo of community-rele-vant dimensions in the design of high-rise residen-tial buildings in the UAE. Afterwards, the researchexamined some recent different design initiatives forachieving community-oriented design in this type ofhousing through four approaches in different partsof the world. Based on both the lessons learnt fromthese global initiatives and the local dimensions ofhousing design in the UAE, especially the fareej tra-ditional housing pattern, a new theoretical frame-work that might contribute to realizing the needs ofthe native UAE communities is proposed. Theadopted method of the research is mainly qualita-tive and relied on the analysis of the community-rel-evant issues in the design of high-rise residentialbuildings. Case studies were utilized, when rele-vant, especially in investigating the societal failureof the high-rise residential developments and therecent approaches about community-relevantaspects in the design of them.

2. COMMUNITY-RELEVANT PROBLEMSOF THE DES IGN OF HIGH-RISE RES I-DENTIAL BU ILDINGS

In general, the community-relevant problems asso-ciated with the past experience of high-rise residen-tial developments, especially in the West, includedchildren’s safety, crime, depersonalized livingspaces and phobias (Yuen 2005). A clear examplefor those problems is the St. Louis's Pruitt-Igoe high-rise development. Pruitt-Igoe, completed in 1956,followed the planning principles of Le Corbusierand the International Congress of ModernArchitects, in keeping the grounds and the first floorfree for community activity. "A river of trees" was toflow under the buildings. Each building was givencommunal corridors on every third floor to house alaundry, a communal room, and a garbage roomthat contained a garbage chute. Unfortunately, theriver of trees soon became a sewer of glass andgarbage. The mailboxes on the ground floor werevandalized. The corridors, lobbies, elevators andstairs were dangerous places to walk. Theybecame covered with graffiti and littered withgarbage and human waste. In 1972, after spend-ing more than $5 million in vain to cure the prob-lems at Pruitt-Igoe, the St. Louis Housing Authority

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demolished three of the high-rise buildings. A yearlater, in concert with the U.S. Department ofHousing and Urban Development, it declaredPruitt-Igoe unsalvageable and razed the remainingbuildings (Newman 1996). The idea of adoptinghigh-rise residential development from the outsethas been blamed as a cause for this failure.Hoffman (2007) mentioned that one popular theo-ry blames Le Corbusier, and his influential concep-tion of a modernist city of high-rises.

Lack of security, according to Neman (1996), isa persistent social problem associated with high-rise residential buildings. He claims that the place-ment of the high-rise towers on the interior groundsusually produces a system of off-street parking andaccess paths to the building that involves manyturns and blind corners. Therefore, residents in suchdevelopments will suffer from the dangers of walk-ing into the grounds to get to their buildings atnight. The outside grounds, because of their disas-sociation from any of the individual units can onlybe designated as public. The grounds of the devel-opment that abut the sidewalks are also public,and, consequently, so are the sidewalks and streets.All the grounds of high-rise residential buildingsmust be maintained by management and patrolledby a hired security force. The city streets and side-walks, in turn, must be maintained by the city sani-tation department and patrolled by city police.Furthermore, Newman indicated that among thephysical factors, which contribute to crime rates, isthe building height or the number of units per entrythat affects the ability of residents to control theirenvironment. He explains that the higher crimerate, usually experienced by residents in large mul-tifamily dwellings, is mostly attributable to theoccurrence of robberies in the interior common-cir-culation areas of multifamily buildings. Smith(2007) argues that when the public space isenclosed such as in an elevator, a stairwell, or along high-rise corridor an unsafe environment iscreated.

Complexity and anonymity of the housing envi-ronment have been also considered as factors con-tributing to the societal problems of the design. Insuch a housing environment it is more difficult for acode of behavior following societal norms tobecome established among residents (Newman1996). In a study which investigated the relation-

ship between the design of high-rise housing com-plexes and the residents’ social interaction in Taipei,Taiwan, it has been found that only 15.63% of thetotal observed residents have social interaction withothers. The findings reflect the phenomenon ofsocial withdrawal among the residents (Huang,2006). In relation to space control, Newman(1996) argues that a family’s claim to a territorydiminishes proportionally as the number of familieswho share that claim increases. The larger the num-ber of people who share a territory, the less eachindividual feels rights to it. When the numbersincrease, the opportunity for reaching such animplicit understanding diminishes to the point thatno usage other than walking through the area ispossible, but any use is permissible. Therefore, it iseasier for outsiders to gain access to and linger inthe interior areas of a building shared by 24 to 100families than it is in a building shared by 6 to 12families. The following section briefly highlights theconsideration for community values and traditionsin the design of high-rise residential buildings in theUAE.

3. COMMUNITY-RELEVANT CONSID-ERATIONS IN THE DESIGN FOR HIGH-R ISE RES IDENTIAL BU ILDINGS IN THEUAE

Presently, providing public housing for natives in theUAE is still through one to two stories single-familyhouses (SZHP 2010 and MRHE 2010). Meanwhile,the current designs for the high-rise residentialbuildings in the UAE, which has become an iconicfigure for many cities in UAE including Dubai, AbuDhabi, Sharjah and Ajman, are not considering thenative community needs. Rather, they are mainlybuilt for the expatriate high-class employees andforeign investors. When investigating the status quoof the designs of the high-rise residential buildingsin the UAE, (see for example, Highrise Properties2010, Emaar 2010 and Sorouh 2010), it is easy torealize that actually almost no real concern wasgiven to social and cultural aspects of the localcommunity in the design. Figure 1 is an example ofthe widespread conventional design for these pre-vailing styles of high-rise residential buildings in theUAE. Usually the residential tower encompasses

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edtypical floors with standard plans for studio, one-,two- and three-bedrooms flats. This patterndepends mainly upon economic considerations ofusing every meter efficiently as a habitable space.In light of the current shortage of housing units inthe UAE, the growing demand for housing and theinsufficient serviced housing plots (DED 2010) thequestion now is how to develop such pattern, fromthe community considerations’ point of view, toattract natives away from the currently-adoptedconventional one or two-story single family hous-es?.

4. OVERCOMING COMMUNITY-RELE-VANT PROBLEMS IN THE DES IGN OFHIGH-RISE RES IDENTIAL BU ILD INGS:A REVIEW OF SOME RECENT DES IGNINIT IAT IVES

The following three design initiatives represent dis-tinctive approaches in different parts of the worldthat aim at incorporating community considerationsinto the design of high-rise residential buildings.The first approach is for a stand-alone high-rise res-idential building while the second is composed ofthree towers and the third of eight towers. Each ofthese approaches is adopting its own design strate-gies to reach to a community-responsive design.Some concepts, derived from these initiatives, areconceived applicable to the case of the UAE andare used later in this research to help answering theresearch main question.

4.1 Herzog & de Meuron’s approach: "Housesstacked in the sky"The 2008 Herzog & de Meuron’s design for the 56Leonard Street high-rise residential 57 storey con-dominium building (Fig. 2) will house 145 resi-dences, each with its own unique floor plan and pri-vate outdoor space, in a veritable cascade of indi-vidual homes that the architects describe as “hous-es stacked in the sky”. The flats range in size from133 sq. m. to 593 sq. m. and will include two- to

Figure 1 a&b. Twin Towers in Sheikh Zayed Road, Dubai;an identical example of the wide-spread pattern for high-rise residential developments in the Emirates of the UAE,especially in Dubai, Sharjah and Abu Dhabi (Source: Elian2009).

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five-bedroom residences and 10 penthouses. Thetower contains five key zones ascending from streetto sky: lobby, “townhouse” residences, amenities,tower residences, and penthouses. For security, the lobby space includes stations for a24-hour doorman and concierge, with customdesigned reception desks by Herzog & de Meuron.The reception hall also encompasses private resi-dents’ mail, package and refrigerated storageroom; custom-designed visitor seating fixtures; andtwo separate elevator landings with a total of sevenelevators featuring interiors designed by the archi-tects (Dezeen 2008).

Regarding residents’ identification with their liv-ing place and satisfying their own individual needs,it is argued that the building breaks down the con-ventional image of the high-rise building as a sleek,hermetically sealed urban object and proposesinstead a pixilated vertical layering of individuallysculpted, highly customized, graceful private resi-dences opening to the atmosphere (Fig. 2)(Architecture Plus 2009). Davidson (2008) com-mented that in modifying Mies with a touch of thebaroque, the architects have adapted the suburbanhome to a vertical habitat without losing its unique-ness. No two floor plans are identical (Fig.3). Partof the plan of the tower is to design each of its units,

or at least each of its 57 floors, as though it were adistinct one-story suburban house, but of a specifickind. Furthermore, for providing more privacy,penthouses are accessed by private elevators(Gardner 2008).

To provide spaces for needed amenities andsocial interaction among residents, the tower hastwo full floors (the 9th and 10th floors) of amenitiesspaces custom designed by Herzog & de Meuron.These include an indoor/outdoor 22.5 m. infinityedge pool, an adjoining outdoor sundeck can-tilevers, 6 m. over the block to provide extraordi-nary Tribeca neighborhood views and a sense ofconnection to the district. Other amenities include afitness center with yoga studio, wet and dry spa fea-tures and terrace; a library lounge; a screeningroom; a private dining/conference room; and aTribeca Tot Room for children’s play and familyactivities. The tower has been designed to createvisual access to the cityscape for those inside thebuilding and aesthetic excitement for passersby onthe street (Dezeen 2008). To associate the buildingwith the surrounding streets and urban context, the

Figure 2 a&b&c. The 56 Leonard Street high-rise resi-dential building (Source: 56 Leonard Street Building2010).

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eddesign creates a relationship between the ‘private’tower and the ‘public’ streetscape with an articulat-ed base whose cantilevers generate a sense ofmovement and permeability (Fig. 3b). Herzog & deMeuron mentioned that they considered the rela-tionship between their building and the Tribecaneighborhood through the dialogue resulting fromthe different scales that characterize the neighbor-hood (Dezeen 2008).

4.2 TR Hamzah & Yeang’s approach: "City-in-the-sky"Designed by TR Hamzah & Yeang in 2000, theElephant & Castle Eco-residential Towers in Londonconsist of three towers. The first is 35 stories and thesecond and the third are 12 stories (Fig.4). Themain theme of the design, as described by thedesigners (Yeang 2007), is that it takes the modelof a general geographical area of a city, with itsinherent systems, zoning and social infrastructureand inverts it into skyscraper buildings. Thus, theskyscraper and its retail and commercial base isseen as a microcosm of the city, containing withinitself the inherent elements of a city block, i.e.parks, shops, entertainment centers, communityfacilities and housing.

The community-relevant considerations of the"City-in-the-sky" approach included different fea-tures. The design considered urban connectivity toimmediate urban context as it includes a high-levelbridge over the proposed railway station and directconnections onto the garden terrace and into theretail zones. Social integration among residents wasconsidered through the creation of a healthy mix ofresidents within the same building and the sharedpublic facilities.

This mixture of residents from different ages,occupations and family structures are accommo-dated by the provision of a variety of accommoda-tion types, including studio apartments, 2-roomapartments and penthouses (Fig.4). Common facil-ities, including secondary and tertiary landscapedopen spaces and sky pods within groups of housingin the form of sky courts and communal pods aswell as shopping streets and other public amenities,are shared. Furthermore, the units are of closeproximity to basic amenities, such as the local gro-cery store, postal boxes, chemist, etc. These are alllocated within the ground development and/or

Figure 3 a&b&c. Individual housing unit plan in eachfloors. a;7E, b; 46W and c; 18BE plans, as examples(Source: 56 Leonard Street Building 2010).

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within the tower (Yeang 2007). The privacy of theresidents was considered through the spatial pro-gressions of public open spaces (parks in the sky) tosemi-private (entrance courts) to private openspaces (balconies) (Fig.4). Each housing unit has itsown entrance lobby, light wells and balconies. Thedesigners also allocated a set of elevators for eachsocial group where low-rise elevators were allocat-ed for social/subsidized housing, while the mid-and high-rise elevators were allocated for the bet-ter-off residents (Fig. 4 a).

The creation of a healthy landscaped environ-ment was considered through the configuration of

the tower with a weather-protected central land-scaped core that helps enhance the quality of life ofthe residents. In addition, the orientation of thetower maximizes the solar heat gain into the interi-or spaces in winter and mid-seasons, and maxi-mizes solar shading in the summer. Vegetation andlandscaping within the private gardens and skyparks in the towers act as a wind buffer while givingusers a more humane environment. In summer, ver-tical landscaping acts to obstruct, absorb andreflect a high percentage of solar radiation thusreducing ambient temperatures. The damp surfacesof grass and soil will also contribute to a cooler and

Figure 4 a&b&c. Elephant & Castle Eco-ResidentialTowers in London (Source: Yeang 2007).

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edhealthier building. Finally, Yeang (2007) advocatedhis adopted mixed-use design paradigm as it wouldhelp provide the opportunities for local employ-ment, both on ground and upper levels.Furthermore, he mentioned that the location ofhousing in close proximity to employment, retail,leisure and community facilities reduces reliance onpublic transportation.

4.3 Steven Holl Architects’ approach: LinkedHybridCompleted by 2009 in Beijing, China, the LinkedHybrid is a high-rise residential developmentdesigned by Steven Holl Architects. The mixed-usehousing complex is composed of eight 22-storyasymmetrical towers joined by a network ofenclosed pedestrian bridges and consists of 644apartments, public green space, commercial zones,hotel, cinemateque, kindergarten, Montessorischool, underground parking on a total area of221,426 Sq. meter (Steven Holl Architects 2009)(Fig. 5).

The designers paid attention to many dimen-sions relevant to the local community in theirdesign. In terms of the association with the immedi-ate urban context and social interaction and inte-gration, the Linked Hybrid has an open, communalspirit where a series of massive portals leads fromthe street to an elaborate internal courtyard garden,a restaurant, a theater and a kindergarten, inte-grating the complex into the surrounding neighbor-hood (Fig. 5). This pedestrian-oriented project issited adjacent to the site of the old city wall ofBeijing and aims to counter the current privatizedurban developments in China by creating a newporous urban space, inviting and open to the pub-lic from every side. This makes the Linked Hybrid an"open city within a city" (Steven Holl Architects2009). Baker (2010) mentioned that the residentialcomplex offers a more pervasive and open sense ofneighborhood than the most other modern high-rise housing in the city (Fig. 6). Baker added that theLinked Hybrid is shaped by the architects' wish toforge connections both among the residents them-selves and among them and their neighbors andvisitors. The ground level offers a number of openpassages for all people (residents and visitors) towalk through. These passages ensure a micro-urbanisms of small scale. All public functions on the

Figure 5 a&b&c&d. Linked Hybrid is the Beijing's new high-rise residential project (Sources: a; Steven Hall Architects2009, b; www.livegreen.com, c and d;www.wayfaring.com).

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nected to the penthouses. Outside the ring of tow-ers stands a series of gardens inspired by a stage oflife. The "childhood" mound covers the kinder-garten, knitting it to the ground. Other moundsintegrate recreational facilities, including a basket-ball court and skate park for "adolescence," andtennis courts, a tai chi platform, and a public teahouse for "middle age." Some functions are actual-ly housed within, such as the meditation spaceinside the "mound of infinity" (Baker 2010). The architects also gave some thought to the pro-ject's cultural assimilation. The design for the"mound of infinity" meditation area includes pavil-ions dedicated to the "five elements" (earth, wood,metal, fire, and water) of ancient Chinese cosmol-ogy. More intrinsic to the design process was theuse of the number eight, considered lucky inChinese culture. The architects tried to integrate itrepeatedly in both the number of the residentialtowers and in the color scheme where the post-modern facade combines light colored sanded andanodized aluminum with eight luminous colorsinspired by China's old temples and monuments.The architects used the divination system from theclassic Chinese text the I Ching to choose the col-ors (Baker 2010).

In conclusion, the three previous projects depictsome of the current global design initiatives in real-izing community-responsive high-rise residentialdevelopment. Table 1 summarizes the design toolsused by these initiatives to rectify the inherent com-

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ground level have connections with the greenspaces surrounding and penetrating the project.

Furthermore, the public spaces in the project,which vary from commercial, residential, and edu-cational to recreational, promote interactive rela-tions among its residents and encourage encoun-ters. Shops activate the urban space surroundingthe large reflecting pond. The multi-functionalseries of large sky bridges located between upperfloors of the 14 to 21 stories, are conceived as acontinuous ring of public zones (Fig.7). Each ofthese sky bridges has been made functionally dis-tinctive as one has a cafe shop, another has aswimming pool, a third has a small auditorium andso on. The designers hope that the public sky loopand the base loop will constantly generate randomrelationships. They will function as social con-densers resulting in a special experience of city lifeto both residents and visitors. The idea of the streethigh above the city intended to counteract thesense of isolation that high-rise living usuallybrings, and to create an incentive for residents towalk around the complex (Steven Holl Architects2009). This effectively increases the effectiveness ofthe residents’ surveillance over their residentialdevelopment.

Landscaped spaces help to enhance environ-mental living conditions. On the intermediate levelof the lower buildings, public roof gardens offertranquil green spaces, and at the top of the eightresidential towers private roof gardens are con-

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Figure 6. Development of the high-rise scheme as a neighborhood in the sky (Source: www.archdaily.com).

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munity-relevant problems in conventional high-riseresidential buildings.

Actually, in the attempt to achieve community-responsive design for high-rise housing buildings inthe UAE and in light of the specific social and cul-tural traits and values of the UAE natives, one can-not rely direly on the previous global initiatives in acut-and-paste manner. This, with no doubt, wouldmislead the whole process and would presumablyend up with contradictory results. Rather, fruitfullessons can be learnt, not from the specific forms ofthese design initiatives, but from the notions andconcepts behind them, which can pave the waytowards establishing a theoretical framework forthe aimed design. This can only happen when tak-ing the locality of the UAE society into considera-tion. The following section examines a recentdesign approach tailored for Middle Eastern cities,including the UAE ones and thus discusses its rele-vancy and sufficiency for the UAE case.

SEARCHING FOR A LOCAL FORMULA:CAN THE NORR GROUP’S APPROACH“THE HAB ITAT MODEL” ANSWER THEQUEST ION OF RELEVANCY FOR THEUAE?

The 2009 Habitat Model is about 30 floors highcomplex and proposes a mixed-use developmentthat includes residential, office, hotel and retailspaces. The residential component occupies twocorners of the complex and consists mainly of float-ing elements embedding landscape and publicspaces. The office components and the hotel com-ponent are occupying the other corners interweav-ing with each other and with the residential one(Figs. 8 and 9) (Jan and Norr Group 2009).

The project, as claimed by its designers (Janand Norr Group 2009), came as a response towhat they called the need to develop a new modelfor dense living and the need to create a sense of

Figure 7 a&b. The sky bridges as public activity zones (Source: www.archdaily.com).

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community centered on shared public and land-scaped spaces in the Middle East Cities and thusintroducing the idea for “neighborhood parks inthe sky” (Fig.8). These shared spaces are intendedto act as catalysts for creating a community identi-ty within a large living space. The whole complex issharing a retail souk (traditional shopping center)environment in the base. The vertical public spaces

and landscape are distributed connectively on allthe four parts of the project. Vertical cores are usedfor services, vertical circulation and also work assupports for the floating habitable bridges (Fig. 9).The four components are capsulated in an externalstructure ‘veil’ (Fig. 8 a,b and Fig 9) which providessolar energy collection, through photovoltaic pan-els spread throughout the exterior screen, and aid-

Table 1. Summary of the proposed design solutions for the community-relevant problems as proposed by the three designinitiatives (Source: by the author).

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eding as a shading device. As the main concern wasdevoted to environmental sustainability, the design-ers argue that energy consumption inside thematrix is shown to be significantly less than an aver-age tower complex.

The main significant differences that the Norr’sapproach provides, if compared to the convention-al designs for high-rise residential buildings in theUAE as mentioned above, are, first, the environ-mental consideration represented in the PV veil thatsurrounds the whole complex. Second, is the intro-duction of the idea of the vertical shared publiclandscaped spaces that work as a catalyst for resi-dents’ interactions. Third, is the design for a mixed-use development. These with no doubt are essen-tial issues in the “design for the community”approach but there are still other crucial issues thathave not been considered in the proposal andwhich rigorously hinder the claim that thisapproach is a sound community-oriented one rele-vant to the high-rise residential buildings in theUAE. These issues include; the lack of space con-trol due to the total space integration among dif-ferent uses (residential-office-hotel) especially onthe upper levels and the resultant violation of theresidents’ privacy, which is a very essential compo-nent of the residential context for the UAE natives.Space hierarchy from public, semi-public, semi-pri-vate and private, which consequently means spacecontrol, is also not clear in this approach. Thisjeopardizes the important measure of security ofresidents of the complex. Another community-rele-vant problem in the proposal is the disassociationbetween the complex and its urban surrounding.The proposed veil is intensifying this sense of isola-tion. The solution also did not depict the design ofthe house-in-the-sky and how it would response tothe unique needs of the inhabitants. Therefore,there is still a need to search for a more developedapproach, which is responsive to the native UAEsociety. The following section presents the idea ofthe traditional, and yet newly advocated, fareej asa base for the proposed approach.

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cFigure 8 a&b&c. The Habitat Model by Norr Group(Source: Jan and Norr Group 2009).

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THE ‘FAREEJ’ - IN-THE-SKY: INTEGRAT-ING LOCALITY IN THE DEBATE

The vertical arrangement of the local urban hous-ing pattern of the traditional fareej is proposed hereas the answer for the reconciliation between local-ity and globalism in the question of community-ori-ented high-rise buildings in the UAE. The fareej isthe smallest unit of the traditional Emirati settle-ments. It is a housing system composed of a groupof houses large enough to accommodate anextended Emirati family clustered around a court-yard or a park (Abu Dhabi Urban Planning Council2010). This pattern reflects the very high impor-tance of the family relationship, which is still vibrant(Abu Dhabi Urban Planning Council 2010). As arecognition for its current relevancy, the idea of thefareej has been adopted in the futuristic housingplans of the UAE. Al Ain 2030 Urban StructureFramework Plan, as an example of this trend, hasacknowledged the fareej as the basic local housingpattern. In this Urban Plan, the plots are to be allo-cated so that extended families share the centralcourtyard, giving them the proximity to one anoth-er that they need. Privacy is ensured by the cul-de-sac entrance that keeps out through traffic (Fig.10). Fareejs are grouped together into ‘LocalClusters” arrayed around a small central park com-plex (Fig. 10). The catchment area is sufficient tosupport a kindergarten or a childcare facility, an

outdoor play space and a local mosque. All of thestreets surrounding a cluster are local streets withtraffic calming. Local clusters are aggregatedtogether into “Neighbourhoods” with a populationof eight to ten thousand people. This is the catch-ment area for two single-sex primary schools, aFriday mosque, a park, and a women’s center.Local shops and higher density housing round outthe needs of the neighborhood (Fig. 10) (AbuDhabi Urban Planning Council 2009).

The key elements of a fareej are the courtyardhouse, sikka and baraha (Fig. 11). The courtyardhouse is built to the edge of the plot to maximizethe use of land and to define the public realm.Despite the shift that happened between the court-yard public housing models of the seventies andeighties in the UAE and the currently applied extro-vert compact houses (SZHP 2010 and MRHE2010), there is a call in Abu Dhabi 2030 Plan (AbuDhabi Urban Planning Council 2009) to return tothe courtyard house pattern. The courtyard house isan ancient Arab form that works well in this regionbecause it responds to the environmental chal-lenges as well as the unique set of social require-ments of the people. It is a covered outdoor spacefor the family to sit in the shade and enjoy thebreezes that are created as a result of these simplepassive design techniques that are both sustainableand responsive to the climate. Besides providingprivacy, the design of the courtyard house is flexible

Figure 9. The configuration of the Habitat Model (Source: Jan and Norr Group 2009).

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both for internal rooms and for the courtyarddesign. For example, a guest majlis (hall) at thefront of the house can have its own courtyard, whilethe family can have a second more private court-yard. Traditionally, there was a third ‘service’ court-yard that was associated with the kitchen and ser-vants quarter (Abu Dhabi Urban Planning Council2009).

The sikka is a narrow path, which is usuallyshaded by the buildings they run along. The sikkaprovides a cool, safe and walkable route to differ-ent destinations. Being pedestrian-friendly as theyenable year-round walking, the sikka allows pedes-trians, especially children, to move easily and safe-ly from one courtyard to the next, they strategicallyconnect the homes to neighbouring homes, com-munity facilities and intimate public spaces knownas barahaat (a plural noun of a baraha), as well aslarger gathering spaces known as meyadeen (aplural noun of a meyadan or a square). Togetherthese form the fareej. The baraha is a small andfriendly space between homes that are located in asmall number of key positions throughout the fareej(Fig. 11 a,c). There are usually a small number ofshaded and cool barahaat to create focal pointsfor residents to come and interact with one anoth-er, ensure maximum use and provide a focus for alarger number of people. Each baraha contains asafe, pleasant environment for residents and isdesigned to meet the needs of the people and facil-ities close-by and provides a pleasant environmentfor residents. For example, barahaat near schools

may contain a small playground for children andfamilies, whereas barahaat near mosques maycontain a public majlis or a berza, which is foundoutside a mosque, for worshippers from the neigh-bourhood to meet and greet each other (AbuDhabi Urban Planning Council 2009).

The spatial design pattern of the fareej makeswalking throughout the neighbourhood much eas-ier. Roads are created around the edge of the fareejand through the main sections of it to enable resi-dent access and parking. It is recommended in theAbu Dhabi 2030 Plan (Abu Dhabi Urban PlanningCouncil, 2009) that the vehicle roads and sikkak (aplural noun of a sikkah) can also be combined tocreate safe streets that enable vehicular access butare predominantly pedestrianized. Furthermore, thecombination of the fareejs achieves a variety ofcommunity needs, including open spaces, commu-nity vitality, a choice of housing, good air qualityand walkable, well-connected public transit. Now,the question is how to ‘vertically’ apply the tradi-tional, and yet currently adopted, idea of the fareejwith the help of notions derived from the abovementioned global initiatives? The following sectionis an attempt to address this question with the aimto realize the main objective of the research.

Figure 10. The reconsideration of the idea of the fareej in the future vision for public housing in the UAE, Al Ain 2030 Urban Structure Framework (Source: Abu Dhabi Urban Planning Council 2009).

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7. A THEORET ICAL FRAMEWORK FORA COMMUNITY-RESPONSIVE DES IGNOF HIGH-R ISE RES IDENTIAL BU I LD -INGS IN THE UAE

The main problem in many high-rise residentialbuildings in the UAE is the treatment of the resi-dential tower as a stand-alone building. Inspired bythe thoughts of the Herzog & de Meuron’sapproach: “houses stacked in the sky”, the TRHamzah & Yeang’s approach: "city-in-the-sky" andthe Steven Holl Architects’ approach: "open city

within a city", the main proposed theme is, instead,built upon the idea of designing the high-rise devel-opment as a suburban portion of the urban contextwhich of course is to be relevant to the UAE: thefareej. The following detailed concepts of the pro-posed theoretical framework do not mean todescribe a final advocated model design for thehigh-rise residential buildings in the UAE, rather,they are conceptual guidelines hopefully leading tosuch a design. The advocated seven concepts areactually a blend of the lessons derived from the rel-evant-to-the-UAE mentioned above global design

11 a

11 b 11 c Figure 11 a&b&c. a) The courtyard house, b) sekkah and c) baraha as illustrated in Abu Dhabi Vision 2030 (Source: AbuDhabi Urban Planning Council 2009).

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initiatives in addition to a ‘vertical’ configuration ofthe recently adopted fareej-based neighbourhoodsin the UAE (Fig. 12).

7.1 Design for a mixed-use developmentInspired by the Yeang’s, the Holl’s, and the Norr’sapproaches, the high-rise residential developmentis to be a mixed-use one involving residential,

office, retail and recreational facilities. This soundsrelevant to the UAE as it helps providing job oppor-tunities in close proximity for the inhabitants andcreate more vibrant built environment.Nonetheless, the residential zone should have itsown dedicated entrances and means of verticaland horizontal circulations. Solutions that call fortoo much integration between the residential useand other administrative and retail activities, such

Figure 12. A diagram for the proposed theoretical framework for the community-oriented design for high-rise residential buildings in the UAE (Source: by the author).

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as in the case of the design by the Norr Group,would not be welcomed by the natives in the UAEas this might violate their privacy and security. So,each of the proposed mixed-use facility is to haveits own allocated zone, whether it would be a sep-arate tower (for offices) or ground floors (for retailactivities). Still, residents can have direct access tothese facilities. On the other hand, zones for theresidents’ basic amenities can be more integratedwith the vertical residential zones to allow for closeproximity. Therefore, they can be distributed in theground floors, such as in the Yeang’s approach, orin some intermediate floors, such as in the case ofthe Herzog’s (attached floors) and the Holl’s (skybridges) approaches. Some of the proposedamenities in the previous examples will not be suit-able for the UAE people due to different social andcultural values. This includes, for example, theswimming pools with adjoining outdoor sundecks,such as in the case of the Hertzog’s project.Instead, the most appropriate amenities for theUAE natives, as recommended by the Abu DhabiVision 2030 (Abu Dhabi Urban Planning Council,2010), include kindergartens or childcare facilities,outdoor play spaces, local mosques, a Fridaymosque, parks, a women’s center and local shops.Some amenities can be provided for serving bothof the inhabitants and the visitors such as the retailsouk (shopping center) in the base floors as pro-posed by the Norr Group.

7.2 Design for social connectedness and integra-tion Bouw (2004) calls for a social and economic per-spective for high-rise residential buildings whichincludes psychological and social function of thehousing and the residential environment thatencourage the development and maintenance ofsocial networks and various types of social solidar-ity that change it from a “place to live” to “home”.Consequently, the design of the high-rise residentialdevelopment itself should work in favor of increas-ing social interaction and communication amongits residents. This should take place within thedesigned public spaces and facilities within thedevelopment. In his study about the residents’social interaction in high-rise residential develop-ments in Taipei, Taiwan, Huang (2006) found thatboth space types and design elements affect resi-

dents’ social interaction. Rauterberg et al (1995)also proved the validity of the hypothesis that ashared social space with continuous and "rich"communication possibilities leads to co-operativebehavior.

Encouraging social interaction among resi-dents, on the one hand, and other local communi-ties in the surrounding urban settlements on theother hand, has been advocated in both theHerzog’s and the Yeang’s approaches but hasbeen more evident in the Holl’s one. The fareej-in-the-sky proposal necessitates inherent integrationwith the surrounding residential urban agglomera-tion to work in harmony with the idea of strength-ening social interaction and communication in thewider community.

For the interactions among the residents them-selves, the fareej with its spatial configuration as atool for social cohesion and integrity and as advo-cated in the Urban Structure Plan of Al Ain (AbuDhabi Urban Planning Council 2009) can be ver-tically resembled in a similar manner to the methodadopted in the Yeang’s approach. The houses ofone fareej, which are accommodated by extendedfamilies and relatives can occupy one or morefloors of the high-rise tower or connected towers.The fareej houses share the central open verticalcourtyard in a way that gives them the proximity toone another. The houses are linked with each otherand with the public amenities with sikkak on thesame, or other, floors. A number of fareejs are thenvertically or horizontally grouped together into‘Local Clusters”. Connectivity among fareejs(floors) can be horizontal through sky bridges, asinspired by the Holl’s design, and/or verticalthrough internal pedestrian ramps, as employed bythe Yeang’s approach. Residents in these local clus-ters can easily walk in the sikkak to a kindergartenat the same floor or close floors, to an outdoor playspace and to a local mosque as their social con-nectivity nodes.

The local mosque is playing a quite vital rolehere as a social node in the proposed high-risedevelopment because it is the place where usuallymost of the local residents of neighborhoods in theUAE meet to perform the five daily prayers. Widersocial spaces of the baraha should work as a resi-dents’ interaction hub in the front of these sharedpublic amenities. Each baraha contains a safe,

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edpleasant environment for residents and is to bedesigned to meet the needs of the people and facil-ities close-by and to provide a pleasant environ-ment for residents. For example, barahaat nearhouses may contain a small playground for chil-dren and families, whereas barahaat nearmosques may contain a public majlis or a ‘berza,’which are found outside mosques, for worshippersfrom the same residential tower to meet and greeteach other. Wider groups of local clusters in differ-ent floors within the high-rise development shouldhave horizontal and/or vertical access to localshops, a central souk (usually on the ground floor),a Friday mosque and a women’s center formingmore social pods for residents’ communication andinteraction. The high-rise development can be clus-tered around a central shared public space (may-dan) assembling that employed by the Holl’s LinkedHybrid design.

7.3 Design for security Besides the conventional security measures repre-sented in the 24-hour doormen and concierges onthe main entrances of the towers of the residentialdevelopment, other design measures are importantin realizing security. The smaller the number of thefamilies sharing an entry and landing, the more thecontrol they have over the public spaces. Therefore,they can more readily recognize residents fromstrangers and feel they have a say in determiningaccepted behavior (Newman 1996). In coinci-dence with this argument, the space hierarchy ofthe fareej from the private house courtyard, thesemi-private shared courtyard of the fareej in thesame floor, the semi-public sekkak connectinghouses and services in the same floors and in otherdedicated public amenities floors, the public bara-haat spread over the tower especially in front ofmosques and public nodes, helps increase the res-idents’ control over their spaces. Providing a spaceto talk and interact while the residents areapproaching their units or getting out from them,the shared pathways surrounding the open court-yard of the fareej in each floor allow for visual sur-veillance over the space. In addition, residents willshare the responsibility for maintaining these inti-mate spaces and will need to talk to each other inorder to reach to agreements and thus have asense of control, which inevitably will increase the

sense of security among them.

7.4 Design for privacyPrivacy within the residential environment hasproven to be an inherent essential social and cul-tural requirement in the Arab communities, includ-ing the UAE (Djebarni, 2000 and Opoku andAbdul-Muhmin 2010). Consequently, privacyshould be considered on different levels within thehigh-rise development. Again, space hierarchy ofthe fareej with its spatial configuration from the pri-vate to the public domains is an essential spatialdesign tool for realizing privacy. As mentioned ear-lier, a careful design of the mixed-use developmentthat takes into account the privacy of the residentsis vital. Other design elements that can help pro-vide privacy include, for examples, allocating anumber of elevators for families only and others formale guests or singles.

7.5 Design for a high quality living environmentYeang’s approach provides good insights intoviable means for enhancing the quality of the livingenvironment that can be applied, after adaptation,in the UAE. The building’s configuration with aweather-protected central landscaped core is anessential element that helps enhance this quality. Inaddition, the towers should be orientated to maxi-mize solar gain into the interior spaces in winter,and to maximize solar shading in the summermonths. Vegetation and landscaping within the pri-vate gardens and sky parks in the buildings will actas a wind buffer while giving residents a morehumane environment. In summer, vertical land-scaping will act to obstruct, absorb and reflect ahigh percentage of solar radiation thus reducingambient temperatures. The damp surfaces of grassand soil will also contribute to a cooler and health-ier building (Yeang 2007).

Furthermore, the idea of the central courtadopted in the Holl’s approach where all towersare grouped around it sounds also suitable for thecase of the UAE. The buildings in this case will caseshadows over the pedestrian passages. The waterpond will create appropriate conditions for sharedsocial gathering and activities and will permit evap-orative cooling. The idea of the veil of the Norr’sapproach, which is meant to control weather con-ditions, and is covered with PV panels for generat-

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ing electricity seems appropriate only in harshweather conditions during the summer but shouldbe developed, if utilized, to allow for natural venti-lation when weather conditions permit. The skycourts and vertical public parks as well as the land-scaped courtyard of the housing units will work asa climatic regulator as they allow for natural light-ing and ventilation, when appropriate, from outsidethe towers. To help evaluating the means ofimproving the efficiency of the living environment asuitable assessment system should be applied in thedesign phase. Currently there are a wide spectrumof assessment methods including, for examples,CASBEE in Japan, BREEM in the UK and LEED inthe USA. In UAE there is a local assessment methodcurrently adopted in Abu Dhabi Emirate calledESTIDAMA which means sustainability in Arabic.Dubai on the other hand is adopting LEED in thisregard.

7.6 Design for user-responsive housing units withinthe residential tower(s)The design of the housing units within the high-risetowers should satisfy the specific socio-culturalneeds of the UAE native communities. The designsof the public housing units in both the Sheikh ZayedHousing Program (SZHP 2010) and the SheikhMohamed Bin Rashid Housing Establishment(MRHE 2010) illustrate good examples for theseneeds. In both housing programs, the house is gen-erally composed of main three distinctive zones, thefamily zone, the men guests zone and the servicezone which is connected to the former two zones.For the sake of privacy, the men guests zone has itsown facilities and is separated from the family zone.Moreover, the housing units within the high-rise res-idential buildings should be configured as court-yard houses instead of the extrovert front and backyards as in the Yeang’s approach, for example, orapartment houses with external terraces in theHertzog’s approach. In Abu Dhabi Vision 2030Report (Abu Dhabi Urban Planning Council 2009)the courtyard house has been advocated as thesuitable configuration for the Emirati house.Besides providing privacy, the design of the court-yard house is flexible both for internal rooms andfor the courtyard design. It can be a central court-yard house, L-shaped courtyard house, shared ormultiple courtyard house. For example, a guest

majlis (hall) at the front of the house can have itsown courtyard, while the family can have a secondmore private courtyard. The ‘liwan’ (arcade) withinthe courtyard creates a transition between theindoor and outdoor spaces (Abu Dhabi UrbanPlanning Council 2009). The vertical compositionof these courtyard houses remains a real challengefor the designers, especially when privacy is a pri-ority for the residents. In this case, the courtyardshould have at least one opened side on the outerfaçade or on the internal atrium of the tower if it willbe closed partially or entirely from the top by otherupper floors.

On the other hand, and in order to link the res-idents to their high-rise developments rather than totheir housing units only, a variety of housing unittypes with a variety of areas and functions meetingdifferent needs should be provided. Thus, if a smallfamily needed a larger space, a larger house in thesame project might be available as another familymight have less need for a large space if, for exam-ple, the children got married or leave the housingunit for other reasons. Furthermore, “open build-ing” approach can help accommodate the ongo-ing societal changes within the high-rise develop-ment. Open building is the term used to indicate anumber of ideas about the making of environment,including the idea that built environment is theproduct of an ongoing, never ending designprocess in which environment transforms part bypart (CIB W1 04 2011). It is argued that the “openbuilding's” most important goal is to combine thefreedom of choice and dignity of individuals in theirdwellings and communities with the ecologicalcoherence and stability of culturally appropriatebuildings and neighborhoods. This is accom-plished in part by organizing physical elements atany scale (building product to urban tissue) in sucha way as to minimize their mutual interference.Thus, the interface between technical systems willallow the replacement of one system with anotherperforming the same function - as with different fit-out systems applied in a specific base building.There is also the idea of distinct levels of interven-tion in the built environment, such as those repre-sented by 'support' or 'base building', and 'infill' or'fit-out' (CIB W1 04 2011). Kendall (2011) main-tains that the base building normally includes thebuilding's primary structure; the building envelope

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ed(roof and facade) in whole or part; public circula-tion and fire egress (lobbies, corridors, elevatorsand public stairs); and primary mechanical andsupply systems (electricity, heating and air condi-tioning, telephone, water supply, drainage, gas,etc.) up to the point of contact with individual occu-pant spaces. Meanwhile, base buildings provideserviced space for occupancy. Supports in this caseare the residential base high-rise building. Fit-out inthe open building approach refers to the process oraction of installing building infill, or to the physicalproducts used in making habitable space in a basehigh-rise building.

7.7 Community involvement in the design and themanagement of the high-rise development Empowering the residents is essential in order togive them the responsibility for taking part indesigning the living spaces and managing theshared social spaces/facilities. Smail (2000) advo-cates that society is like a huge central nervous sys-tem in which ‘social neurons’ (i.e. people) interactwith each other via an infinity of interconnectingand overlapping subsystems. The fundamentaldynamic of the system is power, that is the ability ofa social group or an individual to influence othersin accordance with its/his/her interests. Powercould be conveyed to residents through their repre-sentation in the decision-making processes. Jacobs(2007) asserts that creating communities that areeconomically, socially, politically, and environmen-tally vibrant necessitates planners to design andbuild with the people and to take all of their vari-ous activities, values, and influences into consider-ation. Kendall (2011) maintains that those advo-cating an open building approach, as mentionedabove, recognize that buildings are not static arti-facts. Rather they need adjustment in some mea-sure to remain attractive, safe and useful. Kendalladds that designing and constructing buildingsinvolve many people, who, when reaching agree-ments, make distribution of responsibility a normalcharacteristic of the culture of building. Since noone party makes all decisions when a building isfirst constructed nor over the course of time as thebuilding adjusts to new needs and technicalrequirements, we understand the importance oforganizing decision making and construction insuch a way as to reduce excessive dependencies or

entanglements among the parties involved. Thishelps in the avoidance of conflict between peopleand the parts of the whole they each control, andimproves the chances of balancing common inter-ests and the more individual interests of those whoinhabit space. The principle tool used by thoseworking in an open building way is the organiza-tion of the process of designing and building onenvironmental levels including urban tissue level,support level, house allocation level, infill level anddesign level. The high-rise building in this case is astable spatial and technical "offering", making itselfavailable to a variety of individual territorial claims,enabling each occupying power their own deci-sions within the constraints of the base architecture.In developing the proposed public high-rise resi-dential complexes in the UAE, the process needs tobe 'inverted' where beneficiaries should be identi-fied first, then the development is to take place. Bydoing so, beneficiaries could identify what they likeand dislike about their high-rise project such as thepodium design, the gateways, corridors, activitynodes and their proposed housing units. Variousparticipatory methods might be applied such asbrainstorming sessions, public consultation meet-ings and focus groups. This will hopefully result inthe creation of a community design handbook,which serves as the base for the second componentof the plan. Traditionally, the local communities inthe Arab region used to take control over the wholeresidential settlements (Celik and Akbar 1991 andHakim 2008). So, for the UAE and with the call foradopting the traditional fareej as an urban patternin the future public housing, the residents of a high-rise development should be allowed more controlover the decisions shaping their shared livingspaces. In this case, and to guarantee a continuousrole for the residents in the management of suchspaces, a place allocated as a community hallwithin the development should be designated forthe relevant discussions.

8. CONCLUSION

High-rise residential buildings have been increas-ingly developed in many cities all over the world,especially in the UAE. Unfortunately, the issue ofcommunity-oriented design of this type of housing

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has received little concern on the part of the deci-sion makers and designers. Some of the recent lim-ited international design initiatives have proposedsolutions for the community-relevant problemsinherent in conventional high-rise residential build-ings. Nonetheless, the problem remains in theinappropriateness of the direct implementation ofthese initiatives in the UAE without examining theircompatibility with the specific local social and cul-tural contexts. The aim for this research is not todevelop a specific design for community-orientedhigh-rise residential buildings in the UAE, but ratherto highlight the concepts leading to realize thisdesign. Consequently, the research proposes aseven-points theoretical framework composed of ablend of concepts built upon both the relevantlessons derived from these international initiativesand more importantly on the urban pattern of thetraditional fareej as the smallest traditional urbanhousing element in the UAE that has been recentlyadopted in the official future planning visions in thecountry. These points include: the design for amixed-use development, the design for social con-nectedness and integration, the design for securityand privacy, the design for a high quality livingenvironment, the design for user-responsive houseswithin the residential towers, and finally the resi-dents’ involvement in the design and the manage-ment for the high-rise development.

It is envisaged that applying the above-men-tioned theoretical framework is going to help real-ize, albeit not perfectly, community-relevant consid-erations in the high-rise housing not only in theUAE but also in other neighbouring countries. Aftertransforming this theoretical framework into somedesign alternatives for high-rise residential devel-opments in the UAE, further research is needed forexamining the acceptability of these applied designconcepts through exploring the attitudes of the UAElocal communities towards them.

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e-mail: [email protected]

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Donovan Gottsmann and Amira Osman,*

Abstract

Poor living conditions in informal settlements may be attributed mostly, though not exclusively, to the lack of basicservices. Informal settlements, which also go by the name of squatter camps, are volatile by nature. Even withinrelatively fixed settlement boundaries, change in urban fabric continually manifests through altering dwelling con-figurations. Deemed unstable and unsafe by formal criteria, these environments disclose schizophrenic charac-teristics: beyond the dirt, grime and smog, exist relatively functional societies capable of survival and self-regula-tion.

Public and private sector investment within informal settlements is restricted as a result of their illegal status.Inhabitants have no incentive to invest their own resources where they have no formal tenure over the land. Dueto a rather backward approach to informality in South Africa, innovation in dealing with these settlements hasbeen limited. Despite the fact that the rhetoric has sometimes changed from eradication to upgrading, little hasbeen done with regards to alternative forms of settlement development that has relevance in terms of improvingthe lives of informal settlement dwellers.

With rising anger in poverty-stricken areas and on the peripheries of cities, what is needed is improved ser-vice delivery through immediate solutions. This article suggests a service delivery core, an architectural catalyst,rooted to the 'energy' of the public realm, stimulating growth of infrastructure networks. This catalyst core aims toinstigate the amelioration of the surrounding environment.

The concept presented is that of a dynamic service core – universal in principle – while also being contextu-ally-driven by responding to a specific environment and needs of a specific community. A generic architecturalsolution is thus presented to providing basic services and infrastructure within informal settlements, with focussedconsideration for the unique situation of an informal settlement in Mamelodi, Tshwane (Pretoria), South Africa. Itis important to realise that there is no final product, but rather an organic architecture that adapts in a processof continuous and progressive change.

Keywords: South Africa, informal settlements, progressive change, service delivery, architectural catalyst interven-

ENVIRONMENTS OF CHANGE: AN OPEN BUILDINGAPPROACH TOWARDS A DESIGN SOLUTION FOR ANINFORMAL SETTLEMENT IN MAMELODI, SOUTH AFRICA

I N T R O D U C T IO N O F C O N C E P T S :A RC HITE CTU RE OF C HANGE

Hamdi (2004) explains how ‘small’ interventionsgrow and guide development and how the role ofthe professional becomes one of creating condi-tions for emergence and searching for catalysts.This approach generates a process of ‘negotiatedreactions’ (Dewar & Uitenbogaardt, 1991), where-by continuous transformation is achieved within a

stable environment. This approach acknowledgesthat the built environment is not static: it is a com-plex relationship between stability and transforma-tion (Habraken, 1998)(Osman & Konigk, 2008).

This study is therefore based on some fun-damental design principles including the need topromote and extend architectural catalyst interven-tions in informal contexts. These structures providevarious services (thus the term “servant core”) sothat they successfully reach and serve the majority

* Donovan Gottsmann ([email protected]) is a candidate architect in private practice and Dr. Amira Osman

([email protected]) is a Senior Researcher at the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research, CSIR, in Pretoria, South Africa. This

article is based on Mr. Gottsmann’s Professional Masters Degree from the University of Pretoria, 2009, where Dr. Osman was

involved as one of the advisors and Mr. Jacques Laubscher was the study leader. The project was also presented and published for

the CIB Congress at Salford Quays, Manchester, UK, May 2010.

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of people within an informal settlement. It is impor-tant initially for the catalyst intervention to addressthe basic needs of the inhabitants, and only at alater date, to stem off and provide several otherplatforms allowing for diverse interpretation anduse.

It is understood that while projects need tohave a bigger vision, in a context such asMamelodi they need to start small, by identifyingwhere existing energy is and latching on to that spa-tially, physically and functionally (Osman, Sebake,2010). The resultant public space, which is thusshaped by the architectural intervention, is criticalas a socio-economic stimulus inviting private infor-mally-run micro-enterprises to operate within cer-tain parameters. In this way, the intervention offersopportunity and provides place for social activity. Itwas therefore seen as key to couple the designintervention with an existing public arena, such asthe sandy football field in the particular site of aninformal area within Mamelodi. The servant corethus directly imparts some beneficial service ontothe public realm, such as lighting and water pointsto mention a few. This strategic selection of site alsoestablishes a symbiotic relationship, whereby thepublic are more likely to accept such an interven-tion and possibly take ownership of it.

The proposed construction method of thesecatalysts acts to showcase technologies, materialsand methods relevant to context. The technologyencourages communication with users throughvisual observation and tactile interaction. In addi-tion to that, the structures are designed in such away as to have the potential to be disassembledand relocated elsewhere and may possibly relocateonce they have served their purpose on a particu-lar site. However, depending on the changingneeds of a specific environment, the structurescould also be absorbed within an expanding urbanfabric giving direction to the future development ofthe township and adopting new programmes.

The design of these catalysts is conceivedto make provision for the informal sector, in termsof economical activities and environmental forms,as informality is considered a legitimate energy andform of expression. This is done, firstly, in the con-struction process and secondly in the way that thefacilities will be used after completion.

A BU ILD ING SYSTEM SU ITABL E FORE NVIRO NME NTS IN C O NSTA NT FLUX

Due to the fact that “slums change too fast to ren-der any criterion valid for a reasonably long periodof time” (UN-Habitat, 2003:11), the design solu-tion presented here also has impermanent qualities.The built system is capable of learning and evolvingin time; the capacity for change is integrated withinit. It is necessary to design for future scenarios by“devising an ‘adaptive’ strategy that is exceptional-ly alert to changing events and can adjust quickly”(Brand, 1995:183). Designing for change withinthe built configuration should encompass bothprinciples of adaptability: “capable of differentsocial uses” (Groak, 1992:15) and flexibility:“capable of different physical changes” (Groak,1992:15) in order to best respond to the ever-changing, ever-informing urban environment. Thisapproach to the built environment is advocated bymany practitioners, albeit under different namesand banners: Time-Based Architecture (TBA), 4Dimensional Design (4D design), Open Buildingetc. Time-Based Architecture has been defined as:“... a design attitude to conceive ‘objects’ from along term vision, therefore integrating the fourthdimension, i.e. time, in the initial design phase.”(Paduart et al, 2009: 2). When this is achieved,time becomes a design catalyst where built envi-ronments are treated as living systems (Lukez,2009:5).

INFO RMALITY

“In developing countries, the term ‘slum’…simplyrefers to lower-quality or informal housing. Large,visible tracts of squatter or informal housing havebecome intimately connected with perceptions ofpoverty, lack of access to basic services and inse-curity. Terms such as slum, shanty town, squattersettlement, informal housing and low income com-munity are used somewhat interchangeably byagencies and authorities” (UN-Habitat, 2003:9).

There is a growing epidemic of informalsettlements, albeit by different names, occurringthroughout the world with no sign of a “cure”.South Africa has shown little innovation when itcomes to dealing with informality. The intelligence

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of the poor in identifying and occupying well-locat-ed land is dismissed as an illegal process ratherthan appreciating some of the benefits of theprocess, learning from it and supporting it throughexpert involvement. Adopting a “first-worldapproach” of eradication and “clean-up” is disad-vantaging many communities who are unable toenter the, many times unaffordable, formal sector.

Most often these informal settlements arelocated on the outer periphery of cities and indus-trial areas – in this way, the informal dwellers arenear enough to serve the city (they are thereforeclose to job opportunities) but they are not closeenough to be served by the facilities available in thecity. South African cities, despite political changesince the end of Apartheid, stubbornly maintainpatterns of segregation. The proliferation of infor-mality is in many ways attributed to past spatialinjustice, a process that generated some of themost inequitable cities in the world. Anger againstthe state has intensified in many forms. Numeroussocial and political problems such as violence,crime, service delivery protests and xenophobiamight be a result of these spatial inequities. It isgenerally agreed that the problems facing theseareas need to be urgently addressed if political sta-bility is to be achieved.

Existence of an informal area is treated astemporary by authorities; however, the reality is thatmany informal areas continue to be in existence forlong periods of time and are therefore quite wellestablished. The inhabitants of informal settlementsare generally resourceful and innovative in devisingsystems of habitation that are well-located (close towork opportunities), that are affordable, that can beconstructed speedily and dismantled just as easily.

While upgrading and integrating informalareas into cities is the accepted approach, it is alsoacknowledged that mass-regularisation might alsobe problematic where it might prove to be impossi-ble to formalise at a large scale given the extent ofinformality that exists in the country. Many scholarshave called for an incremental approach wherethere is no strict distinction between formal andinformal. Some have asked for investigating differ-ent forms of tenure security. There is a call to inves-tigate the domain between strictly formal and infor-mal, the “in-between” zone, in terms of physicalstructures, finance models and forms of ownership,

that might include group ownership as opposed toa western system of individual ownership.

Some attempts have been made at anarea-based approach to upgrading as opposed tofocussing on the individual houses. In all cases,what is important is that addressing informalityneeds to be done in an innovative manner that isunique to context and that benefits the inhabitants.This is what this project set out to investigate, as wellas to address the negative connotations of informalsettlements.

There is a deeper intrinsic quality to aninformal setting. “Emergence” of informal settle-ments within South Africa is both instant and grad-ual, determined by the intensity of energy at a par-ticular time: need, economy, opportunities, politics,etc. A form of street grid is established, organic bynature and true to the energy which shaped it. Thescale and layout is often more suited to a pedestri-an scale as it is determined by the main “mode oftransport” within the settlement, walking on foot.

The ubiquitous ‘tin’ shack, reminiscent ofmany informal settlements throughout the world ispragmatic, functional, affordable, but inadequate.While it functions well as a rain-screening shelter,the South African method predominantly uses atimber structure, usually with a recycled steel sheetclad exterior offering the user only the bare essen-tials of a shelter.

Informal settlements are in constant flux.Even when settlement boundaries have beendefined by existing formal settlements, infrastructureor natural edges, such as steep slopes or rivers,within these boundaries, change in built fabric con-tinually manifests through altering dwelling config-urations. The disassembly and recycling of struc-tures, together with new informal additions andextensions to older structures, creates an environ-ment that is constantly being remodelled asdwelling units are adapted for increased practicali-ty and density.

In order to remove demeaning overtones, itis essential for an architectural intervention not tobe condescending, but rather uplifting and empow-ering, initiating a change in the outsiders’ percep-tion of informal settlements and their inhabitantswhile stimulating the self-help strategies of theinhabitants. Architects have a special role to play inthis process: “New imaginations are needed, both

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robust and nuanced, on how these chasms[between the rich and the poor] can be bridged... Itwould be disrespectful of the dignity of those whohad been shut out in the past to say that they shouldnow be satisfied with having access to shoddy andstyleless buildings based on the principle of barenecessities only. Elegance, accomplishment andsuitability for purpose are factors appreciated by all,whether in dress, dance, music, speech-making, orsport or building... [there is therefore] no inherentincompatibility between a building being friendly tothe public, on the one hand, and pleasingly, coher-ently and efficiently designed on the other.” (SAIAawards report, 2010)

Based on the above principles, the pro-posed design for a specific case study area inMamelodi, South Africa strives to act as both a sym-bol of hope and progressive change.

T H E I N F O R M A L S E C T O R I NMA ME LO DI, TSHWA NE

Mamelodi is a residential suburb approximately25km² in area and was originally established in the1940s as a township for black workers near thetrain station at Eerste Fabrieken. In time Mamelodiexpanded to the East beyond the Pienaars Rivier,locally known as the Moretela River. Mamelodi isdivided into two sectors by the Pienaars Rivier,Mamelodi West and Mamelodi East. MamelodiWest shares a distinct border with the establishedtownship of Eersterust to the West and the industri-alised area of Silverton to the South-West. TheMagaliesberg mountain range defines the northernperimeter of the greater Mamelodi. Mamelodi Eastis bound by the North-South lying branch of theMagaliesberg mountains and commercial and res-idential development to the South in the Willows.Mamelodi East contains a great deal of informaldwellings, particularly in the extreme East wherethere is significantly less formal housing and limitedinfrastructure.

Mamelodi still shows traces of its numerousgrowth patterns, both from its pre-apartheid andpost-apartheid eras. It displays evidence of thediverse urban planning typologies practised duringthe changing years of government and the fusion ofincongruent road grids as well as contrasting forms

of housing typologies. Unconstrained growth ofinformal shacks is depicted by the smaller informalgrid patterns.

In Tshwane, South Africa, as in otherplaces, there exists a certain order within the appar-ent chaos of informal settlements. Internal policing,construction and trading are all resolved and car-ried out on a scale suited to context, availableresources and paying power. Informal settlementsestablish cultural, social and individual roots whichin turn support the greater structure of the settle-ment and the community.

The area of Mamelodi is rapidly expandingand swallowing up auxiliary informal settlements onthe peripheries, and at the same rate giving rise tonew informal “offspring” as informal residentslocated on the erratic edges would either move intothe new formal housing or, together with newerimmigrants, would again relocate to the shiftingoutskirts of the township. These informal settlementshave been continuously uprooted and displaced bythe expanding formal urban fabric of the township.The informal settlements in the extreme East andSouth-East of Mamelodi (informally known asLusaka and Phumolong) were identified as areas inurgent need of basic services with high fire risks andpoor sanitary conditions.

The informal sector of Mamelodi east con-sists predominantly of wards 10, 16 and 17.Collectively these wards comprise more than onethird of the area of Mamelodi served by 1 clinic inward 17. Sanitation is inadequate with poor healthcircumstances as result. Much of the material usedto construct the shacks is obtained from the sur-rounding industries, mostly from the Ford manufac-turing plant in Silverton. Many informal dwellingsencroach upon the Magaliesberg on the easternfront. The threat of shack fires exists due to the highcombustion rate of the building material and thehigh densities.

Much of the current formalised township ofMamelodi East is composed of consolidated infor-mal settlements, in which land previously subdivid-ed without approval is sold or leased to the infor-mal residents and has overtime been recognised aspart of the township. Improved infrastructural net-works are thus provided and these informal settle-ments are merged within the recognised township.However, and in contrast, in some cases squatters

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have been relocated and the land developed fornew government-subsidised housing – also referredto as RDP houses (from the ReconstructionDevelopment Programme) or “give-away” houses(alluding to the fact that owners do not have to payor pay a minimal amount). Currently, the SouthAfrican government aims to provide formalisedhousing and services to these informal communi-ties. However priority is given to the informal settle-ments “of the most vulnerable and disadvantagedgroups” (UN-Habitat, 2003:129) and those estab-lished during the apartheid regime and pre-1994(Metroplan, 2006), thus excluding the specific siteunder investigation due to its recent establishment,after 2003.

THE S ITE : PHUMO LONG

Phumolong is located in ward 16, extension 6,Mamelodi, Tshwane, South Africa at coordinates25° 44’00” S 28° 25’00” E. It is almost complete-ly surrounded by the township of Mamelodi (Figure1) except to its south where the municipal bound-aries of the City of Tshwane and Metsweding meet(both situated in the province of Gauteng).

‘Phumolong’, Sotho for ‘resting place’, isthe local name for this land which is occupiedentirely by informal settlers’ shacks with almost nomunicipal services provided. The area ofPhumolong is located along the curved main roadof Hans Strijdom (M10) defining both its Northernand Western boundary while two converging rail-way tracks demarcate its Eastern and Southern lim-its (Figure 1). This area is locally referred to as‘bridge to bridge’, referring to the proximate infra-structure, and is managed by a community electedward leader and committee. The older neighbour-ing community to the North-West, known asMarabastad by the locals, also belongs toMamelodi Extension 6 and boasts RDP housingtogether with the necessary infrastructure. Electricityis extended from neighbours by means of illegal‘izinyoga’ (Sotho for ‘snake’) connections. Hosepipes are connected to garden taps within theneighbouring Marabastad and transverse the divid-ing asphalt roads. Hose pipes meander down thegravel roads serving the community of Phumolong,sometimes unseen but mostly overlooked by themunicipality.

Mamelodi does not have a fire stationdespite high rates of fire. Apparently, Mamelodi has

Figure 1. Location of Phumolong informal settlement within Mamelodi and distances from critical services.

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the highest rate of fire among any other wards inTshwane for the year’s 2007 and 2008 (City ofTshwane Disaster Management Services 2008). Afire station is a necessity (Chief Fire Warden of thePretoria Central Fire Station, J Pieterse 2009, 25thMay). A central location would offer greatest accessto fires within Mamelodi and the neighbouringareas of Nellmapius, Eersterust, Waltloo and thearea of the Willows.

Inadequate vehicular access and theabsence of fire hydrants within Mamelodi and itsinformal sectors delay the process of extinguishingfires. This gives fires time to spread, many timeshaving deadly consequences. The provision of awater reservoir, sorely needed by the informal resi-dents for human consumption, could also co-func-tion as a ‘fire filling station’, operating as firehydrant in times of fire. This idea gave rise to theconcept of a servant core with its primary activitiesbased around the provision of water (Figure 2).

The location is suggested along the edgeof a well-used football pitch (Figure 3). This allowsfor easy access to water in times of fire and alsoguarantees a constant presence of people andaims to create a sense of pride and ownership inthe structure.

THE PRO JE CT B RIEF

This design intervention aims to improve servicedelivery as well as social well-being within the infor-mal settlement of Phumolong. The scheme acts ascatalyst for social growth as well as system and ser-vices growth thus responding to both individual andcommunity needs.

The intervention is to be the generator forservice delivery and an ordering structure within theurban fabric by acting as basis for urban societallife – thus linking improved infrastructure and ser-vices, a sense of community pride and participationis to be achieved by giving emphasis to the impor-tance of positive public space. Through thisprocess, lack of public amenities and services isaddressed. Also, in the process, architecture isinvestigated as a responsive system. As a changingrelationship of form and programme, the architec-ture investigates the potential to achieve a higherdegree of independency through the integrating ofenergy inclusive systems and infrastructure that donot rely on the municipal grids or systems. In otherwords infrastructure as architecture is exploredresulting in an adaptable and flexible architecturalplug-in system.

Figure 2. Services to be accommodated during first phase of catalyst

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The design intervention also serves as asymbol of renewed hope and support. It establish-es an improved identity within the settlements andinformal sector. The service core provides placeand opportunity for the local business owners andsurrounding residents and is capable of expandingaccording to future needs, allowing new andchanging programmes to be attached to the sys-tem. The intervention is a public services buildingintegrating public space with public services andamenities. The users are the informal occupants,business owners and the community as a whole.The phased growth of the design intervention(Figures 4 and 8) incorporates various clients at dif-ferent stages. The first client[s] will be responsiblefor construction of the primary structure and neces-sary infrastructure and would be the governmentand its relevant departments such as; theDepartment of Human Settlements, Department ofEnergy and the Department of Rural Developmentand Land Reform.

The secondary clients are responsible forconstruction of buildings having civic importanceand serving as public amenities. Such programmesand clients may change depending on need of thecommunity but may typically be healthcare, educa-tional facilities or even a post office or place of wor-ship. The lifespan of such programmes depends onthe needs and position of the community at a giventime. Other clients such as small, medium andmicro-enterprises will be responsible for their own

building construction and attachment to the servantspine. They too influence the growth of the servantspine. Advertisements and branding attached to thebuilding structure may generate further capitalneeded for maintenance and systems growth. Alocal entity would have to be elected to managethese processes.

Possible funding and material can also tobe obtained from sponsors such as steel manufac-turer Arcelor Mittal. This company has partneredwith the South African Department of Education tobuild ten schools throughout the country using newsteel technology, one of which is in Mamelodi.

T H E S U G G E S T E D C O N S T R U C T IO NME THO D

It is important to note that the proposed structuralconfiguration is not a “one size fits all” but rather anassembly of easily attained, transported, manipu-lated and fastened parts. With this in mind con-struction materials and methodologies were con-sidered which allowed for an ease of disassemblyand compatibility. ““Design for Disassembly” (DfD)is the detailing of connections between a building'sdifferent components; DfD means designing build-ings that can be disassembled and reassembledpart per part (Durmisevic, 2006), it assures thatconnections can be undone. “Design forCompatibility” (DfC), on the other hand, ensures

Figure 3. View of the informal settlement showing the football pitch along which the intervention is proposed.

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that elements can be connected to each other,because their measurements are all based on thesame sequence.” (Osman & Herthogs, 2010). The Hendrickx‐Vanwalleghem Design Approach(HVDA) integrates both DfD and “Design forCompatibility” (DfC) into a design strategy basedon process analysis and control (Debacker et al.,2006). It presents a set of guidelines to design mul-tiple adaptable and reusable constructional com-ponents which are compatible with each other.Thus, these components can be used to design avariety of adaptable and reusable constructionalsub‐assemblies. The result is a “generating system”where a limited number of basic elements and a setof combination rules allow more complex entities tobe “generated”. This method therefore focuses onthe life cycle of the building components (Osman &Herthogs, 2010).

Therefore, the proposed structure allowsfor future adaptations by attaching and fixing stan-dard components to the primary structure. Thus thedesign is not limited to a specific kit of parts but israther a structural configuration undergoing con-stant evolution according to best practice at a par-ticular moment in time. Thus, these componentscan be used to design a variety of adaptable andreusable constructional sub‐assemblies.

The common construction method in thetownships is that of the block/brickwork house andthe steel clad shacks. The former, mostly construct-ed through government subsidies, uses wet worksconstruction and typically contributes to the estab-lishment of more permanent settlements. In themore established wards of Mamelodi, this structureis very often manipulated by the land owners with

additions, extensions and alterations. Its counter-part, the ‘Zozo Hut’, is constructed in like fashionand has established itself amongst the informalbusiness enterprises. It is also commonly erected onformal stands and is used as a rentable outbuilding.The Zozo Hut is often seen as a temporary solutionto housing due to its ability to be relocated with theuser. The existing construction culture gives rise toan opportunity to examine an architecture based ondisassembly and re-assembly.

For this project, these two systems are takeninto consideration with regards to achieving adegree of permanence with the option of change-ability. Thus the criteria for material and construc-tion demands ease of transport, on-site assemblyusing local labour, self-informing assembly byunskilled labour, labour-intensive operation, pieceassembly and erection, skills transfer, low skillsoperation, economic viability, little or no heavymachinery to be used, limited need for electricity(thus requiring the majority of work to be done bymanual labour with no welding). This has led to theconsideration of a steel structure with predrilledholes at determined increments to be fixed with nutsand bolts (Figures 5 and 6), assembled on site withthe ability to reuse the components upon disassem-bly, relocation or manipulation of the structure.

Lightweight cold-formed steel sections areideal as a building material. The advantages arethat this form of structure is lightweight, has a highstrength-to-weight ratio, high stiffness and comes invarious shapes and sections which can allow foradditions and alterations with minimal wastage.The material is non-combustible and allows for pre-fabrication of parts, compact packaging and accu-

Figure 4. Phased growth of service core to servant spine

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rate assembly.Hydraform dry-stacking blocks have the

following dimensions 120-240mm long x 220 or140mm wide x 115mm high with typical strengthvalues of 4-7MPa. This method is considered asinfill in this project as these blocks are ideal forremote regions as they are produced on-site bymeans of a mobile or stationary block-makingmachine. The interlocking dry-stacking blocksrequire minimal mortar and are produced fromLaterite (building sand/sub soil) and 5-10%cement. Hydraform uses soil cement CompressedEarth Block (CEB) technology. Blocks do not need

to be burnt and need a minimum of 7 days curing.Hydraform equipment is made locally and the fran-chise provides full training and support. Mobileblock making machines need low-skilled operationwith little or no dependence on higher skills. Thus itis labour intensive with almost all of the productionand construction process occurring on-site. It is thuscost-effective and fast to use.

Finnbuilder box shuttering dimensions are480 mm (length) x 220, 150 or 110 mm (wallthickness) x 240 mm high and allow for straight aswell as circular walls. Finnbuilder is a slip form shut-tering system whereby a shuttering mechanism is

Figure 5&6. Adaptable steel structures composed of modular parts

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filled with the necessary cement, sand and aggre-gate mix and upon compaction is slid to the nextarea along the length or height of the wall/column.The main advantages are that it is produced onsite, is labour-intensive, on-site soil may be used,low skills necessary, with the option of skills transfer.This is a low cost-high strength option.

Brownbuilt is used as roofing or claddingmaterial. The interlocking steel profile together withits clip-fixing requires no fixing holes for screws ornails, thus eliminating the damage incurred to thesheeting by such holes and allowing it to be reused.Produced in widths of 406mm, the lengths arespecified by the client and are only limited by trans-port constraints (usually 18,6 m). Brownbuilt canbe used in conjunction with other sheeting profilesby using the relevant flashings, and it is easy toinstall.

Abeco hot-dipped galvanised lightweightpressed steel tanks are composed of prefabricatedmodular panels. These are used to erect the tanksfor water storage as they are ideal for remote areaswhere access is limited. Their small modular sizeand robustness allows for easy access and unde-manding transport. Panel sizes are 1220 mm x1220 mm or 610 mm x 1220 mm half panels pro-duced in 3 mm, 4.5 mm and 6 mm thicknesses.The maximum depth is restricted to 4 panels (4880mm). It is planned that panels be painted by local

children and artists helping establish a sense ofownership through community pride so as to detervandalism as well as aiding in corrosion resistance.

Only 3 types of fasteners, all 8 mm indiameter, are to be used on the steel structurereducing the need for a variety of fasteners andchances of error. These are specified as hot-dippedgalvanised, high tensile grade nuts and bolts, easi-ly accessible though fitted with a guard-nut tamper-proof fastening system to prevent vandalism andtheft and galvanised gutter bolts.

By these materials, products and technolo-gies, or similar alternatives, as the basis for thebuilding parts, an adaptive system emerges. Thissystem is thus capable of reacting, growing, shrink-ing and learning. The steel structure undergoes astructural and programmatic evolution (Figure 7),reacting to need and growth intensity. This preventsan initial high capital cost as well as allowing thelayout to be tested by the users, who then respondappropriately.

C ONC LUSIO N

For this proposed system to be successful, the com-munity of Phumolong needs to be fully involvedfrom the outset. The strategic site is crucial in estab-lishing a service core as a catalyst, which will trig-

Figure 7. Evolution of modular steel structure

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ger off more activity and construction, eitherattached to the service core or in close proximity toit. By a unique approach to the project and thedesign conceptualised, it is hoped that there will bea willingness from the public and private sectors toinvest in the area. However, as discussed above, theinitial project need not be a large, capital-intensiveintervention, but rather a seed that inspires andguides an ongoing process. Ultimately, the aim ofthe servant core is to serve the community by pro-viding the necessary basic services while acting ascatalyst for social upliftment. In conclusion, thearchitectural approach encourages the designintervention to serve as mediator through a process

of change. There is no final product, but ratherarchitecture adapting constantly in response to thedemand and energies of the surrounding contextand its inhabitants.

A CKNO WL EDGME NTSMr. Jacques Laubscher is acknowledged as the supervisor for

this study and the coordinator for the M Arch Prof degree at the

Department of Architecture, University of Pretoria, 2009. The

study was partially funded by the University of Pretoria and the

National Research Foundation (NRF), South Africa.

Figure 8. Phased growth of building system

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R EF ERE NCE S

BRAND, S. 1995, How Buildings Learn: what happens after

they’re built, Penguin Books, New York.

CITY OF TSHWANE DISASTER MANAGEMENT SERVICES.

2008, Disaster Risk Atlas, © 2008. City of Tshwane, Pretoria.

DEBACKER, W. et al., 2006, The Hendrickx-Vanwalleghem

design strategy. In W. De Wilde & C. Brebbia, eds. High

Performance Structures and Materials III. WIT Press, p. 744.

DEWAR, D. & UYTENBOGAARDT, H. 1991, South African

cities: a manifesto for change. (Cape Town: Urban Problems

Research Unit University of Cape Town).

DURMISEVIC, E. 2006, Transformable Building Structures:

design for disassembly as a way to introduce sustainable engi-

neering to building design & construction. Doctoral thesis.

Technische Universiteit Delft.

GOTTSMANN, D. & OSMAN, A. 2010, Environments of

Change: a design solution for an informal settlement in

Mamelodi, CIB World Congress 2010, Building a Better

World, May 10-13 2010, The Lowry, Salford Quays, United

Kingdom.

GOTTSMANN, D. 2009, Servant core in support of multi-func-

tional service facilities, Master's Dissertation, University of

Pretoria, South Africa.

GROAK, S. 1992, The Idea of Building: thought and action in

the design production of buildings, E & FN Spon, Great Britain.

HABRAKEN, J. 1998, The Structure of the Ordinary Form and

Control in the Built Environment. (Massachusetts: MIT Press).

HAMDI, N. 2004, Small Change: about the art of practice and

the limits of planning in cities. (London: Earthscan).

LUKEZ, P. 2009, Urban Edges Transformed, in Time-Based

Architecture International, Voume 6, June 2009.

METROPLAN. 2006, Mamelodi Top 20 Priority Township

Programme, Third Draft, Drafted for Gauteng provincial gov-

ernment department of housing by Metroplan.

OSMAN, A. and HERTHOGS, P. 2010, Medium Density Mixed

Housing: sustainable design and construction of South African

Social Housing, Council for Scientific and Industrial Research,

CSIR Conference, Science Real and Relevant, 2010.

OSMAN, A. and KONIGK, R. 2009, Educating for Flexibility:

explorations into housing and urban environments in South

Africa, Architecture SA March April 2009

PADUART, A., DEBACKER, W., HENROTAY, C., DE TEMMER-

MAN, N., DE WILDE, W. P., HENDRICK, H. 2009,

Transforming Cities: introducing adaptability in existing resi-

dential buildings through reuse and disassembly strategies for

retrofitting, http://www.irbnet.de/daten/iconda/CIB14274.pdf

accessed 28.06.2010 13.07, Conference on Construction

Material Stewardship – Lifecycle design of buildings, systems

and materials. Conference Proceedings

SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF ARCHITECTS, Awards for

Excellence and Awards for Merit 2009-10, Jury report pub-

lished, isbn: 978-0-620-42146-1, CTP Books

UN-HABITAT. 2003, The Challenge of Slums: global report on

human settlements 2003 / United Nations Human Settlements

Programme, VA: Earthscan Publications Ltd., London and

Sterling.

OSMAN, A. and SEBAKE, N. 2010, “Time” as a key factor in

design and technical decision-making: concepts of

accessibility, affordability, participation, choice, variety and

change in the South African housing sector, Council for

Scientific and Industrial Research, CSIR Conference, Science

Real and Relevant, 2010.

INTERVIEWS:

PIETERSE, J. 2009, personal conversation, 25 May

Authors’ Address:Donovan Gottsmann, [email protected]. &

Dr. Amira [email protected]

Senior Researcher

Council for Scientific and Industrial Research, CSIR,

iPretoria, South Africa.

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Ahmed Abu Al Haija

Abstract

Hundreds of Jordanian traditional villages are facing the serious risk of being demolished due to the shortage ofbasic public services and their resulting abandoned state. Important occurrences of vernacular architecture inthese villages necessitate a national strategy to conserve the tangible and intangible heritage they offer, despitethe economic difficulties that impede the local community in their efforts to protect or rehabilitate their long-estab-lished habitat and traditions. The case of Dana is a relevant example of these villages that are abandoned inspite of their considerable human and material potentialities. Therefore, analyses of place-oriented conceptualmeaning, which affect man’s belonging to the place, and building typologies are developed in order to compre-hend the traditional spatial composition and the interrogatives of conserving the original habitat for tourism pur-poses. Appropriate scenarios of administrative and technical approaches could better offer the local communi-ties the conservation of memories, place identity and sustainable economic development, hopefully extendible toother situations in traditional villages.

Keywords: Social Spaces, Culture, Place Character , Dana Village, Traditional Shelters .

ALIENATION OF TRADITIONAL HABITATS AND SHELTERS IN JORDANIAN VILLAGES

INTRODUCTION

Before the establishment of Jordan as an indepen-dent state in 1946, the Jordanian population wasmainly composed of semi-nomads who settled invillages close to the fertile lands of the country, andnomadic Bedouins who had previously wanderedin the desert of Arabia (see: Bin Mohammad,1999; Shryock, 1997). The traditional Jordanianvillages represented places of stability for the semi-nomadic population, where emotional attachmentand a physical context became the signs of localnational Jordanian identity.

The village of Dana was a typical result ofhabitat production and “man-made expression”(see Smith, 2003), where the community in certaincircumstances collectively creates its own commonculture, symbolic values and characteristic livingenvironment, producing specific forms, typologyand a compact urban fabric suitable to their habitsand lifestyles. This production of the habitat properbegins with the initiative of a familial bond, evolv-ing without any pre-programmed projects toauthentically reflect the collective and individual

needs. People had the capacity to create their ownshelter depending on social collaboration, ratherthan through the intervention of the State or by fol-lowing particular norms and obligations encour-aged by any local administrations. The sponta-neous urban texture and architecture in the villageof Dana reveals the necessities of having minimumspaces to live, reducing the size of units, openings,and structural forms, and inventing typologies thatreflect particularities of the vernacular architecturein Jordan.

Some Islamic social and territorial princi-ples have created in several countries a strongsense of attachment to the place in terms of per-sonal interrelationships (see Akbar, 1992; Al Abed,2010). In fact, these principles have encouraged,firstly, the nomads to be stable in lands that theybecome owners of--if they cultivate or use it accord-ing to the principle of “Ihyaa Al Ard,” which meansland revitalization. Secondly, other principles havesupported the construction of buildings to beattached to each other following some of theHadith of the Prophet Mohamed in citing severalregulations and norms of their relationships. These

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hadith recommend, for example, the use of a com-mon wall in between neighbours in order to favoura more compact neighbourhood (see also Fusaro,1984). The urban structure of Dana village reflectsthe traditional culture of Muslims through the con-struction of their habitat in terms of public, semi-public and private spaces.

The semi-nomadic population of Dana haslived many hundreds of years cultivating the fertilelands of the area, grazing sheep and producingmilk and cheese. In 1973, about one thousandpersons gradually moved to a new quarter locatedabout 3 km away from the village (Naa’na, 2001).The government sustained the local population bybuilding low-cost housing units and supplying somepublic facilities such as schools, clinics and a civiccentre. The lack of these services and public trans-portation in the original village of Dana favouredthe displacement and, consequently, the abandon-ment of the village, which thereby provoked grad-ual physical deterioration of the buildings andplace alienation among the indigenous populace.For this reason, the local community of Dana is stillsceptical regarding some public and private pro-posals to rehabilitate the village for tourist purpos-es, not only for economic reasons but also forsocial and administrative factors.

The objectives of this research pertain tothe conservation of habitat in architectural andhuman terms, preventing reasons of abandonmentof these villages in order to protect the history of thecultural material of the Jordanian people in anauthentic manner. Tilley (2006: 15) cites

MacCanell who has argued that “at the heart oftourism is a process in which local culture and iden-tities become consumed by outsiders, cultures andidentities which lack authenticity because of the dis-placement and movement of peoples”. Therefore,a sustainable approach in rehabilitating someJordanian villages for tourist purposes in addition tolocal habitation is recommended as welcomesource of economic development (Robinson andBoniface, 1999). However, there is a need to avoidany marketing ploys in restoring the village (Lansingand De Vries, 2007) and considering that atourist’s meaning of place generally contrastsstrongly with the resident’s meaning of place, whichcould create conflict (see Abul Al Haija, 2011;Relph, 2000).

The village of Dana is also selected as asignificant case due to its traditional and architec-tural values in relation to its geographical impor-tance and environmental context. A Nature Reservewas instituted at the borders of the village in 1993,covering 320 square kilometres within a range of20 kilometres, to protect the unique Mediterraneanflora and fauna of the area (UNESCO, 2004: 59).This paper highlights some of the communal par-ticularities of this village, discussing the humanneeds in relation to abandoning the place wherepeople have their roots, and the loss of communityspaces and unique architectural character of shel-ters.

Methodologically, due to the shortage ofdocumentation or research regarding DanaVillage, the author spent different months there andin other Jordanian villages collecting, through theoral testimonies of local inhabitants, informationmainly of qualitative type regarding the population,activities and opinions of the indigenous popula-tion. In addition, several contacts with local repre-sentatives and public institutions were alsoarranged, which were fundamental in providingfeedback for this paper. Numerous contacts wereestablished particularly with the Mayor of Al-Qadisiyya (who was born in Dana Village anddirectly assisted the author in the field survey andthe memory of some particular places), the repre-sentatives of Dana and Al-Qadisiyya LocalCommunity Cooperative and components of thefamilies who still live in Dana village. Therefore, thispaper is structured in order to encourage a multi-

Figure 1. Location of Dana Village. Source: Google Earth(US Dept of State Geographer, Photogram survey: 2007),with clarification made by the author.

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disciplinary approach, proposing socio-culturaland technical analysis for similar cases in Jordanand possibly for other countries, highlighting theimportance of adopting a comprehensive strategyin dealing with the protection and conservation ofvillages scattered in vast territories, all under sub-mission to infrastructural problems and public ser-vice needs.

DANA VI LLAGE ANALYSES:

Geography, History and Population The site is located about 50 kilometres north ofPetra and 2 kilometres west of the historical “King’sHighway” (Figure 1), which connects the old popu-lation centres of Kerak, Tafila, Shobak and Petra.The geographic location of Dana has been impor-tant since the Neolithic period (4500-8000 BC).Over the centuries, Egyptians, Nabateans, Romans,Byzantines and Muslims have settled in this area(Khresat et al, 2000).

Dana is found on the side of the first deepvalley of Wadi Feynan, where, similar to other tra-ditional Jordanian villages in the southern part ofthe country, the rough topography, steep slope andonly one possible entrance to the village favoured itas a natural security refuge against the Bedouins’attacks on it (figure 2).

In fact, this location could have been influ-ential in the creation of early dwellings in the vil-lage, which were camouflaged by a complex ofbuildings and roofs formed by one storey, which fol-lowed the terrain contours down toward the valley(figure 3). A semi-nomadic tribe (Al-Ataa’ta) settledin Dana, probably around the second half of theOttoman period, encouraged by the water springsand the fertility of the soil for agricultural activity,while simultaneously conserving the traditional pas-toral life that moved across the Jordanian desert inthe east and Wadi Araba in the west (AbuMohammed Al Abed, residents in Dana village,personal communication 2010).

The habits and culture of the population

Figure 2. Dana Village as seen from the south. Source: Author 2010

Figure 3. Dana Village as seen from the east. Source: Author 2010

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are characteristic of Jordanian simple rural life,where a strong sense of cooperation is dominant,especially during the grain harvest, its collectionand storage.

Character of Place and Architecture The public and semi-public spaces were arrangedto reflect the social relationships mentioned before,and there were few open areas utilized for ceremo-nial social events. The urban fabric was articulatedthrough building typologies that organically reflect-ed the topography of the land, which was selectedoriginally for security reasons, climate and avail-ability of local materials. The open spaces repre-sented the smallest portion of allotted space insidethe village, which may have been due to securityrequirements by creating a thick density of sur-rounding buildings without a clear hierarchical pat-tern. Narrow and winding pedestrian paths lead toshelters and patios; different alleys branch off fromthe central street to the interior semi-private spacesforming, in some cases, cul-de-sacs that open tothe doorways of shelters. These paths are determin-ing forces in forming comprehensibility of the resi-dential site’s character.

The typologies of the houses, their sizes,openings, furniture, volumes, and spaces-- authen-tically reflect the old use of these shelters, where theplan is generally composed of a flexible openspace to allow multi-purpose uses: the size of theshelter varied from less than 10 to around 70square metres with very few openings, most ofwhich measure around 40 square centimetres.These openings are generally located in small rec-tangular shapes above the arched doorway or inother cases, a small hole in the ceiling, which servesas a chimney. The characteristics of darkness andsmall dimensions of the shelters are partly the result

of the conservative culture of the inhabitants, wherethe women are protected and not to be seen inpublic. They are also partly the result of the rela-tively short daily residence of men inside these shel-ters, as they spend most of their time grazing theirflocks far away from the village. Furniture is builtfrom mud and hay in organic forms, including thewheat bins attached to the bearing walls, and smallcontainers of grain, which are called khabieh.

Poverty forced necessary solutions to effectprivacy, considering that in several cases more thantwo families divided the same shelter of less than 50square meters. In these cases, the dwelling wasdivided into single zones called mastaba, whichwere separated from the others by a carpet hang-ing called albjad. Small halls were located inbetween the walls that divide these zones, in orderfor the neighbouring women to keep in contact withone another. These poor shelters, which also lackedinterior bathroom facilities, also contained spacesfor some domestic animals located in specialspaces called mithwads (figure 4). Communallatrines, which all residents of the village used, wereset apart from the multi-purpose rooms. Somebread ovens (taboun) built of mud were also usedby all residents of the village. (Mayor of Al-Qadisiyya, personal communication 2010) (seealso McCann, 1997: 117).

Some shelters form a miniature neighbour-hood organized around small courtyards. The typi-cal typology is formed by rectangular spaces witharches called gantara (to a maximum of 3 arches)which support the ceilings that used to be coveredby mud and a waterproof layer composed of a fine-grained, special mud known as samag. Many ofthe traditional houses in Jordan are rather typical.Some differ in the way their ceilings are construct-ed. Khammash (1995: 75) uses the ceiling to cat-

Figure 4. Schematic plan and photo of a typical traditional shelter. Source: Author

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egorize the different kinds of structures, analysingthe rural fallahi houses in some vernacular villagesin Jordan. The typical way of constructing the ceil-ing in a fallahi house is by the placement of one tofour arches paralleling each other and the frontwall. “This divides a large rectangle into smallerspans in order to use the typically short trees ofJordan and to avoid the risk of using beams thatmight bend under the load of the heavy layers ofmud in the roof” (figure 5). Shelters are construct-ed in a compact form attached to each other andseparated by few narrow alleys. Doors are well-crafted from the trunks of trees and locked by steelbolts and locks (meghlak alghal).

Due to the state of abandonment, about370 houses analysed during the survey were harsh-ly deteriorated. For example, roofs and bearingwalls had collapsed (more than 70%). Some court-yards had recently been used for animals (goatsand sheep) causing different kinds of decay due tothe effect of animal waste on lime mortar andstone. Some collapsed shelters had been substitut-ed out by the owners in the last 50 years for moremodern forms, which used concrete slab andbeam. Figure 6 shows a model of Jordanian tradi-tional architecture transformation, substituted bear-ing walls, mud roofs and arches into a concretestructure, flat arches and wide span.

The new typical typologies are generallycomposed of a rectangular shape forming tworooms and a bathroom located in an open spacein front of the shelter. The external walls consist of15-20 cm thick hollow cement blocks without any

insulating material. The flat concrete roof is also notinsulated and the roof color is gray concrete thathas a high rate of heat and cold transmittance (see:Energy Efficient Building Code for Jordan, 2009).All these new shelters (about 10) had also beenabandoned.

THE ABANDONMENT OF DANA V I LLA-GE: AL QADIS IYYA NEW QUARTER

Despite the abandonment of the village for morethan three decades, the memory of place is stillalive within the elderly people of Dana who bear inmind all these events and social relationships. Apleasant place creates a strong sense of belongingand reasons deeply rooted in the proper space andcommunity (see Kaplan, 1987). The new quarterestablished close to the Kings Highway around

Figure 5. A typical traditional structure, Source: Author 2010

Figure 6. Historic transformation of the Jordanian traditional architecture. Source: Khatib, 2008

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three kilometres away from the original site of thevillage of Dana has encouraged people to leavethe original village and now also accommodateother people from the area. The number of resi-dents in this new quarter, called Al-Qadisia, was2,392 in 1979. In 2009, the number of residentsincreased to 7,712 (figure 7). Consequently, thevillage of Dana was severely reduced to 410 per-sons in 1979 and in 2009 there were 91 residentsin Dana (Statistical Department of Jordan, 2010).

In 1982, the Municipality of Al-Qadisiyyawas established on 8 square kilometres in order tobetter manage urban development and social ser-vices. As of a recent survey, there were four ele-mentary schools, two high schools, one civic centre,one clinic with only three doctors in charge and adental clinic. The local government offers free mod-est health services for low-income families, but thepublic services in terms of quantity or quality aredrastically below an acceptable standard (seeSteiner and Butler, 2007). In fact, in the approvedStructural Urban Plan of Al-Qadisiyya (2009), thearea allotted per resident is less than 2 msquare/person, without also taking into considera-tion the lack of green and sport areas for childrenand adults. Problems of poverty and shortage offunds or capital for investments are the main caus-es of this severely depressed urban condition(Mayor of Al-Qadisiyya, personal communicationon April 2010).

Naa’na is a researcher born in Al-Qadisiyya and interested in the environmentalproblems of the area. He states: “The developmentof social services in Al-Qadisiyya has concentratedthe population in this new quarter, leaving Danahistorical village, but I’m very worried about this

development in which people have abandonedsome of their traditional habits and cultivationsearching to be governmental employees. Theincreasing number of population and the urbangrowth created diminution of agricultural landsabandoning the traditional activities, which nega-tively affect the environment” (Naa’na, 2001: 59).The Mayor of Al-Qadisiyya highlighted the alter-ation of social attitudes regarding the community’ssense of solidarity in the case of death or marriage.For example, these social events had become morerestricted to the family in comparison to the past sit-uation in Dana village, where these events hadbeen practiced with the involvement of the entirecommunity.

The architectural and urban typologies ofthe new Al-Qadisiyya quarter are completely differ-ent from those of the village of Dana. Buildings aredetached from each other, using similar formsinvolving steel and cement materials. The setbacksof buildings, volumes, and heights are totally regu-lated by the municipality; the process of develop-ment of the neighbourhoods depends mainly onthe local authority’s decision, reducing to a mini-mum level the possibilities of local communityinvolvement. Citizens don’t live in community any-more but are isolated in individual monotonousbuildings (see figure 8). They don’t interact asbefore, lacking their traditional open spaces suchas squares, paths, and patios, all of which werepreviously organised for social events and meet-ings. The new houses provide more interior livingspace in comparison with the traditional shelters, agreater number of rooms per nuclear family, andindoor kitchen and bathrooms. Some are multi-story urban houses which open out in most cases

Figure 7. Al Qadisiyya new town. Source: Author 2010

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directly onto the street.Public life is for the most part reduced to

attendance at the Islamic prayers on Fridays. Theshortage of public communal places and particularcharacter of architectural elements and urbanspaces affect the inhabitants of Al-Qadisiyya bymaking them emotionally less attached to theirplace of origin (see figure 9: The comparisonbetween two roads in Dana and Al Qadisiyya. Notethe character of place marked by materials, unityand harmony of buildings).

Some elderly people (in personal commu-nication to the author) described life in Dana villageand Al-Qadisiyya by expressing their strong senseof disappointment in regards to the degradedurban quality of the new quarter and the lifestyles oftheir children, where persons are isolated indetached houses and exposed to traffic, sun andwind conditions, as well as the lack of any com-mune and social spaces. In comparison with Danavillage, the sense of relationship and socializationwas favoured by its urban texture, and articulatedwith human passions for public and environmentalneeds. Figure 10 shows a comparison between theorganic pattern of Dana and the modern geomet-

ric pattern of Al-Qadisyya.

THE URBAN AND ADMIN ISTRAT I VERECENT S ITUATION

According to a unpublished document, an interna-tional organization offered a grant to help in reha-bilitating the village for tourism purposes. TheJordanian government was interested in seizing thisopportunity through the Royal Society for theConservation of Nature [RSCN], which is the NGOauthorized to manage and use state-owned landon behalf of the Kingdom (Arch. Khammash, con-sultant on the proposal, personal communication,2010).

Although the project plan and the fundingwere not yet published, the RSCN called the own-ers and representatives of the village to sign anagreement in order to rehabilitate the village fortourism purposes. The owners were requested tocontribute to the construction of the intervention interms of costs covering part of the project, whichcould be paid in instalments (A. Al Khawaldeh,President of Dana and Al Qadisiyya Local

Figure 8. Schematic plan of dwelling and a residential prototype in Al-Qadisiyya. Source: Author

Figure 9. Local street in Dana (on the left) and local street in Al Qadisiyya (on the right). Source: Author 2010

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Community Cooperative, personal communication2010). Khaled Al Khawaldeh, who is active in somesocial programs within the community of Dana,was sceptical concerning this initiative, as heremembered his previous experience with the RSCNin managing the nearby Dana Nature Reserve, par-ticularly concerning the limited benefits to the localcommunity in terms of employment as well as therestrictions imposed on grazing.

Al-Khawaldeh, K. (2006) states: “In 1989,the very first steps for the foundation of the DanaProtectorate were taken by [the RSCN], against thelocal inhabitants' apprehensions. All members andemployees of the association were from the capitalAmman, which is about 200 kilometres north of thevillage. In 1993, the establishment of the protec-torate was officially declared. This, in turn, led tothe centralized control of the region surroundingthe village and, thus, curtailed the social and eco-nomic activities of the people, who relied mainly onlivestock breeding, agriculture and firewood gath-ering to meet their primary needs. The people weremarginalized by their low education levels as wellas their lack of practical expertise, legal culture andknowledge of relevant litigation. The local inhabi-tants lacked any influence over decision makers,particularly in light of the authoritative nature of theRSCN, [which was] directed by Jordan's mostprominent figures, with its experience, financial andmedia power”. However, architect Khammash alsostates that the local community will receive impor-tant technical aid, plus increased financial and

administrative opportunities to rehabilitate the vil-lage and make sure it really works, thanks to thetourism activity programs.

A sustainable development of the village byrehabilitating and restoring it for tourism purposescould be a measured intervention, taking into con-sideration the relevant historical and natural land-scape of the village and its constraints, which makeit difficult for the original inhabitants to upgrade thevillage to a completely new status. Moreover, thisevident conclusion applies, in certain circum-stances, not only to abandoned villages such asDana Village, but also to many others in Jordan.Thus, in similar circumstances, the conservation oforiginal habitat, memory and spirit of place aresubstantially theoretical objectives. Meanwhile, theoriginal inhabitants have long lost their links andsocial relationships within the place. Furthermore,the restoration of shelters would be so far-reachingso as to transform every original architectural ele-ment, even if these changes attempt to clone theoriginal forms and materials, such as in the reha-bilitation project of Umm Qais (see Ministry ofTourism and Antiquities, 2006, Project ofRehabilitation and Re-use of Umm Qais Village)

These presuppositions and certainly manyothers will logically guide any project of rehabilita-tion and restoration of the village, transforming thetraditional site into an open museum, a“Disneyland of the Past” altering both the originalhabitat and character of the architecture (seePocock & Hudson, 1978; Jackson, 1994; Dezzi

Figure 10. Traditional urban patterns in Dana (on the left) and modern urban pattern in Al-Qadisiyya (on the right).Source: Al-Qadisiyya Municipality with clarifications made by the author

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Bardeschi, 2004).

CONCLUSIONS

The quality of houses, people culture, relationshipsand built environment --all of these elements definethe character of a place and the affection of peo-ple and their appreciation of it. The village ofDana’s experience in displacing the local inhabi-tants to another location is revealed to be criticalconsidering the effects on the local community andthe people’s comfort with the shelter proper.However, the conservation of the spirit of placeconcerns the historical memory of people who livedin this abandoned village: their daily life, move-ments inside the village grounds, holidays, mar-riages, death, special events, and so on. These canbe documented and illustrated “live,” exposingspaces and habits only in the museum context.Documenting these traditions should be generallytaken into consideration in keeping not only thephysical aspects of the past, but also the memory ofthis place. But are “museum-ified villages” the onlymodel that can be used in the rehabilitation of themajor part of the Jordanian traditional villages?Has the culture of people become substantiallynothing more than commercial goods to show to acurious public, while the original poor inhabitantsare obliged to transfer from one place to anothersearching for public services, work and shelter?

The traditional villages in Jordan are valu-able future resources for the economy of the localpopulations. Adopting physical and economic mas-ter plans at regional and local levels is an essentialtool in enhancing people’s stability, since adoptingadequate infrastructural and public services is thefirst indispensable phase toward a holisticapproach of conservation and rehabilitation, fol-lowed by a national strategy, which has the objec-tive to preserve the memory of place and restoreimportant heritage sites. The elaboration of techni-cal guidelines is fundamental for the rehabilitationand restoration process, in order to establish ahomogenous background of norms and modalityof interventions. These address all components ofthe villages, conserving, as a principal concept, thepalimpsest of every historical stratification, mean-ings and signs, and adding the requested innova-

tive technologies, new spaces and buildings inorder to keep its modern functions alive. Thisapproach is also necessary to gain the symboliceconomic advantages that the historical Jordaniancentres offer.

Sustainable development of Dana villageby rehabilitating and restoring it for tourism pur-poses is actually requested by both the local com-munity of Dana and the central government. A real-istic scenario to restore and rehabilitate the villageshould be coherent with the exigencies of Dana’slocal community: to be partners in the rehabilitationproject, not just consumers; to have more trans-parency in the agreement, specifically regarding thecosts of project and implementation and to beinvolved in the decision process of the intervention.

REFERENCES

ABU AL HAIJA A. 2011. Jordan: Conflict with Local

Communities, Habitat International, 35, 93-100.

AL ABED, B. 2010. Architectural conservation in the Islamic

Arab Civilization (trans.), Isesco, Ribat.

AL KHAWALDEH, K. 2006. Dana Valley Natural Preserve:

Human Rights and Community Development, http://www.hic-

net.org/document.php?pid=2669.

AKBAR, J. 1992. Earth Architecture in Islam (trans.), Dar Al

Qibla Islamic Culture, Jedda.

BIN MOHAMMAD, G. 1999. The Tribes of Jordan at the

Beginning of the Twenty-first Century, Turab, Amman.

DEZZI BARDESCHI, M. 2004. Restoration: Tow Points and

Restart (trans.), Franco Angeli, Milano.

ENERGY EFFICIENT BUILDING CODE FOR JORDAN. 2009

(trans.), Ministry of Public Works and Housing, Amman.

JACKSN, J. BRINCKERHOFF 1994. A Sense of Place a Sense

of Time, New Haven, Yale University Press.

FUSARO, F. 1984. The Islamic City (trans.), Ed. La Terza, Bari.

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KAPLAN, S. 1987. Aesthetics, Affect and Cognition:

Environmental Preference from an Evolutionary Perspective.

Environment and Behaviour, vol 19. PP 3-32.

KHAMMASH, A. 1995. Notes on Villages Architecture in

Jordan, Arabesque Int., 2nd Edition. Louisiana.

KHATIB, R., 2008. Concept for Restoring Sukkar Building

(trans), 1st Balqa Engigneering Conference – heritage and

construction, Book of Proceeding, Salt.

KHRESAT, M. AL-SAWARIEH, N MAHAFTHA, M. HAZAYMEH,

E. 2000. The History of Jordan and its Civilization (trans.),

Hamadeh Corporation for Studies and Services, Irbid-Jordan.

LANSING, P and DE VRIES, P. 2007. Sustainable Tourism:

Ethical Alternative or Marketing Ploy? Journal of Business

Ethics, 72:77-85.

MCCANN, L. (1997) Patriloca co-residential Units (PCUs) in

Al-Barha: Dual household Structure in a Provincial Town in

Jordan, Journal of Comparative Family Studies, Vol. 28 Issue

2, p113-135.

MINISTRY OF TOURISM AND ANTIQUITIES 2006. Amman,

Project of Rehabilitation and Re-use of Umm Qais Village

Through Community Participation and Increase of Economic

Opportunities.

NAA’NA, J. 2001. Problems of Territorial Use on the

Environment in Al Qadisiyya Area (trans.), Master Degree,

Juba University, Sudan.

POCOCK, D. and HUDSON, R. 1978. Images of the Urban

Environment , New York: Columbia University Press.

RELPH, E. 2000. In: Classic in Human Geography Revisited,

Progress in Human Geography. 24, 4 pp. 612-617.

ROBINSON, M. and BONIFACE, P. (Eds.). 1999. Tourism and

Cultural Conflict, M, and Boniface, P., Cabi Pubblishing, New

York.

SHRYOCK, A. 1997. Nationalism and the Genealogical

Imagination : Oral History and Textual Authority in Tribal

Jordan, University of California Press.

SMITH, P. 2003. the Dynamic of Delight: Architecture and

Aesthetics, London, New York, Routledge.

STATISTICAL DEPARTMENT OF JORDAN 2010. Document N.

5/1/2/1319, 30/3/2010, (trans.).

STEINER, F. and BUTLER, K. 2007. Planning and Urban Design

Standards, John Wiley & Sons, Inc, Hoboken, New Jersey.

STRUCTURAL URBAN PLAN OF AL QADISIYYA, 2009,

Municipality of Al Qadisiyya.

TILLEY, C. 2006. Introduction: Identity, Place, Landscape and

Heritage, Journal of Material Culture, Sage Publication,

London, Vol. 11 (1/2): 7-32.

UNESCO Project Document 2004 Jordan: Dana Biosphere

Reserve Sub-Project.

Author’s Address:Ahmed Abu Al HaijaPhiladelphia University – [email protected]

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Hilal Aycı & Esin Boyacıoğlu

Abstract

If regionalism is defined as designing responsibly in reaction to a local context, then critical regionalism can bedefined as doing so without denying the universally enlightening content of the modernist project. Armed with thisdefinition, this article attempts to analyze two houses by architect Han Tümertekin that are set in a rural contextin a very small Aegean village in Turkey. The aim of the paper is to explore the extent to which these two build-ings embrace the tenets of critical regionalism and to understand the local relevance as well as internationalesteem of the buildings.

Keywords: Critical regionalism, tactile, place-context, tectonic-poetic, defamiliarization / estrangement.

A READING IN CRITICAL REGIONALISM: ANALYSISOF TWO HOUSES BY HAN TÜMERTEKİN*

INTRODUCTION

Like in many disciplines, the need for theories inarchitecture arose from the tendency to reduce crit-icism to personal views and even prejudices of awriter. On the other hand, it is largely common forcritics to reduce the built environment into two cat-egories: universal and local. Within the intersectionof these seemingly opposite concepts, there existothers such as location, context, culture and time,which transform the universal and local duality, thatwas especially perceived after World War II, intoconcepts capable of enriching the language andcontent of architecture. Lewis Mumford, in a 1971speech, pointed out that the “Modern Movementwas regional at heart” (Tzonis, Lefaivre, 2003: 6)suggesting a new reading for the built environmentinstead of merely reading it as universal or local.This objection to approaching universal and localas two opposite concepts was furthered byAlexander Tzonis, Liane Lefaivre and KennethFrampton in the 1980s. With the contribution ofthese writers, “critical” was appended to the con-cept of regionalism, building up a new and criticalprospect.

Similarly, Frampton, in his 1980 article

“Towards a Critical Regionalism: Six Points for anArchitecture of Resistance,” discussed six conceptswhich mediate between universal and local. Themain idea of this article was that a designer mustengage with the specificities of culture, place, tec-tonics and tactile experience, otherwise the builtenvironment will only consist of functional entities.Tzonis and Lafaivre on the other hand put forwardanother concept within the theme of critical region-alism; defamiliarization. Defamiliarization proposesan awareness of the familiar environments of dailylife. According to critical regionalism, these con-cepts need to be taken critically in order to havemore ‘appropriate works’ in the built environment.These concepts also pave the way for prolificdebates to interpret the built environment.

The aim of this essay is to form a concep-tual framework that is “critically regionalist” andenables a reading specific to Han Tümertekin’s B2and SM Houses. Through this method, the goal isto spotlight the hidden qualities of the buildingswhich are not perceived at first sight. This readingintends to take the architectural product beyond thefamiliar way of defining a product on the basis offunction, and enables a reading of the interfaces ofopposite concepts. The aforementioned houses

* This article is adapted from the Hilal Aycı’s master thesis , "Seeking the Universal within The Local: A Reading Of Han Tümertekin's

B2 and SM Houses Through the Prominent Concepts of ‘Critical Regionalism’ ” (thesis advisor: Associate Prof. Dr. Esin Boyacıoğlu),

submitted to the Gazi University Institute of Science and Technology, Ankara, TURKEY, 2008.

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mediate between the universal and local and resistagainst uniformization. Among the concepts of crit-ical regionalism, place and context describe therelationship between buildings and their location.On the other hand, the concepts of tectonics, poet-ics, tactility and defamiliarization display the archi-tectural aspects which address the senses and intu-itions of humans. Thus, they help the reading of thespatial and experimental power of an architecturalproduct without limiting it to the mere functionaland visual.

WHAT IS CR IT ICAL REGIONALISM?

Regionalism in architecture is to design responsiblyin reaction to a local context. Adolf Loos has madea clear distinction between “regional” and “region-alism”: the term regional points at an unconsciousway of construction, conveyed by culture, from gen-erations to generations, following traditional pat-terns. Loos explains this by giving examples fromnative construction. He thus explains the idea ofregional in a simple manner: “The peasant builds aroof. Is it a beautiful or ugly roof? … It is the roofas his father, grandfather, and great grandfatherhad built the roof before him.” (Loos in Frampton1987: 378). This is an interesting understanding ofthe term regional that implies an unconscious wayof building: just doing what your ancestors havedone for ages. But on the other hand, when the suf-fix “-ism” is added to the concept, the very same actbecomes conscious.

As mentioned in the introduction, Mumfordwas the first to debate the idea of regionalism inarchitecture. Forty years later, Antony Alofsin follow-ing Mumford’s emphasis on regionalism in 1980’s,proposed a new term called “constructive regional-ism.” Tzonis and Lefaivre, with their text ‘WhyCritical Regionalism Today?’, took Alofsin’s con-structive regionalism ideas and coined the term‘critical regionalism,’ whose main aim is to mediatethe local and universal. Such a position criticizestendencies in architecture to imitate vernacularform in a scenographic way and/or the proliferatedcopies of international architecture. Critical region-alism resists both of these. Articulated with the con-cept of ‘critical’, regionalism contains some linkswith critical theory (Nesbitt, 1996: 483). According

to Tzonis and Lefaivre, being critical is essential. Forthem an architect can criticize regionalism in twoways: the first is to investigate whether the regional-ist tradition is legitimate, and the second is to usethe method of ‘defamiliarization’ (Tzonis, Lefaivre,1990: 488).

Frampton adopted and generated theseefforts and produced many statements that collec-tively are something close to a manifesto.Beginning in 1983, with his “Six Points ofResistance” (Culture and Civilization, The Rise andFall of the Avant-Garde, Critical Regionalism andWorld Culture, The Resistance of the Place-Form,Culture Versus Nature: Topography, Context,Climate, Light and Tectonic Form, and The VisualVersus Tactile) (Frampton, 1983: 16-30). One caneasily perceive that the concept of culture was givenpriority since it was discussed in three of the sixresistance points: as the core of civilization, as thecore of regionalism and universal culture, and asthe point of impact between human artifact withnature within topography. In addition to context, cli-mate and light are the local values waiting to bediscovered by a critical regionalist architect, inaddition to tectonic form, which should add poeticvalue to the culture of building. The tactile is intro-duced to architecture along with the visual to enrichthe perceived architecture.

Frampton’s efforts on this subject evolvedover a period of sixteen years. Frampton’s six pointevolved into ten points in 1987 under the headlineof “Ten Points for an Architecture of Resistance.”(Critical Regionalism and Vernacular Form, TheModern Movement, Myth and the Reality of theRegion, Information and Experience, Space/Place,Typology/Topography, Architectonic/Scenographic,Artificial/Natural, Visual/Tactile, Post-Modernismand Regionalism: A Summation) (Frampton, 1987:374-385) This time, Frampton discussed criticalregionalism in relation to vernacular form. He alsoquestioned the concept of “region” with its histori-cal and mythological background and put intodebate the known and the experienced whileadding a new concept: Post-modernism.

We can assume that the concept of criticalregionalism, encompassing the ‘critical’ approach,highlights some of the potential tension betweendichotomies such as traditional and contemporary,old and new, universal and regional, natural and

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artificial, visual and tactile, myth and reality, mod-ern and postmodern, and thus proposes variouskey points to initiate a resistance to existent archi-tectural understanding. Some of these concepts areperceived as appropriate thresholds of resistanceagainst the banality of the built environment. Thus,some of these critical positions can be used as toolsin the evaluation of Tümertekin’s B2 and SMHouses.

THE POINTS OF RES ISTANCE

The following dichotomies can be derived fromthese conceptual debates and developments sur-rounding critical regionalism. It is not through theclassification of these ‘dichotomies’ as opposingpolar points but through the reading of the con-nection and intercorrelations of said ‘dichotomies’that the reading gains value. It will be through sucha reading that this study will be conducted.Additionally, some of Frampton’s resistance points,such as tactile, place, context, and tectonic as wellas poetic, stand out as clear and unambiguouspoints for one to use as tools to evaluate the twobuildings in question. Similarly, Tzonis andLefaivre’s concept of defamiliarization/estrange-ment has been chosen as another tool to readthese buildings. Simultaneously, these chosenpoints act as key concepts or thresholds againstbuilt environments that lack character and identity.

Frampton’s view of critical regionalismespecially calls for the first resisting point of thisstudy, the tactility. The tactility encourages the archi-tect to go beyond the visual and incorporate asense of touch as well as other senses such assmelling, hearing, etc. Among the literature on tac-tility, Juhani Pallasmaa’s discussion on the relation-ship between the tactile and architecture seems tobe the most extensive. According to Pallasmaa, “awise architect must work with his/her entire body. Inhis opinion, even during the designing process,drawing by hand and making models provides atactile experience for the architect.” For Pallasmaa,“today’s new technologies such as computer aideddesign, although being beneficial, flatten a design-er’s imagination and creates a distance betweenthe maker and the object” (Pallasmaa, 2005: 13).

Experience is another key point for “the tac-

tile.” That is, we can only realize the effect of theother senses through experience. For example, inorder to feel the texture or smell of a material, onlyseeing is not enough. In addition to seeing, touch-ing and smelling are also needed. We can onlyunderstand the quality of light in a space by experi-encing it with the contribution of all these senses.Tactility makes us to perceive the spaces in manyways, in addition to the act of seeing. Such anapproach allows individuals to have unique experi-ences of their own, which makes tactility an impor-tant point to understand the built environment aswell as buildings themselves.

Frampton’s second resistance point, theconcept of place is about setting limits in a con-scious way and being sensitive to local material,available labour, local climate, light and topogra-phy Besides these materialistic potentials of aregion, this entails the Heideggerian view of‘belonging’– a sense of belonging when one con-sciously feels safe in a place. (Frampton, 1987).Furthermore, critical regionalism asks designers togo beyond the values present in the immediatecontext and engage with those that are universallyenlightening.

Context, the third point, is a term which hasa close relationship with place. Sandy Isenstadt hasstated that “Context takes its place in a spectrum ofterms concerned with perception of place and thecreation of placefulness,” (Isenstadt, 2005: 160).Underlining this close relationship with context andplace, Isenstadt also refers with these words to thecomplicated aspect of context: that it alwayschanges with the surrounding circumstances, mak-ing it both a generic and specialized term.

On the other hand, in the view of criticalregionalism, context can be described as beingaware of the existing values of a region such aslight, material, existing forms, fabric, etc. But this isnot enough or the only fact. Critical regionalistsagree on the fact that the condition of the existingenvironment should be understood in all it details,and then it should be transformed. Context is anecessary concept to understand the reality of aplace because it conveys a lot of data about thatplace.

The fourth resistance point, tectonic, is aterm that has been interpreted in several ways bydifferent authors. The definition that suits the pur-

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pose of this study is as follows: Supporting struc-tures in a building are necessary elements.Nevertheless, the expression of that buildingrequires something more than simply exposingthese elements. Since expression requires a coher-ent relationship between parts, a certain poeticaddition is needed for this purpose. Thus the fourthand the fifth resisting points; tectonic and poeticcan be inherently connected. Tectonics refers to thatwhich enables the designer to achieve harmony ofparts. Tectonics in Frampton’s sense is the poetics ofconstruction. When one is speaking about the poet-ry of architecture, it embodies more than the phys-ical being of the built environment, it indicatessomething that appeals to our senses, thus it is alsoconnected to the concepts of tactile, place andcontext.

Amongst the literature on poetry,Heidegger’s article entitled ‘Poetically Man Dwells’explains how poetry relates to construction or the‘art of meaning.’ Heidegger explains poetrythrough its etymology: the word ‘poetry’ comesfrom the Ancient Greek word ‘poiesis,’ whichmeans ‘to do something,’ which implies that thereis such a thing as a poetic way of making(Heidegger, 1971: 217-228). Starting from thepoint of tectonics, we can identify the poetics ofarchitecture. It is common for poets use words in away that they compose an effective result. The poet-ic effect of architecture lies in the art of construction.In this case, the poetic of critical regionalism asks ifarchitecture can achieve the same effect of poetryby using its own elements such as slab, beam, col-umn and their construction. According toFrampton, this kind of poetic constructing of struc-ture is a kind of resistance against the materializa-

Figure 1. The Village of Buyukhusun (photo by Cemal Emdem).

Figure 2. B2 House ground floor plan (image by Mimarlar Tasarım).

Figure 3. B2 House 1st floor plan (image by Mimarlar Tasarım).

Figure 4. B2 House Section (image by Mimarlar Tasarım).

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tion of the built environment (Frampton, 1983: 16-30).

It is a generally accepted fact that humanbeings have the tendency to take for granted cer-tain familiar characteristics of their environment.From this point of view the last resistance point theconcept of defamiliarization/estrangementembraces a kind of method that can be helpful tohighlight the valuable characteristics of an environ-ment that escapes our sight because we do not payattention to it in our daily life routine implying thatin fact one may become aware of such character-istics and their values with using the familiar in anunfamiliar way. Evaluating those values andincreasing their significance leads to their discoveryonce again with brand new features.

The purpose of the current study is to ana-lyze two houses designed by Turkish architectTümertekin, which are exceptional in their way ofstanding in their environment, through the concep-tual framework of critical regionalism: tactility,placeness, contextuality, tectonic, poetic and defa-miliarization/estrangement, as manifested in theentire houses as well as their significant parts.

ANALYS IS OF TWO HOUSES

Both the B2 House (2001) and the SM house(2005) are located on the edge of the village ofBüyükhüsun, Turkey. The houses are not for perma-nent use, having been designed to be used atweekends or short vacations. The owners of the B2House are contemporary nomads, changing placesfrequently, using the latest information technologiesto keep in touch with their work. The main criteriafor the house was short-term use and low mainte-nance (Sarkis, 2007: 16, 26). B2 itself is a twostorey house, located at the edge of its site. Thehouse has a very simple rectangular layout and isapproached from the rear. The structure consists ofthree parts; two reinforced concrete walls framing ahand crafted stone wall. These elements continueon to the roof surface. Bathrooms, laundry area,storage, kitchenette and fireplace are placed withinone of the reinforced concrete walls, thereby form-ing a compact rectangular box. This creates thefree spaced layouts of the living room on theground floor and for the two bedrooms on the first

floor which are only accessible through an open airstaircase. The balcony is steel construction with awooden floor extending towards the interior on thesecond flor (Fig. 2-3).

SM House is similarly a weekend house fora family and has a simple layout; an elongated rec-tangle. The house is located on the slope of the vil-lage and is bordered on its rear by the retainingwall of the village road. The house has two alter-native outer spaces; one at the back, on the northside, and the other, the garden on the south side.The masonry wall, supported by a steel construc-tion, continues on through the roof and providesthe outer shell of the house. The concrete units,making up the structure of the house, run parallelto the short edge of the rectangle. These concreteunits are designed in the form of boxes, housing theservice areas such as walk-in-closets and bath-rooms; they act as partitioning units organizing thefloor into separate bedrooms. The south wall of thehouse is completely transparent and opens to theview. The open kitchen and the living roomdesigned as a total space, merge into a loggiawhich is roofed with crushed stone filled in wiregrids, letting sun shine through the gaps among thecrushed stone. This semi-open space both sepa-

Figure 5. SM House plan (image by Mimarlar Tasarım).

Figure 6. SM House section (image by Mimarlar Tasarım).

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rates and at the same time connects the guest roomto the rest of the house (Fig. 5).

Tactility“The space of dwelling is not a geometrical but anexistential one, resulting from our phenomenologi-cal perception of place. Its construction is ground-ed in experience.” (De Sola-Morales, 1997: 47).

Tümertekin himself declares his engage-ment with tactility through the usage of physical andperceptional elements of the site and local settle-ment. He also says that he is constantly concernedwith topography, view, local materials, light, andclimate, which are the realities of the site and rele-

vant to tactility (Tümertekin, 2008). By perception-al elements, Tümertekin means the architect’s sen-sivities as well as the client’s sensibility. Fromrecords of conversation between Tümertekin andthe client of the SM House, we can understand thatthe client’s preference was to live in loft-like vol-umes of industrial buildings, appreciating their sim-plicity in construction and appearance. Thus, theindustrial aesthetic had a direct influence on thisproject (Tümertekin, 2008). Tümertekin has trans-lated the experiences the client wanted to bring intheir life into a design such that the local villagersassociated the building with an olive oil factory, themost familiar industrial building type in the area

Figure 7. B2 House (photo by Cemal Emdem).

Figure 8. SM House (photo by Cemal Emdem).

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(Tümertekin, 2010). Tümertekin begins his designs with the

question of what he already has in hand. In thecase of Büyükhüsun Village, local materials, crafts-manship, hill-top location, and views of the AegeanSea and landscape are the existing factors whichseem to have influenced him. Mostly, however,Tümertekin has been influenced by the local stone.As can be seen, stone has been used as the prima-ry material in both houses. The B2 House is a com-position of stone walls, concrete columns, and reedscreens, whilst the SM House is a composition ofstone, steel and glass (Fig. 7-8). Both compositionsnot only create a visual impact but also a texturethat challenges the nature of the materials –belonging to the village but at the same time alien-ated from it.

The way natural light and materials areassembled in these two houses create an experi-mental atmosphere that is more than just a visualdisplay. The light filtered through the reed shades inthe B2 House and through the stone fragmentsplaced in between two wire grids on the roof of theSM House lead to varying perceptions in differentseasons. As indicated by Frampton, the effect oflight and material do not come to an end with theconstruction of the building. Their relationship con-tinuously transforms in time depending on time andspace, creating a constantly transforming experi-ence (Fig. 9-10).

Tümertekin’s impression of the streets of theBüyükhüsun village are also reflected in his designs.The area between the back wall of the SMHouse(Fig. 12) and its retaining wall seems to be areflection of the village’s stone streets (Fig. 11).Thus, the hand craftsmanship, material, and spatialexperience of the village continue to be experi-enced in the houses as well. However, there is a sig-nificant difference here: while the street of the vil-lage is a public space, it becomes a private spacein the SM House. Tümertekin not only makes use ofwhat he perceives there, but he also questions itsmeaning and transforms it.

In his visits to the B2 House following itscompletion, Tümertekin has indicated that everytime he approaches to the building from the village,he pauses momentarily. This pause is a sign ofbeing at the threshold of a totally new and differentexperience. Even for its own designer, the building

offers new opportunities of experience at each visit.The designer’s pause proves that the buildingencompasses various impacts and rich experiences.The B2 and SM Houses exist with both their per-ceptual richness like material, light, texture andtheir visual richness.

Placeness/ContextualityMeaning sets certain limits. Through these twobuildings, the village gains a new meaning. First ofall, Tümertekin engages with the materiality ofBüyükhüsun village, which is predominantly madeof stone. Both the B2 and SM Houses have cubicforms. Openings in their stone walls are perfectlycollaborated to fit the discipline of stone construc-tion. Most of the openings frame significant viewsfrom the two houses (Fig. 13). In architecture, it isalso possible to interpret the concept of place in

Figure 9. B2 House, Light coming through the reed-screens (photo by Cemal Emdem)

Figure 10. SM House “Courtyard Room” (photo by Cemal Emdem).

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other ways than the meaning imposed by the userof the space. Surrounding trees, plants and othersuch landscape elements can be taken into consid-eration and the design can adapt according to thetopography. When viewed from this aspect, the B2and SM Houses are sensitive to local materials,local craftsmanship, light, climate and scenery.However, what is discussed in the context of the B2and SM Houses is not what is associated with the

concept of place. Rather, the design methodTümertekin brings forward problematizes “place” –determining “what do I have in hand” – and asksquestions to place about what it expects and gen-erates the appropriate answers.

In the B2 and SM Houses, existing limita-tions are delineated: local materials, local crafts-manship, scenery, etc. However, there is anotheraspect of place that has to do with ensuring a feel-

Figure 11. A stone street of Büyükhüsun(photo by Hilal Aycı)

Figure 12. The stone “street” of the SM House(photo by Hilal Aycı)

Figure 13. B2 House, View from inside to the Aegean Sea (photo by Cemal Emdem).

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ing of safety – as in Heidegger’s definition of the skyforming a dome like a boundary. That is, a feelingof safety makes one belong to that “place.”Situated on the slope of the village, these two hous-es literally stand on the border. Their facades open-ing to the slope are as transparent as they can be,and when they turn their back to the village, theyare opaque (Fig. 14-16). Looking from the interiorof the house to the exterior, it is difficult to distin-guish the difference between outside and inside.The borders of inner space pass through the trans-parent glass surfaces and open out to the AegeanSea. The horizon line where the sea and sky meetalmost forms the limit of the houses’ inner space.Tümertekin pushes the limits of the relationship heestablishes with “place” by using wide glass sur-faces and positioning the buildings on the edge ofthe village. Another part of the building becomesthe emptiness belonging to place, with scenery andsea making the space coexist with them. This effortand attitude is sensed in both houses, which exper-iment with the tension of perceptual and physicallimitations, and is a sign of the problematization ofsettling on earth and also an answer produced tothat problem (Fig. 13).

Looking at the silhouette of BüyükhüsunVillage (Fig.1), it can be seen that the B2 and SMHouses have taken the existing context into consid-

eration with their cubic forms and stone texturedsurfaces. However, on approaching the houses, it isevident that the stone texture applied is differentfrom the other houses of the village. Keeping thejoints recessed from the stone surface has turned atraditionally two-dimensional element into a three-dimensional one. This differentiation in the detailexceeds the existing context (Fig.15). Even ifTümertekin’s starting point was the contextualframework of the region, he was not content withmerely reproducing it and has gone beyond theexisting context. Because of this attitude and itshumble dimensions, the B2 House can be per-ceived as a small cottage, although it creates amonumental effect by its location on the site. Onthe one hand, the positioning of the building on theborder of the site sweeps away the line betweenitself and the scenery. On the other hand, it alsoturns the building from “being just a 6-10 rectan-gular prism into a slope-situated monument” (Fig.7) (Korkmaz, 2001: 74-79).

Both houses make use of the existing con-text. However, in addition to the relationship theyform with the place and context, they also reflectcurrent conditions. The steel supports and wideglass surfaces used in SM House stretch the techni-cal possibilities of reinforced concrete and makethe buildings speak out loud that they belong to the

Figure 14. Rear View of the SM House (photo by Cemal Emdem).

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era in which they were built. From this point of view,it can be concluded that the local-universal distinc-tion which has frequently engaged the architecturalmilieu is not a dichotomy to be separated in theseexamples through clear lines. The situation of theB2 and SM Houses is a hybridity which starts withwhat is existent in the “place,” but also embracespresent possibilities.

Tectonic/PoeticOn defining the poetic construction of the tectonicshell and harmony in assembling the architecturalelements, the question arises: How can the poeticsof architecture add meaning to life? In the case ofthe B2 and SM Houses, the idea of poetics of archi-tecture is realized in the manner which natural lightis handled in an elegant and controlled way. Forinstance, in the SM House, the traditional pergolaformat has been interpreted. Instead of woodenplanks over the pergola, Tümertekin used loosepieces of rocks filled between a wire mesh and nat-ural light filters through the gaps. Tümertekin heretransforms the non-permanent nature of light andshadow in a traditional pergola to something that iseverlasting and yet varied in different senses. Herelies the poetry of Tümertekin’s architecture (Fig. 10).

When words come together in poetry, theytranscend their literal meanings. The assembly ofarchitectural elements in the B2 and SM Houseshas a similar impact as poetry. In the B2 House, themeeting of concrete surfaces with stone, togetherwith the warmth and rurality of the reeds and in theSM House, the stone walls filling the gaps inbetween the steel structures not in a customary waybut in a tectonic proficiency, create an effect similarto that of poetry.

In B2 House all the structural componentsare exposed as such that the gap on the surface

between the stone wall and the floor also stands forthe traditional skirting. The walls and the floors areseparated by a gap, not by another element, andthis gap has been used for the electrical installation.The architect’s tectonic expression power hasrevealed itself in other details as well (Fig. 15). In asimilar way, the steel columns which emphasize theverticality and visibility from the outside of the SMHouse, also prove that the tectonic power of thebuilding continues in details like holding the rain-water pipes at the same time. In both buildings, theway that parts come together has led the architectto produce a poetic result by his displaying a tec-tonic sensitivity (Fig. 14).

Defamiliarization / EstrangementThe way that Tümertekin uses the stone material inthe B2 and SM Houses different then its presentusage and resembles this “alienation” method ofcritical regionalism. When read through the con-cepts introduced to the architectural field by Tznonisand Lefaivre, these houses by Tümertekin gain dif-ferent meanings. While one walks in the streets ofthe village through the familiar stone walls, all of asudden a different stone texture is encountered. Thisdiscrepancy leads to momentary hesitations, goingbeyond the ordinary. Nor is this all for the stone tex-ture; it continues in the roofs of both houses bygoing beyond the ordinary once more. The stonethat is normally accustomed to be seen as a verti-cal element is transferred to a horizontal roof situa-tion. The stone that continues as a terrace roof inthe B2 House becomes a hipped roof in the SMHouse. Playing the lead role in “alienation” in theB2 and SM Houses, stone has gone beyond themental codes of usage and proven that it is possi-ble to discover different usages.

CONCLUSION

How can an architectural construction achieve aclose bond with its location? And, at the same time,use the language of today’s architecture avoidingimitations and replications? Responding to thesequestions, the B2 and SM Houses in BüyükhüsunVillage disappear in the silhouette of the existing vil-lage houses. When approached, they speak outloud that they are products of today having a dif-

Figure 15. B2 House (detail) (photo by Cemal Emdem).

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ferent presence. They adapt to the place andbelong to the locality; they are local. But at thesame time, they use a language which is notstrange to someone in the other part of the world.They are universal in this respect. While the placeand context concepts taken from the approach ofcritical regionalism give meaning to the relationsthese two house form with what already exists, thetectonic-poetic and defamiliarization conceptsassist us in reading the sensuous aspects of thesetwo house, like traditional materials, methods andvalues that have been used in different forms, thusgaining different qualities. For Tümertekin, it wasnot enough to let these two houses exist with just thelocal values. Rather, Tümertekin strived for the usersto have experiences unique to these buildings.

As an idea based on human experience,experimentalism reminds us that architecture is notmerely a visual phenomenon. The stone walls of theB2 House have revealed that the building is alienfrom the daily practices of the village with its tenselocation on a slope at the edge of the village. Thenatural light that is filtered through the reed screensinto the interior causes a perception of space that isin continuous movement. Similarly, the SM Houseunfolds different experiences in each season due tothe light filtered through the stones in between wiregrids and the stone walls. Place is hidden in the site,and it comes out only when meaning is attached tothe space. Architects should be aware of the limita-tion of the place. Limitations are defined as land-

scape, topography, climate, economy, and userwhich are associated with context in all aspects.Using stone as the local material and by relating tothe landscape and village, the B2 and SM Housesprove that they are aware of the limitations of theplace.

The poetic construction and tectonicexpressive force of the shell gives a poetic quality toa building. Poetry is a unique art and it is hard toreplicate. However, each reader gets a differentfeeling out of it. Discussing poetry and architecturetogether is one of the most important ideas whichoppose the uniformization in the built environment.In both houses, the architectural elements, the loadbearing materials and light came together in animpressive way like the words in a poem and wentbeyond their literal meaning. The combination ofconcrete and stone in the B2 House, and steel andstone in the SM House, create a tectonic expressiveforce.

When repetition is mere replication, it leadsto monotony. Each repetitive action turns into activ-ities performed unconsciously in time. In architec-ture as well, repetition gives rise to monotony.Nevertheless, an architectural product that raisesrisks questions every architectural element. It chal-lenges the existent, re-uses it in other forms, and inthe end re-discovers it. In other words, the existentbecomes alienated and opposes unconscious rep-etition. The merely passed by, the unnoticed, theaccustomed, and the invisible comes into view. In

Figure 16. B2 House (photo by Cemal Emdem).

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the B2 and SM Houses, the stone which is a verti-cal element continues in the roof level as well. Thefamiliar draws attention with its different presence.In a way, it is renovated and gains a new value. Anew awareness appears. At the same time, itenables the reconsideration of the roof element,revealing that it can bear different possibilities.

The B2 and SM Houses take the alreadyexistent in the place as their starting points.However, they challenge any universal-local oppo-sition by making use of present design practicesand contemporary technology. They reveal thatlocal and universal values can co-exist in the samebuilding. In these houses, local is not merelyrepeated. Rather, it is questioned and redesigned.From the layout decisions to the details, eachdesign element answers queries for that specificplace and moment. That is, the houses aredesigned for that time and place. The architectstarted the design process with similar questions,but Tümertekin has not sought the answers instereotype results. Instead, Tümertekin has lookedfor different solutions. That is, Tümertekin has prob-lematized the local and conveyed everything whichfounded as the good and right in this notion to auniversal language. Both houses have succeededin adding different meanings to their localities.

REFERENCES

DE SOLA-MORALES, I. 1997, Differences: Topographies of

Contemporary Architecture, Graham Thompson, trans.,

Sarah Whiting, ed. MIT Press, Cambridge, pp. 47.

FRAMPTON, K., 1983 , Towards a Critical Regionalism: Six

Points for an Architecture of Resistance, The Anti-Aesthetic:

Essays on Postmodern Culture, Hal Foster, ed. Post Townsend,

Washington, pp. 16-30.

FRAMPTON, K. 1987, Ten Points on an Architecture

Regionalism: A Provisional Polemic, Architectural Regionalism:

Collected Writings on Place, Identity, Modernity and Tradition,

Princeton Architectural Press, New York, pp. 374-385.

HEIDEGGER, M. 1971, Poetically Man Dwells, Poetry,

Language, Thought, Haerper&Row Publishers, New York, pp.

217-228.

ISENSTADT, S. 2005, Contested Contexts, Site Matters: Design

Concepts, Histories, and Strategies, Routhledge, New York, pp.

160.

KORKMAZ, T. 2001, Vadinin Çekimi: B2 Evi, XXI Dergisi, July-

August, vol. 878, pp. 74-79.

NESBITT, K. 1996, Introduction to Why Critical Regionalism

Today, Theorizing A New Agenda for Architecture an

Antropology of Architectural Theory 1965-1995, Kate Nesbitt,

ed. Princeton Architectural Press, New York, pp. 483.

PALLASMAA, J. 2005, Introduction: Touching the World, The

Eyes of The Skin, Wiley Academy, Britain, pp., 13.

SARKIS, H. 2007, Han Tümertekin: Recent Work, Harvard

University Press, Cambridge, pp. 16,26.

TUMERTEKIN, H., 2010, "Mimarlarla Söyleşi 8", METU,

Ankara.

TUMERTEKIN, H., 2008, Personal Interview, Istanbul.

TZONIS, A., LEFAIVRE, L. 1990, Why Critical Regionalism

Today?, Theorizing A New Agenda for Architecture an

Antropology of Architectural Theory 1965-1995. Kate Nesbitt,

ed. Princeton Architectural Press, New York, pp. 488.

TZONIS, A. LEFAIVRE, L. 2003, Introduction, Critical

Regionalism: Architecture and Identity in a Globalized World”,

Prestel, Munich, pp. 6.

Author’s Address:Hilal AycıGazi University,[email protected]

Esin BoyacıoğluGazi University,[email protected]

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DECISION MAKING FOR FLEXIBILITY IN HOUSINGby Avi FriedmanThe Urban International Press

ISBN: 1- 872811 - 11 - 6Soft Copy, 20cms x 22cms, 136 pages.Price: 40 USD or 25 GBP Order Address: [email protected]

BOOK REVIEWby Dr. Jia Beisi, Department of Architecture, The University of Hong Kong.

Although experimental buildings have been built around the world, the difficulties of implementation on a larger scaleprevail. Only a few efforts have been made to organize the knowledge and to formulate the implementation strate-gies for the builders and designers. The research on flexible buildings address the technical components, but the pos-sibility of integration with the current housing market is overlooked. Thus, this book is a significant contribution in theeffort to fill the gap “between theories pertaining to flexibility and the reality of housing market” not only for NorthAmerica, as the author explained, but also for the rest of the world. The publication of the book is a significant addi-tion to the literature on flexible housing.

The objectives of the book are premised on the understanding that flexibility has not been generally accept-ed in North America because of the problems of implementation. It intends to develop a project based decision-mak-ing model to assist designers and builders in determining the relevant level of flexibility which is best fit to their partic-ular projects.

The book is informative and serves as a conceptual instrument for the housing decision makers, includinggovernmental housing organizations, private housing developers and builders, designers, and other promoters whowant to design flexibility projects. It is useful for programmers, housing researchers, and students of architecture andbuilding management. It can provide inspiration to residents and the general public who are interested in new livingstyles as well as in benefits from monetary savings and better living standards during their residency.

Selected keywords: Flexibility, implementation, strategies, economics, alternatives.

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