Nominal Accentuation in Balto-Slavic -Illich-Svitych

~ominal Accentuation in Baltic and Slavic /

/

The MIT Press Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England

V. M. Illich-Svitych , Translated by Richard L. Leed

and Ronald F. Feldstein

Copyright © 1979 by The Massachusetts Institute of Technology

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher.

Printed and bound by The Alpine Press, Inc. in the United States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Illich-Svitych, Vladislav Markovich.

Nominal accentuation in Baltic and Slavic. Translation of lmennaia aktsentuatsiia v

baltiiskom i slavianskom. Bibliography: p. Includes indexes. 1. Baltic languages-Accents and accentuation.

2. Slavic languages-Accents and accentuation. I. Title. PG8032.1413 491.8 78-4524 ISBN 0-262-09018-X

Contents

Translators' Note vii

Abbreviations ix

Author's Note xm

Introduction

Part I Proto-Indo-European Accentual Paradigms of Nominals in Baltic 7

Nominals with Short Roots 19

A-Stems 19 Masculine 0-Stems 25 Neuter 0- and S-Stems 33 Other Types of Stems 42

Nominals with Long Roots 51

The Distribution of Nominals in Accentual Paradigms in Baltic 65

Part II Proto-Indo European Accentual Paradigms of Nominals in Slavic 75

Nominals with Short Roots 82

vi Contents

A-Stems 82 Masculine 0-Stems 94 Neuter 0-Stems 104 Other Stem Types 123

Nominals with Long Roots 132

The Distribution of Nominals in Accentual Paradigms in Slavic 140

Conclusion 145

Notes 149

Key to Bibliographical References 169

Word Index 181

Index of Lithuanian Populated Areas 187

Map of Lithuanian Populated Areas 189

Translators' Note

We offer this translation as a tribute to one of the finest scholars in our field of linguistics, Vladislav Markovich Illich-Svitych, whose tragic death in 1966 interrupted a brilliant career. The work originally appeared as Imennaja akcentuacija v baltijskom i slavjanskom; sud'ba akcentuacionnyx paradigm, Institut Slavjanovedenija, AN SSSR, Moskva, 1963.

The translators have, for typographical reasons, used an abbreviated, idiosyncratic set of symbols for bibliographical references in the discussions of cognates. In addition to saving space, this procedure, it is hoped, has made the other information in the discussions more readable and accessible. We apologize for any inconvenience the departure from standard abbreviations for journals, books and authors may cause the reader. The full key to these references can be found at the end of the book.

Certain portions of the text have been abbreviated; modest excisions have been made only in bibliographical references within lists of cognates where finely detailed information on specific locations of forms in old texts and dialects is given. We assume that the Baltic or Slavic specialist who can use this information will have the original book at his or her disposal, while the less specialized reader using this translation will not need information in such detail.

viii Translators' Note

Two transliteratio~al systems for Cyrillic are used: the modified Library of Congress transliteration is used in the bibliography and footnotes and the standard linguistic transliteration in the main body of the book where linguistic forms are cited.

The section numbers and the footnote numbers of the original work have been retained in the translated versions, so that citations of either edition can be made with equal validity. Footnote numbers, however, must be cited with either section number or part number, as they begin anew with each part of the book.

The terminology referring to reconstructed languages is the one usually employed in the American linguistic tradition: the term Proto-X (rather than Common-X) refers to a reconstructed language X before dialect division takes place, and the term Pre-X to any prior state of the language.

Both translators worked on all parts of the manuscript; the original draft of the main body of the book was made by Leed and the notes by Feldstein.

This translation would not have been possible without the fine editorial assistance of Kathleen Parthe Babby, to whom we express our deepest gratitude. We would also like to thank the Committee on Soviet Studies of Cornell University for providing clerical assistance.

Abbreviations

For accent types the following are used: AP accentual paradigm bar. barytone ox. oxytone mob. mobile m-ox. mobile-oxytone

Abbreviations for language names are listed below. Arm. Armenian A vest. A vestan Bait. Baltic Big. Bulgarian BRus. Belorussian Cz. Czech EBalt. East Baltic ELatv. East Latvian ESI. East Slavic Est. Estonian Finn. Finnish Gk. Greek Gmc. Germanic

The abbreviations for gender, case, and number are the usual ones.

X

Goth. Gothic Ir. Irish Karel. Karelian Kash. Kashubian Lat. Latin Latv. Latvian Lith. Lithuanian

Abbreviations

LSorb. Lower Sorbian MLG Middle Low German NGR North Great Russian Norw. Norwegian OCS Old Church Slavic OCz. Old Czech OE Old English OFris. Old Frisian OHG Old High German Olr. Old Irish OLith. Old Lithuanian ON Old Norse OPrus. Old Prussian OSax. Old Saxon OSwed. Old Swedish PIE Proto-Indo-European Pol. Polish PSI. Proto-Slavic Rus. Russian SC Serbo-Croatian SEst. South Estonian SGR South Great Russian Skt. Sanskrit Slk. Slovak Sin. Slovenian Snc. Slovincian SSI. South Slavic Std. Lith. Standard Lithuanian Std. Rus. Standard Russian Swed. Swedish Ukr. Ukrainian USorb. Upper Sorbian

XI

Veps. Vepsian WB!g. West Bulgarian WLatv. West Latvian WSI. West Slavic

Abbreviations

Author's Note

It would be difficult to find an ax:ea of Baltic and Slavic linguistics in which differences of opinion between individual investigators are more significant than in the area of accentology. The reason for this is clear: although the Proto-Baltic and Proto-Slavic accentual systems have been reconstructed in their general outlines, and although very fine details of their structure have often been explained, the basic question remains unanswered, that is, the question of the origin of these systems. My own experience has convinced me that to ignore the Proto-Indo-European basis of Baltic and Slavic accentuation (which has become quite fashionable in recent years) will lead to serious misconceptions and will result in illusory constructs. This book is an attempt to find the Proto-IndoEuropean basis for the system of nominal accentual paradigms.

While working on this book, I had the constant friendly support of V. A. Dybo; many issues were clarified during discussions with him. I am deeply grateful to my teacher, S. B. Bernshtein, and also to V. N. Toporov and V. V. Ivanov, who read the book in manuscript and who made a number of important observations; I thank the members of the Linguistics Sector of the Lithuanian Institute of Literature and Language, who made it possible for me to use the materials of the card files of the Lithuanian Dictionary and the Lithuanian Dialect Atlas.

Introduction

Of the wide range of problems of Baltic and Slavic accentology, the present investigation will be concerned primarily with the question of the relationship of the system of nominal accentual paradigms1 (henceforth AP) in Baltic and Slavic with comparable systems of other IndoEuropean languages and with the protosystem which is reconstructable on the basis of data from these Indo-European languages. The importance of this question is obvious: it is part of the cardinal problem of Baltic and Slavic accentology, namely the relationship between Baltic and Slavic accentual systems on the one hand, and the Proto-IndoEuropean accentual system on the other.

Leaving aside Baltic and Slavic data, whose relationship to ProtoIndo-European data will be the object of Iily investigation, the ProtoIndo-European system of accentual paradigms can be reconstructed only on the basis of material from Sanskrit and Greek (the evidence of accented texts and grammatical treatises) and Germanic (the various reflexes of Proto-Indo-European voiceless consonants conditioned by the position of the original accent-Verner's Law). These sources permit us to reconstruct, for the majority of nominal stems, two contrasting accentual paradigms which are usually reflected in Sanskrit and Greek as a columnar barytone paradigm and a columnar oxytone paradigm.

A number of relic phenomena allow us to reconstruct in Proto-Indo-

2 Introduction

European, for certain nominal stems (apparently, for stems with apophonic alternations in the stem component), the contrast of a columnar barytone versus a mobile accentual paradigm. I have in mind the following: the accent shift in certain classes of Sanskrit word formations with oxytonesis of the first member of the formation (i-, u-, or r-stems), relics of mobile accent in Greek ia-stems, and the reconstruction of forms with accentual doublets for many Germanic i- and u-stems. Without attempting to specify the precise distribution of mobile and oxytone paradigms in Proto-Indo-European, I only indicate the existence of a relationship of complementary distribution between these two paradigms: in each type of nominal stems there is only a two-way contrast, that is, a barytone accentual paradigm versus an oxytone accentual paradigm, or a barytone accentual paradigm versus a mobile accentual paradigm. Thus, the Proto-Indo-European paradigm which stands in contrast to the barytone can be provisionally labeled the mobile-oxytone

accentual paradigm. The Proto-Indo-European distribution of nominals with respect to the

two contrasting accentual paradigms turns out to be, in many respects, identical in Sanskrit, Greek, and Germanic; 2 this fact is briefly illus

trated in table I. In order to establish the relationship between the Balto-Slavic systems

of APs and the Proto-Indo-European system outlined above, a simple comparison is apparently insufficient: it is not at all clear in this case which parts of the systems should be compared, since the nature of the changes which took place in these systems is unknown. A more fruitful approach is to compare the Baltic and Slavic accentuation of individual nominals of Proto-Indo-European origin with their accentuation in other Indo-European languages. This type of comparison can yield regular accentual correspondences within groups of nominals and can indicate which parts of the systems in question should be compared. The criterion for membership in a set of correspondences must be, of course, identity of formation, that is, the forms being compared must be reflexes of a single Proto-Indo-European word. In practice, this presupposes not only the identity of the root but also the original identity of the nominal stem, 3 the absence of essential differences in the vocalism of the root, and the absence of essential semantic differences. 4

There are few exact correspondences of this sort. For my correspondences I have depended mainly on comparisons sanctioned by the standard etymological dictionaries, and only in certain cases have I attempted

3 Introduction

Table 1

Stems Barytone AP

Gk. Skt. OHG

a- peza 'foot' padya 'stride'

o- masc. g6mphos 'nail' jambhas 'tooth'

o- neut. meson madhyam 'middle'

o- adj. m~os navas 'new'

i- 6is avis 'sheep'

ii- genus hanus 'jaw'

on/en- akmon 'anvil' asma 'rock'

torfter- phrliter bhrlita bruoder 'brother'

Mobile-Oxytone AP

Gk. Skt. OHG Goth.

a- snu~a snur 'daughter-in-law'

o- masc. thUm6s dhumas 'ardor' 'smoke'

o- neut. hekat6n sat am hund 'hundred'

o- adj. om6s amas 'damp'

i- empis 'gnat' imbi 'bee'

ii- ketus 'light, haidus 'way, means' image'

onfen- agk5n an go 'elbow' 'thorn'

tor/ter- pat~r pitli fater 'father'

to introduce new etymological interpretations. The main task in my application of the comparative method was the specification of the original accentual paradigm in Baltic and in Slavic; with this goal in mind I relied heavily upon data from dialects, accented texts, and indirect evidence of various kinds.

In this work, the investigation of the Baltic materials precedes that of Slavic. This order of presentation was chosen because of the gr.eater simplicity of the Baltic AP system and its greater similarity to the Proto-Indo-European system. In the second (Slavic) part of the work

<"

4 Introduction

Baltic materials are used as evidence for certain Indo-European accentual relationships. Certain characteristics of the Baltic and Slavic reflexes of PIE nominals with long vowels or long diphthongs in the root have made it necessary that such nouns be treated separately from those having a short vowel or a short diphthong in the root.

Part I

ProtoIndo-European Accentual Paradigms of Nominals in Baltic

1. The Lithuanian AP System in Nominals: Its Study and Interpretation

The Baltic nominal AP system is most fully reflected in Lithuanian. Latvian data provide evidence for paradigmatic distribution of accent only in the case of long vowel roots; although evidence from Old Prussian texts can be used as supplementary material, it is too meager in itself to serve as a basis for comparison with other Indo-European languages. It is only in Lithuanian that, for the majority of nominal stems, we find a clear-cut opposition of the four APs which can be investigated j_

for a possible connection with Proto-Indo-European accentual para-digms.

In a synchronic analysis of contemporary Lithuanian it is possible no set up one barytone AP and three mobile_AP~, each of which has i'is 1

I, own type of accentual curve ("curve" in the sense of distribution of 1( ,) n \ ' word accent throughout the members of the paradigm). Disyllabic I : nominals with acute (') tone on the root are found in the I and 3 AP,

and disyllabic nominals with circumflex (-) or short C) tone in the root 1 belong to the 2 or 4 AP. 5 For nouns with a greater number of syllable~ \,

there exist other relationships between tone of the root and the AP. Thus, for a-stems6 the possible instances showing the relationship between the tone of the root and the AP can be represented by the words in Table 2:

8 Nominal Accentuation in Baltic

Table 2 Position of Stress in the Stem Tone 1 AP 2AP

-t-~ -!-- ..... .!,..., ..!.---...-

siena anyta dargana iisara viet a lydeka kupeta skuja lapija

Position of Stress in the Stem Tone 3 AP 4AP

"-t-------_-:-!:--- ---------

galva uodega leteml alga nuganl liga

In the singular the AP for a-stems looks like the one in Table 3.

Table 3

2 3 4

Nom. siena vi eta galva alga

Gen. sienos vietos galvos algos

Dat. sienai vietai galvai algai

Ace. sien~ viet~ galv~ alg~

In st. siena vi eta galva alga

Loc. sienoje vietoje galvoje algoje

Ill. sienon vieton gal von algon ·---~·---

In analyzing nominal paradigms one can distinguish four groups of case forms: (1) case forms which are barytone (nondesinential accent) in all APs (for example, dative singular and accusative singular of astems); (2) case forms which are barytone only in the 1 and 2 AP (for example, genitive, locative, and illative singular of a-stems); (3) case forms which are barytone only in the 1 and 3 AP (for example, accusative plural of a-stems: sienas, vietas, gal~·as, algas); (4) case forms which are barytone in the 1 AP (for example, nominative and instrumental singular, of a-stems). The accentual relationships in other type~ of nominal stems are similar to those just described.

Since there are no Lithuanian dialects which fail to distinguish four APs (although the distribution of individual types of stems and of individual words within each type varies considerably by dialect) and since the accentual curve of each paradigm, as a rule, is the same for all

9 Proto-Indo-European Accentual Paradigms

dialects, 7 the four-way AP contrast must be considered a PratoLithuanian phenomenon. After F. Kurschat's detailed description of the system of Lithuanian APss, investigators of Lithuanian accentuation were faced with the problems of discerning the internal regularities which have determined the characteristics of this system and of explaining its relationship to the well-known accentual systems of other Indo-European languages.

Ferdinand de Saussure took a decisive step in this direction. His short article ("Accentuation lituanienne," IF 6 Anzeiger, pp 157-166, 1896) determined the direction of research into Baltic accentuation for many decades. De Saussure deliberately refrained from comparing Lithuanian materials with data from other Indo-European languages.9

He employed the method of internal reconstruction in analyzing Lithuanian nominal accentual paradigms and created an airtight construct to explain the difference in position of accent in various accentual paradigms.

One of de Saussure's most important observations was that the two paradigms -~~;-t;!i~i~g-di~yilabic nominals with circumflex or short ton; '1

in the root (2 and 4 AP) were distinguished from the two paradigms of I disyllabic nominals with acute tone of the root (1 and 3 AP) by virtue:~ of a shift from root accent to final accent in one and the same group of case forms (group 3 in the aforementioned classification, that is, case forms with barytone only in the 1 and 3 AP). These case forms have sb,ort en_dings (for example, the accusative plural of a-stems is -as), which go back to long endings with acute tone according to the rule fo~mulated by Leskien (1881).1° D~SaussureJinked the .. differencein positionofaccent in this group of cases with the difference of tone in· the root, .and he observed a similar relationship in other forms (for example, infinitives in -yti: raizyti 'to cut' with third person present tense raizo, but laikyti 'to hold' with third person present laiko). He formulated the rule which was also discovered by Fortunatov and Leskien and which is now called the Law of Fortunatov-de Saussure: "At a certain predialectal stage ... stress regularly shifts one syllable towards the end of the word if it originally fell on a circumflex (douce) syllable [including short tone-VI.] which in turn was followed by an acute (rude) syllable."ll

It follows from this statement that the four APs for nominals can be reduced to two basic paradigms: barytone and mobile;12 the original accentual curve of these paradigms is preserved in the Lithuanian 1 and 3 AP, where there was no stress shift.


De Saussure then took up the problem of explaining the connection betw~~th~-I:,ithuanian opposition of the barytone AP (I and 2) versus the mobile AP (3 and 4) on the one hand, and the Proto-Indo-European opposTiion--oTthe barytone AP versus the oxytone AP on the other.I3 Since the first members of these oppositions have a common characteristic (barytonesis), it was natural to consider them to be historically identical and, consequently, to identify the Lithuanian mobile AP with the Proto-Indo-European oxytone AP. Considering the Greek and Sanskrit pattern of columnar oxytonesis to be older than the Lithuanian mobile stress, de Saussure advanced a very clever hypothesis to explain the change from columnar oxytone AP to mobile AP. He proposed that /this change first took place in consonant stems in which the number of syllables per word within the paradigm does not remain constant. Stress which in the so-called strong cases (cases with normal grade vocalism in

': the suffix) falls on an internal syllable of a trisyllabic word, is shifted in i Lithuanian to the preceding (initial) syllable. For example, the Ace.

' Sing. *dukterin (cf. Gk. thugatera) becomes Lith. dukterf, with preservation of the old position of stress in the Nom. Sing. dukte from dukt-kr. In the opinion of de Saussure, mobile stress in other types of stems did not develop from oxytones phonetically but rather under the influence of the mobile pattern which already existed in consonant stems.

De S!l\l_Ssure was well aware that his explanation of the Lithuanian

1 niobile pattern-as coming from the Proto-Indo-European columnar

· oxytone pattern was the weakest point of his theory. In a footnote to the passage in which he formulates the rule on stress retraction ("any stress which falls on an internal syllable is shifted to the initial syllable, while final stress ... retains its original position")14 he makes the following remark " ... unfortunately, it is difficult to determine the exact char-acter of this law because its reformulation as a purely phonetic law (loi phonetiquepure et simple) is impeded by a number of circumstances." It seems to me that the most successful of the many later attempts to specify the conditions under which this stress retraction15

/took place is that of Peder~en (1933), who pointed out that there is a J tendency toward the £~~ati~l! of a c<;>t1_tr;:1st b_~!weerl_~nal and initial

aC(;t<nt inJh~u;rwbile.AP.. If we accept the fact that mobile accent is original, at least in radical stems where the syllable preceding the ending is at the same time the initial syllable, it is quite reasonable to assume a morphological reidentification of every nonfinal accented syllable as initial.l6 The assumption of a wider domain for the mobile pattern in


Proto-Indo-European and the reconstruction of an original mobileoxytone paradigm simplifies the explanation of the Baltic situation considerably; in this way, one can propose simply that the mobile-oxytone pattern which already existed in some nominal classes spread to all types of stems.

In any case, for our purposes, this second, most hypothetical part of de Saussure's theory is not the most essential part. It merely comple,ments de Saussure's basic thesis concerning the correspondence of the

[, Lithuan;;~-~pp~~ition of barytone AP versus mobile AP to the opposi- I 1

tion of barytone AP versus mobile-oxytone AP in other Indo-European.J ! languages. It is this thesis which establishes the structural identity of the ·,_,nLithuanian system and other Indo-European accentual systems. It is

this thesis which requires substantiation from Baltic data as well as from external comparative materials. Further research has generally proceeded in these two directions.

The analysis of other Baltic languages has at least partly confirmed the Proto-Baltic nature of the barytone versus mobile opposition. Thus, the works of Endzelin demonstrated that the existence of two accentual paradigms in nominals with long roots is reflected in Latvian; the AP opposition in this case has been transformed into an opposition of tone in the initial syllable (for details see Section 26). Consequently, it is reasonable to assume the existence of a similar opposition in Proto-Latvian for words with short vowel roots as well, although in this case it is not reflected as an opposition of tone. On the other hand, Endzelin's research in Latvian has enabled us to conclude that in Lithuanian the contrast in accentual paradigms was lost in more recent times in a number of nominal categories (for example: for adjective o- and a-stems). This conclusion was subsequently confirmed by the analysis of Old Lithuanian accented texts, in which this opposition has been partially preserved. The accentual analysis of the writing system of the Old Prussian Enchiridium, proposed by Fortunatov and Berneker (see Section 35), indicated that Old Prussian had two contrasting APs, at least in nominals with circumflex tone on the root vowel.

Thus, data from within Baltic have confirmed the antiquity of the Lithuanian distribution studied by de Saussure. However, the connection of this distribution to the Proto-Indo-European opposition of two accentual paradigms could obviously be proven only by means of direct comparison of the accentuation of Baltic nominals of Proto-Indo-European origin with the accentuation of corresponding nominals in other


Indo-European languages. Such comparisons had been made by Hirt and Bezzenberger. However, Bezzenberger, who, independently of de Saussure, had simultaneously reconstructed the two Lithuanian APs, was not able to give a satisfactory account of the connection between the Baltic and Proto-Indo-European paradigms on the basis of external comparison (no date).l7 Hirt's success was limited to an acceptable explanation of the barytonesis of a group of nominals corresponding to oxytones in other Indo-European languages (see Section 31). In the majority of cases, however, he based his conclusion on isolated, arbitrarily selected facts. The growth of accentual studies in the first quarter of the twentieth century did not lead to any important advances in the area which concerns us here. Above all, there was no significant increase in the amount of material for external comparison. For example, the work of Endzelin (1916) was limited to the examination of a very small number of words which led him to the pessimistic conclusion: " ... we are unable to show the preservation of the old contrast between oxytone and barytone in the Baltic languages by means of comparison with related languages."lB Van Wijk (1923) came to a similar conclusion: " .. we find that it is impossible to establish any exact connection between the individual Lithuanian paradigms and the accentual classes of other Indo-European languages."19 In a similar vein, Nieminen (no date): "except for individual items in which one can speak of Proto-Indo-European accentual contrast, the Lithuanian distribution of a-stems between barytone and mobile accentual classes is based on a prehistorical redistribution of lexical items which had a completely different distribution in Proto-Indo-European." Similarly, K. Buga (1924). 20

Thus, the leading Baltic accentologists of this period actually refrained from any attempt to confirm the truth of de Saussure's theory by means of comparison with other Indo-European languages. Besides Nieminen's notion about the possibility of a Baltic accentual redistribution (it was apparently assumed that it was impossible to establish any rules for this redistribution), their basic argument depended on citing a number of cases in which a lack of correspondence with respect to APs could be observed in other Indo-European languages (of the type Gk. agr6s and Skt. djras 'field'). It is clear that considerations of this sort do not carry sufficient weight. All the above-mentioned authors reconstructed, following de Saussure, two Baltic APs-barytone and mobile (or oxytone ), with the silent admission that this state of affairs is a reflection of a similar Proto-Indo-European system; but they refrain from comparing


the accentuation of individual Proto-Indo-European forms in Baltic and other Indo-European languages on the grounds that the system of each language could in principle reflect a certain number of accentual innovations which distinguish it from the Proto-Indo-European system (the case in point here is the shift of individual words from one AP into another).

Moreover, they lost sight of the fact that an appropriate change in viewpoint requires only that the notion of external comparison be transferred to another plane: it has to be viewed as a comparison of equivalent systems, rather than as a comparison of a primitive system with a derivative one. The complete rejection of external comparison is in fact tantamount to a refusal to defend the theory of de Saussure.

The repeatedly declared agnosticism of the representatives of classical Baltic accentology in this question only led to the fuller use of external comparison, now with the purpose of rejecting de Saussure's position. I have in mind the accentual theory of Kurylowicz (in its most recent form, KCZ 169-203). Endzelin, van Wijk, and Buga spoke about the impossibility of proving the genetic relationship between the ProtoIndo-European and Baltic systems of accentual paradigms by means of external comparison; Kurylowicz makes such a comparison in order to prove the absence of a genetic relationship: ". . . between the Proto- I Indo-European opposition of oxytone stems vs. barytone stems and the I Balta-Slavic inflection of nonderived stems there is a gap left by the _j complete disappearance in Balta-Slavic of this Proto-Indo-European opposition. " 21 Endzelin and Nieminen had failed to explain the reasons for the accentual redistribution in Baltic;_K.:!J.!Y.l9_WiC? .. c!escribed in de-tail the processes which, in his opinion, led to the elimination of the ') Proto-Indo-European opposition of the two accentual paradigms in ' Balta-Slavic. The theoretical uncertainty which attended research subsequent to the publication of de Saussure's theory and the refusal to substantiate this theory by a detailed external comparison led to the creation of a theory which is directly opposed to it.

I shall summarize briefly the basic ideas o[Kurylowicz on the problem under discussion here. While modifying de Saussur~'s hypothesis, he accepts the retraction of accent from internal syllables with short vowels in the strong cases of oxytone consonant stems. Since, according to Kurylowicz, the accentuation of barytone consonant stems is based (est fondee) on the accentuation of oxytonic stems, and the accentuation of words with long vowel roots is based on the accentuation of words with short vowel roots, the Proto-Indo-European opposition of barytone


AP versus oxytone AP is replaced in Balto-Siavic by the genetically unrelat~~Lopposition of mobile AP in short root nominals versus-b-aryfone AP in long root nominals. "Here is an entire area in which Balto-Siavic yields no information whatever on the accentuation of the Proto-IndoEuropean prototypes."22

Vowel stems underwent similar reshapings. The accentual curve of the mobile paradigm in vowel stems is said to have been originally distinct from the accentual curve of consonant stems; since vowel stems are based (sont fondees) on consonant stems, they took up the accentual curve of the latter. Thus, here also ". . . all of the distinctions between the old oxytone and barytone have been erased." 23 Neuter nouns, being based (fondes) on masculine nouns, are also distributed between the two paradigms in accordance with the structure of the root (short or long root); in this category the mobile AP was originally distinct from the masculine and feminine mobile paradigms, having barytonesis in the nominative singular. Thus, nonderived Balto-Slavic nominals were transferred to the barytone accentual type in the case of long roots, and into the mobile accentual type in the case of short roots. Nominals with short roots and the barytone AP regularly reflect derived formations; nominals with long roots and the mobile AP are originally derived oxytone formations which lost their derived status before the time of the operation of the Fortunatov-de Saussure Law in Lithuanian and have

, transferred to the mobile accentual type since this law took effect. 24

, ' I have said above that Kurylowicz cited a significant amount of fac-·,' tual material in support of his-hypothesis. However, his comparisons

are generally based on accentual data from the Lithuanian literary language and therefore require thorough examination. Nor has the hypothesis of de Saussure ever been subjecte_<,U!:J.Il sy~temati~_ cr9~~:t;ompar

, ison of the accentuati~~ ~f Baltic words with cognate forms. from other Indo~Europ~~~ languages. A decision in favor of either theory (or a rejecti~l1 ~fboth theories) is possible only after such a cross-comparison has been made. Without anticipating the results of the comparisons to which the first part of this work is devoted, I will merely remind the reader of what kind of distribution would be expected to occur in Lithuanian according to de Saussure's hypothesis, on the one hand, and to that of Kurylowicz, on the other. In the former case (the hypothesis of de Saussure) we would expect the majority of Lithuanian nominals having the barytone AP (1 and 2 AP) to correspond to barytone forms of other Indo-European languages, and we would expect the majority of

I ~-

I I

~


nominals with the mobile AP (3 and 4 AP) to correspond to mobileoxytone AP forms in related languages. In the second case (the hypothesis of Kurylowicz) Lithuanian nominals with mobile AP and short roots (4 AP or 3 AP for polysyllabic words) and nominals with the barytone AP and long roots (1 A~_would be expected to correspond equally to barytone and oxytone forms in other Indo-European languages; Lithuanian nominals with the barytone AP and short roots (2 AP and I AP for polysyllabic words) and nouns with the mobile AP and long roots (3 AP) would be expected to be, as a rule, Balto-Slavic or Baltic derivatives without exact correspondences in othf'r IndoEuropean languages.

2. Accentuation in Lithuanian P.ialec~~ ~tnd Texts

The dialect data on the accentuation of a given word are extremely important for establishing the original accentual paradigm in Lithuanian, since the evidence of the literary language (based on the southern varieties of the western Aukstaitis dialect) is by no means always indicative of the original state of affairs. It was noted above that the distribution of individual words within the accentual paradigms of Lithuanian often varies throughout the dialects. Analysis of this type of variation reveals the existence of an accentual innovation involving the spread of the mobile AP at the expense of barytone AP. In certain types of nominal stems (for example adjective o-ja-stems) the mobile accentual class has completely replaced the barytone over the whole Lithuanian area; in other cases this process has covered a significant portion of the dialects (consider, for example, the absence of words with barytone AP in f-stems and consonant stems with short roots in many dialects). Apparently, the innovations favoring the spread of the mobile AP began in the southeast section of the Lithuanian linguistic area (the modern southern Lithuanian Dzuk dialects); they spread primarily to the eastern Aukstaitis, central Aukstaitis, and western Aukstaitis dialects, which adjoin this area on the northeast, north, and west. The most archaic state of affairs has been preserved in the adjacent northwestern and western Zemaitis dialects (and also in the now extinct western Aukstaitis dialects of former Prussian Lithuania) on the one hand, and on the other hand in the bordering eastern Aukstaitis and east Lithuanian Dzuk dialects. It is no coincidence that it is precisely in these regions that the barytone AP in adjective ii-/1-stems has been preserved up to the


present time. The dialects upon which the literary language is based are therefore among those which display a significant amount of accentual innovation, although they are not extreme in this respect. In determining the original accentual paradigm of a given Lithuanian word I will, of course, be guided mainly by dialects with the archaic accentuation.25

Dialectal data on the accentuation of nominals are scattered throughout a rather large number of descriptions of individual dialects and transcriptions of dialects. Aside from these materials, I have made partial use of the data from the card files of the Lithuanian Dictionary and the Lithuanian Dialect Atlas, with the kind permission of my colleagues in the Lithuanian Institute of Language and Literature. 26

A large number of dictionaries and grammars serve as sources for the accentuation of the Lithuanian literary language. The most complete normative editions of this sort are the Lietuviy kalbos rasybos zodynas (Kaunas, 1948) and Dabartines lietuviy kalbos zodynas (Vilnius, 1954). Evidence from the literary language is of particular importance in cases where data from dialects and accented texts are lacking. The literary accentuation by grammarians and lexicographers whose works preserve some degree of dialectal influence is, of course, of special interest, for it is precisely in accentuation that dialect features are most firmly maintained and least likely to be erased by normalizing tendencies. In this sense the data from the grammars and dictionaries of the following scholars are extremely important: F. Kurschat (the Tilsit region [TiW:], the western Aukstaitis dialect of former Prussian Lithuania), A. Baranowski (the Anyksciai region, central eastern Aukstaitis dialect), K. Jaunis (the Kvedarna region, southeastern Zemaitis dialect), A. Juskewicz (the Veliuona region, central western Aukstaitis dialect), J. Jablonski (the Griskabudis region, south western Aukstaitis dialect), J. Slapelis (dialects of southeastern Lithuania).

In determining the original accentual paradigm of Lithuanian words, the Old Lithuanian accented texts constitute a source of primary importance. First and foremost among these, with respect to their antiquity as well as to the wealth of material, are the translations of M. Dauksa, the Katechismas (Vilnius, 1595) and in particular the Pastil/a Catholicka (Vilnius, 1599). These texts are unique among the Old Lithuanian materials in having complete accentual markings. The importance of the evidence provided by Dauksa's translations is made even greater by the fact that they reflect not only the accentual system of his native central Aukstaitis dialect, which has been subject to a significant amount of in-


novation, but also the much more archaic Zemaitis accentuation. Data on the distribution of nominals according to their accentual paradigms in his language were exhaustively collected by P. Skardzius (DaukSos akcentologija, Kaunas, 1935). I have made frequent use of the materials from this work. The system of accentual markings Dauksa used (complete accentual markings, using the symbols ' and ~ independent of the tone of the accented syllable) was also used in the anonymous Catechism of 1605, reflecting the accentuation of the southeastern dialects (Bystron, J., ed., Katechizm Ledezmy w przekladzie wschodnio-litewskim z wydania wilenskiego z r. 1605, Krakow, 1890). A certain amount of data on accentuation in the central Aukstaitis dialects with frequent retraction of accent27 is contained in the anonymous grammar of 1737 (Rozwadowski, J., ed., Universitas linguarum magni ducatus Lituaniae, Cracoviae, 1896). This is the earliest document in which tone differences are systematically marked: accented long e, o, u, i, with circumflex tone are marked with the symbol~; accented semilong e, a, u, i occurring either as monophthongs or in diphthon.gs with circumflex tone are marked with the symbol ' (apparently this signifies mid-intonation-vidurine priegaide-observed in many dialects; the symbol ' also indicates a short stressed vowel in final syllables); stressed long e, a, u, i with acute intonation and the vowels e, a, u, i in acute diphthongs are marked with a special cursive symbol, the anti qua (Rozwadowski 1896: 236).

The accented texts of Pruss ian Lithuanian, published in Konigsberg (Karaliaucius), are more numerous. The first edition of this sort is apparently the grammar of D. Klein of 1653 (Vilnius, 1957): accented books were published in Konigsberg in the course of the following two centuries. In all of these documents the accentual marking is sporadic. As a rule, the accent mark ' was placed only over accented e and a as monophthongs and also as members of acute diphthongs. 28 Thus only accented long e and a (the short e and a which are lengthened in Lithuanian and the long e and a as first members of diphthongs with falling tone) are marked with the symbol' .29 In most cases, nominals with the barytone AP are recognizable through this means of accentual marking. In a number of Konigsberg editions, short (unlengthened) a and e are marked in the writing system by the doubling of the consonant letter after the vowel, for example, Ace. Sing. rdsq ( = rasq), but Gen. Sing. rass8s30 ( = rasos) in the Prayer Book of 1705.31 Since short a and e usually occur in unaccented syllables, texts of this sort can be used to identify oxytone forms of words with a and e in the root; this somewhat


compensates for the one-sidedness of the data obtained from the analysis of the distribution of the symbol '. Thus it is possible to reconstruct the 2 AP on the basis of the Gen. Plur. pddu ( = piid1f) and the 4 AP on the basis of the Gen. Plur. naggu ( = nagfi). The large number of accented texts from Prussian Lithuania32 can provide fairly precise information on accentuation over a significant dialect area,33 some of whose dialects preserved the older accentual relationships up to the end of the eighteenth century (for example, the Konigsberg texts attest the partial preservation of barytone AP in adjectives with a-fa-stems). These documents make it possible for us to trace the gradual and, in a number of cases, very recent dissemination of accentual innovations (the introduction of the mobile paradigms at the expense of the barytone). Thus, the nouns zenklas, veidas, ddiktas, and others, which are recorded as having mobile AP in the dialects of Prussian Lithuania in the middle of the nineteenth century (according to Kurschat's data), are generally attested as having barytone AP in the texts of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

Data from the dialects, from the literary language, and from accented texts are the basic sources for the reconstruction of the original AP of a given Lithuanian word. Important supplementary information can be obtained from the study of the accentuation of derivatives and of forms which split off from the paradigm at an early stage (adverbial forms). In these instances accentual features lost in the original nominal paradigm itself have often been preserved. One must bear in mind, however, that only some of the derivational affixes in the modern language yield derivatives in which the position of accent is dependent upon the AP of the base word. The number of such affixes is greater in Old Lithuanian (for example, in the language of Dauksa) and in a number of peripheral dialects. Root accent in derivatives of this type indicates a base word with barytone AP, whereas accent on the derivational morpheme (at least in some cases) indicates a base word with mobile AP.

We will limit ourselves here to a brief review of the Lithuanian data, since only Lithuanian data will be examined in the first sections of this monograph. Information on the Latvian and Old Prussian materials which are relevant for the reconstruction of accentual paradigms will be given below (Sections 26 and 35).

A-Stems

3. Accentual Distribution

Nominals with Short Roots

The Proto-Indo-European opposition of a-stems with barytone AP -- \ versus a-stems with mobile-oxtyone AP is preserved in Lithuanian as rl

an opposition of nouns with barytone AP versus nouns with mobile AP. In some of the dialects (as well as in the literary language in a number of cases) some of the originally barytone nouns have been transferred to the mobile accentual class. As a rule, however, the original state of affairs has been preserved over a significant territory. Proto-Indo-European nouns with mobile-oxytone AP are represented everywher~ in Lith-uanian by the mobile AP. _ -

4. Lithuanian Barytone Forms Corresponding to Proto-Indo-European Barytone Forms

Lith. asva (obs.) 'mare', also OLith. esva 2 AP according to available dictionaries: cf. TR BS 72, LKR, DLK. The same accentuation on the Zemaitis hydronym Asva, see SK LK 13.1 From PIE ekya 'mare'; Skt. (RV) dsva 'mare'. The corresponding masc. form was also bar. Skt. (RV) dsvas 'horse', Gmc. *ehwaz 'horse' (ON jar, OE eoh).


Lith. liauka 'gland, tonsil', Plur. liaukos 'glandular disease in swine' 2 AP in northwestern Aukstaitis dialect of the Sakyna region (KSL). The same accentuation is the literary standard; see KAM, LKR, DLK. In Zemaitis and eastern Aukstaitis dialects the word is generally transferred to the 4 AP (according to the data of KSL), which is reflected in some dictionaries; cf. S LL, NS (4 or 2 AP). From *leukii 'tumor'; Gk. leuke

'skin disease'.

Lith. vieta 'place' 2 AP in Dauksa (15 x, see SK 862) and in the 1605 Catechism (Loc. Sing. wietoy 40; see BYS 51). The same accentuation in Donelaitis (3 x ; see ACD 44), everywhere in dialects (see DOR 64) and in the standard language (KT GL 179, GL 72, S LL, JAB I 75, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE u6itii 'cattle pasture'; Gmc. *wdipo 'pasture; game land' (OHG weida, OE wiip 'hunt').

Lith. duja 'fine granular soil, dust; drizzle', Plur. dujos 'gas' 2 AP in dialects (LK). Also 4 AP seen in Dauksa (Loc. Sing. dujoje, see LK II 558), in the majority of dialects, and in the standard language (S LR, KAM, NS, DLK); the form duja, -os noted by Kurschat (KT LD) is apparently the result of contamination of duja with the secondary e

stern duje, which occurs in dialects. From PIE dhuia(from *dhUHii) 'dust, fine particles'; Gk. thua, (Ion.) thUe 'fragrant smoke, incense', thUii (Theophrastus), 'African thuja (wood burned for incense),' the original meaning of the Greek word being 'fragrant dust.'

Lith. ranka 'hand, arm' 2 AP in Dauksa (6 x, see SK 86), Donelaitis (3 x, see ACD 44), everywhere in dialects (see LKK III 181) and in the standard language (KT GL 179, GL 92, S LL, JAB I 74, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK).3 From PIE yr6nkii 'something bent, crooked'; Gmc. *wrdnho 'corner' (ON rt;i, rii, OSwed. vrii, Dan. vraa); in Gmc. there is also an oxytone form *wran~o (ON r(Jng 'frame').4

Lith. muse, musit'l 'fly' 2 AP in many dialects (KSL); the same in Std. Lith. (KAM, LKR, DLK). A variant in the 4 AP in certain dialects (KT LD, NS, S LL). 5 From PIE musjii 'fly, midge'; Gk. muia, (Ion.) muie 'fly.'

Lith. mig/a 'mist' 2 AP (KSL); indicated also by the secondary e-stern migle with 2 AP and 4 AP (including Std. Lith.). SeeS LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK.6 From PIE mighlii 'mist'; Gk. (Hom.) omikhle 'mist'.

Lith. sula 'sap/wine from birch or maple' 2 and 4 AP. The evidence for

21 Nominals with Short Roots

an original barytone (2 AP) is based on the accentuation of the derived sutinis (see SK LK 247); cf. the contrast between eglinis, vistinis, kiaulinis, druskinis, leiitinis (from the nouns with 2 AP egle, vista, kiaule, druska, lentil) and siksninis, kaktinis, dieninis, skarinis, meskinis (from the nouns with 4 AP Siksna, kakta, diena, skara, me'Ska). The word sula has been transferred to 4 AP in all of the dialects (KSL), including Std. Lith. (KT GL 178, GL 92, JAB I 75, KAM, NS, DLK). From PIE sulii 'a kind of beverage'; Skt. sura 'intoxicating beverage'.

Lith. blusa 'flea' 2 AP in Dauksa (lx; see SK 85), Donelaitis (lx; see ACD 41), everywhere in dialects (KSL) and in Std. Lith. (KT LD, S LR, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE bhlusii 'flea'; Gk. psulla 'flea' from *phsUlsii; 7 possibly by metathesis from *sphlusii, going back to *sbhlusii with mob. s- parallel to *bhlusii.

Lith. kupra 'back' 2 AP (in most dialects, usual in Std. Lith.; see LKK III 166, SK 89) and 4 AP (see KSL, KT GL 178, KT LD, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE kuprii 'hump'; Gmc. *hUfraz 'hump; back' (OHG havar) from *kupras.s

5. Lithuanian Nouns with Mobile AP Corresponding to Proto-IndoEuropean Forms with Mobile Oxytone AP

Lith. alga 'payment' 4 AP in Dauksa (3 x ; see SK 87), Donelaitis (3 x ; see ACD 44), in Nesselmann's dictionary, in dialects (see LIT II 318, LM 32, 81), and in Std. Lith. (KT GL 177, GL 72, S LL, JAB I 75, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE afgwhti 'payment, reward'; Gk. alpM 'wages'.

Lith. kaina 'price' 4 AP (SEN 84, KSL, S LL) and I AP (kdina) (including Std. Lith.: see LS, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). The variant with the 1 AP has the same type of metatony as vafnas 'raven': varna 'crow' frequent in a-stems (the corresponding masc. a-stem is preserved in Latv. ciens 'honor, respect') and must be considered secondary. From PIE k¥ainli 'fine, payment, price'; Gk. paine 'ransom, fine; penalty'.

Lith. zala 'harm, damage', vandens zala 'dropsy' 4 AP in Dauksa (4 X,

see SK 88), in dialects (see LK), and in Std. Lith. (S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE ghalli 'bile; something spoiled, unpleasant, harmful'; Gk. khate 'bile; poison; spite'.

Lith. lenta 'board' 4 AP in dialects (see KSL) and Std. Lith. (KT GL


I77, GL 72, S LL, JAB I 75, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE lentli

'soft wood; board'; Gmc. linili5 'linden' (OHG linta, OSax. linda, OE lind) from *lentli.

Lith. tauta 'people' 4 AP in Dauksa (5 x, see SK 88) and in Std. Lith. (S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE teutli or toutli, Gmc. Piuili5

'people' (Goth. Piuda, OHG diota, OSax. thioda, OFris. thiade, OE Peod) from *teutli.

Lith. srava (dial.) 'flow' 4 AP (S LL, SK LK 38, LKR). From PIE *sroljli 'flow'; Gk. rhof! 'stream, flow' from *sroiJii.

Lith. samda 'rent' 4 AP in dialects and Std. Lith. (see SK 54, LK, S LL, NS, DLK). From PIE somdhli from somdhHii 'agreement'; Skt. samdhli

'agreement, promise; intention'.

Lith. saka 'tale, legend, story' 4 AP (S LL, NS, DLK). From PIE sokli

'narration'; Gmc. * sa1i5 'story' (OHG saga, OE sagu; cf. ON saga from *sa1Bn, fern.).

Lith. rasa 'dew' 4 AP in Dauksa (1 x ; see SK 88, GS I685, GS 1705,

GB I685, B I7359); the same in dialects, Std. Lith. (KSL, KT GL 178, GL 92, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE rosli 'moisture, dew'; Skt. (RV) rasli 'mythical river; moisture' from *resli.

Lith. skala 'splinter, lath, chips' 4 AP in dialects (KSL) and Std. Lith. (KT LD, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE sko!Hii 'something split, chipped'; Skt. (RV) kalli 'small part, piece' from *ka!Hfilo (corresponding to the Baltic form with mobiles).

Lith. tarpa 'harvest, growth' 4 AP (the usual form in the dialects and in Std. Lith.; see KSL, KT LD, KAM, LKR, DLK)ll and I AP (noted as in free variation with 4 AP by S LL). From PIE torpli 'need, lack; something needed, useful'; Gmc. *ParoJ 'need, lack' (Goth. Parba, OHG darba).

Lith. vieka (dial.) 'strength, energy' 4 AP (KT LD 495) and, more often, I AP (vieka) (BUG II 647) as a result of metatony.12 From PIE IJOikli

'life force'; Gmc. *wai3i5 (ON veig, fern. 'force; strong beverage').

Lith. spauda 'pressure; seal' 4 AP in dialects (KSL) and Std. Lith. (KT LD, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE spoud!i 'pressure, tension'; Gk. spoudf! 'effort, zeal; haste'.

Lith. branka 'swelling (of seeds)' 4 AP in dialects (see LK I 819) and Std. Lith. (KT LD, S LR, TR BS 36, NS, DLK). From PIE bhronkli


'swelling, pressing'; Gmc. *bran1i5n, fern. (ON branga 'clamp'), probably a Germanic new formation from and old a-stem *bhronkli.

6. Exceptions

There are a number of apparent exceptions which are merely due to imprecise comparisons. Thus, Skt. (A V) talpa 'place for lying down, bed' is a nomen instrumenti, and may be distinguished accentually from the nomen actionis, which shows up in Lithuanian as talpa 'capacity' (4 AP in the dialect and in the standard language).13 The identification of Lith. kanka 'torture' (4 AP) with Gmc. *hdnho, reconstructed on the basis of the Old Norse verb ha 'torture' from *hanhon (WAL I, 401), is false, for this verb can, with an equal degree of probability, be derived from the masculine or neuter a-stems *hdnha(z). Similarly, OE Proh

'envy' may possibly derive not from Germanic *Prdnho, comparable to Lithuanian tr{lsa 'manure' (4 AP in the dialects and in the literary language), but from a masculine or neuter form-the Old English word is attested only in glosses and its gender is unknown.

The frequently stated identification of Lith. saka, 'branch' (4 AP in the texts of Prussian Lithuania,I4 in all of the dialects, and in the standard language; see KT GL 178, GL 92, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK) with Skt. (RV) slikha 'branch', likewise constitutes a false comparison. The voiceless aspirate -kh- at the end of the stem points to a combination of -k- and -H-, taken from the oblique cases of the paradigm of stems in -eH- of the type pdnthas, genitive pathds (cf. Section 25).

True exceptions from the accentual distribution described above can be found in the following cases: gija, 'warp threads', 2 AP and 4 AP (including Std. Lith.; see LKK III 166, KSL, KT GR 177, GL 92, S LR, BUT, NS, LKR, DLK). If 2 AP is the original one, the Lithuanian data do not agree with the evidence from Sanskrit, which shows an oxytone paradigm injili 'bow-string' (cf.jili-vayas 'having the quickness of a bow-string').

Lith. krusa (also kriusa) 'hail' 4 AP (KSL, KT LD, GL 92, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). The Lithuanian data do not agree with the evidence from the Germanic languages, where one can reconstruct a feminine barytone *hruson (OHG rosa 'ice', OE hruse 'land'), which probably represents a new a-stem.

It is clear that isolated exceptions of this sort cast no doubt on the correctness of the principle of accentual distribution proposed above.


7. Later Analogical Leveling of Accentual Paradigms in Lithuanian

We have seen above that the Proto-Indo-European opposition of barytone AP versus mobile-oxytone AP in a-stems was preserved in Lithuanian as an opposition of barytone AP versus mobile AP. Before the operation of the Law of Fortunatov-de Saussure, columnar barytonesis contrasted here with mobility. A system such as this cannot be described as a stable one, since the opposition of the two accentual paradigms was neutralized in case forms having barytonesis within the mobile para-digm (for example, 4 AP Dat. Sing. riisai and Ace. Sing. rasq, like 2 AP iisvai and iisvq). Apparently, in a number of dialects, it was during this period that the process of merging the two APs and generalizing the mobile AP began. As a result of the shift of accent to the acute syllable, / the number of case forms with the same accentuation in both paradigms increased (cf. Nom. Sing. asva from *asva, like Nom. Sing. rasa from rasa); and, more important, oxytone case forms arose within the barytone AP. At this point the neutralization of the two APs was not solely dependent upon barytonesis of the case form. This circumstance must have further hastened the process of merging the two paradigms.

There exist Lithuanian dialects which reflect a number of the stages of displacement of the barytone AP. This process began in the singular, where the AP opposition is neutralized in four case forms (nominative, dative, accusative, and instrumental: asva, iisvai, iisv{l, asva, like rasa, riisai, riisq, rasa), and only later spread to the plural, where there are only two such forms (nominative and accusative: asvas, as vas, like riisas, rasas). Thus, in the western Aukstaitis dialects of the Mitu river basin, according to the data published by Grinaveckiene (LKK III, 1960, p. 162), the following stages of the process are represented:

I. egle 'fir' Sing. 2 AP, more rarely 4 AP; Plur. 2 AP. 2. musia 'fly' Sing. 4 AP; Plur. 2 AP. 3. virve 'rope', ieva 'bird-cherry' Sing. 4 AP; Plur. 2 or 4 AP.

In the southern Lithuanian Dzuk dialect of the Marcinkonys region, the word zvaigZde 'star' belongs to 4 AP in the singular but 2 AP in the plural (DOR CCXXXVI); a similar situation for the word duja 'dust' has been noted in the southern Dzuk dialect of the Nocia region and for the word dirva 'grainfield' in the western Aukstaitis dialect of the Geistarai region (KSL).

From the material presented above it can be seen that the area in which the original accentual relationships are maintained varies from


word to word. Apparently the direction of each such isogloss has been determined to a great extent by semantic and derivational connections, as well as by the text frequency of each individual word.

Masculine 0-Stems


Masculine a-stems in the eastern Baltic languages are, of course, reflexes of Proto-Indo-European masculines and neuters. These two categories were still distinguished in the dialect of the Old Prussian Elbing dictionary as nouns with final -(i)s and -an, respectively. The loss of the neuter gender in the east Baltic dialects was not yet complete in the period of Balto-Finnic contacts. Old neuter words borrowed by Finnic speakers in the Baltic area have, as a rule, final -a (for more details see section 13), while old masculine words regularly have final -as. For example:

Finn. taivas 'sky' rvLith. dievas 'God', OPrus. Deywis (EV 1) Finn. vannas 'plowshare' rvOPrus. Wagnis (EV 244) Finn. tarvas 'fantastic animal' rvLith. tafiras 'bull', OPrus. Tauris (EV

648)

Since neuter a-stems in Indo-European have certain peculiarities of their own, it seems advisable to examine them separately from masculine a-stems.

Lithuanian a-stems which derive from original masculines have preserved the Indo-European opposition of two APs; they are represented in Lithuanian as an opposition between barytone and mobile APs.

9. Lithuanian Barytone Forms Corresponding to Proto-Indo-European Barytone Forms

Lith. zambas 'edge, border; skirt' 2 AP (KSL) and 4 AP (variation between 2 AP and 4 AP in Std. Lith.; see S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE g6mbhas 'protruding edge; tooth'; Skt. (R V) jdmbhas 'tooth'; Gk. g6mphas 'nail, thorn'. That the Baltic word was originally masculine is attested by Finn. hammas and Veps. hambas 'tooth' with final -as.

Lith. ratas 'wheel; circle, rim' 2 AP in Dauksa (1 x, see SK 32, also R DL, ACD 15, NES), dialects (LKK III 184) and Std. Lith. (KT GL 153, S LL, JAB I 197, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE r6tHas 'wheel';


Skt. rdthas (masc.) 'vehicle'; Gmc. *rdpa (neut.) 'wheel' (OHG rad, ON rath, OFris. reth). Original masculine gender in Baltic is attested by Finn. ratas 'wheel', Karel. ratas, Est. ratas.

Lith. saikas 'vessel for dry measure' 2 AP in Dauksa (I x, see SK 32), and certain dialects (SK 37) and 4 AP (incl. Std. Lith.; see KSL, KT GL 152, GL 87, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE s6ikos 'vessel'; Gmc. *stiihaz 'tub' (ON sar, OE sa [masc.]).

Lith. kailkas 'house spirit; soul of an unchristened child; evil power' 2 AP and 4 AP (both in Std. Lith.: see LS, S LL, FUL, LKR, DLK, KAM, NS). From PIE k6ukos 'evil spirit'; Skt. (RV) k6ka-yiitus 'evil spirit (yatus) in the form of an animal called *k6kas.'l5 Original masculine gender in Baltic is indicated by OPrus. Cawx (EV II) 'devil.'

Lith. siipas 'straw, blade of grass' 2 AP (NES 513, KSL) and 4 AP (both in Std. Lith.: see KT GL 154, GL 86, KAM, LKR, S LL, DLK). From PIE k6pos 'something fragmented, shattered'; Skt. (RV) sapas 'driftwood'.

Lith. ardai (Plur.) 'pokes for drying flax' 2 AP (KSL) and 4 AP (including Std. Lith.; see KT LD, S LR, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE 6rdhos 'something separated, chipped off; side, half'; Skt. (RV) drdhas 'side, place'.16

Lith. javai (Plur.) 'grain' 2 AP (see B 1735, B 1755, PVG 411, NES) and 4 AP (in Dauksa; see SK 34, also GB 1685, R DL, MAG; in all modern dialects and in Std. Lith.; see LM 22, 310, 350, 431 and KT GL 152, GL 86, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE j6yos from *i6uHos 'cereal'; Skt. (RV) yavas 'bread, cereal grain; grain field'P

Lith. siipnas 'dream' 2 AP (NES) and 4 AP. Aside from direct attestations of 2 AP, an original bar. AP (2) is evidenced by the derivative siipnininkas (dial.) 'interpreter of dreams' (N 1701, NES, KT LD). If the original accentuation had been mobile AP (4), the derived noun would have had the accentuation sapninifikas, as in Std. Lith.; cf. the opposition in Kurschat's description (KT GL 157-160): balniniiikas (balnas, 4 AP), kakliniflkas (kiiklas, 4 AP), samdiniiikas (samda, 4 AP) versus girininkas (giria, 2 AP), knygininkas (knyga, 2 AP), dafiininkas (dafias [dial.] 2 AP). Std. Lith. (see KT GL 152, GL 87, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK) has the secondary 4 AP (for Dauksa see SK 34; for dialects see


KSL). From PIE S!f6pnos; Skt. (R V) svdpnas 'dream'. Original masc. gender is indicated by Avest. xvqfna-(masc.) and Lat. somnus.

Lith. vii/as 'horse hair; rope of horse hair' 2 AP (NES, KSL) and 4 AP (including Std. Lith.; see KT LD, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE !!6los 'horse hair'; Skt. (RV) varas 'horse tail hair.'

Lith. vijsas 'hook' 2 AP (KSL) and 4 AP (including Std. Lith.; see KT GL 153, GL 88, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE 6nkos 'hook'lB; Gk. 6gkos 'barb of an arrow'.

Lith. tanas (dial.) 'tumor' 2 AP (NES) and 4 AP (R DL, MDL, KSL, LKR). From PIE t6nos 'something stretched, swollen'; Gk. t6nos '(stretched) string; tension'.

Lith. kafpas 'torn piece of cloth; notch, groove; scar' 2 AP (KSL, LKR) and 4 AP (including Std. Lith.; see GL 86, LS, S LL, NS, DLK). From PIE k6rpos 'something torn off, broken off'; Gmc. * sktirfaz from * sk6rpos (with mobile s).

Lith. lailkas 'field' 4 AP; evidence of previous 2 AP. The evidence for an original barytone AP (2) is the accentuation of the adverb lailkan 'outside' (originally an illative singular form); in the dialects this form is found together with the oxytone laukafi. It is significant that the accentuation of lailkan is preserved mainly in the Zemaitis and western Aukstaitis dialects, where illative forms are lost and where laukan is perceived as an adverb unconnected with the paradigm of the noun laukas. The occurrence of the form lailkan in the dialects of Prussian Lithuania is confirmed by the data of Donelaitis (ACD 17) and Kurschat (KT LD). In the eastern Aukstaitis dialects, where illative forms have been preserved, the connection with the paradigm was perceived and the form laukafl was oxytone as the ordinary illative of the noun lailkas, 4 AP. Laukas itself is mobile AP (4) in the modern dialects (including Zemaitis and eastern Aukstaitis; see LM 250, 359, 370, 86, 102, 104) and in the standard language (see KT GL 152, GL 87, JAB I 73, S LL, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE l6ukos 'open space, field'; Gmc. *lduhaz 'meadow, bushy area' (OHG loh, masc.; OSax. lo, masc.; OE leah, masc.), along with *lduha, neut. (OHG loh, neut.; OSax. lo, neut.). Original masculine gender is indicated by Lat. Iucus 'sacred grove'J9

Lith. sulas 'wooden post, stave' 4 AP; evidence of previous 2 AP. An original barytone AP (2) is evidenced by the derivatives suline (Zemaitis

28 Nominal Accentuation in Blatic

dialects; see SK 77) and sulinis (dialects of Prussian Lithuania; see DOR 74) 'well'; actually, 'made of boards' (with a secondary transference to mobile AP in eastern Aukstaitis sulinys, sulnys). From an original mobile AP we would expect * sulinis; cf. skalinis (skala, 4 AP), skarinis (skara, 4 AP) versus pusinis (puse, 2 AP), raistinis (raistas, 2 AP); see SK LK 257. The word sulas itself has become 4 AP in all the dialects (KSL), including Std. Lith. (KT GL 152, GL 87, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE ksU!os 'wooden post, log'; Gk. (Hom.) ksU!on 'stump, post' from *ksU!om (cf. also Gk. ksulinos: Lith. sulinis). In Baltic, in contrast to Greek, the noun is masculine; cf. OPrus. Sufis 'stave' (EV 196).

Lith. nafsas (fury, rage' 2 AP (KSL) and 4 AP (including Std. Lith.; see KT GL 152, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE nartsos 'emotional excitement'; Gk. nasas 'ailment, suffering' from *nartsas. 2o

Lith. viikaras 'evening', Plur. vakarai 'evenings; west' 1 AP (SK 42, 109; GS 1685, N 1701, N 1735, B 1735 and 1755, HAA, MAG, NES, R DL, ACD 23, SK 45, GL 20, KT WL I 5) and 4 AP (including Std. Lith.; see KT GL 158, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE yak¥aras 'evening'; Gk. (Hom.) hesperas 'evening' from *yesk¥eras. 21

Lith. alkas 'sacred grove (obs.); wooded hill'; 2 AP varies with 4 AP in the dialects and in Std. Lith. (see KSL, NS, LKR, DLK, FUL). From PIE dlkas 'sacred grove, temple'; Gmc. *dlhaz 'temple' (OHG alah, OE ealh). 22

Lith. kiipas 'grave, burial mound', Plur. kapai 'cemetery' 2 AP (R DL, M LD, NES, R LD) and 4 AP (including Std. Lith.; see GS 1685, N 1735, HAA, KSL, KT GL 152, GL 87, S LL, KAM, BUT, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE k!Jpas 'something dug, excavated'; Gk. skdphas 'time for digging vinyards,' probably from *skdpas (skdpto 'I dig') with ph under the influence of taphai (Piur.) 'burial': thdpto 'I bury' (see BQ 870-871, WAL II 560). Greek has a form with mobiles. Original Baltic masculine gender is supported by Est. kliiibas 'burial mound', Finn. kiiiipas 'islet in a bog', if this is a borrowing from Baltic.

Lith. kviipas 'breath; smell, spirit' 2 AP (ACD 15, LM 319, 446) and 4 AP (including Std. Lith.; see KT GL 152, GL 87, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE kyJpas 'puff, breath (masc. a-stem or neut. es-/ as-stem; cf. Hesychius gloss [HAL II, 408] kdpaspsukhe, pneuma 'breath, puff').


10. Lithuanian Nouns with Mobile AP Corresponding to Proto-Indo-European Forms with Mobile-Oxytone AP

Lith. aulas 'boot top' 4 AP (for dialects see LK and KSL; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 151, GL 86, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE aulas 'hollow rod, tube'; Gk. aulas 'tube, hollow rod; whistle, flute.' Original masculine gender in Baltic is supported by OPrus. Au/is (EV 141) 'shin bone'.

Lith. sakai (Piur.) 'resin' 4 AP (see B 1735, B 1755, R LD, NES; for dialects see KSL; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 152, GL 87, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE syak¥as 'sap';23 Gk. apas 'fermenting juice' from *hapas (cf. hopontion in inscriptions; see BQ 708) from *syokYas. Original masculine gender in Baltic is supported by OPrus. Sackis (EV 598) 'resin'.

Lith. dievas 'god' 4 AP (see SK 34 and 133,24 BYS 51, LM 107; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 151, GL 86, S LL, JAB I 73, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE deiyas 'god'; Skt. (RV) devds 'god'. Original masculine gender in Baltic is indicated by OPrus. Deywis (EV 1) 'god' and Finn. taivas 'sky', with final -as.

Lith. miegas 'sleep' 4 AP (for dialects see TAU III 405; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 152, GL 87, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE meighas 'something foggy, unclear'; Skt. (RV) meghds 'cloud'.

Lith. valkas (dial.) 'support for drying skins' 4 AP (see KSL and DLK). From PIE yalkas 'something for stretching'; Gk. holkas 'windlass', Plur., holkai, 'reins' from *syolkas (with mob. s).

Lith. striizdas 'thrush' 4 AP (see ACD 17, KSL; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 152, GL 87, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE strozdhas 'small bird'; Gk. strauthas, masculine and fern. 'swallow' *strasthas, with dissimilative loss of sand compensatory lengthening.25 Original masculine gender in Baltic is supported by Finn. rastas 'thrush'.

Lith. giinas (dial.) 'herdsman' 4 AP (LKR). PIE ghanHas 'a person who beats or drives; an instrument for beating or driving'; Skt. (RV) ghands 'destroyer; cudgel'.26

Lith. raupai (Piur.) 'smallpox' 4 AP (Std. Lith:, see S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK) and, secondarily, 3 AP (OTR I 219) in the southern Lithuanian Dzuk dialect of the Tverecius region (see below for a similar


variant to the word stambas). From PIE roup6s 'something ruined, taken by force; result of destruction, disease'; Gmc. *rauodz (OHG roub 'plunder; loot'.)

Lith. stambas 'stalk, stump' 4 AP (KSL) and 3 AP. 4 AP has been noted in the western Aukstaitis and Dzuk dialects. Since the variant with 3 AP is generally found in dialects which are located outside the zone with partial retraction of accent, but not far from this zone, this variant can be explained as an interdialectal borrowing. The 4 AP word in dialects with partial accent retraction (Nom. Plur. stambai, Ace. Plur. stambus from *stambus) was perceived by the borrowing dialects lacking accent as 3 AP (Nom. Plur. stambai, Ace. Plur. stambus to stdmbus). The variant with 4 AP was apparently known to Kurschat (KT LD 402). The standard language has 3 AP (S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE stomb6s 'stalk'; Skt. stambds 'bush' (BOH VII 200).

Lith. maisas 'sack' 4 AP (SK 34, KSL; for Std. Lith. see S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK) and 3 AP (in Prussian Lithuania; seeM DL, NES, KT LD). The 3 AP variant can be explained as a borrowing from dialects with partial retraction of accent (like stdmbas, above) or, following Baga, more likely due to the influence of the feminine form mdisa 'hay rack' (KT WL I 636b), mdise 'large bag', where metatony is normal. From PIE mois6s 'sheep skin; pelt sack'; Skt. (RV) me.yds 'sheep' ( originally sheep skin). 27

Lith. baiigas (dial.) 'downpour' 4 AP (LK I 524, KSL, DLK). 2B From PIE bhong6s 'destruction; something that brings destruction'; Skt. bhangds 'breakage; wave' (BOH R V 175-176).

Lith. zarais 'helter-skelter' (KT LD), originally an instrumental plural of *ziiras 4 AP (cf. NES: Zaras 'order; direction') From PIE ghor6s 'order (in moving)'; Gk. khor6s 'round dance'.

Lith. dagas 'heat of day; harvest' 4 AP (KT GL 151, NS, LK, LKR). From PIE dhogWh6s 'hot weather'; Skt. (SB) nidaghds 'hot season'. Original masculine gender in Baltic is confirmed by OPrus. Dagis (EV 13) 'summer'.

11. Exceptions

Apparent exceptions include the comparison of Lith. beiidras 'friend; participator' (2 AP including Std. Lith.) with Gk. penther6s 'father-


in-law; brother-in-law' (originally 'related'); the oxytone accent of the Greek word evidently arose relatively late by analogy with some other formation (probably hekur6s 'father-in-law' or pentherd 'mother-in-law'), since an original oxytone *penther6s would have been changed by Wheeler's law into *pentheros. Lith. badas 'hunger' (2 AP according to tex-tual evidence; see N 1701 and 1735; 4 AP usually in the modern language), probably must be compared not with Skt. (RV) badhds 'oppression', but with Skt. (according to lexicographical data) btidhas 'pressure, force' (BOH IV 220). The difference in accentuation between Lith. tvaiikas 'stuffy air' (2 AP in variation with 4 AP in the dialects and in the literary language) and Gmc. *Pwan'ldz 'pressure' (OHG thuang, OFris. thwong, MLG dwank) is apparently to be explained by the tendency to contrast nomina acti and nomina actionis by position of stress. Finally, Lith. tauras 'wild bull' (4 AP) can scarcely be directly compared with Gk. tauros 'bull', as the latter word was apparently borrowed from a pre-Greek Indo-European language (as is shown by -au- instead of the expected -ou-: cf. -eu- in Gmc. *piuraz, Old Scandinavian piorr) and does not reflect a proper Greek accent. 29

True exceptions usually include cases in which Lithuanian has nouns with 4 AP in correspondence with barytone forms in other Indo-European languages. In all such cases one must keep in mind the tendency toward the early generalization of the mobile AP in masculine a-stems; traces of the original accentuation can be completely wiped out, particularly if data from accented texts are lacking.

Lith. viikas 'wolf' 4 AP (for dialects see SK 35, ACD 18, LM 328, OTR I 216; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 153, GL 87, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). This accentuation does not agree with the barytone accent of Skt. (RV) vfkas 'wolf'; Gk. lukos (with metathesis from *yfk'!os) 'wolf'.

Lith. mazgas 'knot' 4 AP (KT WL 697a, S LL, KAM, NS, FUL, LKR, DLK). This accentuation does not agree with the barytone accent of Gk. moskhos 'sprout'.

Lith. sesuras 'father-in-law' 3 AP (KAM, LKR, DLK). The Lithuanian accent does not agree with the barytone accent of Skt. svdsuras 'fatherin-law', Gmc. *swehuraz (OHG swehur, OE sweor). The parallel discrepancy in Gk. hekur6s 'father-in-law' is usually explained by the influence of hekurd 'mother-in-law' (see WH 59).


12. Late Analogical Leveling of Accentual Paradigms in Lithuanian

The original distribution of masculine a-stems into two accentual paradigms reflected the corresponding Indo-European distribution and was identical to the distribution of a-stems. The late leveling processes affecting the two accentual paradigms of masculine nouns were very strong and resulted in a greater number of variants with mobile AP than in the case of a-stems. I noted above that in a number of cases the original barytone AP was retained only in accented texts; in the overwhelming majority of cases this accentuation has been lost in many dialects and in the literary language.

The intensity of these leveling processes, namely in a-stems, becomes understandable if we take into account that a complete accentual coalescence of barytone and mobile AP took place in the singular of a-stems with short roots (if we exclude the secondary case forms which are absent in many dialects). With respect to the position of accent in the singular cases the two paradigms originally contrasted in the instrumental singular and the nominative singular: in the mobile AP these forms were oxytone. Oxytone accent in the instrumental singular of a

stems in the mobile AP is preserved in nouns with acute roots in a number of dialects (darbe, 3 AP, but kdule, I AP).30 After the accent shift by the law of Fortunatov-de Saussure this contrast was neutralized in nouns with short roots (zambe, like au/e). The original state of affairs in the nominative singular has been maintained in iio-stems (e.g., gaidys, 3 AP from *gaidiias, but kaftis, 2 AP from *kaftiias) and in masculine definite adjectives (piktasis from *piktasjis). In both cases contraction took place before the accent was shifted from -a- in the final syllable to the preceding syllable (*dievas to dievas, *piktas to piktas). This process of retraction, established by E. Nieminen (NIE 155), should probably be considered a phonetic process. It took place fairly earlybefore the shortening of final acute vowels CZiemd from *ziemli preserves oxytone accent, but *dievas to dievas) and before the lengthening of e and a under accent (*dagas to dagas to diigas with lengthening).

One can assume that it is precisely this process, having eliminated the accentual opposition of the two paradigms in an important case form (nominative singular) and having led to an almost complete coalescence of these two paradigms in the singular, which played an important role in the hastening of the leveling processes which are characteristic for original masculine a-stem nouns in Lithuanian.


Neuter 0- and S-Stems

13. The Fate of Neuter 0- and S-Stems in Baltic

Original a-stem neuter forms in Baltic can be identified by examining the data from Old Prussian and Balto-Finnic languages. In the Elbing dictionary Old Prussian neuters are attested with the nominative-accusative singular ending -an (from *-om), while masculines have the nominative singular ending -(i)s (from *-os). Balto-Finnic borrowed East Baltic neuter a-stems with the ending -a, in contrast to masculine a-stems which show up with the ending -as (cf. Section 8): cf. Finnish lunka 'remnants of bark', Lith. lunkas 'bast', OPrus. Lunkan (EV 644); Finn. kela 'reel, spool', OPrus. Kelan (EV 295) 'wheel'; Finn. heinii 'hay', Lith. sienas, PSI. *seno; Finn. vaha 'wax', Lith. viiskas, Gmc. *wahsa (neut.), Finn. kaula 'neck', Lith. kiiklas, Skt. cakrdm 'wheel'; Finn. silta 'bridge', Lith. tiltas, Skt. trrthdm 'ford'.31

The data from the Balto-Finnic languages permit us to assume that in East Baltic the ending for the nominative-accusative singular of neuter a-stems was, unlike the Old Prussian form, -a (final -an would have been retained in Finnish: cf. Finn. paimen 'shepherd', East Baltic *paimen-, Lith. piemuo, piemenes). The ending -a is preserved in Modern Lithuanian in neuter adjectives: cf.~neut.), OPrus. labban (cf. sta ast labban in the Enchiridium). A direct reflection of final -a in nouns can be seen in forms of type type lizda fern. 'nest' (from *lizda, neut. from *nizdom; in Lithuanian usually lizdas, masc.), preserved in the border dialect of fishermen in Prussian Lithuania (cf. GER 28). Apparently one must accept E. Nieminen's hypothesis, according to which -a comes from the pronominal ending -od, which at on early stage replaced the original -om (NIE 2-3; cf. also R. Garbe Szyrwid's Punkty Kazan [Punktay Sakimu] vom Jahre 1629, Gottingen, 1885, p. xli). This hypothesis permitted Nieminen. to explain in a satisfactory way the process of the replacement of o-stem neuter nouns by masculine nouns in East Baltic. As soon as the shortening of the final acute vowels took place, the forms of the nominative-accusative singular and the nominative-accusative plural of neuters coalesced phonetically (nominative-accusative singular *lizda and nominative-accusative plural *lizda from *lizda). The old forms of the nominative-accusative singular were therefore replaced by the corresponding forms of the masculine which led to the abolition of the neuter category, first in a-stem nouns and then in other types of stems. 32


At a fairly early stage of development some of the neuter nouns with a stem in -osf-es, a class completely lost in all of the Baltic languages, entered the class of neuter o-stem nouns. The rest of the nouns of this class, as is well known, were transformed into !-stems (and further, into fa-stems); cf. Lith. debesis 'sky', puvesis 'rotten wood', griuvesiai 'ruins', etc. Supposedly, the transfer into the i-stem class was connected with the generalization of the suffix -es- in oblique cases, while the transfer into the a-stem class was based on the form of the nominative-accusative singular with the suffix -os (Bait. -as). In any case, some neuter s-stems in East Baltic were included in the neuter o-stem class and, together with all of the other a-stems, were transferred into the category of masculine a-stems; cf. Lith. pafSas (masc.) 'piglet' from EBalt. *parsa (a form reconstructable on the basis of SEst. parh from *parha) from *p6rkos (neut.), Gmc. *fdrhaz (neut.). Thus, for our present purposes, we can consider neuter s-stems and o-stems as one class.

The relatively recent transfer of neuter a-stems into the masculine category is confirmed by the different reflexes of original neuter and masculine stems in -ijo. Here old masculine nouns undergo contraction in the nominative singular in -ifas and in the accusative singular in -ifan (*gaidijas to gaidis, *gaidijan to gaidln; cf. Lith. gaidys, gaidi). In the nominative-accusative singular neuter in -ifa no such contraction took place (*medija to media), so that when the neuter nouns were later transferred into the masculine category they came to be phonetically distinct from the original masculine nouns (medzias, medzig, but gaidys, gaidi). 33


The contrast between two Proto-Indo-European accentual paradigms in neuter o-stems is preserved better than in masculine o-stems. In the case of neuters most of the Lithuanian dialects have barytone AP; analogical processes toward the merging of the two barytone paradigms developed very weakly in this category. It is therefore not surprising that neuter a-stems have turned out to be the only class of nouns which could successfully be used to establish a connection between the Lithuanian and Proto-Indo-European distribution of nouns in accentual paradigms.

Taking advantage of the conclusions reached by Nieminen, who found that a significant number of Lithuanian o-stems with barytone AP go back to old neuters (NIE 140-142, 167-170), G. Bonfante in 1931 formulated the following rule: "Proto-Indo-European barytone nouns


of neuter gender retain barytone accent in Lithuanian; ... ProtoIndo-European oxytone nouns of neuter gender remain oxytone in Lithuani-an." (G. Bonfante "Una nuovaformulazione della Iegge de F. de Saussure," BAL vol. I, 1931, p. 88). The inexactness of this formulation (one should speak of Lithuanian mobile rather than of oxytone AP) and the unconvincing nature of a number of Bonfante's correspondences apparently prevented many scholars from accepting this rule. In 1934, J. Kurylowicz, who at that time apparently was not acquainted with Bonfante's work,34 came to a conclusion practically identical to that of the Italian scholar: "Thus, neuter o-stems retained their former accentuation. Old barytone disyllabic forms, as a rule, belong to 2 AP, and oxytone disyllabic forms to 4 AP." (J. Kurylowicz, Slady rzeczownik6w n(jakich w j~zyku litewskim, Biuletyn Polskiego Towarzystwaj~zykoznawczego, 4 [1934], p. 21). In his book L'accentuation des langues indo-europeennes (pp. 195-196) Kurylowicz rejected this conclusion not because of the presence of any new data but because of the general conception underlying his work. Since he assumed a coalescence of Proto-Indo-European barytone and oxytone formations (underived in Baltic) into one (mobile) accentual class, Kurylowicz was forced to accept a similar coalescence for neuter nouns. Neuter had, in his opinion, a special type of mobile paradigm with barytonesis in the nominative-accusative singular; after the loss of the neuter category the barytone accent of the nominative singular was responsible for the transformation of this paradigm into a barytone paradigm (he thus retains Nieminen's notion that the majority of old neuters are barytone). Kurylowicz thus has no explanation for the presence of original neuter nouns in the mobile AP: " ... no matter how one explains the difference between [old] neuter 2 AP nouns and neuter 4 AP nouns, for example by a chronological difference in the change neuter to masculine, it is clear that one cannot give a satisfactory explanation of each individual case" (p. 196).

The data adduced below demonstrate that the rejection of the "Bonfante-Kurylowicz rule" is unfounded. Neuter o-stems (including those stems in -osf-es which have merged into this class) reflect quite well the Proto-Indo-European opposition of two accentual paradigms.

15. Lithuanian Barytone Forms Corresponding to Proto-Indo-European

Forms

Lith. saitas 'tether, rope bucket handle', OLith. saitai (Piur.) 'jai1'35


2 AP (SK 32, SK 38, KSL) and 4 AP (including Std. Lith., S LL, SK LK 321, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE s6itom 'tether'; Gmc. *sdipa, OHG seid 'cord' (neuter). Evidence for original neuter in Baltic: OPrus. Largasaytan (EV 446).

Lith. medzias 'forest', medis 'tree' 2 AP (SK 76 and 82, BYS 43, UNI 7, KG 13, 64 and 154, KC 13 and 107, GS 1685 and 1705, N 1701, B 1735, HAA, ACD 30; for dialects see DOR CCXXIV; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 163, GL 97, S LL, JAB I 74, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). According to Frrenkel's quite reasonable supposition the original neuter formation *medhiom with a collective meaning 'forest' was contaminated with the masculine formation *medhios 'tree' in Lithuanian (E. Frrenkel, "Morphologisches und Etymologisches," LIN, t. 4, 1953, p. 90; also FRA 425).36 Originally, these two formations were probably distinguished also by accent: bar. *mediia (neut.) vs. mob. *medii as (masc.). The latter form explains the oxytonesis of the locative singular and illative singular in a number of dialects (see LM 147 and 184, LKK III 186, LM 459, BAR 6; MADA 1(4), 1958, 200 and KDA). (Mobile AP in the original form is also indicated by the derivative medinis 'wooden' in dialects which distinguish two accentual types in derivatives in -inis; see OTR I 175 and LKK III 37). From PIE medhiom 'middle'; Skt. (RV) mddhyam 'middle', Gk. meson, messon 'middle'. Evidence for original neuter in Baltic: OPrus. Median (EV 586) and the absence of contraction in Lith. medzias, Latv. mezs 'forest' from medias. The seemingly unusual semantic shift 'middle' to 'forest, tree' is confirmed by a parallel noted by Buga (BUG II, 252): Gmc. *wiiluz 'forest, tree', ON viilr. OE widu, but Lith. vidus 'interior' (BUG II, 252). It may be that this shift is based on the fact that forests have long been natural borders (Russian cognate me2:a); cf. WAL I, 314.37

Lith. sapnis, sapnys 'sleep, dream' 2 AP (KSL, GL 82, KT WL II 156a) varies with 4 AP in the dialects. (LM 367 and 376, KSL) and in Std. Lith. (NS, LKR). From PIE SIJOpniom 'dream'; Skt. (A V) svdpnyam 'dream, vision'. Evidence for original neuter: Gk. enupnion 'dream', Lat. somnium 'sleep'. We would expect *sapnias in the neuter formation in Lithuanian. The form in-is, following Endzelin, can be explained by the influence of the plural forms of the paradigm (cf. n. 33).

Lith. tiiiklas 'net, seine' 2 AP (SK 32; KT WL I 440, S LL, KAM, DLK for Std. Lith.) and 4 AP (SK 38, ACD 18). From PIE t~tlom 'something stretched'; Skt. (RV) tdntram 'loom' from *tent/om. Evi-


dence for original neuter in.Baltic: OPrus. Sasitinldo (EV 697) 'rabbitsnares', probably a nominative-accusative plural of a neuter noun.

Lith. piidas 'sole; clay floor beneath stove' 2 AP (B 1735 and 1755, NES 275; for dialects and Std. Lith. see KT GL 153, GL 86, S LL, JAB I 73, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE p6dom 'part of the foot touching the ground; ground under "the foot'; Gk. pi!don 'soil, earth' from *pedom (but Skt. [RV] paddm 'step; trace; place' goes back to an oxytone variant *ped6m). Evidence for original neuter: A vest. piioa- (neut.) 'step; place' from *podom, Lat. oppidum 'locality'.

Lith. pafSas 'piglet', dial. 'hog' 2 AP (ACD 15, KSL; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 153, GL 87, S LL, JAB I 73, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK; variation with 4 AP only in a southern Dzuk dialect; LKK III 198). From PIE parkas (neuter) 'piglet, hog'; Gmc. *fdrhaz (neut.) 'pig', OHG farah, farh (neut.), Plur.farhir; transfer to masc. in OEfearh (cf. BBR II, KL NS 42). Evidence for original neuter in Baltic: SEst. pahr 'hog' from *parha with final -a (KAL 145).38

Lith.jaukas 'bait, lure' 2 AP (KSL) and 4 AP (KSL; S LR, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK for Std. Lith.). From PIE eukos (neut.) 'something pleasant, usual'; Skt. (RV) 6kas (neut.) 'pleasure; pleasant place for dwelling, dwelling.'

Lith. kutas (dial.) 'garment hem', more frequently Plur. kutai 'let down hems' 2 AP (KSL) and 4 AP (NS, DLK). From PIE kutos (neut.) 'cover'; Gk. kutos (neut.) 'receptacle, cover; protuberance; cavity'.

Lith. liipas 'leaf' 2 AP in OLith. texts (R LD, R DL, ACD 15, NES,39

KSL) and in Std. Lith. (KT GL 153, GL 86, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE 16pos (neut.) 'leaf, petal, plant tissue'; Gk. lepos (neut.) 'pod'. The existence of a similar s-stem in Slavic is indicated by the derivative *lepestu, 'petal'. In Baltic the root vocalism has been changed, probably under the influence of a corresponding masculine a

stem (cf. Gk. 16pos 'peel, husk').

16. Lithuanian Nouns with Mobile AP Corresponding to Proto-IndoEuropean Forms with Mobile-Oxytone AP

Lith. kraujas 'blood' 4 AP (SK 76, ACD 33, PVG 283, KSL; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 152, GL 87, LS, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE kroui6m 'blood, something bloody, raw meat'; Skt. kravydm 'car-


cass, raw meat' (BOH II I 14;) oxytone accent is also indicated by the absence of accent on the first member of the compound kravya-wihanas 'carrying corpses'. Evidence for neuter in Baltic: Nom. Sing. -ias and OPrus. Crauyo (EV 160) 'blood' (probably a nominative plural neuter form equating with Lith. kraujal, Plur., 'blood'; cf. NIE 174).

Lith. lalkas 'time, term; end, death' (as in laikt;J rado 'died') 4 AP (KSL; for Std. Lith. see S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE loikY6m 'something remaining'; Gk. loip6n 'remaining part (e.g. remaining term), rest, remainder'. 40

Lith. sliikas 'drop; spot' 4 AP (SK 35, KSL; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 152, GL 87, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE sklok6m or klok6m (variant with s-mobile) 'accumulation of liquid'; Gmc. *slaM, ON slag (neut.) 'rainwater' from *sklok6m (WAL II 602).

Lith. sparnas 'wing' 4 AP (SK 34, ACD 17, LKK III 63, LM 339, 51 and 81; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 152, GL 84, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE sporn6m 'wing, quill'; Skt. (RV) pan:uim 'wing' from *porn6m (variant without s-mobile). Evidence for original neuter.: A vest. par•na- (neut.) 'quill, wing'.

Lith. lizdas 'nest' 4 AP (LM 411; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 152, GL 87, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK).41 From PIE nisd6m 'nest' with a replacement of n by I; Skt. nujdm (also niqas, masc.; the gender of the word in the Rig Veda is impossible to determine; cf. GRA 741) 'resting place for cattle, nest'. Evidence for original neuter: Gmc. *nesta 'nest', OHG nest (neut.), OE nest (neut.), and Slavic *gnezdo (but Lat. nidus, masc., 'nest').

Lith. kiiklas 'neck' 4 AP (SK 34,42 OTR I 176; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 152, GL 86, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE kYokY/6m 'something that turns; wheel';43 Skt. (RV) cakrdm 'wheel'. Evidence for original neuter in Baltic: Finn. kaula, (dial.) kakla 'neck', with final -a.44

Lith. niigas 'nail' 4 AP (B 1735, R DL, ACD 17, LM 372,421 and 82; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 152, GL 86, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE nogh6m 'nail'; Skt. nakhdm (also nakhds, masc.; it is impossible to determine the gender of the word in the Rig Veda) 'nail', with an inexplicable voiceless aspirate (cf. Skt. [RV] naghamiirds 'mangy' with the expected -gh-) from *negh6m or *noghH6m.


Lith. simtas 'hundred' 2 AP and 4 AP in variation in OLith. and in Std. Lith. (SK 35 and 41, R DL 104a; for Std. Lith. KT GL 263, GL 156, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK, JAB I 88, BUT). There is a similar variation between 2 AP and 4 AP in the dialects. The LKDA materials (question 11281 B of the Atlas program is devoted to the accentuation of the word simtas) not only permit us to establish the geographic distribution of both variants, 45 but also give definite indications as to the original significance of the accentual difference. At a number of points on the border of zones with 2 AP (Piur. simtai) and 4 AP (Plur. simtal), the word simtas has 2 AP in compound numerals containing "hundred," but it has 4 AP when used as a noun (a group of one hundred). Cf. Sudargas (490): devyni simtai, butjy te(n) Simtal 'there are one hundred of them there'; Slavikai (510); du, trys simtai, butjy te(n) simtal; Panosiskes (614): simtal, Gen. Plur. simt(i, but, in counting, simty; Zverynas (633): Simtal, and also simtai, where the latter is encountered only in rapid counting. I noted a similar distribution among natives of the central Aukstaitis region of Kaisiadorys and of the eastern Aukstaitis region of Dusetos. The above dialects, in all probablility, preserve the original accentual distribution; the generalization of 4 or 2 AP in both positions is secondary. Thus, the claim can be made that the ancient accentuation of the noun Simtas is 4 AP, while 2 AP, characteristic for the combinations du (trys, keturi, etc.) simtai, probably reflects the accentuation of the neuter plural, which was opposed to singular by position of accent (cf. Section 18). From PIE kf!1t6m 'hundred'; Skt. (RV) satdm 'hundred', Gmc. *humid 'hundred', Goth. hunda (neut. Plur.) OHG hunt (neut.), OSax. hund (neut.). Evidence for original neuter: SI. *siito, Lat. centum, GK. hekat6n, Avest. sata-, neut.

17. Exceptions

There are a number of apparent exceptions. Thus, Lith. butas 'passage, summer kitchen, dwelling' (2 AP), which reflects an old neuter (cf. OPrus. Ruttan 'house' EV 193), cannot be compared directly with Gk. phut6n 'plant' sprout; creation', since in the first case we have a nomen actionis ('existence' to 'dwelling'), and in the second case a nomen agentis ('something which exists, which grows'). Lith. vazis, vazys 'sleigh with a seat' (2 AP and 4 AP in the dialects) is not comparable with Skt. vahydm 'pack saddle', since Baltic reflects an old masculine form (cf. OPrus. Wessis 'sleigh' EV 308). Finally, Lith. pliikas 'an armful of hay taken up by the rake' (2 AP and 4 AP in the dialects) is not connected


with Gmc. *flaM (Norwegian dialect .flag, neut., 'open sea'), but is rather a derivative of Lith. plakti 'to beat, blow about' (the Norwegian word is connected with Norwegian.flaa 'open', cf. FAL I 231).

The number of true exceptions is small.

Lith. pifstas 'finger; prongs'. 2 AP occurs throughout the dialects and the literary language (DOR CCXXVI; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 153, GL 86, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DKL). Evidence for original neuter: OPrus. Pirsten 'finger' (EV 115). The Lithuanian accent does not agree with the Skt. (RV) Ox. pr~thtim 'spine'.

Lith. skietas 'reed (in loom)'. 2 AP is represented in the dialects (along with 4 AP) and in the standard language (GL 86, KAM, LKR, DLK); it occurs also with 1 AP (S LL), skietas, with secondary metatony, reflected also in Latvian s/j;iets. Evidence for original neuter: OPrus. Staytan (EV 423) (instead of Scaytan). The Lithuanian accentuation does not agree with the Gmc. ox. *skiad (neut.) 'log' (OHG sci!, OFris. skid, OE scid) from *skeitom.

Lith. gufnas 'ankle'. 4 AP is represented in the dialects (KSL) and in the literary language (NS, LKR, DLK). This accentuation does not agree with the barytone accent in the gloss of Hesychius gdrnon- to eso tes pl~mnes sid~rion, ho ton tiksona tribei 'a piece of iron within the hub, rubbing against the axle' (cf. HAL I 416).

18. The Accentuation of Neuter Plural Forms

Data from the Greek, Sanskrit, and, in part, the Germanic languages provide evidence that collective forms in -ii, which in Proto-Indo-European were used as plural forms for neuter a-stems, were opposed to the singular forms by the position of accent (cf. Skt. cakrtim vs. Gk. kukla; Gk. neuron 'tendon' vs. Gk. neurti 'bowstring'; for more details see HI 243-246). We have noted above that traces of this sort of opposition have been preserved in Lithuanian in the word simtas: the original barytone accent of the plural forms contrasting with the oxytone accent of the singular was retained in compound numerals of the sort trys simtai. A similar relic is apparently the paradigm medis (Sing,) 2 AP vs. meie from *medziai (Piur.J 4 AP in certain Zemaitis dialects (cf. TAU IV 105). In the Western Aukstaitis dialects of the former Prussian Lithuania and neighboring regions (Marijamtoli:) we find the paradigm spalys 'a hair from combings' (Sing.) 4 AP vs. spiiliai 'combings, tow' (Piur.)


2 AP (see KT WLI 441a, KTLD, KSL, KAM).46 Here Lithuanian reflects the Proto-Indo-European opposition Sing. *spoliom (cf. Lat. spolium 'ragged hide'). vs. Plur. *spolia ( cf. Hesychius spolia· ta para til/omena eridia apo ton skelonton probdton 'wool shorn from the feet of a sheep', HAL IV 67.)

It is understandable that examples of this sort would show up only as relics. The replacement of neuters by masculines inevitably led to the elimination of the accentual opposition singular versus plural. As we have seen, the accentuation of the singular, as a rule, spread to the whole paradigm. However, in cases where the singular was lost before the replacement of neuters by masculines in East Baltic, the original accentuation of the plural was retained. Thus, the accentual paradigms of pluralia tantum in Lithuanian (old neuter) correspond directly to the accentual paradigms of plural a-stem neuters in Proto-Indo-European and inversely to the accentual paradigms of corresponding singular nouns.

Lith. linai (Plur.) 'flax' 4 AP (R LD, DOR CCXXIII, KTGL 152, GL 87, SLL, JAB I 73, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK) from PIE !ina (Piur. of *Iinam); Gk. linon 'flax'. The antiquity of the neuter plurale tantum form in Baltic is confirmed by OPrus. Iynna from *!ina (TR AP II 371).47

Lith. plausai 'bast' 4 AP (KSL; for Std. Lith. see KT LD, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). In the western Aukstaitis dialect of Seredzius, 3AP has been noted (KSL), which is probably to be explained by borrowing from neighboring dialects with partial retraction of accent (cf. Section 10, stambas). From PIE plousa, Plur. of plousom 'fibrous surface'; Gmc. *fiiusa (neut.) 'fleece', OHG vlius (neut.), OE.fleos (neut.) from *pleusom.

Lith. paiSai 'soot', 4 AP (KSL; for Std. Lith. see KT WL II 1396; KAM NS, DLK). From Bait. *paisa, Plur. of *paiSa (neut.). From PIE poikos (neut.) 'coloring matter'; Skt. (RV) pesas (neut.) 'paint; aspect, form'.

Lith. lipai (Plur.) 'glue' 4 AP (KSL; for Std. Lith. seeS LL, NS, LKR, DLK). From Bait. *lip!i, Plur. of *lipa. From PIE lipos (neut.) 'sticky substance'; Gk. lipos (neut.) 'fat, lard'.

Lith. namai (Piur.) 'dwelling'. Both 2 AP and 4 AP are represented in old texts (BYS 35, GS 1685, GB 1685, I 1750, N 1735, B 1735, HAA, R LD, ACD 17, NES, SK 34, 133).48 Most of the modern dialects, as


well as Std. Lith., have 4 AP (LM 355 and 393, LIT II 368, OTR I 220; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 152, GL 87, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE noma, Plur. of nom6m; Gk. nomos (masc.) 'dwelling place; pasture' from *nomos. Original Bait. neut. Plur. *nama is supported by the Ill. Plur. namon from *namii-na (cf. J. Schmidt, Die Pluralbildung der indogermanischen Neutra, Weimar, 1889, p. 39).

Lith. laupai (Plur.) 'torn off rind, bark' 2 AP according to the DLK (the Sing. laupas is also entered in this dictionary; probably a back formation from the plural). From PIE l6upii, Plur. of *loup6m 'plant tissue'; Gmc. *lauod 'foliage', OHG loub (neut.), OSax. lof(neut.), alongside *lauodz 'leaf'; Goth. laufs, Gen. laubis.

19. Late Analogical Levelings of APs in Lithuanian

We have already pointed out that old neuter a-stems in Lithuanian preserve the original accentual paradigm better than masculine a-stems. It seems likely that during the period when neuter nouns were transferred into the masculine category the process of generalizing mobile AP in old masculine nouns was already taking place in a number of dialects; old a-stem neuters were partially affected by this process only after their transfer into the masculine a-stem category. It can be assumed that prior to their inclusion into the masculine class, neuter a-stems retained an opposition of columnar paradigms-oxytone versus barytone-in the singular. In other words, the neuter a-stem pattern "oxytone singularbarytone plural" corresponded to the mobile paradigm in masculine a-stems; the neuter a-stem pattern "barytone singular-oxytone plural" corresponded to the barytone paradigm for masculine a-stems. This state of affairs corresponds quite well with the evidence from the Slavic languages (cf. Section 47).

Other Types of Stems


Grouping together the remaining stem types is justified by the fact that in all of these types the process of analogical replacement of barytone by mobile accentuation has been carried out to the fullest extent: in many dialects and in the literary language the barytone class has been completely eliminated. However, even in this case, data from a number

!

' ! i

l r i.


of peripheral dialects and from accented texts furnish sufficient information to establish a set of correspondences for barytone nominals which reflect the Proto-Indo-European barytone forms. Since generalization has been in the direction of mobile AP, mere retention of Proto-IndoEuropean barytone accent is, of course, relevant. Nominals which have mobile AP reflect Proto-Indo-European forms with mobile-oxytone AP or are the result of the later introduction of mobile AP in originally barytone forms.

21. Adjectives with 0/A Stems

In this category of nominals the mobile AP has been generalized over the whole territory of modern Lithuanian. However, in accented texts (in Dauksa and in particular in Konigsberg editions), the opposition of two accentual paradigms has been preserved. The texts of Prussian Lithuania reflect quite well the gradual elimination of the barytone AP, at first in the indefinite, and then in the definite forms of the adjective. This process can be traced oh the basis of the accentuation of the high frequency adjective geras 'good' (cf. GS 1685: ind. masc. forms Dat. Sing. gerram 541s, Loc. Sing. gerrame 28817, 33616, masc. def. forms Nom. Sing. gerasis 277, 58311, gerassis 707, Gen. Plur. gerruju 5864, Inst. Plur. geraiseis 3149, the adv. gerray 821, 23311, 255, etc., geray 23521, 38h, 399, etc.; GB 1685: ind. masc. forms Loc. Sing. gerrame 9914, Gen. Plur. gerru 1706, Inst. Plur. gerrais 162, the masc. def. forms gerassis 13917; N 1735: ind. Gen. Plur. gerru 20b, lOa, 304a, 315b, Loc. Plur. gb·use 213b, the adv. gerray 204, 320b; B 1735: ind. forms Gen. Sing. fern. gerros 13lb, 132a, 174b, geros 174b, 175a, Dat. Plur. fern. gerams 156a; the Gramota of 1738: Gen. Plur. geruju [LVG 124], etc.). Comparable data from accented texts allow us to set up an original barytone AP for a number of adjectives which go back to Proto-Indo-European forms.

Lith. senas 'old.' Barytone AP occurs in old Lithuanian accented texts along with mobile AP (SK 165, 149, 175, and 63; GS 1685 and 1705; GB 1685; KAT, N 1735; B 1735 and 1755; I 1750; ACD 70).49 From PIE senos 'old'; Skt. (RV) sdnas 'old', Gk. henos 'last year's'.

Lith. aiitras, dial. afitaras 'other, second'. Barytone AP is preserved in Dauksa (II times along with 9 forms pointing to mobile AP, cf. SK 183-184). The reconstruction of an original barytone AP is confirmed by the adverb pusafitros 'one and a half', a form which is widespread in the di-


alects; it is a compound which contains the Gen. Sing. fern. antros, 2 AP (pusantros, reflecting mobile AP, is also known in the dialects). Barytone AP is still retained in the adjective antaras, occurring in the southeastern Dzuk dialects; cf. Nom. Sing. fern. antara (Diveniskes), pusafltar~;~ (Gerveciai) (cf. AR 22, 18). From PIE 6nt(o)ros 'other, second'; Skt. (SB)

dntaras 'other, different', Gmc. *dnparaz 'other, second' (Goth. anpar, ON annarr, OHG andar, OSax. oaar, OE oaer).

Lith. nailjas 'new'. Loc. Sing. nduieme is evidence for 2 AP (noted once in Dauksa, along with two occurrences of nauiame, cf. SK 149). From PIE n6uios or neufos 'new'; Skt. (RV) ndvyas 'new', Gk. (Ion.) neios

from *ne!!ios.

Lith. desinas 'right'. Original barytone AP is indicated by the accentuation of the derivative de Sine 'right hand' in the texts of Prussian Lithuania (GS 1685, N 1701, N 1735, HAA, R LD). In modern dialects and in Std. Lith. the accentuation ddine is secondary. From PIE deksinos 'right'; Skt. (RV) ddk~inas 'right; southern'.

Lith. sekmas 'seventh'. Original barytone AP is indicated by Loc. Sing. sekmame, occurring twice in the 1735 Bible. From PIE septmos 'seventh'; Gk. hebdomos 'seventh' from *septmos with voicing and vowel insertion (FRI 435).50

Lith. astras, OLith. 'sharp'. A barytone u-(t-stem astrus (a form which replaced the original a-stem) is presupposed by the adverb dsstrey, in the Ruhig dictionary (R DL 131b). The oxytone already occurs in Donelaitis; Inst. Plur. asstrdis (one occurrence, see SK 148); cf. the adverb * astrei in Donelaitis (four occurrences, see ACD 117). From PIE dkros

'sharp'; Gk. dkros 'extreme, upper'. On the other hand, it should be pointed out that, for example, Lith.

tidcias 'empty', which reflects PIE ox. tuskj6s (cf. Skt. (RV) tucchyds

'empty, insignificant'), occurs only with 4 AP forms in Dauksa (2 occurrences; see SK 149).

Lith. sventas 'holy' is an exception to the above accentual distribu-tion. Barytone forms of this word occur in Dauksa (8 occurrences along with 9 forms with mobile AP, see SK 150, 164, 175; in the Catechism of 1605 we have only Gen. Sing. sswint6s 20, 30, 33; see BYS 41, 45, 59). The data from a number of editions from Prussian Lithuania have barytone AP (cf. GB 1685: Nom. Sing. masc. sswentassis 1323, 872 (but GS


1685: Dat. Sing. masc. sswentdm 11224 ; Donelaitis: Gen. Plur. * sventil,

Dat. Plur. fern. * svent6ms 2 X ' ACD 70); cf. HAA: sswentasis 237). The symbol' in texts of this type regularly indicates acute diphthongs (cf. Section 2), thus justifying a reconstruction of OLith. * sventas, I AP, as against the modern sventas, 4 AP. The form with acute tone in the root may be original, on a parallel with Skt. (RV) svantds 'friendly', where a reconstruction with a long syllable in the root is admissible, in which case Lith. * sventas falls in with other examples of retraction of accent to a long root (see Section 31).

22. /-stems

Stems in + have been transferred into the mobile accentual type in most of the dialects and in the standard language; in old texts and in anumber of dialects, however, they retain the barytone AP or a mixed AP with barytonesis in the oblique cases. Thus, the term for 'thistle', which is 4 AP in the standard language, Nom. Sing. usnis, Gen. usnies, Dat. usniai, ... , Plur. usnys, Gen. usn(i)fi, etc. (KT LD, KAM, LKR, DLK), occurs in many Western Aukstaitis and Eastern Aukstaitis dialects with a mixed AP, Nom. Sing. usnis, but Gen. Sing. usnies, Gen. usn(i)IJ (SK 118); according to Slapelis (S LL), in Eastern Aukstaitis dialects a complete barytone AP occurs, Nom. Sing. usnis, Gen. usnies; the existence of a barytone AP is supported also by the Dauksa material (2 occurrences of Gen. Plur. usni¥ and I occurrence of vsnilj, SK 117). On the basis of facts of this sort one can distinguish a number of original barytone !-stem nouns in Lithuanian which reflect Proto-Indo-European barytone forms.

Lith. pi/is (fern.) 'castle'. Barytone AP Nom. Sing. pi/is, Gen. pities occurs in the Eastorn Aukstaitis dialect of Dusetos (BUG II 187). Mixed AP of the type Nom. Sing. pi/is, Gen. pities occurs in certain dialects of the former Prussian Lithuania (KT WL I, NS51). The word has become 4 AP in other dialects and in the Standard language (KT GL 196, KT LD, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE p( t)/His 'fortified place'; Gk. (Cypr.) pt6/is (fern.) 'city, citadeJ'.52

Lith. ddimtis (fern.) 'ten'. Barytone AP deSimtis, Gen. deSimties occurs in Prussian Lithuanian texts right down to the early nineteenth century (KC, N 1701, R LD, R DL, M DL, PVG 487, 499). Mixed AP deSimtis, Gen. deSimties was known (as archaic and dialectal) to Kurschat (cf. KT


GL 262, KT LD 85; in his own speech he used only the indeclinable desimt); it was retained until recent times in some dialects of Prussian Lithuania (KS~) and in the neighboring western Aukstaitis area (LKK III 152). Also, 's LR accepts the variant desimtis along with de8imtis. The transition to mobile AP (de8imtis, Gen. desimties) can already be observed in Dauksa (4 occurrences; cf. SK 120), and is reflected in most of the dialects and in Standard Lithuanian (GL 156, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE dekf[ltis 'ten'; cf. Gmc. *tehundiz, ON tzund (fern.) 'ten'.

Lith. pats 'self,' dial. 'husband' from *patis. Barytone AP of the pronoun occurs in Dauksa (I occurrence, along with 13 occurrences with mobile AP, cf. SK 191). The antiquity of the barytone AP is supported by the accentuation of the compound viespatis 'lord' in Dauksa; there are 12 occurrences of barytone forms *viespiitis, Gen. viespiities (along with forms which presuppose *vie8patis, vie8paties, 3 AP, and *viespatis, viespaties, 1 AP; cf. SK 121); Gen. Sing wiesspdtes occurs also in the Catechism of 1605 (p. 86) along with the more usual wiesspates (cf. BYS 77, 35,-40, etc.). The transfer of the word *patis into 4 AP was made at an early date and is already reflected in Dauksa, in the Catechism of 1605 (see above) and in the 1737 Universitas (pp. 20, 21). From PIE p6tis 'husband, master'; Skt. (RV) pdtis (masc.) 'master, ruler, protector', Gk.

p6sis (masc.) 'husband'.

Lith. naktis (fern.) 'night'. Barytone AP or mixed AP occurred in the dialects of Prussian Lithuania ( cf. N 1735: Gen. Sing. ndkties 203Al6). Traces of this accentuation show up in the adverbial form naktije 'at night' (originally Loc. Sing.), having barytone accentuation in Dauksa (SK 117), in the texts of Prussian Lithuania (GS 1685, N 1701, N 1735, B 1755, R DL, ACD 60), and in many eastern Aukstaitis and Eastern Lithuanian Dzuk dialects (SK 119, LM 420, 79, 286, TAU IV 545, LIT 368, 386, 387). The word naktis itself had already shifted to 4 AP in Dauksa (SK 117); 4 AP is found in the Universitas, the Ruhig Grammar, in Donelaitis, everywhere in the dialects, and in the standard language (KT LD, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE n6ktis 'night'; Skt. (RV)

ndkas, Nom. Plur. 'nights'.53

Lith. avis 'sheep'. Barytone AP forms occur in Dauksa (2 occurrences of Gen. Plur. dwiy, 7 occurrences with mobile AP, cf. SK 117). The generalization of mobile AP can be noted as early as the Universitas (p. 13), in the editions of Prussian Lithuania (KG 64, HAA 237, R AL 30, ACD


59), in the modern dialects, and in the standard language. From PIE 6yis 'sheep; ram'; Skt. (RV) avis (fern. and masc.) 'sheep; ram', Gk. (Hom.) 6is (fern. and masc.) 'sheep; ram'.

Lith. kirmis (fern.) 'worm, snake (in fairy tales)'. The mixed paradigm kirmis, Gen. kifmies, indicative of an original barytone, is preserved in dialects (LS II 127). The word has been transferred to 4 AP in the standard language, but in most of the dialects we find secondary -e- or -ijo-stems (kifme or kirme; kifmis, Gen. kifmio ). From PIE kfmis 'worm snake'· Skt. (A V) kfmis 'worm, grub.' . ' '

To this list can be added those old neuter s-stems which in Baltic were shifted to the !-stem category and which retain traces of barytone accent characteristic for forms in -s-.

Lith. debesis (fern.) 'cloud'. Barytone AP (debesis, Gen. debesies) occurs in a number of Prussian Lithuanian texts (KG, GS 1685, GB 1685, N 1701, R LD); in the later editions there are attestations of mobile AP (N 1735, B 1735, B 1755, ACD 60). This accentuation can be found in the Southeast Zemaitis and in the western dialects of the Eastern Aukstaitis area (KDA). Mobile AP (debesis, Gen. debesies) has been generalized in most of the dialects (KSL) and in the standard language ( KT GL 197, GL 106, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From Bait. *debesis from PIE nebhos (neut.) 'cloud; sky' with a replacement of initial n- by d-; Skt. (RV) ndbhas (neut.) 'fog; cloud; dampness', Gk. nephos(neut.)'cloud'.

On the other hand traces of barytone AP are not found in Lithuanian words which reflect Proto-Indo-European forms with mobile-oxytone AP; cf. Lith. mintis 'mind; opinion; (dial.) puzzle' (the Catechism of 1605: Gen. Sing. minties 56, cf. BYS 61) and Skt. (RV) matis (fern.) 'thought, mind'. Comparisons with Lithuanian words which are not attested in accented texts are less conclusive; cf. Lith. kinis 'lair', grand is 'chain link' (4 AP in both cases) and Skt. khanfs (fern.) 'mine', Skt. granthis (fern.) 'knot'.

There is a possible exception to this description: Lith. dalis 'part', originally barytone AP (KG: ddlis 64; the Gramota of 1793: Loc. Sing. ddlije (cf. PVG 356) but mob. AP in Dauksa (cf. SK 117, likewise UNI 12, N 1735 212a) and Skt. dalis; however, the Sanskrit word is only mentioned by lexicographers (cf. MAY II 24), so that data on its accentuation are unreliable. Of the words which are reflexes of ProtoIndo-European barytone forms, only Lithuanian Slaunis 'thigh' preserves


no trace of barytone accent (cf. Skt. (RV) sr6nis (fern.) 'thigh; loins'); in view of the absence of dialectal and textual attestation it is impossible to decide whether we are dealing here with a Baltic accentual paradigm which differs from Skt. or with a late generalization of mobile AP in Lithuanian.

23. if-Stems

For it-stems, which are in Proto-Indo-European a kind of analog to /stems, it is apparently possible to assume an original preservation of Proto-Indo-European barytone AP in Lithuanian. And in fact, in a number of Lithuanian dialects, we can find the same process of gradual elimination of barytone AP in it-stems as we found above for barytone !-stems. Thus, corresponding to the variant virsus, Gen. virsaiis 'top' (4 AP) in the standard language and in most of the dialects (this accentuation already occurs in Dauksa; cf. SK 124), the mixed AP virfus, Gen. vifsaus (cf. usnis, Gen. usnies) is attested in the dialects of the former Prussian Lithuania and in neighboring western Aukstaitis dialects (JUR 59, DOR 38-39, SCH 129, 182, 203, 236 and 240, LES 165, KSL, ACD 61, KT WL I 154a). It can also be pointed out that in a number of Zemaitis and eastern Lithuanian Dzuk dialects (cf. OTR I 257) the barytone paradigm is preserved in it-stem adjectives.

At the same time the very few exact Proto-Indo-European correspondences with Lithuanian it-stems do not provide sufficient reliable data to confirm the extremely likely formula "Lithuanian barytone ~ Proto-IndoEuropean barytone." Thus, the accentuation of Lith. (archaic, dial.) pekus 'cattle' (2 AP, occuring 4 times in Dauksa and also in the Southern Dzuk dialect of the Zaseciai region; cf. SK 124, BUG II 223, SK LK 54, NS) corresponds to the barytone accent of Skt. (RV) pdsu (neut.) 'cattle',54 Gmc. *jehu (neut.) 'cattle; money', Goth.faihu, ON .fe, OHG fihu, OSax . .fehu, OE .feo; however, Lith. -k- instead of the regulars from k requires that we consider the possibility of a borrowing into Baltic from some centum language. On the other hand, the accentuation of Lith. medus 'honey' (mobile AP in Dauksa and in the Prussian Lithuanian texts; see SK 124, GS 1685 327 6, GB I 685 I 16, N I 735 3 b, B 1735 310a, 802b, HAA 60, R AL 84, OST 25, PVG 289, NES 390) does not agree with the barytone accent of Skt. (R V) mddhu 'sweet drink, honey', Gk. mhhu 'wine, beer'. The lack of correspondence between Lith. bebrus 'beaver'55 and Skt. (RV) babhrus 'reddish brown, brown·


can be explained, since in the first case we have a noun and in the second an adjective.

24. Consonant Stems

Data from Lithuanian dialects and accented texts provide evidence for the retention of the Proto-Indo-European opposition of two accentual paradigms in this category of stems. Proto-Indo-European barytone forms leave traces of barytone AP in Lithuanian, in spite of the fact that the tendency toward generalization of mobile AP is extremely strong in consonant stems.

Lith. akmuo 'stone'. Barytone AP (iikmuo, Gen. iikmenes) occurs in some dialects and old texts (SK 127, UNI, GS 1685, N I 701 and I 735, B I 735, R AL 35, OST). Mobile AP (akmuo, Gen. akmenes, akmefzs) has been generalized in most of the dialects and in the standard language (BUG II 662, LIT 357, 373, SK 128, S LR, S LL, KSL; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 205, GL 107, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE akmon 'stone'; Skt. (RV) dsma (masc.) 'rock; stone hammer; anvil', Gk. dkmon (masc.) 'anvil'.

Lith. sesuo 'sister'. Barytone AP occurs in Universitas 1737 (sesuo, Gen. seseries I I). Original barytone AP underlies the mixed AP Nom. sesou, Gen. seseres, which occurs in the eastern Lithuanian Dzuk dialect of the region Kacergiske (Nom. seso from *sesuo, Gen. seseres; cf. KDA) and is apparently reflected in the Ruhig Grammar: Sessu, Gen. Sesseries (35); the latter form apparently represents * Seseries with a geminate -s- on analogy with the Nominative Singular. A trace of barytone AP can also be seen in the secondary e-stern sese, Gen. seses, which is known in the western Aukstaitis dialects (MADA 2 (7), 169, GER 89) and in the standard language (KT GL 207, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK); from sesuo, sesefs we would expect *sese. The shift of the word sesuo into the mobile AP can already be seen in the texts of Prussian Lithuania (N I 735, B 1735, B 1755) and it is reflected in modern dialects and in the standard language. From PIE *syesor 'sister'; Skt. (R V) svdsii 'sister', Gk. (Hesychius) eor· thugdter anepsi6s 'daughter, female relative'56 (cf. HAL II 131).

On the other hand, Lith. dukte 'daughter', which goes back to a ProtoIndo-European oxytone form (cf. Skt. [RV] duhitli 'daughter', Gk. Gen. Sing. thugatr6s57 ), shows no trace at all of barytone accent (4 AP occurs


in Donelaitis; cf. ACD 64). Early generalization of mobile AP in consonant stems in Lithuanian accounts for the lack of accentual correspondence in the following cases: Lith. melmuo 'sacrum' (more frequently Plur. melmenys 'flesh surrounding the kidneys' with shift to the i-stem category), 3 AP, and Skt. (RV) mdrma (neut.) 'unprotected tender part of the body'; Lith. sraumuo, dial. sriaumuo 'deep swift stream', 3 AP, Gk. hrefima (neut.) 'stream, river'. 58

25. E-Stems

In this relic category (-e from eH; cf. Skt. pdnthiis, Gen. pathds from *ponteH, Gen. piJtHes) one can find reflexes in Lithuanian of Proto-IndoEuropean barytone forms.

Lith. mente 'mixer, stirrer; shovel, short oar; both 2 AP and 4 AP occur in the dialects and are in variation in the standard language (LKK III 85, 162, SEN 89, GER 85; KT LD, KAM, NS, KT WL II 172a, S LL, LKR, DLK). From PIE mente from *menteH 'mixer'; Skt. mdnthii, Inst. mathfi from *menteH, Gen. m1;,1tHes; in Lithuanian the barytone cases with full grade vocalism of the root have been generalized.

Lith. siike, usually Plur. siikes 'pitchfork' 2 AP (B 1735, R LD, ACD 51, NES LKK III 185; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 186, GL 103, S LL, JAB I 75: KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE k6ke from *k6keH 'bent branch'; Skt. (RV) sakha 'branch' from *k6keH with -kh- from the oblique case forms.

Nominals with

Long Roots

26. The Reflex of the East Baltic System of Accentual Paradigms in Latvian

Nominals with long roots in Lithuanian have barytone or mobile AP; in this group of nominals the Fortunatov-De Saussure accent shift did not take place, so that the original character of the accentual curve of both paradigms is preserved here.

For nominals with long roots our information on the accentual para-digm of a word is not limited, however, to Lithuanian material. Extremely important evidence in this regard can be obtained from the tonal characteristics of the initial syllable of the corresponding word in Latvian. As early as 1899 J. Endzelin showed that the most archaic Latvian accentual system, comparable to Lithuanian, is preserved in two unconnected areas: a large region in the northeastern part of the central Latvian dialect area (Vidzeme, the regions of Cesis, Valmiera, Sigulda, Valka) and a smaller region on the border area of the Kurzeme and central Latvian dialect (the border of Kurzeme and Zemgale, the Blidiena region). 59 These two groups of dialects distinguish three tones

{- in initial syllable, originally long syllables having sustained - or broken ~ tone, and originally short syllables (with the structure "short vowel + sonant") having, as a rule falling tone '. This system existed at one time in all Latvian dialects. Later, in the dialects of western Latvia, the


falling tone 'merged with the broken tone~. In the eastern Latvian dialects the sustained tone- "merged with the falling tone'. As Endzelin showed (END 40), traces of the original distinction of three tones is still preserved in certain western Latvian dialects where the sequences ar, er with original falling and sustained tones are treated differently (*ar to iir, but *af to af).

Endzelin established that in Latvian dialects with 3 tones, nominatives and verbs with sustained tone - on the initial syllable regularly correspond to Lithuanian nominals and verbs with long roots and barytone AP, while nominatives and verbs with broken tone ~ on the initial syllable correspond to Lithuanian nominatives and verbs with long roots and mobile AP. The broken tone (perhaps originally a rising tone) developed, according to Endzelin, when the accent was retracted to a long syllable in originally oxytone forms within the mobile AP; when the original position of the accent was retained in Latvian, the sustained tone developed. Thus, in nouns with long roots and mobile AP there originally must have been forms with both tones-sustained and broken; subsequently, the broken tone was generalized throughout the whole paradigm; in nouns with long roots and barytone AP, naturally, only the sustained tone developed.

Criticism of Endzelin's theory has not been fruitful. The basic objection, voiced by Kurylowicz (KCZ 342), was that Endzelin, in positing a special third tone upon retraction of accent only on the originally acute syllable, assumed the existence of latent tones in unaccented syllables. Kurylowicz was apparently not acquainted with the data from certain northwestern Zemaitis dialects that have an opposition of two tones in originally acute syllables (tones which arose as a result of accent retraction and tones on old accented syllables) and retain one tone in initial - syllablesso; this sort of distribution, one which corresponds completely to the distribution proposed by Endzelin for Latvian, refutes the objection of Kurylowicz ipso facto. To explain the above-mentioned accentual systems, it is sufficient to posit length distinctions in unaccented syllables having different origins without resorting to the notion of "latent tones."61

The process of accent retraction to the initial syllable in Latvian took place at an early date; it is a proto-Latvian process, which embraced all of the dialects. Consequently, the tone contrast of- and ~ in initial syllables in Latvian reflects an older distribution of nominals by accent class than does modern Lithuanian where, as we have seen, the analogical

53 Nominals with Long Roots

processes of merging the accentual paradigms have proceeded apace. In Latvian, for example, we find reflexes of the contrast between barytone AP and mobile AP in a-stem adjectives, which has been lost in all of the Lithuanian dialects and is partially retained only in certain old Lithuanian texts. Therefore, evidence from Latvian is decisive in filling out sets of correspondences for nominatives with long roots.

27. East Baltic Barytone Forms Corresponding to Proto-Indo-European Barytone Forms

Proto-Indo-European barytone forms, as a rule, retain barytone AP in East Baltic; in Latvian these nominals have sustained tone- on the initial syllable, and in Lithuanian (at least in some of the dialects) barytone AP occurs.

Latv. vilna 'wool.' 62 Lith. vilna 'wool' 1 AP (KT LD, GL 79, S LL, KAM LKR, DLK). from PIE yfna 'wool'; Skt. (RV) iln;a 'wool'.

Latv. ieva 'bird-cherry, Prunus pad us'. Lith. ieva 'bird-cherry'; the dialects vary among I, 2, and 4 AP, the last occurring in the standard language (LM 328, LKK III 162, KSL, KT GL 178, GL 92, LS, S LR,

KAM, BUT, NS, LKR, DLK). I AP must be considered the original accentuation in Lithuanian. The transfer of this word into 2 AP becomes understandable if one takes into account the fact that an original *ieva in most of the dialects should have given *jeva (from *jieva). This form (jeva, Gen. jevos, I AP) is attested in the eastern Aukstaitis region of Utena. In some of the dialects the form *jeva could have arisen before the lengthening of short accented e, a.

Following the lengthening process the paradigm ~jeva, Gen. jevos (from "'jeva, jevos) was, of course, transformed into an ordinary 2 AP (}eva, Gen. jevos). The dialectal shift of this word into 4 AP took place later, following the general tendency toward generalization of mobile AP. From PIE oiya or ~iya 'tree with thin branches'; Gk. (Theophrastus) 6a, (Ionic) 6e, or 6ie 'mountain ash' from *oiya.

Latv._i?ga 'thought, mind; wit'. In Lithuanian only the secondary accentuation, 4 AP, occurs: jega 'strength, force' (KSL, LS, S LR, NS, KAM, LKR, DLK).

From PIE i~gYa 'maturity, the flourishing of powers'; Gk. Mbe 'youthful power, youth'.


Lith. pieva 'meadow' 1 AP (ACD 40, LKK III 120, LKK II 222; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 180, GL 72, S LL, JAB I 75, KAM, BUT, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE pBiya 'flood plain'; Gk. (Attic) p6a, (Epic) pore, (Doric) poia 'meadow, pasture; grass' from *pBiya.

Latv. siirms 'alkali'. Lith. Sdrmas 'alkali'; only the secondary 3 AP is attested in the dialects (KSL) and the standard language (S LL, LKR, D LK). From PIE k6ramos 'type of clay; alkali'; Gk. keramos 'potter's clay' from *keramos.

Lith. (dial.)jdzljas 'barn, granary' 1 AP (LM 384, KSL, DOR CXCII, S LL, NS). From PIE [6uH(i)[os 'storage for grain'; Skt. (RV) ydvyas 'fruit supply'.

Lith. (dial.) gU/tas 'resting place for animals' 1 AP (LK III 717, NS); the variant gultas recorded by Slapelis (S LR) is apparently secondary. From PIE gultos 'place for animals to lie down' ;63 Gmc. *kUlpaz,

OSwed. kolder, Swed. kull (masc.) 'the young from one litter, brood' from ON *kollr (cf. WAL I 639, FAL I 532).

Latv. veids 'form, external appearance'. Lith. veidas 'face', Plur. veidai

'cheeks'; 1 AP occurs in old texts (SK 40, GB 1685, N 1701, N 1735) and in some dialects (SK 40); this word has been shifted to 3 AP in most of the dialects (with a variant in 4 AP also recorded) and in the standard language (KT GL 154, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). From PIE y~idos with secondary lengthening in the root64 from *yeidos (neut.) 'appearance; knowledge'; Skt. (RV) vedas (neut.) 'knowledge', Gk. eidos (neut.) 'appearance'.

Lith. pirmas 'first.' I AP occurs in Dauksa (9 occurrences, along with 14 forms with 3 AP; cf. pirmiausis 2 x along with *pirmybe 1 x, cf. SK 183, 170, 175). This accentuation is also indicated by the derivative pirmininkas 'first in a row of reapers' recorded from western Aukstaitis dialects (SK LK 141). The Latvian data are contradictory. The original accentuation is reflected in Latv. (west.) pifmais 'first'; the reasons for the appearance of other variants are not clear: Latv. (central) pirmais (also Latv. (west,) pifmais, probably from *pirmais) and Latv. (east.) pifmais. From PIE pfmos 'fore, first'; Skt. (R V) pur vas 'fore, former' from *pfyos. 65

Latv. melns 'black'. From PIE melanos 'black'; Gk. *melanos, presumed by me/as 'black' (apparently reformed on the fern. melaina; cf. BQ 622,

I 55 Nominals with Long Roots

WAL II 293); Skt. malinds 'black' (with oxytonesis apparently taken over from the fern. malini.)

Lith. rdi.~as 'crooked, crippled'. 1 AP occurs in Dauksa (6 x with 1 form having 3 AP, cf. SK 142, 164). From PIE yrBikos with secondary lengthening (cf. the Lith. variant raiSas) from *ur6ikos 'curved· defective'; Gmc. *v.wdihaz, Swed. (dial.) vra 'unfriendly, gloomy', 0~ wrah 'stubborn'; Gk. hroik6s 'crooked' reflects the oxytone variant *yroik6s.

Lith. antis 'duck' 1 AP (R LD, DOR CCXIV, KT GL 196, S LR, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE dnatis 'duck'; Gmc. dnuiliz, OE ened 'duck'. 66

Lith. stomuo and stuomuo (with a secondary and puzzling -uo-; cf. FRA II 933-934) 'stature, figure'. 1 AP occurs in the Mielcke dictionary (M DL: St6mu 36) and in the eastern Aukstaitis dialect of the Pusalotas region (KSL). In most of the dialects and in the standard language (KT LD, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK) the word has taken on mobile AP. From PIE stlimon 'base, support'; Gk. st~mon 'weaver's base' from *stlimon, Skt. (RV) sthlima (neut.) 'place' from *stlim1,;1.

To this list can be added a case where a Proto-Indo-European barytone form with long root has preserved barytone accent in Baltic (judging from Lithuanian data), but which has, for unknown reasons, circumflex tone in the root instead of the expected acute.

Lith. dirva 'grain field, arable land'. 2 AP occurs in Dauksa (7 x along with I form having 4 AP; cf. SK 85) and in Donelaitis (I x ; cf. ACD 41). Variants with 2 and 4 AP are known in the dialects, 2 AP being predominant in the Zemaitis dialects, the border eastern Aukstaitis dialects, and parts of the western Aukstaitis dialect areas (SK 88, KSL). There is variation between 2 AP (KT GL 130, LS, S LR, NS) and 4 AP in the standard language (KT LD, KT GL 177, KAM, BUT, LKR, DLK).

From PIE dfiJii 'plowed field; grain growing in fields'; Skt. (RV) durva 'a type of millet'.

28. The Double Reflex in Baltic of Proto-Indo-European Forms with Long Roots Having Mobile-Oxytone AP

Judging by the correlations which obtained in nominals with short roots, we would expect that Proto-Indo-European mobile-oxytone AP


forms with long roots would show up in Baltic as nominals with mobile AP. In actuality, however, we find here, along with a small group of words with mobile AP, a significant number of forms with barytone AP. This second category of words requires a special explanation, since the quantity of nominals in it excludes the possibility that they may be accidental exceptions with respect to accentuation. The reasons for this double reflex can be presented only after an analysis of the nominals which comprise the two categories mentioned above.

29. East Baltic Nominals with Mobile AP Corresponding to Proto-IndoEuropean Forms with Mobile-Oxytone AP

Evidence from Latvian is particularly significant in assigning a word to this set, as the Lithuanian dialects in which original barytone forms have been well preserved have quite a few cases of secondary shift of barytone to the mobile AP (cf. Section 33).

Latv. (dial.) lauzs 'place in the forest with fallen trees'. Lith. lduzas 'fallen trees; pile of branches; campfire' 3 AP (S · LL67 , KAM, NS, LKR OLK). From PIE louag6s 'something broken, smashed to pieces'; Skt. (RV) logds 'clump of earth' from *lojds on analogy with roots showing

the alternation g: j ( cf. FRA 34 7).

Latv. (E.) p~ds 'footprint'. Lith. pkdas 'track' 3 AP (KSL, LM 111, OTR I 216; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 154, GL 85, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, OLK); only in the north central Aukstaitis dialect of the Dovydai region has a secondary I AP variant been recorded (SK 39). From PIE ped6m 'step; blade'; Gk.ped6n 'oar blade'. Evidence for original neuter in Baltic: OPrus. Pedan 'plow-share' (EV 245).

Latv. jugs 'yoke'. Lith. jungas 'yoke'; 3 AP occurs in Dauksa (SK 33) and in the dialects (SK 39, KSL) along with variants with I and 2 AP. A similar variation is present in the standard language (3 AP and I AP; LS, S LR, S LL, NS, KAM, LKR, OLK). From Baltic *jungd (neut.) with secondary infixation under the influence of the verb from the same root; cf. Lith. jimgti 'to join' from PIE iug6m 'yoke'; Skt. (R V) yugdm

'yoke; ox harness', Gk. zug6n 'yoke; beam, crosspiece'. 68

Latv. tievs 'thin'69 from PIE ten:Jy6s 'stretched, thin, long'; Gk. tana6s 'long, high', possibly from tenaw6s with assimilation (cf. WAL 1 724).

Latv. viens 'one; only'. Lith. J'ienas 'one'; 3 AP occurs in the Catechism


of 1605 (Oat. Sing. masc. wiendm 29, Nom. Sing. fern. wiend 30, cf. BYS 44, 45) and in the Ruhig Grammar (RAL: Oat. Sing. wiendm 52). In Oauksa a variant with 3 AP is recorded along with a variant having 1 AP (38 occurrences of forms with 3 AP, 35 with I AP; cf. the derivatives *vienumas 2 x, *vienybe 6 x, *vienjiste 2 x along with *vienumas I x, *vienybe 5 x ; cf. SK 182, 58, 114). It can be assumed that barytone forms existed in Oauksa's time in certain Zemaitis dialects; the introduction of this accentuation must be considered a secondary phenomenon (cf. the variants jungas and pkdas with I AP). From PIE oin6s or oi:Jn6s 'one'; Gk. oin6s 'unit (on dice)'. 70

30. East Baltic Barytone Forms Corresponding to Proto-Indo-European Forms with Mobile-Oxytone AP

Cases of correspondence between Baltic nominals with barytone AP and oxytone forms in other Indo-European languages attracted scholarly attention a long time ago. A number of such correspondences were noticed for the first time in 1895 by H. Hirt, who used only Lithuanian data (H IA 94). 71 Subsequently, most scholarly efforts were directed not so much toward increasing the amount of factual material for the correspond-ence, but rather toward the explanation of the few examples current in the literature; it may therefore be of some use to present a fuller list of data for this correspondence.

Latv. duona 'hunk of bread'. Lith. duona 'bread' I AP (ACO 44, OOR CCXVII; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 179, GL 90, JAB I 75, S LR, KAM, NS, LKR, OLK). 72 From Bait. *dbna, bar. AP, but also PIE dhonb. 'cereal grain; bread'; Skt. (RV) dhanb.s (Plur.) 'grain'.

Latv. griva 'river mouth' from *griva, bar. AP from PIE grivb. 'neck'; Skt. (RV) grivb. 'nape of the neck'.

Latv. (Central) krauka, Latv. (W.) kraukas (Plur.), Latv. (E.) kraukas

(from *kraukas) 'phlegm' from Baltic *kraukii, bar. AP from PIE kraukli 'moist discharge'; Gmc. *hro3i5, OE hrog (fern.) 'snivel' from *kraukli, with loss of the second element of the long diphthong.

Latv. (W.) sniite, Latv. (E.) snate from *sniite 'linen shawl, cape' from Baltic * snb.tiiii, bar. AP (possibly a secondary formation of an a-stem *snlita) from PIE snatb. 'strip of cloth'; Gmc. *snoilb, OE snod (fern.) 'ribbon'.


Latv. virs 'man, husband; peasant'. Lith. vyras 'man, husband' 1 AP (SK 157, 171; N 1701, ACD 14, LKK III 122, 181 and 203; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 155, GL 81, S LL, JAB I 173, KAM, BUT, LKR, DLK). From Bait. *vfras, bar. AP from PIE yzr6s 'man, husband'; Skt. (RV) vzrds 'man, hero'.

Latv. diimi (Plur.) 'smoke'. Lith. dilmai (Plur.) 'smoke' 1 AP (Gramota 1750 and 1755, PVG 200, 315, M LD, NES, LK I 585, LIT II 397; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 154, GL 84, S LR, KAM, BUT, NS, LKR, DLK). From Baltic *dilmai, bar. AP from PIE dhiim6s 'smoke'; Skt. (RV) dhiimds 'smoke', Gk. thiim6s 'passionate desire; life force'. Evidence for original masculine in Baltic: OPrus. Dumis 'smoke' (EV 39).

Latv. kaiils 'bone'. Lith. kdulas 'bone, stalk; staff'; 1 AP is attested in old texts (GS 1685, GB 1685, N 1701, R LD, R DL, ACD 14, PVG 607, SK 160), in most of the dialects, and in the standard language (see KT GL 155, GL 84, LS, S LL, KAM, BUT, NS, LKR, DLK), with 3 AP only in the southeastern border Dzuk dialects (Armoniskes, Dieveniskes, Lazunai, SvenCioneliai) western Aukstaitis coastal dialects (Gilija) and southeastern Zemaitis (Kelme) (cf. KSL, AR 30, KIN 491, GER 28, SK 18). From Baltic *kfiula (neut.) bar. AP from PIE kiiul6s 'core, stalk; bone'; Gk. kaul6s 'stalk, core, staff'. Evidence for neuter in Baltic: OPrus. Caulan (EV 155) 'leg'.

Latv. tilts 'bridge'. Lith. tiltas 'bridge'; 1 AP and 3 AP occur in the dialects (see KSL, LKK III 164), 1 AP being characteristic of the standard language (KT GL 155, GL 85, S LL, KAM, BUT, LKR, DLK). From Baltic *ttlta (neut.) bar. AP from PIE t[tH6m 'plank flooring'; Skt. (RV) t!rthdm 'road to a watering place, ford'. Evidence for original neuter in Baltic: Finn. silta 'bridge' with final -a-. 73

Latv. pilns 'full'. Lith. pilnas 'full'; traces of the original barytone accent can still be found in Donelaitis (2 x ; cf. ACD 71) and in Dauksa (pilnasis 2 x, the derivative *pilnumas 2 x ), although mobile AP predominates in Dauksa (11 x; also *pilnidusias 1 x, pilnumas 7 x; cf. SK 164, 57, I 50, 17 5, 171); the shift to 3 AP is attested in the Catechism of 1605 (Nom. Sing. fern. pilna 2 x 47, 48; cf. BYS 55, 56). From Baltic *ptlnas, bar. AP from PIE p[n6s 'full'; Skt. (RV) piinJds 'full'.

Latv. ilgs 'long'. Lith. ilgas 'long'; the accentuation of the adverb ilgai in the Prusso-Lithuanian region of Kurschen points to an original I AP (SCH 142) as well as the toponym ilginykai in the southern Lithuanian


Dzuk region of Merkine (SK LK 148). This word has been transferred to 3 AP in Dauksa (the adverb *ilgai 6 x, the derivative *ilgumas 1 x ; cf. SK 174, 62) and in the texts of Prussian Lithuania (N I 701: Dat. Sing. ilgdm 34Ib27; R DL: Ilgas, -ga 47b; Donelaitis 2 x ; cf. ACD 71). From Baltic *tlgas, bar. AP from PIE dJglz6s 'long'; Skt. (RV) dzrghds 'long'.

Latv. iitrs 'quick; sharp, hot; sudden, steep'. From Baltic *iltras, bar. AP from *etr6s; 74 cf. Gmc. *:iHlrdz, OHG atar 'quick'.

Latv. (W.) jilts (!-stem) 'fork in the road; tendon at bone joints' (MU EB I 570). 75 From Bait. *jilt is, bar. AP from PIE *iiitis 'connection joining'; Skt. (Piil)ini) yiitis 'joining, unification' (BC>H R VI 178). '

Latv. znuots 'son-in-law', an o-stem which apparently goes back to an !-stem; cf. Latv. (W.) znuotis 'son-in-law' (ijo-stem); evidence for the existence of an !-stem in EBalt. can be found in Finn. nuode 'sister's husband' (KAL 142). From Bait. *zniltis, bar. AP from PIE gnotis; Skt. (RV)jiiiitis (masc.) 'close (blood) relative'.76

Lith. (dial.) uosis (!-stem) 'ash-tree' 1 AP occurs in eastern Aukstaitis dialects (Gelvonai, Anyksciai; cf. LKK III 53, LM 457, BAR 6); this accentuation is also given in KT GL 197.77 From Bait. *ilsis, bar. AP from PIE osis 'ash-tree'; Gk. akherois (id-stem from an !-stem), fern., 'silver poplar, Populus alba' from *-osis. 78

Lith. siinus 'son'. Barytone AP is attested in Old Lithuanian texts (SK 124 and 158, Catechism of 1605, BYS 85, 32, 88, 58, B 1755; for mobile or mixed AP seeR LD, NES); 3 AP occurs in the modern dialects and in the standard language. From Bait. *silnus, bar. AP from PIE siinus 'son'; Skt. (RV) siinus 'son'.

Latv. vejs 'wind'. Lith. vJjas 'wind'; I AP (SK 75, ACD 30; for dialect and Std. Lith. see KT GL 155, GL 85, S LL, JAB I 74, KAM, LKR, DLK). There are traces of the original it-stem in Lithuanian; cf. dialect forms Lac. Sing; vkjuje, Voc. Sing. vkjau (see MADA 9(2), 163; LKK II 22). From Baltic *v~jus, bar. AP from PIE yejus 'wind'; Skt. (R V) vayus 'wind, the god of wind'.

Lith. piemuo 'herdsman'; 1 AP occurs in Dauksa (4 x along with 15 forms having 3 AP; cf. SK 128). The transition to 3 AP is recorded in UNI (Gen. Sing. piemenies 10 = *piemenies from *piemenes), in Donelaitis (I x ; cf. ACD 64), and in Nesselmann's dictionary (NES: Gen.

60 Nominal Accentuation in Baliic

Sing. Pemenes 283); 3 AP predominates in the dialects (LM 348, 359) and in the standard language (KT GL 207, GL 78, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From Bait. *p6imo(n) or p~imo(n), bar. AP, and also PIE poim~n 'shepherd'; Gk. poim~n 'shepherd' from *poim~n (cf. pail 'herd)'.

Latv. (W.) liemenis, Latv. (E.) liemenis from *liemenis 'swampy lowland'; the Latvian forms (iio-stem) are apparently reformed from a stem in -man/men- *liemuo. From Bait. *l~imo(n), bar. AP, and also PIE leim6n 'damp place'; Gk. /eim6n 'damp meadow'.

Latv. mate 'mother'. Lith. (archaic, dial.) mote 'wife'; 1 AP in Old Lithuanian texts (SK 127, Catechism of 1605, BYS 79, 70 and 56, N 1701, B 1735 and 1755, R LD, ACD 64; NS, DLK); this item has shifted to 3 AP (mote) in eastern Dzuk dialects (OTR I 249, KIN 140, KSL) and in western Aukstaitis dialects (MADA 2(7), 170; KT GL 210). 79 From Bait. *ml.i.te, bar. AP from PIE mat~r 'mother'; Skt. (R V) matl.i. 'mother', Gk. Gen. Sing. metros (in the Nom. Sing. m~ter 'mother' bar. accent is secondary), Gmc. *motler 'mother', OHG muoter, OSax. modar,

OFris. moder, OE modor.

Latv. dieveris (ifo-stem) 'brother-in-law'. Lith. dieveris (i-stem) 'brotherin-law' 1 AP (KSL, LKR) and 3 AP (including the standard language; see KT LD, S LR, KAM, FUL, NS, LKR). The Latvian and Lithuanian forms are re-formed from original r-stem (cf. Gen. Sing. dievefs along with dieveries in KT LD 87). From Bait. dl.i.ive, bar. AP from PIE daiy~r 'brother-in-law'; Skt. (RV) devl.i. '(younger) brother of the husband', Gk. da~r 'brother-in-law' from *daiw~r (cf. SZW I 266).

Lith. menuo, Gen. menesio (i[o-stem in oblique cases) 'month' 1 AP (including the standard language; see SK 125, R LD, DOR CCXXIV; KT GL 205, GL 78, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK) and 3 AP only in some western Aukstaitis dixlects of the former Prussian Lithuania (DOR CCXXIV, MADA 7(2), 169). Latv. meness 'month' (i-stem) reflects generalization of the oblique stem in the nominative singular. The original Baltic paradigm can be reconstructed as follows: Nom. Sing. *meno, Gen. Sing. *meneses (es-stem in the oblique cases). From Bait. *m~no, m~neses, bar. AP from PIE menbt 'month'; Gmc. m~nBp 'month' with generalization of the nominative singular formant in the paradigm, Goth. menops, Dat. Plur. menopum, OHG mtinod, OFris. monath, OE monap.

The following two examples illustrate original barytone accent with a change of tone in the root.


Lith. purai 'winter grain crops'. This word, which is known only in the Zemaitis dialects, occurs with both 2 AP (NES 298, KSL, GL 84) and 4 AP; the standard language has 4 AP (S LL, LKR, DLK, KAM). Latv. pilri (ito-stem) 'winter crops' indicates the original intonation of the root. From Bait. *ptlrai, bar. AP from PIE pur6s 'cereal'; Gk. pur6s 'wheat'.

Lith. korys, OLith. koris 'honeycomb' 2 AP in old texts (UNI; IF VII, 3-4, p. 242; R DL; MDL; NES), 4 AP in the dialects (KSL) and in the standard language (KT GL 162, GL 98, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). From PIE kl.i.rifom 'honeycombs'; Gk. kerion 'honeycombs, wax' from keri6nB0 with stress retraction by Wheeler's Law.81

31. Accent Retraction to Long Syllable ("Hirt's Rule")

The large quantity of reliable correspondences of the type "Baltic long root barytone ~ Indo-European mobile-oxytone AP" makes the position of investigators who accept no regularity here very tenuous. This is obviously not merely a case of isolated examples to be explained by variation in the position of stress in different Indo-European languages, as claimed by Meillet,B2 van Wijk (WIJK 60), and Torbiornsson (TOR 52).

What we have here is a definite contradiction between the Baltic distribution of nominals with long roots and the corresponding data of Sanskrit, Greek, and the Germanic languages. Since no such contradiction is found in nominals with short roots, it is apparently necessary to propose some kind of accentual innovation with respect to the structure of the root syllable in one of the opposing language groups. The decision as to which language group the innovation can be proposed for can be made only after investigating the distribution of nominals with differing root structures in the various accentual classes.

Hirt made an attempt to explain this contradiction in 1895. Taking as his point of departure the view that the aggregate evidence from Sanskrit, Greek, and Germanic is sufficient for a reconstruction of the position of accent in Proto-Indo-European, Hirt proposed that in Baltic, if there was a long vowel in the root syllable (H lA 58), then a process of accent retraction from the final syllable to the root syllable took place; thus, a number of Proto-Indo-European oxytone forms were shifted to the barytone accentual class in Baltic. In Hirt's opinion, original oxytone nominals which show up in Baltic as mobile AP regularly contain a sequence of short diphthong plus" primum in the root; these sequences were still bisyllabic in the period of accent retraction: the trans-


formation of -erat- into -ert-. took place when the process of accent retraction to long vowel had ceased to be operative. This resulted in a class of nominals with long roots and mobile AP.ss

The minimal number of reliable correspondences which Hirt had at his disposal was to a great extent responsible for the subsequent fate of this idea. The paucity of factual material always lent weight to objections of the sort raised by van Wijk, who maintained that the actual distribution of nominals between the barytone and mobile accentual classes does not correspond at all to their distribution with respect to the opposition "long vowel root versus root with short diphthong + a" (WIJK 56). This sort of reasoning finally forced Hirt himself to abandon his original formulation in favor of a less precise but equally inconclusive hypothesis: after the Baltic accent retraction to an acute root syllable of any origin, some of the nominals with long roots re-entered the oxytone (i.e., mobile) accentual class, on the pattern of the distribution of short root nominals into two accentual classes (HI 172). This explanation is in fact similar to the one proposed by Kurylowicz, who assumes a coalescence of Proto-Indo-European barytone and oxytone nominals with long roots as Baltic (Balto-Slavic) barytone forms and a secondary introduction of oxytone accent in derived (Balto-Slavic) nominals (KCZ 200, 341). Both Hirt's later view and the construct set up by Kurylowicz virtually preclude the possibility of a rational answer to the question of why certain Proto-Indo-European forms with long roots have shifted into the mobile (oxytone) accentual class (for example, Latv. tievs), while others retain barytone accent (for example, Latv. pilns).

Bonfante attempted to rehabilitate Hirt's earlier conception. On the basis of extensive new material he tried to show that nominals having mobile AP in Baltic have a sequence of short diphthong + a84 or a long apophonic vowel85 in the root syllable. Thus, according to Bonfante, accent retraction took place only if the root contained a long nonapophonic vowel (going back to a sequence of short vowel + laryngeal). Unfortunately, the correspondences supporting this idea were not always satisfactory: his criterion for inclusion in correspondences was that the words have a common root; but, as I have stated above [in the Introduction], the only evidence that can be considered conclusive must come from the comparison of completely identical formations.

The data that I have presented above on the basis of a more strict comparison make it possible to check the Hirt-Bonfante hypothesis to a


certain extent. Apparently, it can be asserted that the actual distribution of Baltic nouns corresponding to oxytone forms in other Indo-European languages with respect to accentual classes does not contradict this hypothesis. Indeed, all nominals with barytone AP in Baltic for which, according to Hirt and Bonfante, one must assume accent retraction to the root syllable have a long nonapophonic vowel, a long resonant, or a long diphthong (i.e., a sequence of long non-apophonic vowel + resonant) in the root. The following Baltic items have nonapophonic long vowels in the root: *di3na, *sntitifii, *i'itras, *zni3tis (or *zni3tas), *i3sis, *v'kjus, *mtite, *m'kno;86 the following Baltic items have long syllabic resonants (from sequences of short syllabic resonant and laryngeal) in the root:" *griva: *viras, *dtim~i, *paras, *tilta (from *tftom), *pilnas (from *p{nos), *llgas (from *d{ghos), *jtltis, *stinus; the following Baltic items have long diphthongs in the root: *krtiukii, *ktiula, *p'kimo (from *pi3imo), *l'kimo, *dtiiue. 87 On the other hand, nouns with mobile AP r:veal sequences of short diphthong + a in the root: *louagos (cf. Lith. luzti 'break' from *lug- from *luHg-), *tenauos (cf. Gk. *tenawos, Lith. tinti 'slow' from *ti;'i- from *t1)H-), and possibly *iunagom (Lith. jungas)

with the infix -na-; in one case (Baltic *peda, mobile AP) we find an apophonic long vowel in the root ( cf. Lat. pes, Gen. pedis, Gk. pedon, etc., root *ped-). Thus, Hirt's explanation can be accepted as a working hypothesis. Although the number of precise correspondences with no accent retraction is small, it is important that all of the forms in which retraction does take place have identical root characteristics.

Thus, it can be claimed that the lack of accentual correspondence in a number of words between Baltic on the one hand and Sanskrit Greek and Germanic on the other is connected with the fact that the r;ots of ' these words contain a long nonapophonic syllabic element, i.e., a syllabic element the length of which results from the loss of a laryngeal following a syllabic segment (*dhonii from *dhoHnii, *grliJii from *griHTJii, *kiiulos from *keHulos); in cases where the root contains an original short element (*tenauos from *tenHuos, the laryngeal yielding a primum after a nonsyllabic) or long apophonic element (*pedom), i.e., where no new lengths arose, no lack of correspondence in accentuation exists. If an accentual innovation has taken place in Baltic, one must assume (along with Hirt and Bonfante) a retraction of accent to roots containing a long nonapophonic syllabic element; if, on the other hand, Baltic has maintained the earlier state of affairs, it would be necessary to set up a shift of accent from roots containing a long nonapophonic syllabic


element to the final syllable in Sanskrit, Greek, and Germanic. However, the latter solution is unacceptable in view of the fact that there exist cases of correspondence between Baltic barytone forms with long nonapophonic syllabic elements and barytone forms in other IndoEuropean languages, cf. for example Bait. *vilnii and Skt. UnJii from *yfna from *yfHna. One must conclude therefore that the Baltic situa

tion is the result of accent retraction.

32. A Further Limitation to Accent Retraction

In connecting the process of accent retraction with a particular structure of the root syllable, we can except a priori that in cases where a syllable capable of attracting accent is followed by an accented syllable of the same structure (i.e., with a long nonapophonic syllabic element), no shift in accent will take place. In the originally oxytone nominative singular of a-stems, where this condition could have obtained, analogical leveling apparently took place at an early stage (cf. Latv. duona, Lith. duona, like Gen. duonos, etc). On the other hand, the nominativeaccusative plural of neuter o-stems which were oxytone in the plural had retained the original accentuation in the period preceding the fixation of accent on the initial syllable in Latvian. Thus, corresponding with the oxytone *pulita, the plural of *piiliiom 'something spoiled, rotten' (Skt. [RV] pillyam 'empty kernel') we find Latv. (W.) pu{i (Plur.), 'smut' from *pu{i from *puliai without retraction of the accent to the syllable with -u-. The Lithuanian data indicate that analogical leveling took place on the model of case forms in which accent retraction took place (Gen. Plur. pUli!!, etc.): Lith. pU!iai 'pus', attested only with 1 AP (R DL, Gramota 1769, PVG 281, 290, 283, 607; for Std. Lith. seeS LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). After accent had been fixed in initial position in Latvian the broken tone ~ , which arose in the nominative-accusative singular in original neuter nouns having oxytonesis in the plural and barytonesis in the singular, spread throughout the whole paradigm, as in all other cases of alternation of- and ~ within

paradigms. In Lithuanian, barytone accent was generalized in all cases of this sort. Cases of apparent noncorrespondence between Latvian and Lithuanian accentuation in old neuter forms can be explained in this way: cf. Latv. kauss 'ladle, scoop; skull' and Lith. kdusas 'scoop; skull', 1 AP, except in southern Dzuk dialects (evidence for original neuter comes from Finn. kauha 'ladle, scoop', and for barytone accent from

l 1

~~

t

1

'. '


Skt. (RV) k6sas 'vessel, tub') ;88 La tv. kr?sls 'chair' and Lith. kreslas 'chair', 1 AP and 3 AP in the dialects (neuter gender is indicated by OPrus. Creslan, EV 217, 'chair with a back', Sl. *kreslo); Latv. siets 'sieve, reed' and Lith. sietas 'sieve', 1 AP and 3 AP (cf. Sl. *sito); Latv. viiks 'covering' and Lith. v6kas 'eyelid; covering' 1 AP and 3 AP (cf. Sl. *veko). 89

33. Late Analogical Leveling of APs in Lithuanian

The tendency of original barytone AP to be replaced by mobile AP in Lithuanian shows up in nouns with long roots (cf., for example, the variants with 3 AP for the words veidas, tiltas, kdulas). On the other hand, in the Lithuanian dialects where barytone AP was well preserved, this accentuation was taken over by a number of nominals belonging to the mobile accentual class, which was originally rather small90 (cf. variants with 1 AP in the words pJdas, jimgas, vienas).

These displacements in original class membership in Lithuanian dialects have significantly reduced the value of Lithuanian data; the absence of decisive Latvian material in many cases prevents us from making a reliable reconstruction of the AP of a particular word in

Baltic. Thus, we cannot say with certainty whether, for example, Lith. zentas 'brother-in-law' (1 or 3 AP) reflects barytone AP corresponding to Gmc. *kinpa (neut.) 'child' (OHG kind; but OSax. kind from *kindd) or whether Lith. urvas 'burrow' (1, 3, or 4 AP) represents a Baltic barytone as the result of accent retraction to the root (Skt. [R V] urvds 'stall; dungeon'). On the other hand, Lith. spitrgas 'bud; fringe' or juosmuo 'belt', attested only with 3 AP, still do not offer a sufficient basis for setting up an original mobile AP, which would not correspond with the barytonesis of Gk. aspdragos, (Attic) asphdragos 'young shoot; asparagus' and Gk. zoma 'felt; protective military garment'.

34. The Distribution of Nominals in Accentual Paradigms in Baltic

An examination of the accentuation of Lithuanian of nominals with

short roots leads to a conclusion which fully supports the hypothesis of de Saussure: nominals with barytone AP in Proto-Indo-European have barytone AP in Lithuanian and nominals with mobile-oxytone AP in Proto-Indo-European have mobile AP in Lithuanian. This conclusion is contrary to the hypothesis of Kury!owicz, according to which the two Proto-Indo-European nominal paradigms with short roots fell together


Table 4 Short Roots Proto-Indo-European Barytone AP

asva

Iiauka

vi eta

duja

rank a

muse

migla

sula

blusa

kupra

zafubas

ratas

saikas

kaiikas

sa pas

ardai

javai

sapnas

val as

2

2/4

2/(4)

2/4

2

2/4

2/4

(2)/4

2

2/4

2/4

2

2/4

2/4

2/4

2/4

(2)/4

(2)/4

2/4

vijsas 2/4

tanas 2/4

kafpas 2/4

Iaiikas (2)/4

sulas 2/4

nafsas 2/4

vakaras 1/3

aikas 2/4

kapas 2/4

Skt. asva

Gk. Ieuke

OHG weida

Gk. thua

ON rij

Gk. muia

Gk. omikhle

Skt. sura

Gk. psulla

OHG hovar

Skt.

Skt.

ON

Skt.

Skt.

Skt.

Skt.

Skt.

Skt.

jamb has

rathas

sar

kokas

silpas

ardhas

yavas

svapnas

vilras

Gk. ogkos

Gk. t6nos

MHG scharf

OHG !Oh

Gk. ksulon

Gk. nosos

Gk. hesperos

OHG alah

Gk. skaphos

Proto-Indo-European Mobile Oxytone AP

alga 4

kaina 4/1

zala 4

lent a

tauta

srava

samda

saka

rasa

skala

tarpa

vieka

spauda

branka

a ill as

sakai

dievas

miegas

vaikas

strazdas

ganas

raupai

stambas

maisas

bafigas

*zaras

dagas

4

4

4

4

4

4

4

4/1

4/1

4

4

4

4

4

4

4

4

4

4

4/3

4/3

4

4

4

Gk.

Gk.

Gk.

alpM

poin~

khol~

OHG linta

OHG diota

Gk. hro~

Skt. samdhii

OHG saga

Skt. rasii

Skt. kalil

OHG darba

ON veig

Gk. spoud~

ON branga

Gk. aulos

Gk. opos

Skt. devas

Skt. megh:is

G~. holkos

Gk. strouthos

Skt. ghanas

OHG roub

Skt. stambas

Skt. me$as

Skt. bhailgas

Gk. khoros

Skt. nidaghas

67

kvapas

saitas

medzias

sapnys

tifiklas

pad as

parsas

jaiikas

kutas

Ia pas

spaliai

namai

laiipai

sen as

afitaras

naiijas

desinas

sekmas

astras

pilis

desimtis

pats

naktis

avis

2/4

2/4

2/(4)

2/4

2/4

2

2/4

2/4

2/4

2

2

2/4

2

(2)/4

1/3

(2)/4

(1)/3

(2)/4

(2)/4

2J4

1/3

(2)/4

(2)/4

(2)/4

kirmis 2/4

debesis 1/3

pekus 2

akmuo 1/3

sesuo 1/3

mente 2/4

sake 2 ·-

Nominals with Long Roots

Hes. kapos

OHG seid

Skt. madhyam

Skt. svapnyam

Skt. tantram

Gk. pedon

OHG farh

Skt. okas

Gk. kutos

Gk. lepos

Hes. spolia

[Gk. nomos]

[OHG loub]

Skt.

Skt.

Skt.

Skt.

Gk.

Gk.

Gk.

ON

Skt.

Skt.

Skt.

sanas

1 a~taras

navyas

d~k$inas j hebdomos

akros

polis

tiund

patis

naktis

avis

Skt. kfmis

Skt. nabhas

Skt. pasu

Skt. asma

Skt. svasa

Skt. mantha

Skt. sil.kha

kraiijas

laikas

slakas

sparnas

lizdas

kl'iklas

nagas

sifutas

Iinai

plausai

paisai

Iipai

4

4

4

4

4

4

4

4/2

4

4

4

4

Skt.

Gk.

ON

Skt.

kravyam

loipon

slag

parQam

Skt. nigam

Skt. cakram

Skt. nakham

Skt. satam

[Gk. linon]

[MHG vlius]

[Skt. pesas]

[Gk. lipos]

mobile AP generalized in Lithuanian

mint is

kin is

gran dis

dukte

4

4

4

4

Skt. matis

Skt. khanis

Skt. granthis

Skt. duhitil

This summary may be compared with the corresponding summary in KCZ 198-199.


TableS Exceptions to Short Root Correspondences Proto-Indo-European Barytone Proto-Indo-European AP Mobile-Oxytone AP

2/4 Skt. ··.!. krusa 4 OHG rosa gija Jia

viikas 4 Skt. vfkas pirstas 2 Skt. Pr~tham

mazgas 4 Gk. m6skhos ski etas 2/4 OHG scit

sesuras 3 Skt. svasuras

gufnas 4 Hes. garnon

slaunis 4 Skt. sr6nis

medus 4 Skt. madhu

Table 6 Long Roots with Retraction

Latv. duona Skt. dhaniis

" griva Skt. griva

" snate OE snod

" virs Skt. viras

" diimi Skt. dhumas

" kaiils Gk. kaul6s

" tiits Skt. tirth!im

" pi ins Skt. pilrQas

" iigs Skt. dirghas

" atrs OHG a tar

" jiits Skt. yilt is

" znuots Skt. jflatis

Lith. uosis Gk. akherols

" sun us 1/3 Skt. sun us

Latv. vejs Skt. vayus

Lith. piemuo 1/3 Gk. poim~n

Latv. Iiemenis Gk. leim5n

" mate Skt. matii

" dieveris Skt. de vii

Lith. menuo 1/3 OHG manod

" [purai 2/4 Gk. pur6s]

" [korys 2/4 Gk. kerion]


Table 7 Long Roots without Retraction Proto-Indo-European Barytone Proto-Indo-European Mobile-AP OxytoneAP La tv. vi Ina Skt. UrQii Latv. lat1zs Skt. logas La tv. ieva Gk. 6;;: " p~ds Gk. ped6n La tv. j~ga Gk. h~be " jugs Gk. zug6n Lith. pi eva Gk. p6a " tievs Gk. tana6s La tv. sarms Gk. keramos II vi ens Gk. oin6s Lith. jaujas Skt. yavias Lith. gultas OSwed. kolder La tv. veids Skt. vedas Latv. pirmais Skt. pUrvas La tv. me Ins Gk. mel as Lith. raisas l/3 OE wrah Lith. antis OE ened Lith. stomuo 1/3 Skt. sthiima Lith. [difVli 2/4 Skt. dUrva]

into one mobile paradigm. It is based on a fairly large number of correspondence as shown in Tables 4 and 5.

Our analysis of the distribution of nominals with long roots in Lat

vian and Lithuanian {Table 6) confirms Hirt's hypothesis on accent

retraction to a particular type of long syllable (one with a long non

apophonic syllabic element). As a result of this process of accent retrac

tion a number of Proto-Indo-European forms with mobile-oxytone AP show up with barytone accent in East Baltic.

Leaving aside this group of nominals, where the change in accentuation

is the result of an ancient process of retraction of accent (a process which,

as we shall see, does not operate only in Baltic), nominals with long roots display the same distribution into accentual paradigms as do nominals with short roots {Table 7).

35. Old Prussian Data

The accentual distribution of nominals described above for Lithuanian

and Latvian is very close to the comparable distribution in other Indo

European languages and therefore it reflects to a great extent the situation of Proto-Baltic. This supposition is supported by the analysis of the unfortunately very sparse data of Old Prussian.

70 Nominal Accentuation in Baliic

Accentological interpretations of the writing system of the Old Prussian Enchiridium of 1561 were proposed long ago by F. F. Fortunatov, E. Berneker, and R. Trautmann. In this document, accented long vowels were marked with the symbol ....... ; long vowels included original long vowels, lengthened short vowels as the first element of diphthongs with falling tone, and long vowels as the second element of diphthongs which had developed from 1 and u. 91 Accented short vowels were marked less consistently: in such cases the following consonant was usually written as a geminate; after pretonic and posttonic short vowels, consonants were written either singly or as geminates (cf. TRA 196-197).

Nominals with a radical short diphthong in the Enchiridium fall into two categories: some of the nominals (with the exception of misprints) are consistently written with the length sign over the vowel in diphthongal sequences; the other group of nominals, as a rule, shows a short vowel. Fortunatov was the first to note that the latter group of nominals corresponds with Lithuanian nominals having mobile AP,92 cf. OPrus. deinan 'day', tautan 'country', deiws (deiwan) 'God', waix (waikan) 'servant' and Lith. diem1, tauta 'people', dievas, vaikas 'child', all4 AP. On the other hand, corresponding to OPrus. weisin 'fruit', riinkan 'hand' pfrstans 'fingers', swiiigstan 'radiance' we find Lith. vaisus, ranka, pirstas, all with 2 AP, and zvaigZde 'star', 2 and 4 AP. There are some items which do not fit this correspondence, particularly nominals with mixed diphthongs inn, r, I, (cf. dangon 'sky', wargan 'evil', but Lith. dangus, vafgas 'misfortune' with 2 AP in Dauksa, and, on the other hand, algas, Gen. Sing. 'pay', but Lith. alga, 4 AP (van Wijk pointed out these exceptions to the correspondences) ;93 nevertheless, the overall identity of the distribution of nominals into two accentual paradigms in Old Prussian and Lithuanian is apparent.

There can be no doubt that the Old Prussian nominals with consistent marking of length represent a columnar barytone paradigm. It is more difficult to decide whether the class of nominals wiili no length marking reflects mobile AP, as in East Baltic, or a columnar oxytone paradigm. The absence of lengthening in case forms such as accusative singular and accusative plural-forms which are barytone within the mobile AP in Lithuanian-seems to point to preservation of columnar oxytone accent in Old Prussian, e.g., OPrus. deiwan, deiwans as against Lith. dievq, dievus from *dievo[n]s (cf. WIJK 45, STA 174). However, Fortunatov94 had noted the presence of mobile AP in Old Prussian nominals with long vowel in the root (cf. OPrus. Ace. Plur. svfrins, gfvans and


Latv. zvers, dzivs, where broken tone points to an original mobile AP); this same accentuation, in his opinion, occurred in nominals with short roots, while a new tone, differing from the usual falling tone, arose in the barytone case forms within the mobile AP, thus accounting for the lack of vowel lengthening. It can hardly be correct to see a direct reflection of the change "oxytone to mobile" in such a system (according to this theory, a rising tone developed upon the retraction of accent in barytone forms, cf. TRA 190). The development of a new tone should rather be connected with the introduction of a short vowel in place of the original long vowel under the influence of the oxytone forms in the paradigm (*deinii, Ace. deinan to deinii, deinan).95

The material from the Enchiridium provides evidence for the existence of two accentual paradigms also for nominals with long roots. Mobile AP is clearly represented by the forms Nom. Sing. spigsnii, Ace. Sing. spfgsnan 'ablution'; barytone AP is reflected by Nom. Plur. wijrai 'men', Dat. Plur. wijrimans (cf. Lith. vyrai, vyrams, I AP). The latter example, along with the Nom. Sing. form miiti 'mother' illustrates the operation of the law of accent retraction to a nonapophonic long radical vowel in Old Prussian. (cf. Lith. vyras, mote, 1 AP, versus Skt. vfrds, miita), a law, therefore, which operated in Proto-Baltic. 96 In its main outlines the entire system of accentual paradigms reconstructed on the basis of Lithuanian and Latvian material is that of Proto-Baltic, judging from the Old Prussian data.

Part II

ProtoIndo-European Accentual Paradigms ofNominals in Slavic

36. Sources for the Reconstruction of the Proto-Slavic System of Nominal Accentual Paradigms

The modern Slavic languages provide sufficient evidence for the reconstruction of three accentual paradigms for most nominal stems: bary-tone, mobile, and oxytone. Each of these paradigms is characterized not only by a particular accentual curve, but also by a particular tone in the root syllable. Therefore, important evidence for establishing the original character of an accentual paradigm can be obtained not only from Slavic languages which have retained free accent and tone contrasts (Serbo-Croatian and Slovenian), but also from languages which have retained only free accent (the East Slavic languages, Bulgarian, and Southeast Serbian dialects), as well as languages for which only ProtoSlavic tone can be reconstructed only on the basis of vocalic length distinctions (most of the West Slavic languages).

The barytone AP is characterized not only by columnar barytone accent, preserved in languages with free accent, but also by the acute (rising) tone (") on the root syllable. Its reflex in Serbo-Croatian is short falling accent (krava) and in Slovenian its reflex is a short falling accent in closed syllable (brat) and long rising in open syllable (krava); in the East Slavic languages the reflex of acute tone is stress on the second syllable of so-called pleophonic sequences (that is, the disyllable

76 Nominal Accentuation in Slavic

reflex of PSI CefoRC, for example, Rus, kor6va), and in Czech its reflex is length on the originally accented syllable in one- and two-syllable words other than syllables with r and f (krdva); traces of the latter reflex in original sequences of the type CefoRC can be found in Upper Sorbian (kr6wa); in Slovak, Lower Sorbian, and in the Lechitic languages, vowel length in acute accented syllables has been shortened (Slk. krava, Pol. krowa, etc.).

Mobile AP is characterized not only by mobile accent, which is preserved in a number of languages, but also by long falling C) or short falling (") tone on the root syllable. Falling tone on a long syllable-the Slavic circumflex C)-is retained as such in Serbo-Croatian and in monosyllable forms in Slovenian (SC rilku, Slov. griid); in Slovenian the accent has shifted from syllables with this intonation to the following syllable in polysyllabic words (Sin. Ace. Sing. rok9 from *rgk(J); in the East Slavic languages falling intonation shows up as stress on the first syllable of the reflex of CefoRC (g6rod). In all of the West Slavic languages accented falling longs were shortened, the short vowel being introduced, as a rule, also into those forms of the mobile AP in which the long syllable was pretonic and should have retained its length phonenetically (cf. Cz. ruku, ruka).l Falling tone on a short vowel (") was retained in Serbo-Croatian in open syllables (vOdu, bOga), and lengthened in closed syllables (bog); lengthening occurs in the same position in Slovenian (b9g), while in other positions the accent shifted to the following syllable (vod9 from *vOd(J, bogii from *bOga). In Russian dialects which have a contrast between open and closed fof, the open /o/ is represented in this case (Rjazan', Tot'ma, bog); a similar reflex of fo/ with falling tone can be found in Slovak (bah). Mobile AP entails a shift of accent to proclitics and enclitics in barytone case forms; cf. SC zfmu,

Rus. zimu: SC na zzmu, Rus. nd zimu, Rus. dial. zimus' 'this winter' from *zim(Js'i.

Oxytone AP is retained in a number of Serbo-Croatian dialects and in the East Slavic languages; when later accent retractions are taken into account, it can be reconstructed for the majority of Serbo-Croatian dialects. Older retractions of accent have led to the transformation of oxytone AP nominals with long roots into barytone AP in a number of stem types in Slovenian, Bulgarian, Slovincian, and Polabian. Retraction of accent to a short root syllable in these languages took place later; in this case, too, the transformation of oxytone into barytone took place in Bulgarian and in the majority of Slovenian dialects. AI-


most all stem types in Slavic have, within the oxytone AP, barytone case forms which have arisen as a result of the retraction of accent from the short vowels ii, f and from internal circumflex long vowels; in these forms the neoacute (rising) tone occurs-long(') or short('). The neoacute tone on long vowel (') shows up as a special rising tone in Serbo-Croatian Cakavian and Posavian dialects (dren) and it retains its rising character in Slovenian (brfst); in the majority of Serbo-Croatian dialects it has become a falling tone (dren). The rising character of this tone is responsible for stress on the second syllable in sequences of the type CORC in East Slavic (R us. dial. deren); the reflex in all of the West Slavic languages is length in the syllable with neoacute tone and length in the pretonic syllable,2 so that the root syllable of nouns with an oxytone paradigm always retains length or its reflex in the form of a specific vowel quality. In Slovak and Slovincian a distinctive reflex of length is maintained for all Slavic vowel phonemes; in Czech rand! have lost the contrast; in Polish dialects it is lost in the case of r. {, i, u, y (in some of the dialects and in the literary languages also a, e), and in Upper-Sorbian length is reflected only in original sequences of the type CORC. The neoacute (rising) tone on a short vowel (') has become a falling tone in Serbo-Croatian and Slovenian; there is no lengthening in a closed syllable here (SC bOb, Sin. bOb). Russian dialects which distinguish open and closed -o- have a closed vowel or diphthong in this case (Rjazan': bOb); closed -o- ( uo) is reflected-less consistently-also in Slovak (Slk. bOb); in some Slovenian dialects in certain positions e and o with ncoacute tone are reflected as closed ,;> and (J.

An important source for reconstructing the original accentual paradigm for a word in Slavic languages which preserve accentual mobility is the accented texts of these languages. The evidence from Russian accented texts is extremely valuable, the earliest of them going back to the middle of the fourteenth century (Cudovskoj Navy} Zavet) ;3 the numerous Moscow printed editions of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries reflect quite well the Russian system of accentuation, which is partially preserved at the present time only in the peripheral North Russian dialects. Although the accentuation of only a few of these documents has been studied in detail ( cf. in particular Stang, La langue du livre" Uchenie i khitrost' rat

nogo stroeniia" [1647], Oslo, 1952; the Konshinskii Domostroi and others edited by Orlov, Bk. 1, Moscow 1908), the material from them has been fully exploited in the works of L. L. Vasil'ev, who made a special study of documents in which open and closed -o- were distinguished. 4 Certain other


investigators have also used data from these documents. 5 A great deal of material on the accentuation of nominals in Ukrainian and Belorussian documents of the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries has been collected by z. N. Veselovskii,6 who continued the investigations begun by I.

Ogienko and E. F. Karskii. South Slavic accented texts reflect primarily the Bulgarian and East

Serbian accentual systems; those of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries are the most significant ones, since in later texts a canonical system of accentual marking has been established and it no longer reflects the actual pronunciation. The almost complete absence of preliminary in~estigat~ons on the accentuation of South Slavic texts requires extreme care m makmg use of data from them (with the exception of certain works by P. A. Lavrov and A. I. Jatsimirskii, which are not devoted specifically to accentolo-gical questions, but nevertheless give· a fair amount of attention to them). As a rule we will limit ourselves to reliable examples taken from the most interesti~g texts with respect to accentuation, the most important of which must be considered the work of Konstantin Kostenechskii, "0 pis'menekh" (the edition by I. Iagich, Rassuzhdeniiajuzhna-slavianskai i russkai stariny a tserkavna-slavianskam iazyke, pt. V: Issledavaniia pa russkamu iazyku, t. 1, St. Petersburg 1885-1895, pp. 366-581). The important Serbo-Croatian texts of later date are the accented works of Ju. Krizani6 (the second half of the seventeenth century), who gave the first written evidence of the distinct accent of the Kajkavian-Cakavian Serbo-Croatian dialects7 and grammars from the end of the eighteenth to the beginning of the nineteenth centuries based on the Posavian and Slavonian dialects. 8 The study of the Bulgarian accented damascenes of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries provides essential supplementary data (cf. P. A. Lavrov, Obzar zvukavykh ifarmal'nykh asabennastei balgarskaga iazyka, Moscow 1893,

pp. 215-29). . In a number of cases evidence for the original accentuation of a nommal

in Slavic can be obtained from an analysis of the accentuation of derivatives. Thus van Wijk showed9 that the denominative verbs in -iti have mobile AP,if they are formed from nouns with mobile AP (cf. Rus. galas iS', galasit from go/as, g6lasa), and recessive AP if they are der~ved fr~m ~ouns with oxytone AP (Rus. sUdiS', sudit from sud, sudd). 10 Denved adJectives also show a dependence upon the accentual paradigm of the base noun (cf. Rus. muzskaj from muz, muza, muzej, mob. AP, but zenskijfrom zend, zenu, ox. AP). When a secondary accentual change in the base word takes place the data from derivatives become extremely important.


37. Historical Remarks on the Study of the Slavic System of Accentual Paradigms

Hirt made the first attempt to connect the Slavic system of accentual paradigms with Proto-Indo-European. He identified the Slavic oxytone AP with the Proto-Indo-European oxytone, i.e., mobile oxytone, and the Slavic mobile AP with the Proto-Indo-European barytone, admitting, however, the possibility of exceptions in certain cases.11 Hirt's attempt cannot be considered successful. Although Hirt had a rather large number of correspondences of the type "Slavic nominal with mobile AP ~ ProtoIndo-European barytone forms" (mainly masculine a- stems), he was able to adduce only isolated examples for the preservation of Proto-IndoEuropean oxytone in Proto-Slavic. As it turned out, Hirt's correspondences were actually not subjected to verification, but his interpretation of the Slavic oxytone class ofnominals was accepted by many investigators, apparently because of the high degree of similarity between the oxytone classes in Slavic, on the one hand, and Sanskrit and Greek, on the other. Hirt's idea was modified by van Wijk, who proposed a partial transfer of old oxytone forms into the mobile accentual class with the preservation of oxytone accent in some of the nominals (WIJK 55).

Meillet gave a contradictory explanation of the Slavic system of accentual paradigms.12 He discovered that the Slavic mobile accentual class was identical to the one in Baltic.13 He also demonstrated this correspondence for nominals with original acute intonation in the root-in this case, a secondary circumflex tone arose in the mobile AP in Slavic (see Sections 62 and 66 for more detail). Since in Slavic the barytone class contains only nominals with acute tone in the root, Meillet proposed that barytone nominals with short roots developed mobile AP as soon as oxytone forms appeared in the paradigm as a result of the stress shift according to the law of Fortunatov-de Saussure. Since he considered the Slavic oxytone paradigm to be original, Meillet derived the Slavic system from three accentual paradigms in Proto-Indo-European, although in other Indo-European languages, as a rule, there is only a two-way contrast (barytone versus mobile or barytone versus oxytone ), and nowhere is there a three-way contrast (barytone versus mobile versus oxytone ). 14 Stang, who extended Meillet's notion to a-stems (Meillet, like other investigators of his time, considered the mobile AP in masculine a-stems to be barytone, and therefore spoke of a two-way contrast in this type of stem in Slavic and in ProtoIndo-European), retained without change all the weak aspects of Meillet's theory (ST 174-178).

I .!

li II

:\

\I

tl

I II

II II


The arguments centering upon the law of Fortunatov-de Saussure played an important role in the study of Slavic nominal accentuation. In formulating the rule on accent shift, Fortunatov spoke of its operation in "the Lithuano-Slavic language."15 Meillet made a more detailed examination of Slavic data which supported the notion of accent shift.l6 Meillet was rather careful in listing cases of accent shift: thus, in describing the transformation of the barytone class of a-stems into the mobile class, he mentioned a phonetic stress shift only in the case of the nominative singular in -a, and he viewed the complete mixing of the two classes as the result of morphological leveling. Later, however, the environmental conditions of the law ofFortunatov-de Saussure were extended in various ways. The investigators who accepted Hirt's theory to the effect that Proto-IndoEuropean barytone forms were retained as such in originally barytone paradigms (from mob. AP) in Slavic, were forced to explain all cases of non-root accent in the mobile AP as the result of accent shift to an acute syllable. Various proposals were advanced: additional conditions for the shift (Pedersen's idea on shift across a syllable), secondary acute or circumflex on a number of endings, etc.17 The complexity and the factual arbitrariness of all such explanations was obvious. With the return to Meillet's thyory of the identity of mobile paradigms in Baltic and Slavic, these explanations were no longer necessary and the accent shift according to the law of Fortunatov-de Saussure in Proto-Slavic could no longer be demonstrated; this is the conclusion reached by Kurylowicz ("Le probleme des intonations balto-slaves," Rocznik Slawistyczny T. X, 1931, pp. 75-80) and Stang (ST 15-20). And in fact, the absence of a shift to acute syllable in the Slavic paradigm (cf. Sl. *oba and Lith. abu from *abo, Sl. Ace. Plur. *zfmu and Lith. ziemas from ziema[n]s) requires that we reject the law of Fortunatov-de Saussure in its traditional formulation. Only on the basis of a new interpretation of certain Slavic data can we propose some type of stress shift for Proto-Slavic (see Section 68).

The Slavic system of accentual paradigms has been most fully ex~ mined in the recent comprehensive works of Kurylowicz and Stang. ~ Kurylowicz's point of view proceeds from his conception of Balto-Siavic accentology (see Section 1). Slavic nominals with barytone AP must reflect Proto-Indo-European and oxytone forms with long roots, while Slavic nominals with mobile AP reflect Proto-Indo-European and oxytone forms with short roots. According to Kurylowicz, nominals which were derived in Balto-Slavic and which were later transferred into the


mobile AP in Lithuanian entered the oxytone class in Slavic (KCZ 300-301). Thus, the Slavic system of three accentual paradigms is viewed as an older system than that of Lithuanian. At the same time, independent comparison of Slavic with Proto-Indo-European data is kept to a minimum; Slavic/Baltic correlations are foremost in his comparative work, so that his conclusions are primarily a result of analysis of the Baltic facts. Since Kurylowicz's theory is not supported by the Baltic data, it must be checked on the basis of Slavic material.

Stang developed and supplemented the hypothesis of Meillet which is outlined above. Following Sedlacek, he showed that the accentual curve of Slavic and Lithuanian mobile paradigms is almost identical in all types of nominal stems (ST 62-64, 74-76, 81, 88). Stang established a connection between each accentual paradigm and a particular tonal characteristic of the root along with its original length feature: in the mobile AP (falling tone in the root) were nominals with short and long roots; in the barytone AP (acute tone in the root) were nominals with· long roots; in the oxytone AP (neoacute tone in the root under stress) were nominals with short roots. This distribution combines the Slavic barytone and oxytone (recessive in the case of verbs) paradigms, contrasting with the mobile AP, and at the same time excludes the possibility of reconstructing three comparable paradigms in Proto-Indo-European (as Stang does, following Meillet), where the accentual paradigm was not connected with the feature of length in the root syllable. V. A. Dybo, in analyzing Stang's reconstructed system of three accentual paradigms for the verb in Proto-Slavic, showed that the barytone and recessive paradigms of the verb are in complementary distribution and therefore can reflect one paradigm, whose split is connected with accentual shifts which depend upon the structure of the root syllable.lS This conclusion holds also for the accentual paradigms of nominals. The question of whether barytone or oxytone is the original paradigm (barytone vs. oxytone) from which the Slavic barytone and oxytone paradigms developed can be answered only after an examination of the data of external comparison.

A-Stems

Nominals

with Short Roots


Nominals with a stem in -ii- and with short root are distributed in Slavic among the mobile and oxytone accentual classes.

The opposition of mobile and oxytone AP is well preserved in many Serbo-Croatian dialects (some of them having undergone retraction of

accent, some of them not):

Without retraction:

Nom. Sing. voda rUka} ~·ena slUga Ace. Sing. vOdu riiku vs. zenii slUgu Nom.-Acc. Plur. vOde riike ·ene slUge

With retraction:

vOda ni.ka} E. i:na sluga vodu riiku vs. zenu slugu vOde riike .. ne sluge

In a number of dialects one can find a transfer of some nominals from one class to another; and in other dialects, as in the standard language, there arose a mixed AP, with columnar oxytonesis in the singular and

mobility in the plural:

sluga slugu slilge

The two paradigms coalesced in some Montenegrin dialects, in Slove

nian, and in Bulgarian dialects.

83

Serbo-Croatian dialects

voda} {zena v~du = ~~nu vode zene

Nominals with Short Roots

Slovenian

v6da} {zena vod9 = zen/? vod~ zen~

Bulgarian dialects

v6da llzena v~d~ta = ~~n~ta vod1 zem vodite zenite

In a number of Bulgarian dialects and in the standard language the accent of the definite form has been generalized:

voda ) Jzena vodata l = zenata vodi f )zeni vodite lzenite

Relics of the oxytone type can still be found in peripheral Bulgarian dialects, as in the Rhodope dialects:

v6da } {zena vodata = zenata

In the accented texts of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, which reflect the Middle Bulgarian system of accentuation, we can already note the coalescence of the two paradigms into a mobile paradigm; however, the shift of accent to prepositions is attested only in those nominals in which the mobile AP is original (PISM: zena, zenu, zeny, xula, xulu, but na xU!u vs. nd rosu).

The opposition of two accentual paradigms is well preserved in the Moscow texts of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Columnar oxytone accent in the plural of nominals in the oxytone paradigm (zen)/, zendm, etc.) is retained in the language of Russian poets up to the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century and is still retained in peripheral North Great Russian dialects (for example, in the Tot'ma dialect). In most of the Northern and Central Russian dialects and in standard Russian the opposition of two accentual paradigms has been retained in an altered form: the mobile AP underwent no change, but nominals with oxytone AP retained the columnar oxytone accent only in the singular; in the plural they became mobile (archaic Russian in dialect forms zi!ny, zendm, zendx), and then columnar barytone AP (zeny, zenam, zenax). A similar process took place over the entire East Slavic territory, so that in the Ukrainian and Belorussian texts of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries columnar oxytone accent in the plural has been almost entirely eliminated. Only in the peripheral Western Ukrainian dialects (Transcarpathia, in the Peremysl' region) has the old oxytone accent been preserved (Nom. Plur. sestry, bidy, etc.). The transformation of the oxytone paradigm into a mobile one


with barytone accent in the Plural in the East Slavic languages intensified the process of merging the two paradigms. In the South Great Russian dialect and in Belorussian this process resulted in the coalescence of the two paradigms into an accentual paradigm with oxytone accent in the singular and barytone in the plural (cf. Belorussian vada, vadu, vody, like sjastra, sjastru, sestry); only a few words retain optional forms with barytone in the accusative singular.

In the West Slavic languages the opposition of two accentual paradigms can be found only in nominals with a Slavic long syllable in the root (one not containing short o, ore or the reduced vowels u, i): nominals with mobile AP display shortening of original length throughout the whole paradigm, except for the genitive plural (Cz. ruka, ruku, ruky; Slk. ruka, ruku, ruky; Pol. r(!ka, rf!kf!, r(!ky; Snc. rQkii, rQk{l, riikii); nominals with oxytone AP preserve length (or traces of it) in the root throughout the whole paradigm (Cz. trouba, troubu, trouby, Slk. truba, trubu, truby; Pol. tr{lba, tr{lbf!, tr{lby; Snc. tro'tbii, tro'fb{l, tro1fbii). In Slovincian, nominals with mobile AP, as a rule, have retained accentual mobility; nominals with oxytone AP have been transferred partly to the mobile and partly to the barytone AP, the reasons for this distribution being unclear.

In reconstructing the Proto-Slavic accentual paradigm of ii-stems one can, of course, make use of material only from those languages, dialects, or texts in which the opposition of mobile versus oxytone AP has been

1\

retained in one form or another. On the basis of these data the claim can be made that the Proto-Indo-European opposition "barytone AP · versus mobile oxytone AP" has been retained in Proto-Slavic a-stems in an altered form: "oxytone AP versus mobile AP." Proto-Slavic as well as Baltic mobile AP correspond to the oxytone paradigm of Sanskrit, Greek, and the Germanic languages; the Slavic oxytone AP corresponds to the barytone AP of the other Indo-European languages (including Baltic).

39. Slavic Nominals with Mobile AP Corresponding to Proto-IndoEuropean Formations with Mobile-Oxytone AP

SC (dial.) piasa,p/iisu,piiisi 'treeless land' (SAW CL 531); cf. the toponym Piiisa with a generalization of the accent of the Ace. Sing. (RSJ X 8); Rus. (standard and NGR) polosa, poiosu, polosy, dial. zd polosu, nd poiosu (OBN I 315, VV 34), and in U 1647, Nom. Plur. poiosy (STU 26);


Pol. plosa 'a measure of arable land'.19 A secondary oxytone AP occurs in SC dial. piasa, plasu, piase (lOR XIV 2, 227) and, in all probability, a secondary barytone AP in SC piasa 'clod of earth, piece of ice, a swelling beneath the eyes', BRus. pal6sa 'strip, zone'. From Sl. *poisa (pois(J) mob. AP 'plowed strip' from PIE poikti 'something plowed'; Gmc. fai36 'plowed field', OHGfaig, OEfealg.

SC ofca, ofcu, ofce 'sheep' (Novi; see lOR XIV, 2, 226), 6vca, ovcu, ovce with lengthening of fof in closed syllable (Dubrovnik, Podravina; see RE 93, RAD CLXVIII 134; also permitted in the standard language; see DAN 5), ovca, ovcu, ovce, with a generalization of the accent of the accusative singular (Hvar, Lepetane, Prcan', Ozrinici, Kosovo, Zumberak; see FIL XIV 27 and 66, RE 94 and 95, ZSP VI 354); Rus. ovca, ovcu, ovcy occurs in texts of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (VV 22, STU 26, SOR LXVI 7, 8; ASP XXXIX 287), in poetry of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (BURL 159-160), and in dialects (OBN I 272). Secondary variance: mixed AP in SC ovca, ovcu, ovce (N. Timok; see SDZ II 397), ovca, ovcu, ovce (Pievlja; see SDZ II 137) and ovca, ovcu, ovce (std. lang.); Rus. ovca, ovcu, ovcy, Ukr. vivcjd, vivcju, vivci (also in seventeenth century documents: see V OV 45); oxytone AP occurs in SC dialects, ovca, ovcu, ovce (Hvar, Brae; see FIL XIV 27, SDZ X 44). From Sl. *ovica (ovic(J) mob. AP 'sheep' from PIE oyikli 'sheep'; Skt. (RV) avikli 'sheep'.

Rus. zold, zolu 'ashes' in the literary language of the nineteenth century (BN 98) and in dialects (North Russia; OBN I 271), nd zolu in dialects (VV 33). Secondary accentuation: Rus. zold, zolu, Ukr. zola, zolu. From PSI. zola (zol(J) mob. AP from PIE gholti 'bile; something spoiled, unpleasant, harmful'; Gk. khol~ 'bile; poison; spite', Lith. zaia 'harm, damage' (4 AP; see Section 5).

SC rosd, rosu, rose 'dew' (N. Timok; see SDZ II 397), rosa, rosu, rosi (Istra; seeSAW CL 529), rosa, rosu, rose with lengthening (Susak; see HDZ I 111), rosa, rosu, rose (std. lang.); Big. na rosu (PISM); Rus. rosa, rosu, rosy in the documents of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (VV 32, lAG 787) and in the poetry of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (OBN I 272, BN 99); cf. also Rus. orosit, orosi~', which points to mobile AP of the base word; Ukr. rosa, r6su, rosy (also in the texts of the seventeenth century; see V OV 41). A secondary mixed AP occurs in SC dialects rosa, rosu, rose (Lepetane, see FIL XIV 66), rosa, rosu, rose (Knjazevac; see BE 347), Rus. rosa, rosu, rosy, Ukr. rosd,


rosu, rosy (POG). From PSI. rosa (rosg) mob. AP 'dew' from PIE rosfi 'moisture; dew' Skt. (R V) rasfi 'a mythical river flowing around the universe; moisture' from *resfi, Lith. rasa (4 AP; see Section 5) 'dew' from *rosfi.

sc (dial.) snii (from *snaha), snau, snae 'daughter-in-law' (Saptinovac, Plevlja: see RAD LCXI 133, SDZ III 136-137), snii, snaju (Posavina; see RAD CXCVII), snleho, Ace. snieho (also snehou, Bednja; see HDZ I 302), snaha, snahu, snahe with leveling modeled on the Ace. Sing. (Dubrovnik; see RE 92). The variant with oxytone AP must also be considered to be ancient: SC (dial.) snahli, snahu, snahe (Novi; lOR XIV, 2, 226), snau, snae (Knjazevac, N. Timok; see BE 347, SDZ II 397), Rus. snoxd, snoxu, snoxi (seventeenth century texts; see VV 34; and NGR dialects; see OBN II 383), snoxd, snoxu (sn6xi) in the standard language. The introduction of the oxytone AP apparently goes back to the period when the vowel /ii/ was reintroduced into the root by analogy after the loss of weak jers:

I snuxa II snxa

sniixQ snXQ

sniixy snxy

III snuxa snUXQ snuxy -~

From PSI. snuxa (sniixg) mob. AP 'daughter-in-law' from PIE snusfi 'daughter-in-law'; Skt. (A V) snu~fi 'daughter-in-law', Gmc. *snuziJ 'daughter-in-law', ON snor, sniJr, OE snoru, OHG snura from *snuziJn.

SC (dial.) czna, clnu (also clnu), cine 'price' (Hvar; FIL XIV 28), Ace. Sing. cinu (Posavina; RAD CXCVI 23); Rus. cend, cenu, ceny in texts from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (V OV 41), in the poetry of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and in the dialects (OBN I 274); cf. Rus. cenis', cenit in the documents of the seventeenth century and in the poetry of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (KP WR 314, BURL 207), pointing to mobile AP in the base word; Ukr. (dial.) cind, cinu, ciny (BU 2-3, 11), cf. also cinys, cinyt'; OCz. cena. Cz. cena, Slk. cena with short root. Secondary variants: oxytone AP in SC cena, cenu, cen'i or cene (Istra, Novi, Bozava; see SAW CL 533, lOR XIV 2 and 228, FIL VII 77), cena, cenu, cene (standard language);20 mixed AP in Rus. cend, cenu, ceny,21 Ukr. cind, cinu, ciny. The length in the root vowel of Pol. (dial.) cyna (SOR LXXIII 4, 113) can be explained by secondary lengthening before a sonant. From PSI. cena (c~ng) mob. AP 'price' from PIE k~oinfi 'fine, payment, price'; Gk. poin~ 'ransom, fine, penalty', Lith. (dial.) kaina (4 AP; see Section 5).


SC ruka, ruku, ruke (dialects without accent retraction, e.g. Hvar; FIL XIV 28) 'hand', ruka, ruku, ruke; Big. zd rgkg in the texts of the fourteenth century (LA OB 228-229); Rus. rukd, ruku, ruki in the texts of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (STU 24 and 26, CHR 280-281, OV I 88, lAG 737, V OV 41) and in the modern language; Ukr. rukd, ruku, ruki (also in sixteenth century documents; see V OV 46); Cz. ruka, Slk. ruka, Pol. rfka, Soc. rijka with short vowels. From PSI. rgka (rpkp), mob. AP 'hand' from PIE wonkfi 'something bent, crooked'; Gmc. *wramiJ 'squared beam, cross-beam', ON rgng 'frame', Swed. (dial.) vrang, Dan. rang; a barytone variant *yr6nkii is represented in Gmc. *wrdnho 'corner', ON rg. and Lith. ranka 'hand' (2 AP; see Section 4)

SC greda, gredu, grede 'garden bed; ridge' (dialects without accent retraction, e.g. Novi; see lOR XIV 2, 228), grMa, gredu, grede; Rus. grjadd, grjddu, grjddy in the sixteenth-century Domostroi (OV II 45) and in the literary language of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (OBN I 270, BN 141); Cz. hfada, Slk. hrada, Pol. grz~da, Soc. grijda 'roost, perch' with short vowels. There are secondary oxytone AP in SC dial. greda, gredu, gredi' (Istra; SAW CL 533), mixed AP in Rus. grjadd, grjadu, grjddy, and barytone AP in Ukr. hrjdda, hrjddu, hrjddy.

From PSI gr~da (gr~dg) mob. AP 'beam, crossbeam; garden bed' from PIE ghnplhfi 'beam'; Lith. grinda 'beam', Plur. griiidos 'wooden flooring' ( 4 AP in some of the dialects and in the standard language; see KSL, S LR, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK).

SC zlma, zimu, zime 'winter' (in dialects without accent retraction, e.g. Novi; see lOR XIV 2, 228), zima, zimu, zime; Rus. zimd, zimu, zimy in texts of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (ST U 25, V OV 41) and in NGR dialects (OBN I 271); Ukr. zymd, zymu, zymy (also in seventeenth-century documents, V OV 45); Cz. zima. Sik. zima, Snc. zama zli · ma, with short vowels. Secondary variants: mixed AP in SC dial. zimd, zimu (also zimu), zime (N. Timok; see SDZ II 397), zima, zimu, but za zimu (Lepetane; see FIL XVI 66), Rus. zimd, zimu, zimy; bar. AP in Rus. (dial.) zima (Kostroma, Kaluga; OBN I 72) and, probably, OCz. zima, Cz. (dial.) zima, zejma (SE Bohemia; see UT chart 1Ic).22

From PSI. zima (zimg) mob. AP 'winter' from PIE gheimfi 'winter'; OLith. ziema 'winter' 4 AP in Dauksa (SK 88), Donelaitis (ACD 42) in dialects, and in the standard language (for dialects see TAU III 470; for Std. Lith. see KT GL 179, GL 93, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK).

Ukr. tolokd, t6loku, t6loky 'occasional help by fellow villagers' (ASP


VII 376, SML 250), Pol. tloka (also secondary tl6ka; see KAR), Snc. tliuika with short vowels. There is a secondary oxytone AP in SC tldka, tldku, t/dke. From PSI. tolka (tolkf!) mob. AP 'neighborly help' from *tolkli 'help during harvest'; Lith. talka 'help' 4 AP in Donelaitis (ACD 44), in dialects (KSL), and in the standard language (KT LD, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK).

SC noga, nogu, noge 'foot' (in dialects without accent retraction, e.g. Hvar; FIL XIV 28), nbga, nogu, noge; Big. pri nogu in the Gospels of the fourteenth century (LA OB 229); Rus. nogd, n6gu, n6gi (also in sixteenth and seventeenth-century documents; see ST U 25-26, CHR 28, OV 19, VV 32, V OV 43); Ukr. nohd, n6hu, n6hy. From PSI. noga (nag(!) mob. AP 'foot' from PIE noghli 'extremity with nails or claws; hoof'; Lith. naga 'hoof' 4 AP (NS, LKR, DLK).

SC kosa, kosu, kose 'braid' (in dialects without accent retraction, e.g. Hvar; FIL XIV 28), kbsa, kosu, kose; Rus. kosd, k6su, k6sy (also in nineteenth-century poetry; OBN I 271, VV. 33). The secondary mixed AP in SC (dial.) kosa, kosil (also kosu), kose and kose (Novi; lOR XIV 2, 227), kyeso, kesou and kyesu (Bednja; see HDZ I 302) is explained by the influence of the homonym *kosa 'scythe', where oxytone AP is the original accentuation (see Section 40). From PSI. kosa (kos(!) mob. AP 'braid; combed hair' from PIE kosli 'combed or braided hair'; Lith. kasa 'braid' 4 AP in Donelaitis (ACD 42), in dialects (KSL), and in the standard language (KT GL 178, LS, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK).

Rus. kroxd, kr6xu, kr6xi 'crumb', also in the sixteenth-century Domostroi (OV II 42) and the Vostokov Grammar (BN 99); cf. Rus. krosis', krosit, which indicates mobile AP in the base word. The oxytone accent in Ukr. kryxd, kryxu is secondary. From PSI. kriixa (krilx(!) mob. AP from PIE krusli 'something broken off; something fragile'; Lith. krusa 'hail, snowflake' 4 AP (see Section 6); a barytone variant is reflected in Gmc. *hruson (fern.), OHG rosa 'ice, layer of ice'.

SC sba, sou, soe (Plevlja; SDZ 136) soja with generalization of the accusative singular accentuation (Posavina; RAD CXCVII 22), sbxa, soxu, soxe (standard language), 'pitchfork; forked pole'; Rus. (dial.) soxd, s6xu, zd soxu (OBN I 274, 315; VV34), also in nineteenth-century poets (BN 100); cf. the accentuation of the derivative sosnik, which indicates mobile AP. The mixed AP of Rus. soxd, soxu, s6xi is secondary. From PSI. soxa (sox(!) mob. AP 'forked branch; wooden plow' from PIE fwkHii 'forked branch'; Lith. saka 'branch' 4 AP (see Section o).


SC briida, briidu, briide or briidi 'beard' (Novi, Solta, Istra; lOR XIV 2,

228, RAD CCLXXII 149, SAW CL 531), brodii, brodu, brode (Brae; SDZ X 44), brdda, briidu, briide (Pocerje, Saptinovac; see SDZ II 3ll, RAD CLXV 34) and a permissible variant in the standard language briida, briidu, briide with leveling on the model of the accusative singular (Lepetane, Ozrinici, Prcanj; see FIL XIV 66, RE 94); Rus. borodd, b6rodu, b6rody (also in the 1703 Vedomosti; see V OV 40); Ukr. borodd, b6rodu, b6rody; Cz. brada, Slk. brada, USorb. broda, Pol. broda, Soc. brueda with short vowels. The mixed AP of SC brdda, brddu or briidu, briide (standard language, Piva; see SDZ X 230) is secondary, as is the oxytone AP of SC (dial.) brdda, brddil, brade, (Susak, HDZ I Ill), brdda, brddu, brdde (Plevlja; SDZ III 138). From PSI. borda (bord(!) mob. AP 'beard' from PIE bhordhli 'beard'; Lith. barzda 'beard' 4 AP in Donelaitis (ACD 41), in dialects (KSL), and in the standard language (KT GL 177, GL 92, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). 23

40. Slavic Nominals with Oxytone AP Corresponding to Proto-IndoEuropean Barytone Forms

SC lixa lixil fixe 'bed for cultivation' (Novi; lOR XIV 2, 226), lexa, lexu, /e~e (st~ndard language; PAY 17, BE P); Cz.licha, Pol. (dial.) lecha, licha from lha (KAR, SOR LXXIII 4, 113) with length; the mobile AP in SC (dial.) lehii, lehu, lehi (lstra; SAW CV 531) is secondary. From PSI. lexa (lex(!) ox. AP 'bed for cultivation' from PIE 16isii loosened earth'; Gmc.ldiso 'rut, furrow', OHG waganleisa 'wheel track', MHG Ieise 'track', OSax. waganlesa.24

Rus. vdovd, vdovu, vdovy 'widow' in documents of the seventeenth century (CHR 278, V OV 42) and in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century poetry (OBN II 384), vdovd, vdovu (vd6vy) in the modern language; Ukr. (dial.) vdovd, vdovu, vdovf;. From PSI. vidova (vidov(J) ox. AP 'widow' from PIE yidheyii 'widow'; Skt. (RV) vidhdvii 'widow'.

SC (dial.) balxa, balxil, balxe 'flea' (Susak: HDZ I Ill; cf. Ace. Sing. bohil in Lastovo, ASP VII 435), buhii, buhil, buhi (Istra; SAW CL 530), bUa, bUu, bite (Pievlja; SDZ III 137), bfd, bfu, (N. Timok; SDZ II 319); Rus. bloxd, bloxu (b/6xi); Ukr. (dial.) blyxd, blyxu, blyxf; (Transcarpathia; ZNT XXVII 27), usually bloxd, bloxu (bl6xy). Secondary variants: mixed AP in SC buxa, bUxu, bilxe (standard language; cf. bUa, buu, bile in Piva; SDZ X 227-8); mob. AP in SC (dial.) buhii, bilhu, bilhe or bilha, bilhu, bilhe, with generalization of the accentuation of the Ace. Sing.


(Dalmatia and the adjoining areas of Hercegovina and Montenegro; lOR XIV 2 and 226, FIL X.IV 28 and 67, SDZ X 44, III 47 and IX 67, RE 92), Rus. bloxd, b/6xu, b/6xi in dialects (VV 33) and in the Vostokov Grammar (BN 78). From PSI. b/iixa (b!ux(l) ox. AP 'flea' from PIE bhlusii 'flea'; Gk. psulla 'flea' from * s-bhlusii, Lith. blusa 'flea' 2 AP from

*bh/Usii (see Section 4).

SC (dial.) mag/a, mag/U, magle 'mist' (Novi, where mobile AP also occurs, and Hvar, Brae, Prcanj; see lOR XIV 2 and 226, FIL XIV 27, SDZ X 45, RE 90), mlgld, mlglu (N. Timok; SDZ II 397), mieglo, mzeg/U (Bednja; HDZ I 302), mag/a, maglr., magle (Dubrovnik; RE 89); oxytone AP is also indicated by the Ace. Sing. miglu in the Middle Bulgarian "Slovo poxval'noe Kirillu i Mefodiju" (LA 88, 50, 90, 9). Nominals with mobile AP in texts of this type have oxytone accent in the accusative singular; cf. zemljit, rukit, vodit, glavit, but zenu, sestru. The mobile AP in SC mag/a, maglu, magle (standard language, Plevlja, Pocerje, Zumberak; SDZ III 136-137 and II 310, ASP VI 354) is secondary. From PSI. mig/a (mlg/(1) ox. AP 'haze, mist' from PIE mighlii 'mist'; Gk. omikhle 'mist', Lith. mig/a 'mist' 2 AP in Dzuk dialects (usually 4

AP; see Section 4).

Rus. kosd, kosu, along with k6su (k6sy) 'scythe' (vs. kosd, k6su 'braid'; RLP); Ukr. (dial.) Nom. Plur. kusy (Peremysl'; ZNT XXXV-XXXVI 34). As a rule, the homonyms *kosa 'scythe' and *kosa 'braid', mob. AP, coalesced with respect to accentuation, so that the original oxytone accentuation for 'scythe' is reflected only in the ESI. data ( cf. ox. AP in SC dial. kosa, kosu, kose 'scythe; braid'; see Section 39). From PSI. kosa (kos(l) ox. AP 'scythe, curved blade' from PIE k6ksa 'bend; bent object'; Skt. kdk~ii 'armpit'. zs

Rus. certd, certu, certy 'line' (also in Derzhavin, OBN II 384). This word has been transferred to the barytone AP in SC c'ha, Ukr. certa (certd also occurs). From PSI. Clrta (Clrt(l) ox. AP from PIE kftii 'crack, fissure'; Skt. (RV) kftii, presumably meaning 'ravine, abyss' .26

SC kriipa, kriipu, kriipe or kriip'i (Novi, Istra; lOR XIV 2 and 228, SAW CL 533), krupa, krupu, krupe (standard language, P A V 18) 'light hail'; Rus. krupd, krupu (krupy) 'groats'; Ukr. krupd, krupu (krupy); Cz. kroupa 'hail stone', Slk. krupa 'grain', Plur. krupy 'groats' with length. From PSt krupa (krup(l) ox. AP 'groats, grain, hail stone' from PIE kr6upii


'something pulverized, broken up'; Gmc. *hriufo or *hriufon (fern.), southern Ger. rufe, riefe from OHG *riufa (cf. BBR 131) from *kreupa.27

SC osa, osu, ose 'wasp'; Rus. osd, osu (6sy); Ukr. osd, osu (6sy). Secondary mobile AP: SC (dial.) osa, osu, ose (Pocerje, Dubrovnik; SDZ II 310, RE 89), Rus. osd, 6su (Vostokov, BN 78), Ukr. (dial.) osd, 6su 6sy. From PSI. osa (os(l), ox. AP 'wasp' from PIE y6psii (with loss of initial !!-)from *y6bhsii 'wasp'; Lith. vapsa 'wasp' 2 AP in Zemaitis and eastern Aukstaitis areas (GL 93, OTR 229; 4 AP also occurs in the dialects), vapsva 2 AP and 4 AP (S LL, KAM, DLK; also 4 AP).

SC liika, liiku, luke or luk'i (Novi, Hvar, Istra; lOR XIV, 2 and 228, FIL XIV 28, SAW CL 533), luka, /Uku, lUke (standard language) 'harbor, piece of land at a river bend'; Rus. lukd, luku (luki) 'pommel; (dial.) bend, curve; flood plain'; Ukr. lukd, luku (luky) 'flood plain'; Cz. /ouka, Slk. luka, Pol. l(Jka, Snc. 16J!kii 'meadow' with long vowels. From PSI. h;ka (l(Jk(l) ox. AP 'bend, curve; meadow at a river bend' from PIE 16nkii 'bend, curve'; Lith. lanka 'flood plain, flood lands'; an original barytone AP is indicated by the accentuation of the Ill. Sing. lunkon, lunkiin in the eastern Aukstaitis areas of Kupiskis and Ciskodas (LM 414, BUG R); for the most part this word has been transferred to 4 AP in the dialects and in the standard language.

SC zvezda, zvezdu, zvezd'i (lstra; SAW CL 533), zvijezda, zvijezdu, zvijezde (Prcanj; RE 94), dzvezdd, dzvezdu (N. Timok; SDZ II 397), zv~zda, zvezdu, zvezde (standard language) 'star'; Rus. zvezdd, zvezdu (zvezdy),2s Ukr. zvizdd, zvizdu, zvizdy (Transcarpathia, Peremysl'; ZNT XXVII 27, XXV-XXXVI 4), usually zvizdd, zvizdu (zvizdy), cf. Nom. Plur. zvezdy (sixteenth-ce~tury texts, V OV 46); Sik. hviezda, Pol. (dial.) gvozda, gvazda from *gvezda (SOR LXXIII 4 and I13, KUC 40), Kashubian gwiOzda, Snc. gvjlzyzdii with long vowels. Secondary mobile AP: SC dial. zvezda, zvezdu, zvezde (Novi, lOR XIV, 2, 228), zvlezda, zvlezdu, zviezde (Susak, HDZ I, IIO), zvzezdo, zviezdu (Bednja, HDZ I, 310), zvizda, zvizdu with generalization of the accentuation of the accusative singular (Ostarije, RAD CLXXX I9), Cz. hvezda with short vowel. From PSI. gvezda (gvezd(l), ox. AP 'star' with dissimilation (g instead of g) from PIE gy6izdhii; OPrus. Ace. Sing. swaigstan 'radiance' with a long mark in the Enchiridium, Lith. zvaigzde; zvaigZde (secondary e-stern) 2 AP in Dauksa (I occurrence along with 7 forms having 4 AP, SK I07), in eastern Aukstaitis and eastern Dzuk dialects (DOR CCXXXVI, GL I04, LKK II


170, S LL); the variant with 4 AP is more usual in the dialects and in the standard language.

SC dial. mejii, mejil, meje (Rab; RAD CXVIII 32), mejii, mejil, meji (Istra, SAW CL 530) 'boundary'; Rus. mezd, mezu, mezi ( cf. also the Nom. Plur. mezi in the Ulozenie of 1649; V OV 42), Ukr. mezd, mezu, Plur. mezy (POG), dial. Plur. mezi (Transcarpathia; DZ I, table 22). Secondary transfer to mobile AP: SC meaa, medu, meae (standard language, Dubrovnik; RE 89) and Ukr. mezd, mezu, mezy. The antiquity of this variant is confirmed by seventeenth-century Russian documents (KIP 206). From PSI. medjii (medjv) ox. AP 'boundary' from PIE medhja 'middle; something located in the middle; boundary'; Lith. (dial.) mede 'large forest' 2 AP (S LL, NS, LKR, DLK) from *medijii (with a semantic change as in Lith. medzias; see-Section 15).

SC dial. creda, credu, crede (RSJ) 'turn, sequence'; Rus. ceredd, ceredu; Cz. po stride 'by turns', Slk. crieda, USorb. crj6da, Pol. trz6da, Snc. stfoyda 'herd', with long vowels. Secondary mobile AP: SC dial. credO., credu, credi (Istra; SAW CL 531), Rus. (dial.) ceredd, ceredu (OBN I, 274, cf. BN 82), Ukr. ceredd, ceredu, ceredy, Snc. stru(]da (LOR II 1113). From PSI. cerdii (cerd¢) ox. AP 'herd; row; turn' from PIE kerdha29

'row, file; turn'; OPrus. Ace. Sing. kerdan 'time' with length mark on the root vowel. 30

SC vlakii, vliikil, vliike or vliik'i 'lumber road' (Novi, Istra; lOR XIV, 2, 227, SAW CL 533), vldka, vldku, vldke (PAY 17); Pol. (dial.) wl6ka 'pasture' (KAR). The secondary barytone accent in Rus. (dial.) vol6ka and Ukr. vol6ka 'part of a field, measure of area' is a result of metatony in a-stems. From PSI. volka (volkv) ox. AP 'place where something is drawn, pulled' from PIE y6lka 'pulling; place for pulling'; Lith. valkii 'draught (in stove)' 2 AP (DLK).

OCz. cieva, Slk. cieva 'vessel, pipe' with long vowels. The short vowel in OCz. ceva is apparently secondary (possibly influenced by the !-stem cev); cf. Cz. ceva, where length may reflect the influence of the lost form *diva. From PSI. cevii (cevv) ox. AP 'pipe, bobbin' from PIE k6iyii 'pipe'; Lith. seivii 'bobbin, spool, spindle' 2 AP in western Aukstaitis and central Aukstaitis dialects of northern Lithuania (LKK III 101, KSL; 4 AP is usual in the dialects and in the standard language) from *keiya.31

Cz. pista 'pestle', Pol. (dial.) pidzda, piauzda 'hub' (KAR) (from *pidsta with secondary -zd-). From PSI. pestii (pest~) ox. AP 'pestle; hub' from


PIE p6istii 'tool for pounding, crushing'; Lith. piestii 'mortar' 2 AP (S LL; 4 AP also occurs). 32

41. Exceptions

From the list of exceptions one must exclude the comparison of Sl. *slugii (slug~) ox. AP 'servant' (SC dial. slugii, s/Ugil, sluge, Rus. slugd, slugu, slugi in texts, etc.) with Lith. slaugii 'care for a sick person, service' 4AP (S LL, LKR, DLK), because in the first case we have a nomen agentis and in the second case a nomen actionis.33

The following items constitute true exceptions to the distribution described above:

SC zemljii, zemlju, zemlje 'land, earth' (dialects without accent retraction, e.g., Novi, lOR XIV, 2, 226), zemlja, zemlju, zemlje; Big. p6 zemli, vii zemli, nd zemli in texts of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (LA OB 229, SBL 270); Rus. zemljd, zemlju, zemli in old Russian texts (CHU, SBL 269, cf. STU 25-26, CHR 280, VV 56, lAG 341, SOR LXVI 7, 6; V OV 41) as well as in Belorussian texts (V NI 155); Ukr. zemljd, zemlju, zemli (also in documents of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; V OV 45). From PSI. zemjii (zem]{J) mob. AP; the Slavic accentuation does not agree with the barytone accent of Lith. zeme 'birth' (2 AP in Dauksa, in the documents of Prussian Lithuania, everywhere in the dialects, and in the standard language). It can be assumed that the original oxytone AP was forced out at a rather early date by the Slavic mobile AP under the influence of the accentuation of the parallel !-stem *zemi (cf. Slk. zem 'earth') mob. AP (cf. Rus. ndzemi, 6bzemi, Big. dial. uzem 'in the earth'). Traces of the original accentuation are perhaps preserved in Russian documents of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; cf. Nom. Plur. zemli (lAG 738, U 1647, STU 26, CHR 280);34 ox. AP ziimljo, Ace. Sing. zamljil, Nom. Ace. Plur. ziimljii occurs in the Kajkavian dialect of the Bednja region (HDZ I 302), where the mobile AP of a-stems is, as a rule, preserved.35

sc dugii, dugu, duge (Prcanj, RE 94), duga, dugu, duge (standard language) 'rainbow'; Rus. dugd, dugu, dugi in texts of the sixteenth through the eighteenth centuries (OV II 149, VV 34, OBN II 381), dugd, dugu (dugi); Ukr. duhd, duhU, (duhy); Slk. duha 'rainbow; hoop', Pol. (dial.) dqga 'stave' (KAR). The secondary variant *d{Jga with barytone AP and metatony should probably be considered ancient; cf. SC duga 'hook', Cz. douha along with duha (the variant with length is preserved in south-


ern Bohemia, wherl? acute length is preserved most consistently; see VOR 28, table 5a), Pol. d~ga 'stave; rainbow'.

From PSI. d(Jga (d(JgM ox. AP 'arc, hoop; rainbow'; this accentuation does not agree with the mobile AP of Lith. danga 'covering, cover, clothing; (dial.) wattle around haymow' 4 AP (KT LD, S LR, NS, LKR, DLK).ss

Masculine 0-Stems


Masculine o-stems with short roots in Slavic fall into the mobile and oxytone accentual classes. Within the mobile AP all singular case forms, the nominative plural, accusative plural, and nominative-accusative dual have barytone accent with falling intonation. In the oxytone AP the nominative singular, genitive plural, locative plural, and instrumental plural have barytone accent with neoacute tone on the root. In these latter cases barytone accent arose as the result of accent shift from final reduced vowels (Nom. Sing. *p6pu from *popli), from internal circumflex long vowels (Loc. Plur. *popexu from *pophu), and, probably, from final long vowels (Inst. Plur. *popy from *popy; cf. SC dial. krovi, bresti, Slk. k(mji, Rus. sk6ty, p/6dy in old texts (cf. ST 71); length in the ending is indicated by Sln. z bogi, Snc. dqbt, Cz. dial. chlapy).

Evidence for the contrast of two accentual paradigms comes from all of the South Slavic and East Slavic languages. The original accentual curve of both paradigms is essentially retained in SC and in the East Slavic languages (cf. SC gliis, gliisa, Rus. g6/os, g6/osa vs. SC dial. stit, stlta, Rus. stit, stita). In Slovenian, as a result of accent retraction from final syllables to a long vowel (everywhere in the language) or to a short syllable (with the exception of a number of northern dialects) oxytone AP has been transformed into a columnar barytone AP with rising tone on the root; but in the mobile AP falling tone has been shifted to the end of the word (Sin. gliis, glasii from *goi sa vs. br~st from *her stu,

bresta from *bersta). Accent retraction from final syllables also took pl~ce in Bulgarian, so that in the texts of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries originally oxytone nominals have a columnar barytone AP, as opposed to the mobile AP (cf. Pis'm.: Inst. Sing. prftstomi vs. muzemi, Dat. Plur. rabom vs. grad6m, vek6m, etc.); this contrast shows up in Modern Bulgarian: old oxytone nominals, unlike nominals with mobile

•.;;


AP, have, as a rule, accent on the stem in the definite form (prftstut, r6but vs. muzftt, gradftt, vekilt). In the West Slavic languages the opposition of two accentual paradigms can be reconstructed, as in the case of a-stems, only for words with Slavic long vowels in the root: length has been retained in nominals with the old oxytone accent and has been shortened in the mobile AP (cf. Cz. dfin vs. hlas). Judging from Slovincian and Polabian data, the oxytone paradigm here was transformed into a barytone paradigm as the result of accent retraction to long syllables. In the nominative-accusative singular of the mobile AP, lengthening of the vowel under falling accent took place in nouns having short or reduced vowels in the root (SC bOg, boga, Sin. b{jg), while in the nominative-accusative singular of the oxytone AP the rising tone which developed as a result of accent retraction was transformed into a falling tone after the lengthening process had taken place (SC pop, papa from *popa, Sin. pop).37 Russian dialects and texts showing a contrast of two varieties of the vowel fof provide evidence for the opposition of two accentual paradigms in the nominative-accusative singular when the root contains one of these vowels: in the oxytone AP we find a closed /of, which arose under neoacute tone, while in the mobile AP we find an open/ of ( cf. Rjazan' pop vs. bog); a similar opposition is found in Slovak dialects (Slk. bOb vs. boh).

In examining the Slavic masculine nouns which are reflexes of ProtoIndo-European masculines, we find that they have, for the most part, mobile AP, without regard to the AP of the corresponding words in other Indo-European languages, mobile-oxytone AP or barytone AP.

43. Slavic Nominals with Mobile AP Corresponding to Proto-IndoEuropean Forms with Mobile-Oxytone AP

SC sok, soka 'juice'; Sln. s{jk; Big. (dial.) sok'e (Teteven; SNU XXXI 81), suk6 (Suxo; MKI II 105); Rus. sok, s6ka, Rus. (dial.) sok (Sudogda), sokii (Sofijskij sbornik, sixteenth century, lOR XVIII 4 and 215, VV 25); BRos. sok, s6ku; Ukr. sik, s6ku; Slk. sok. Secondary formations: SC (dial.) sok, soka (Pocerje; SDZ II 328, 329), Big. s6kut. From PSI. soku (soka) mob. AP 'juice' from PIE syok¥6s 'sap'; Gk. op6s 'fermenting juice' from *hop6s, Lith. sakai (Plur.) 'pitch, tar' 4 AP (see Section 10).

SC vliik, vliika 'portage'; Sin. vliik; Big. (dial.) vlakil (Vidin, SBN XIX 14), vlak'~ (Teteven, SBN XXXI 80) 'seine' ;38 Rus. v6/ok, v6/oka 'por-


tage'; BRos. valak, valaku; Ukr. valok, valoka; Cz. vlak 'type of net',39

Slk. vlak, Pol. wlok; also a secondary wlak, Soc. vluok with short vowels. From PSI. voiku (voika) mob. AP 'seine' from PIE yolkas 'some-thing for stretching, pulling'; Gk. ho/kas 'windlass', holkoi (Plur.), 'reins' from *syolkas (with s-mobile), Lith. vaikas 'support for drying kins' 4 AP (see Section 10) from *yolkas.

SC mex, mexa 'fur'; Sin. m~h; Big. mexiit; cf. vi mcexy in the fourteenthcentury Gospels (LA OB 228); Ros. mex, mexa; BRos. mex, mexa; Ukr. mix, mixa; Cz. mech, Slk. mech, Soc. mjh;x with short vowels. The oxytone accent in BRos. mex, mjaxd is secondary. From PSI. mhu (mha) mob. AP 'fur; sack; bellows' from PIE moisas 'sheep hide with wool; skin bag'; Skt. (RV) me~ds 'ram', Lith. maisas 'sack' 4 AP (also I AP); see Section 10.

SC mig, miga 'moment, instant'; Sin. mig; Big. migut; Ros. mig, miga; BRos. mih, mihu Cz. mih, Slk. mih with short vowels. From PSI. migu (miga) mob. AP 'twinkling, instant' from PIE meighas 'something cloudy, unclear'; Skt. (RV) meghds 'cloud', Lith. miegas 'sleep' 4 AP (see Section 10).

SC gliis, gliisa 'voice'; Sin. gliis; Big. glasiit; cf. also the following forms from old texts (LA OB 219, lAG 461, MIL 17): glasaml, glasam, pa glasu, glasttl, glasat; Ros. gatos, galosa; BRos. halas, halasu; Ukr. halos, halosa; Cz. hlas,4o Slk. hlas, USorb. (hlas), hlosa, Pol. glos, Soc. gluf!S with short vowels. From PSI. golsu (goisa) mob. AP 'voice' from PIE golsas 'shout, voice'; Gmc. *kalzd (neut.), ON kall (neut.) 'call' from *go/sam.

BRos. rux, ruxu; Ukr. rux, ruxu 'movement; bustle'; Cz. ruch, Slk. ruch, East Slovincian rax with short vowels. From PSI. ruxu (ruxa) mob. AP 'disorderly movement' from PIE rousas 'disorder; conglomeration'; Gmc. *rauzdz, ON reyrr 'pile of stones'.

SC strup, strupa; Sin. strup 'poison'; Ros. strup, strupa 'scab'; BRos. strup, strupa; Ukr. strup, strupa; Cz. strup, Soc. strap with short vowels. The shift to oxytone AP of BRos. strup, strupd is secondary (LOB 67). From PSI. strupu (strupa) mob. AP 'scab, poisonous abcess' from PIE sroupas 'something disrupted, seized by force; trace of disruption, illness'; Gmc. *rauodz, OHG roub 'robbery, loot', Lith. raupai (Plur.) 'smallpox' 4 AP (see Section 10) from *roup6s (variant without mobiles).

----~~~~~~---- ------


SC duh, duha 'spirit' (Dubrovnik: RAD CXXXVI 228; this accentuation is also permissible in the standard language: RSJ; also in RFV XXXIV 91, RAD CXCIV 52); Sin. diih; Big. duxut (cf. also the following forms in older texts: dXam; LA OB 219; duxltl, duxotii; LA OB 218, MIL 17); Ros. dux, duxa ( cf. in OV I 84 the following forms in old texts: bez duxa, nd dXa); BRos. dux, duxu; Ukr. dux, duxu; Cz. duch, Slk. duch with short vowels. Secondary accentuation: SC dux, duxa, actually du, dua with shortening of the vowel in hiatus from *dUh, duha (cf. SC duh, duha from *duh, diiha); this accentuation, as well as Soc. diix, ditxa with length, is probably to be explained by the influence of prefixed derivatives. From PSI. duxii (duxa) mob. AP 'breathing; odor'

from PIE dhousas 'breathing'; Gmc. *deuzd (neut.) 'wild animal, breathing creature' (Goth. Dat. Plur. diuzam, ON dyr, OHG tior, OSax. dior, OFris. diar, OE deor) from *dheusam.

SC xOd, xOda 'run, speed'; Big. odo (Blagoevgrad, Bobosevo; ISSF I 186, SBN XLII 20), odii (Lorn; SBN XXXVIII 32), xod~ (Teteven; SBN XXXI 81); Ros. xod, x6da, Ros. (dial.) xod (Rjazan': VV 26, lOR XVIII 4, 181), iz xodu in the Ulozenie of 1649 (VV 28); BRos. xod, x6du; Ukr. xid, xadu; Slk. chod. The influence of the accentuation of prefixed derivatives (of the type vhOd, vh#a) is reflected in Sin. hOd, h6da, h~d (instead of the expected *h(jd; cf. L.A. Bulaxovskij, "Akcentologiceskie Etjudy," FIL, IV, p. 147). From PSI. xodu (xOda) mob. AP 'run' from PIE sodas 'run, path' ;41 Gk. hod as (fern.) 'path'.

Ros. gorn, garna, Loc. Sing. v gornu 'hearth'; BRos. haran, harna. From PSI. gurnu (gurna) mob. AP 'hearth from PIE ghrnas 'something hot; heat'; Skt. (R V) ghriJaS 'heat'. Latin preserves a meaning identical to the Slavic one infornus 'stove'.

SC tok, taka 'current'; Sin. t(jk (dial.; RAD XLV 66); Big. toklti in the Tixonravov Sbornik of the seventeenth century (LA OB 218); Ros. tok, taka, Ros. (dial.) tok (Rjazan'; IRO XVIII, 4, 180; VV26), mi tok(VV28); BRos. tok, taka; Ukr. tik, taku; Slk. tok. The following oxytone accents are secondary: Sin. tbk, t(?ka, BRos. tok, taka (LOB 67), Ukr. (dial.) tik, tokd (ASP VII 331). From PSI. toku (taka) mob. AP 'current, running' from PIE tokYas 'running, current; place where people run'; Lith. tiikas 'path' 4 AP in old texts (SK 35, HAA), dialects (LKK III 62, KSL), and in the standard language (KT GL 152, GL 87, JAB I 71, S LL, KAM,


BUT, LKR, DLK). Original masculine gender is confirmed by A vest. taka(masc.) 'flow of liquid' from tekYos.

SC drug, druga 'friend' (cf. also 6t druga in Krizani6, RFV XXXIV 119); Sin. drug; Rus. drug, drug a ( cf. also so drug om in older texts, VV 56); BRos. druh, druha; Ukr. druh, druha; Cz. druh, Slk. druh with short vowels. From PSI. drugu (druga) mob. AP 'friend' from PIE dhrough6s 'friend'; Lith. drailgas 'friend'. 4 AP in old texts (SK 34, ACD 17), in dialects (LM 107, KSL), and in the standard language (KT GL !52, GL 86, S LL, KAM, NS, DLK).42 Original masculine gender is confirmed by Gmc. *drau3az,

ON draugr 'husband'.

SC vriin, vriina 'raven'; Sin. vriin; Big. (dial.) vraniit (VAS I 228); Rus. v6ron, v6rona; Ukr. v6ron, v6rona; Cz. vran with short vowel. From PSI. vornu (varna) mob. AP 'raven' from PIE yorn6s 'raven'; Lith. vafnas 4 AP in old texts (SK 35, ACD 21) and in the standard language (KT GL 153, S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK). Original masculine gender in Baltic is confirmed by OPrus. Warnis (EV 721) 'raven'.

SC plen,plena 'booty, loot'; S!n.pl?n; Big. (dial.) plena (Bobosevo; SBN XLII 20),plen~ (Teteven; SBN XXXI 81); Cz.plen, Slk. plen with short vowels. Evidence for mobile AP of the base word comes from the accent of the derived verb in Rus.: polonis', polonit. A secondary transfer to the oxytone type is found in Rus. pol on, pol6na ( cf. Gen. Sing. polonu in the Vedomosti of 1703; OBN I 128), BRos. pal on, pal6nu, Ukr. pol on, pol6nu (the accent of the oblique cases has been leveled on the pattern of the nominative singular). From PSI. peinu (peina) mob. AP 'booty, loot; captivity' from PIE peln6s 'something seized, obtained'; Lith. pelnas 'profit, earnings' 4 AP (KT GL 152, GL 87, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK). Original masculine gender is indicated by Skt. pa!Jas (from *paf!Jas) 'promised

reward, pledge'.

SC tur, tura 'wild bull' (SIM 37); Sin. tur; Rus. tur, tura; Ukr. tur, tura;

Cz. tur, Slk. tur with short vowels. From PSI. turu (tura) mob. AP 'wild bull' from PIE touros 'wild bull'; Lith. tauras 'wild bull' 4 AP (S LL, KAM,

LKR, DLK).43

Rus. k6rob, k6roba, dial. iz koroba (VV 29) from PSI korbu (korba) mob. AP 'basket' from PIE korbh6s 'basket'; Lith. (dial.) kafbas 'basket' 4 AP (LK). Original masculine gender in Baltic is indicated by Finn. karpas

'basket'.


44. Slavic Nominals with Mobile AP Corresponding to Proto-IndoEuropean Barytone Forms

SC zub, zuba; Sin. z~b; Big. zubUt; Rus. zub, zuba (cf. also Ace. Plur. zuby in sixteenth-century documents; KIP 22, 27); Ukr. zub, zubu; Cz. zub, Slk. zub, Pol. (z{lb), z~bu, Snc. (zJ!fb), zijbit with short vowels. From PSI. z~bu (z~ba) mob. AP 'tooth' from PIE g6nbhos 'protruding edge, tooth,' Skt. (R V) jdmbhas 'tooth', Gk. g6mphos 'nail, thorn', Lith. zambas 'edge, border; hem of a garment' 2 AP along with 4 AP (see Section 9).

SC voz, voza 'cart' (cf. also Nd vozu in Krizani6; RFV XXXIV 119); Sin. v{Jz, Rus. voz, v6za, dial. voz (Rjazan', Sudogda: VV 26, lOR XVIII 4, 21). (cf. nd vozy in the Simeonovskij Chronicle of the sixteenth-century, dial. p6 vozu; VV 27); BRos. voz, v6za; Ukr. viz, v6za; Slk. voz. From PSI. vozu (voza), mob. AP 'vehicle, cart' from PIE y6ghos 'vehicle' Gk. 6khos (more often Plur. 6khoi) 'vehicle'.

SC (dial.) vecer (Hvar; see FILXIV 30) 'evening', cf. podvecer (Novi; see lOR XIV 2, 211); Slov. vecer (from *veceru); Rus. vecer, vecera,p6d vecer {cf. d6vecera in the documents of the sixteenth century; OV I 81, VV 56); BRos. vecar, vecera; Ukr. vecir, vecera.44

From PSI. veceru (vee era) mob. AP 'evening' from PIE yekYeros

'evening'; Gk. hesperos 'evening' from *yeskYeros, Lith. vakaras 'evening' 1 AP in texts and dialects (usually 3 AP) from *y6kYoros (see Section 9).

SC (dial.) vliis, vliisa (Novi, Piperi; see IORXIV 2 and 209, SDZ X 75) 'hair', vlos, v/Osa (Hvar, Brae, FIL XIV 18, SDZ X 75), liios, liiosa (Bednja, HDZ I 297); Slov./iis, dial. vliis; Big. (dial.) vlas6 (G. Dzumaja,; ISSF I 186), vias~ (Teteven; SNU XXXI 80), vlasoat (Smoljan; RN IV, 3, 99); Rus. v6los, v6losa, zd volosy; BRos. v6las, v6lasa; Ukr. v6los, v6losa; Cz. vias, Slk. vias, USorb. (wl6s), wlosa, Pol. wlos, Snc. v[uf!S with short vowels. From PSI. voisu (voisa) mob. AP 'hair' from PIE y6lkos 'hair; sprout'; Skt. (TS) vd!Sas 'sprout; branch'.

SC crep, crepa 'crock; tile'; Sin. crep; Big. crep6 (Samkov; liB IV 270);

Rus. cerep, cerepa 'skull'; BRos. cerap, cerapa; Ukr. cerep, cerepa; Cz. stfep, trep, Slk. crep, USorb. (crop), cropa (see DYB) with short vowels. From PSI. cefpu (cefpa), mob. AP 'crock, fragment; skull from PIE kYerpos 'skull; crock'; Gmc. *hwerfaz, OHG were/, (masc.) 'skull'.

SC vuk, vuka 'wolf'; Sin. volk; Big. vulkiit (cf. v'ilkit in the Tixoronov Sbornik of the seventeenth century, LA OB 135); Rus. volk, v6lka (cf. nd


volka, nd volki in the 1647 Sbornik, VV 121); BRos. vouk, v6uka, Ukr. vovk, v6vka; Slk. vlk, Soc. veuk with short vowels. This word has been transferred into the oxytone AP in the Russian dialect forms volk, volkd, and in BRos. vouk, vaukd. From PSI. vriku (viika) mob. AP 'wolf' from PIE yfkYos 'wolf'; Skt. (RV) vfkas 'wolf', Gk.!Ukos 'wolf' {Lith. vilkas has 4 AP with no traces of barytone accent; see. Section II).

Big. sunut 'sleep', dial. siinu (Vidin; see SBN XIX 14), sand (Botevgrad; SBN XXXVIII 8), son6 (Bobosevo; SBN XLII 20), siin6 (Sumen; MIL OB 102), san6 (Suxo; MKI II 105; cf. also sun6tu in eighteenth-century texts; MIL 18). In Serbo-Croatian and Slovenian this item has been transferred into the oxytone AP: SC san, sna, Sin. sen, sna; this transfer is quite understandable, if one takes into account the fact that the oblique case forms *siina, siinu, etc. were accented on the ending-*sna, *snu, etc.-after reduced vowels were lost; these forms were responsible for the appearance of the Nom. Sing. *siin without lengthening (cf., on the other hand, Nom. san in the Kosovo region, where disyllabic forms of the oblique cases were introduced by analogy: sana, sanu, etc., see ELZ II 200). From PSI. siinu (siina) mob. AP 'sleep' from PIE supnos 'sleep', Gk. hUpnos 'sleep'.

SC lflk, /Uka 'bow'; Sin. l~k 'arc; rainbow'; Big. /Ukut (PSK, PR); Ros. luk, !Uka 'bow' (cf. iz luka in older texts; KP WR 85, BURL 71) BRos. luk, luka; Ukr.luk, luka; Cz.luk 'bow, hoop', Slk./uk, Pol. Irk 'bend' with short vowels. The oxytone accent of SC dial. lflk, !Uka (eastern Herzegovina, SDZ X 41) is secondary. From PSI. l~ku (l~ka) 'hoop, arc; bow' from PIE /6nkos 'something bent'; Lith.lafzkas 'barrel hoop, arc; bend', originally 2 AP, judging by the Illative Sing. form lufzkan from *lafzkana in the Southeastern Dzuk dialect (AR 32) along with the more usual 4 AP in dialects and in the standard language (cf. R DL); barytone accent is also indicated by Gmc. *ldnhan (neut.) 'strap,' OE sceaftlo, Plur. maestlon, which is probably a variant of the o-stem *lonkom. Original masculine gender in-Baltic is confirmed by OPros. Lunkis (EV 199) 'corner' (probably for *Lankis).

SC (dial.) grom, groma 'thunder' (Novi, Hvar, Lepetane, Prcanj, Piva, Plevlja, Senj; see lOR XIV, 2, 209, FIL XIV 71 and 77, RE 62, SDZ X 198); Sin. gri)m; Ros. grom. gr6ma, dial. (Rjazan') grom, gr6mu in older texts (lOR XVIII 4, 18, VV 24--26; cf. gromi in CHU, KP 22); 6t gromu, 6 gromex (VV 27); BRos. hrom, hr6mu; Ukr, hrim, hr6mu; Slk.


hrom. Secondary oxytone: SC dial. grom, groma (Pocerje, SDZ II 317, RIS 116); cf. the contamination of the two paradigms in the standard language: grom, groma; Sin. dial. (Dolenjsko) gram, gr6ma (Plet.); Big. dial. gr6ma (Teteven; SNU XXXI 80). From PSI. gromu (groma) mob. AP 'thunder' from PIE ghr6mos 'crash, din'; cf. Hesychius khr6mos · ps6phos poi6s 'some kind of sound' (HAL IV 298).

SC lOg, toga 'lair, den; riverbed'; Ros. log, l6ga 'ravine'; BRos. loh, /6ha. From PSI./Ogu, toga mob. AP 'lair, den; riverbed, ravine' from PIE /6ghos 'place for lying down'; Gk. /6khos 'ambush'.

SC goj, goja 'peace'; Slk. (archaic) hoj 'sufficiency, abundance'.45 From PSI. goji (goja) mob. AP 'abundance, peaceful life' from PIE g6iHos 'life, dwelling'; Skt. (RV) gdyas 'house and family, housekeeping'.

SC bOd, bOda 'prick, stitch'; Big. dial. budu (Cesnegirovo; see SNU XIX 432), bodd (Botevgrad; SNU XXXVIII 8), bod~ (Teteven; SNU XXXI 79), bod6 (Sumen) 'thorn, prickle'; Slk. bod 'prick'. Sin. b~d with the vowel /Q/ probably reflects the influence of the accentuation of prefixed derivatives. From PSI. bOdu (bOda) mob. AP 'prick' from PIE bh6dhos 'prick; pressure'; Skt. btidhas 'pressure, force', Lith. biidas 'hunger' ( originally, perhaps, 'colic'} 2 AP in old texts (usually 4 AP); see Section 11.

SC bOg, bOga 'God'; Sin. bi)g; Big. bog~ (Teteven; SNU XXXI 80);46 Ros. bog, b6ga, dial. (Rjazan') bog, bog in the Sofijskij Sbornik of the sixteenth century: see VV 26 and 24 ( cf. nd boga, nd bogy, p6 boze in sixteenth-century documents; VV 27, OV II 15); BRos. boh, b6ha; Ukr.

bih, b6ha; Slk. boh. From PSI. bOgu (bOga) mob. AP 'God' from PIE bh6gos 'distributor of blessings, God'; Skt. (RV) bhdgas 'distributor of blessings, Lord'.

SC cep, cepa 'flail'; Sin. c~p; Ros. cep, cepa; BRos. cep, cepa; Ukr. cip, cipa; Cz. cep, Slk. cep, Soc. cl~pi:i (Plur.) with short vowels. Secondary: Ros. cep, cepd is secondary (SED 101). From PSI. c~pu (c~pa) mob. AP 'flail' from PIE k6ipos 'something split, .broken up'; gloss of Hesychius skoipos · he eksokM ton ksUlon, eph' hOn eisin hoi keramoi 'beam holding up a tile roof' (HAL IV 47).

SC (dial.) prh, prha 'coal dust' (ZN XXXIX 401); Sin. prh 'dust from fine earth'. From PSI. pirxi1 (pirxa) mob. AP 'dust' from PIE pfsos 'fine particles'; Gmc. *fursaz, ON fors (masc.) 'waterfall', originally 'spray'.


SC rog, roga 'horn'; Sin. rl)g_; Big. rogilt (cf. rogo, eighteenth-century text, MIL 17); Rus. rog, roga, dial. (Rjazan', Tot'ma) rog, rogii in the sixteenth century, VV 25-26 (cf. zd rogi in dialects and po rogu, do raga in old texts; VV 26); BRus. roh, roha; Ukr. rih, roha; Slk. roh. The oxytone accent in Ukr. (dial.) ruoh, rohd and BRus. {dial.) roh, raha is secondary (KP 83). From PSI. rogii (roga) mob. AP 'horn' from PIE rogos 'horn'; Lith. riigas 'horn' has 2 AP in some old documents (M DL, PVG 607, NES) and, in all probability, in the southeastern Dzuk dialect (AR 9) but 4 AP in other old texts (SK 34, B 1735, B 1755, R DL, ACD 17), in most of the modern dialects, and in the standard language. Original masculine gender in Baltic is confirmed by OPrus. Ragis 'horn' (EV 705).

SC sneg, snega 'snow'; Sin. sn~g; Big. snegilt; Rus. sneg, snega; BRus. sneh, snehu; Ukr. snih, snthu; Cz. (snih), snehu, Slk. sneh, Soc. (sneg), snif}.git with short vowels. The oxytone accent of Ukr. (dial.) snih, snihd is secondary (ASP VII 334). From PSI. sn~gii (sn~ga) mob. AP 'snow' from PIE snotguos 'snow'; Lith. sniegas 'snow' has 2 AP in a northwestern Zemaitis dialect (cf. LM 333), but 4 AP is more usual in the dialects and in the standard language. Original masculine gender in Baltic is confirmed by OPrus. Snaygis (EV 55) 'snow' (cf. masc. Gmc. *snai!Jwaz 'snow', Gothic snaiws).

SC grad, griida 'city' (cf. nd grad, ob grad in Krizanic; RFV XXXIV 119); Sin. griid; Big. gradilt (cf. vil grad:e, kt gradu, Dat. Plur. gradom (lAG 410, 429, 405), gradta, gradot in old texts (LA OB 218, MIL 17); Rus. gorod, goroda (cf. do goroda, pod gorodom, nd gorode in sixteenthand seventeenth-century texts; VV 29); BRus. horad, horada, Ukr. horod, h6roda; Cz. hrad, Slk. hrad, USorb. (hr6d), hroda, Pol. (gr6d), grodu with short vowels. From PSI. gordii, (gorda) mob. AP 'enclosed fortified place' from PIE gh6rdhos 'enclosed place' ;47 Lith. gardas 'animal pen, part of a shed' 2 AP in old texts (SK 137) and dialects (KSL) along with the more usual 4 AP. Original masculine gender is confirmed by Gmc. !Jardaz, Gothic garps 'courtyard, house'.

45. Exceptions

In a number of cases the exceptions are only apparent. Thus, PSI. kptii (k(Jtti) ox. AP 'corner, shelter' (SC dial. kilt, kutii, Sin. kpt, Big. kiltut, Rus. dial. kut, kutd, etc.) probably cannot be compared with Gk.


kanth6s 'corner of the eye'4B with th from *dh. PSI. drozdu, which is found with oxytone AP (SC dial. drezd, dn?zda-Prigorje: see RAD CXV 100; Big. dr6zdut, Rus. dr6zd, drozdd), along with mobile AP (SC drozd, drozda from *drozda, Rus. drozd in dialects having a contrast of high-mid and low-mid back vowel, Ukr. drizd, drozda), apparently does not reflect an o-stem, i.e., Gk. strouth6s 'sparrow', Lith. striizdas 'thrush' (4 AP), but au-stem, i.e., Gmc. *Prastuz, ON prpstr 'thrush'. The oxytone accent of SC pas, psa, Sin pes, psa ( cf. Skt. pisas 'a type of deer'; see BOH-R IV 728) must be explained in the same way as the comparable accentuation of Sl. *siinii (see Section 44); the forms *psa, psu, etc. arose phonetically after the loss of reduced vowels in *p¥sa, p¥su.

A number of true exceptions are probably connected with the Slavic development of barytone neuter, o-stems. These cases will be examined below (Section 52).

46. The Coalescence of the Two Accentual Paradigms of Masculine 0-Stems in Slavic

The coalescence of the two accentual paradigms of o-stems into the mobile AP is not a Balto-Slavic process, as Kurylowicz argues; but rather a purely Slavic process: in Sections 8-10 above it was shown that the contrast of the two paradigms is still maintained in Lithuanian. The Slavic mobile AP has columnar barytone accent in the singular, 49 and this circumstance is unquestionably responsible for its coalescence with the barytone AP: since the singular set *sokii, soka, soku, soku, sokoml, soce was identical with the singular set *vozii, voza, vozu, vozii, vozomi, voze, the word with barytone AP was transferred into the mobile AP (*do voza like *do soka, Dat. Plur. *vozomu like sokomu, etc.).

It can be assumed that originally the coalescence of the two paradigms in Slavic was only partial. There seems to be some evidence for this in the data from Serbo-Croatian dialects from the island of Susak in northeastern !stria. In the Susak dialect a number of masculine o-stems (corresponding with mobile AP in all other Serbo-Crotian dialects) have an unusual accentual paradigm with oxytone accent in the oblique cases of the singular; 50 in the Cakavian dialects of Istria certain nominals of the same class have parallel oxytone forms in a number of cases. 51 As a rule, this accentuation is found in nominals which have barytone correspondences in other Indo-European languages; reflexes of oxytone forms in these dialects have the usual mobile AP. Compare the following sets :52


Proto-Indo-European Barytone Proto-Indo-European Mobile-AP Oxytone AP

zup zubli rlas rlasa rrat rrada glas glasa (lstra) grad grad a (Istra) m1x m1xa rYox rorii meh meha (lstra) Iuk Iuka (Istra) xYot xoda sneg snega (Istra) hOd hOda (lstra) cep cepl Pl. (lstra) plen plena (Istra) vliis vias! Pl. (lstra)53

In this case, then, oxytone accent is the reflex of an original barytone accent, as was pointed out for a-stems. The peculiarity of o-stems apparently consists in the fact that oxytone forms were optional and were preserved only as relics in certain peripheral dialects.

Neuter 0-Stems


There is in Slavic an opposition of two paradigms for neuter o-stems having short roots: (I) A paradigm with columnar oxytone accent in the singular and in the plural with the exception of locative plural and nominative-accusative plural; in these latter forms there is a neoacute tone on a long root syllable (') or on a short syllable ('). In the nominative-accusative data from SC dialects and from the East Slavic languages point to the existence of parallel forms with oxytone accent (cf. Rus. vorota along with vorotd); in view of the fact that accent retraction from an internal circumflex syllable must be set up for the locative plural (*vorthii to *vortexii; cf. ST p. 83), and that accent retraction can be set up for the nominativeaccusative plural in connection with length in the ending -a (e.g., SC dial. nebesii, Sin. de/a from *d~la, and Slk. brdd, slovesd),54 columnar oxytone accent can be reconstructed for the plural as well as for the singular. (2) A mobile AP with accent shift to enclitics and proclitics ( cf. Rus. more, nd more), with oxytone accent in the nominative-accusative plural (Rus. morjd).

The contrast between these two paradigms is well preserved in SerboCroatian, Sin. and in the East Slavic languages; it is found in the West


Slavic languages in items containing Slavic long vowels in the root (length is retained in the oxytone class and lost in the mobile class); the two paradigms have been almost totally merged in Bulgarian dialects.

In analyzing the Indo-European correspondences of Slavic neuter nominals with short roots one finds that these correspondences contain as a rule only nominals with oxytone AP: they correspond to IndoEuropean forms with columnar oxytone accent in the singular and barytone in the plural. Indo-European neuter forms with barytone accent in the singular, as will be demonstrated below, have been transferred into the masculine class in Slavic.

48. Slavic Neuter with Oxytone AP Corresponding to Proto-Indo-European Oxytone (Singular) Forms

SC pero, Plur. pera 'feather' (Hvar, Susak; see FIL XIV 54, HDZ I 171), pero, Plur. pera (Novi; see lOR XIV 2, 221), pero, pera (Eastern Hercegovina), pero, pera (standard language); Sin. p~r9, p~ra;5s Rus. pero; BRos. pjaro, pery; Ukr. pero, Plur. pera and perd (dial.). From PSI. pero (Plur. perdfpera) ox. AP 'feather' from PIE pterom or perom 'feather; wing'; Gk. pteron 'feather, wing'. 56

SC gnizdo, Plur. gnizda 'nest' (Hvar, Brae; FIL XIV 24, SDZ X 42), gniezde, Plur. gnjiezdo (Bednja; HDZ I 299), gnezdo, gnezda (standard language); Sin. gn~zd9, gn~zda; Rus. gnezdo, gnezda; BRos. hnjazdo, hnezdy; Ukr. hnizdo, hnizda (and Nom. Plur. gnezda in the Ostrozskij Bible of the sixteenth century; see V OV 55); OCz. hniezdo, Cz. hnizdo, Slk. hniezdo, Pol. (dial.) gnidzdo, gnozdo (KAR, SO R LXXVIII, 4, 113,

KUC 83) Soc. gnii!Jzde with long vowels. From PSI. gnezdo (Plur. gnezddfgn~zda) ox. AP 'nest', with an irregular initial, from PIE nisdom 'nest'; Skt. (RV) nidd- (masc. or neut.) 'resting place for cattle; nest'. Lith. lizdas 'nest' 4 AP (see Section 16).

SC (dia!.)jadre, Plur.jadro 'kernel' (Bednja; HDZ I 299); Sln.jedr9, Plur. jedra; Rus. jadro, jddra; BRos. jadro, jtidry; Cz. jtidro, Pol. jgdro,

Soc. ji'n;dre with long vowels. 57 From PSI . .ifdro, Plur. j~drdfNdra ox. AP 'kernel, seed' from PIE endrom 'kernel, seed'; Skt. (RV) d1J¢dm 'testicle' from andrdm.

Rus. nutro; 'viscera'; BRos. nutro; Ukr. nutro. From PSI. gtro ox. AP 'viscera, womb' from PIE ontrom 'viscera'; Skt. (RV) antrdm 'viscera'.

Rus. (dial.) silo (DAL) 'noose, loop', BRos. silo, Plur. sily, Ukr. sylo in


the Berynda dictionary (V UN 11); Slk. osidlo (the initial o is secondary) with long vowel; the accentuation of Rus. (dial.) silo and Ukr. sy!o is secondary. From PSI. sidla ox. AP 'noose, loop' from PIE seidh/6m 'something for tying'; Gmc. *saila 'string', OHG seil (neut.), OSax. sel, with simplification of the geminate after long syllable from *sail/a from *said/a from soidhl6m.5s

Ukr. horn6 'furnace'. 59 From PSI. giirna ox. AP 'furnace, coals' from PIE ghrnom 'something burning, burning hot'; Skt. (R V) ghp:zas 'heat' from *ghrnos.

SC dno, Plur. dna 'bottom' (cf. na dno, za dno from *na dno, etc., without accent shift to proclitics); Sin. dna; Rus. dno, do dna; Ukr. dno. The accentuation of SC (dial.) dano is secondary (Posavina, also see RAD CXCVI 254, CXCIV 52), probably taken from the Nom.-Acc. Plur. *dana from dfina, cf. Sin. (dial.) Nom. Plur. dane with replacement of the neut. ending from *dfina (RAM 213). From PSI. diina (Piur. diinafduna) 'bottom' from PIE dhubhn6m 'bottom'; Lith. dugnas 'bottom' 4 AP in dialects (KSL) and in the standard language. (KT GL 152, GL 86, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK).

The columnar oxytone accent in the singular of the items listed above is a direct reflex of the comparable Indo-European accentuation. As for the plural forms, on the basis of data from other Indo-European languages and in particular from Baltic, one would expect a columnar barytone AP. Apparently a transformation of this accentual paradigm into an oxytone paradigm has taken place in Slavic, a process which was mentioned above for a-stems. This hypothesis is supported by an analysis of Indo-European barytone pluralia tantum in Slavic, where the Slavic oxytone accent cannot be explained by the influence of the singular.

SC jetra, Plur. (dialects in which the neoacute tone has been retained, e.g., Novi, lOR XIV 2, 221), jetra from *jetra (standard language) 'liver'; Rus. (dial.) jatra 'viscera'; Cz. jatra from *jitra; Slk. jatra probably reflects an ox. *j~tra. From PSI.jitra (probably with a variantj~tra) ox. AP Plur. 'viscera, liver' from PIE ent(e)ra (neut. Plur.) 'viscera'; Gmc. *enpro, ON innr, ipr, (neut. Plur.) 'viscera', Gk. entera (neut. Plur.) 'intestines' (also a secondary enteron, Sing.).

SC vrata (but na vrata-Prcanj; see RE 57), vrata (standard language, Eastern Hercegovina, see SDZ III 134), vrata (Novi, Susak; lOR XIV


2, 221, HDZ I 183), vrata from *vrata (Saptinovac, Lepetane; see RAD CLXVIII 131, FIL XIV 79; also in Krizanic, see RFV XXXIV 123) 'gates'; Rus. vorota (SGR dialects, also in sixteenth- and seventeenthcentury documents, see ST U 72, OV II 147, V OV 55), vor6ta (NGR, see OBN II 398); BRus. var6ty; Ukr. vor6ta and vorota (vorota in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century documents; see V OV 55); Cz. (dial.) vrata (Litomysl', Zlin; see HOD 11, DM I 8, cf. KEL I 116), Slk. vrata, Soc. vtirta with long vowels indicating *v6rta. An oxytone variant in the nominative-accusative plural is probably reflected in Cz. vrata, USorb. wrota, and Pol. wrota. From PSI. vorta/v6rta ox. AP (Plur.) 'gates' from PIE IJOrtii (neut. Plur.) 'gates'; Lith. vaftai (Plur.) 2 AP in old texts (SK 33, B 1755, R LD), in the dialects, and in the standard language. Go

Original neuter plural in Lithuanian is indicated by OPrus. Warto (EV 210) 'gates'.

SC pluca 'lungs' (standard language) from *p/utja, plflca (in dialects which retain the neoacute tone, e.g., Novi; see lOR XIV 2, 221), p/i1ca from *plutja (Ristic); Slk. p/'uca, Cz. plice (Nom. Sing, fern, back formation from Nom. Plur. *p/jutja) with long vowels, reflecting *pljutja. An oxytone nominative-accusative plural probably underlies Soc. placa with a short vowel. From PSI. plutjafp/Utja and pljutjafpljutja ox. AP (Plur.) 'lungs' from PIE pl6utja, pleutja; Lith. plauciai 'lungs' 2 AP in Donelaitis (ACD 30) and in dialects (LIT II 383), with 4 AP in the western Aukstaitis dialect of Veliuona (LM 236) and in the standard language (KT GL 163, GL 97, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR. DLK).

There is only one exception to the above correspondence of IndoEuropean oxytone in the singular of neuter o-stems with Slavic oxytone:

SC na sto, po sto, etc. (RFV XXXIV 118); Rus. na sto, dvesti, etc., and vasto, v6ste, s6stom in documents of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (STU 41, 42, VV 56). From PSI. sUto mob. AP 'hundred'; this accentuation does not agree with the oxytone accent of PIE k1J1t6m (Skt. satam, Gmc. *hunda, Lith. simtas 4 AP). Perhaps this change in accentuation of the Slavic item can be connected with the secondary lengthening of the final syllable reflected in SC sto, Sin. sto (cf. SC dno, zlo, Sin. dna, z/a with short vowels); this lengthening probably explains the open fo/ in this item in Russian dialects and texts which have a contrast of high versus low mid-back vowels (Rjazan' sto, and in the Sojijskij Sbornik of the sixteenth century st6 let, vs. Rjazan' dno, z/8, and in the Sbornik, dno, z/8; see VV 127).61


49. Slavic Masculine 0-Stems with Oxytone AP Corresponding to Proto-Indo-European Neuter Singular Barytone Forms

Hirt had already pointed out that in a number of cases Proto-IndoEuropean neuter a-stems appear in Slavic as masculine forms.6 2 The paucity of examples adduced63 created the impression that this did not constitute a regular set of correspondences; the examples could always be explained on the basis of masculine/neuter doublets in Proto-IndoEuropean. 54 However, a more thorough examination of the Slavic data shows that the correspondence noted by Hirt is indeed regular, if it is limited to reflexes of Proto-Indo-European barytone neuters in Slavic; the resulting masculine nouns in Slavic have, as a rule, oxytone AP.

SC dvor, dvora 'courtyard; door' (Novi; see lOR XIV, 2, 214), dvor, dv6ra (standard language) with lengthening before a sonant; Sin. dvor, dv6ra; Big. dv6rut; Rus. dvor, dial. dvor (Kostroma, Rjazan'; cf. also dvof in old texts, see lOR XVIII, 4, 315, 185, VV 110), dvord, also in accented texts (VV Ill, 114, STU 17, 31, KP 22); BRos. dvor, dvard; Ukr. dvir, dvord, as well as in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century texts (V OV 36, SOR CXXXIV 2, 57); Slk. dial. (WSlk.) dvur from *dvor (but dvor in the standard language). The barytone forms of the nominativeaccusative plural dv6ry, which occur in a number of Rus. and BRus. documents (V NI 147), have probably arisen under the influence of Inst. Plur. *dvory, Loc. Plur. *dvorexu, where accent retraction is regular. From PSI. dvoru (dvora) ox. AP 'court' from PIE dhy6rom 'court with gates; gates'; Skt. (SB) dvliram 'door, gate'. Original neut. gender is confirmed by Lat. forum, as well as Gk. pr6thuron 'outer door, porch', Gmc. *aura, neut. 'gates', Goth. daur, OHG tor, OE dor.

SC dial. pod, poda (Novi, Susak, Posavina; lOR XIV 2, 214, HDZ I 106, RAD CXCVI 236), ped, pyeda (Bednja; HDZ I 297), pod, pOda (Piva, Zumberak; SDZ X 188, ASP VI 352), while in the standard language the tone of the nominative singular has been generalized: pOd, pOda 'floor, story'; Sin. pOd, p6da 'floor'; Big. p6dut 'floor'; Ukr. (dial.) pid, podd 'hay stack floor' (ASP VII 333); Rus. (dial.) pod, p8da (Rjazan'; see VV 58, lOR XVIII 185; with generalization to the nominative singular, the oxytone accent of the base word being indicated by the accentuation of the derivative pod6vyj). Secondary mobile AP; SC (dial.) pOd, pOda (Hvar, FIL XIV 18), Ukr. pid, p6du, BRos. pod, p6du, Rus. pod, p6da. From PSI. pOdu (pod a) ox. AP 'floor, bottom' from PIE


p6dom 'part of the foot touching the ground; the ground beneath the foot'; Gk. pedon 'soil, earth' from *pedom, Lith. piidas 'sole, clay floor beneath stove' 2 AP (see Section 15) from *p6dom.

SC (dial.) tern, terna 'thorn' (Bednja; see HDZ I 297; cf. tern= tern in the Berlic grammar of 1849, PFV XIX 21), trn, trna with shortening (Novi; lOR XIV 2, 214), trn from *tfn, tfna (Piva; SDZ X 192); Sin. trn; Big. trunut (in the standard language and most of the dialects); Ukr. teren, ternu (SML 223); Cz. (dial.) trn with length (MACH 535).

Secondary leveling occurs in SC trn, trna (standard language, Kajkavian dialects, RAD CUI 191, CLIII 144, CLXII 52), Ukr. teren, ternu, Rus. tern, dial. teren, terna. From PSI. tirnu, tlrna, ox. AP 'thorn, spine; plant with thorns' from PIE tfnom 'something sharp, thorny'; Skt. (RV) tfiJ.am 'grass'.65

SC ian, lana 'flax' (standard language, Lepetane, Crmnica); this accentuation most precisely reflects the state of affairs which arose in the South Slavic languages after the loss of the reduced vowels: the Nom.Acc. Sing. liin has no lengthening, which is characteristic for the oxytone class, while the Gen. Sing. llina, Dat. Sing. lanu, etc., reflect the introduction into the oblique case forms of the accentuation of the nominative-accusative singular following the loss of the phonetically expected forms *Ina, !nit (cf. Ukr. len, tenu, Plur. leny, along with the phonetically expected forms len, l'nu, l'ny). Later, on the basis of oblique case forms, the nominative-accusative Singular !em was created (on the model bOga-bOg), attested in Krizanic (len, lena = len, lena: see RFV XXXIV 122; cf. tan, liina with leveling in the Posava and Podrava dialects: see RAD CXCVI 235, CLXV 121). Similar processes led to the transfer of this item into the mobile AP in Sin. (fan, lanii).66 For Big. a similar development can be assumed, since here, along with the regular tenut (standard language), l'dnqt (Cepino, PS LXVI 212), !'en'u (Suxo; MKI II 60) we also have len~ (Teteven; SNU XXXI 80), linu (Cesnegirovo; ISSF II 432), lenu (Vidin; SNU XIX 14), len6 (Blagoevgrad; ISSF I 186). From PSI.linu (llna) ox. AP 'flax' from PIE linom 'flax'; Gk. linon 'flax'. Neuter forms occur also in Lat. /inurn 'flax', Gmc. *!ina 'flax, linen cloth', Goth. lein, OHG lin, etc. (cf. Finn. liina from Gmc. *!ina) from *leinom.

Sin. (dial.) meh, meha (PLET) 'moss'; SC (dial.) mah, maha (Ozrinici, RE 67) with the introduction of the tone of the nominative-accusative


singular into oblique case forms, replacing the phonetically expected forms *mxa, mxu, etc., after the loss of reduced vowels (cf. the remarks above on SC tan, llma; comparable forms were created in the East Slavic languages: Rus. mox, moxa, BRos. max, moxu, Ukr. mox, moxu along with Ros. mox, mxa, BRus. mox, imxu, Ukr. mox, mxu); USorb. (dial.) mach, with /6/ from neoacute jlij (DYB). On the basis of the oblique case forms a secondary accentual paradigm was created in SC miix, mlixa (and, later, miih, miiha-Novi; lOR XIV 2, 210, and also in Krizanic, RFV XXXIV 123), Sin. miih, mahii. Similar processes took place in Bulgarian; cf. Big. muxilt (standard language), max~ (Teteven; SNU XXXI 81), muil (Lorn; SNU XXXVIII 32), mux6 (Sumen) along with the regular forms mila (Vidin; SNU XIX 13), mao (Samokov; ISSF VIII-IX 324). From PSI. mlixu (muxa) ox. AP 'moss' from PIE musom 'moss'; Gmc. *musa 'moss, swamp', OHG mas (neut.), OE mas (neut.).

OCz. sit 'twining', with long vowel; cf. Rus. (dial.) sitovyj 'interlaced, wattled' (DAL) showing oxytone accent of the base word. Sin. sit (masc.), with falling tone may reflect the influence of the parallel feminine form sit, Gen. sit f. From PSI. situ (sita) ox. AP 'name of plant used for weaving rope' from PIE seitom 'tie, something used for fastening'; Gmc. *sdipa, OHG seid 'cord' (neut.), Lith. saitas 'tie, rope handle' 2 AP along with 4 AP (see Section 15) from *s6itom; Lith. sietas 'tie' 2 AP in old texts (ACD 20), dialects (KSL), and in the standard language (S LL, KAM, LKR, DLK)67 from *seitom.

SC (dial.) van (Istra; SDZ IX 126), viin with lengthening before sonant (Novi; lOR XIV, 2, 238) 'except, besides', van'i, po vanu 'on the outside' (Novi, Susak; HDZ I 181); Sin. ven, vene 'outside, on the outside'. 68

These adverbs have corresponding forms in the nominative-accusative singular (cf. SC dial. najedan van govorit 'to speak to no purpose' in Istrian dialects; RAD CIV 373) and locative singular of a noun reconstructable as *vunu. From PSI. vlinu (vuna) ox. AP 'something external' from PIE y6Hom 'something external, outside the house'; Skt. (RV) vdnam 'forest, wood' from *y6Hom; a neuter form occurs also in Gmc. *wena, ON vin (neut.) 'meadow' from *yenHom.

Ros. cered, ceredd, ceredom. There has been a transfer of this item into mobile AP in Ros. (dial.) cered, cereda (Moscow, Gorky, NACH 272) and Ukr. cered, cereda. From PSI. cerdu (cerda) ox. AP 'turn, sequence' from PIE kerdhom 'turn, row'; Skt. (RV) sdrdham 'herd'. Original neuter gender is confirmed by Avest. saraoa- (neut.) 'type'.


Ros. (dial., Perm') ceren (from *ceren) 'salt pan' (DAL);69 Ukr. (dial; Cernigov) cer6n, car6n, Gen. (with leveling) cer6nu 'stove bottom' (LIS 69).

In Pol. trzon 'hearth' there has apparently been a transfer to mobile AP. From PSI. cernu (cerna) ox. AP 'type of vessel; part of the hearth' from PIE kertnom 'vessel over the hearth for sacrificial offerings'; Gk. kernon 'vessel for sacrifice'. Evidence for original neuter gender in Slavic comes from Ukr. (dial.) l:eran6 (LIS 69).

SC dren, drenli (Novi, lOR XIV 2, 214), dren, drena (standard language); Sin. dr~n, dr~na from *dr~n, dr~na; Big. drjdnut; Ros. (dial.) deren, derena (secondary leveling on the model of the nominative-accusative singular); Ukr. deren, derenu; OCz. dfien, Cz. dfin, U-Sorb. drhz, drena, Pol. (dial.) drzon (KAR), Sue. droyn, droynit with long vowels. Secondary forms occur in Big. (dial.) dren6 (Bobosevo, Blagoevgrad, Sumen; SNU XLII 20, ISSF I 186) and Ros. deren, derena. From PSI. dernu (derna) ox. AP 'Cornel cherry' from PIE dherghnom 'plant name'; Gk. terkhnos (neut.) 'young shoot, branch' from dherghnos. 70

SC Stit, stita 'shield'; Big. stitut; cf. Loc. Plur. stitox (Pis'm; lAG 450); Ros. seit, scitd; BRos. scyt, scytd (along with secondary scyt, scyta, LOB 77), Ukr. scyt, scytd; Cz. stit, Slk. Stit, Snc. scit with long vowels. There is a secondary transfer of this item to barytone AP in SC dial. sc'it, scita (Kajkavian; RAD XLV 60), and Sin. scit, scita. From PSI. sCitu (scita) ox. AP 'shield; reed' from PIE skeitom 'something split'; Lith. ski etas 'reed' 2 AP along with 4 AP (see Section 17) from *sk6itom (cf. OPrus. Staytan, EV 421, 'shield'). Original neuter gender is confirmed by Lat. scutum 'shield'. There is an oxytone variant in Gmc. *skiila 'log', OHG sku.

SC (dial.) prst, prstli 'finger, digit' (Lepetane, Pri5anj, Ozrini6i; FIL XIV 71, RE 46), with secondary leveling on the model of the nominativeaccusative singular prst, prsta; Sin. (dial.) prst, prsta or pfsta (RAD XLVIII); Big. prilstut; Ros. (dial.) perst, peres (VAS II 344), perstd. perstom; cf. perst, perstd in the Vostokov Grammar (NACH 190). There is a secondary transfer of this item into the mobile AP in Sin. prst and in Slk. prst with a short vocalic element; the barytone AP of Ros. perst, persta (also in old texts; KP 27, 28, 69 and ST U 20) reflects a South Slavic accentuation. From PSI. pzrstu (plrsta) ox. AP 'finger' from PIE pfstHom 'something protruding; finger'; Lith. pifstas 'finger; tine' 2 AP (see Section 17). Original neuter gender in Baltic is confirmed by OPros.


*zezlo 'rod' SC zezlo, Sln. z~ziQ

*kolto 'beetle' SC dial. klato 'wooden triangle', Sin. klat(;l, Slk. klato 'stick'

*piklo 'hell' SC paklo (secondary bar. AP in Rus. dial. peklo, Ukr. peklo)

*xillsto Ukr. xovst6 'bridle'

*zvono 'bell' SC dial. zvono (Prcanj; RE 49)

*p<:;tro 'wooden floor, tier' Rus. (dial.) pjatr6 (VAS II 478), Pol. dial. pi~tro (with long vowel, KAR); secondary mob. AP: Cz. patro, Slk. patro, Pol. pi<:;tro (with short vowels)

*bolno Rus. (dial.) bolon6 'cover, pillow case' (DAL)

*cexlo 'case, cover' Ukr. c6xla (Plur.) 'full blouse sleeves' from Sing.

*coxl6, cf. Pol. dial. czechlo 'blouse'

*zezlil, zezla Rus. dial. zezel, zezla, Ukr. zezl, zezla

*k6lti1, kolta Cz. klat 'stick, beetle'

*plkiu, pikia sc pakao, Sin. peke!, pekla

*xi1Isti1, xillsta Rus. xolst, xolsta 'canvas'

*zvonil, zvona 'bell' BRus. zvon, zvami, Ukr. (dial.) dzvin, dzvona (ASP VII 333)

*zvonil, zvona (old masc. form with mob. AP) Rus. zvon, zv6na, SC zvon, zvona, etc.

*p~tril, p<:;tra Slov. p~ter, p~tra; secondary accent in SC petar or petar, Gen. petra

*b6lnil Snc. bloyn, bloynu, Kash. bl6n, bl6na 'cloud'

*cexlil, cexla Rus. cex61, cexla, BRus. cax61, caxla.

50. The Change of Barytone Neuter into Masculine in Relation to the Change of Final -om to -ii

The distribution described above for Proto-Indo-European neuter nominals in Slavic can be explained only if one accepts the hypothesis by which final -om becomes -u in Slavic, a hypothesis which has frequently been advanced by a variety of investigators. In view of the fact that the ox. *p(t)er6m was retained as *pero, while th~~bar. *dhy6rom became *dvoru (the introduction of oxytonesis in the latter type must be rele-


gated to a later period), it is natural to conclude that the change -om to -u took place in unaccented syllables, as Hirt proposed in 1893 (H. Hirt, "Zu den slavischen Auslautgesetzen," IF, II, pp. 348-349). As I mentioned above, Hirt was the first to draw attention to Slavic masculine nouns going back to Proto-Indo-European neuters; and it was he who noted that the majority of nonderived neuter nouns in Slavic belong to the oxytone class (in the singular). 74 The vulnerable aspect of Hirt's hypothesis was that he accepted a parallel development for final -os (accented -o and unaccented -u), thereby creating insuperable difficulties in explaining the fate of neuter s- stems and masculine a-stems in Slavic. 75 However, his hypothesis, by taking into account accentual factors, favorably compares with the explanations of Fortunatov (-om, -os to -u) and Leskien (-om to -u, -os to-o), upon which so much subsequent scholarly debate was centered. 76 In 1913 Agrell repeated Hirt's formulation without mentioning his predecessor (S. Agrell, Intonation und A us/aut im Slavischen, Uppsala, 1914, pp. 52-53). The restriction which he introduced into this formulation (unaccented final -os, -om were retained in Slavic as -o, when preceded by an accented circumflex syllable) was completely arbitrary. The nature of the syllable preceding the unaccented one apparently has no influence on the process of reduction. Thus, PSI. tylu (Cz. tY/ with long vowel, along with a secondary Sin. til) is a reflex of a neuter barytone form *til/om 'growth, something grown out' (Skt. til/am 'panicle; reed') just as PSI. *dvoru goes back to *dhy6rom; other probable reflexes of neuter barytones are PSI. glidu 'reptile' (SC gad, Sin. gad, gdda) and Gmc. *kw:eifa 'dirt', neut. (OHG quilt, OFris. quad, OE cwead) from PIE g!!edhom, and PSI. jlidu 'poison', originally 'somethiJ;Ig eaten' (SC jiid, Sin. jad, jdda) and Gmc. *:Eta 'food', neut. (ON tit, OHG az, OSax. tit, OE eel). When Proto-IndoEuropean barytone neuters with long roots show up in Slavic as neuters (cf. *ordlo, *mydlo, *!~to, etc.), the final -o has been introduced by analogy, as, for example, in *cerslo, *pluto. Here too the phonetically expected forms are often retained along with the later analogical ones; cf. *ty!U and *tylo (Cz. dial. tylo, Slk. tylo), *lyku (SC l'ik) and *lyko (SC dial. ll'ko, Cz. lyko).

It we accept Hirt's change of final unaccented -om to -u, 77 we obtain a satisfactory sequence of events for the process "Proto-Indo-European barytone (singular) neuter to Proto-Slavic oxytone masculine." When the change -om to -u took place, the old neuter barytone paradigm coalesced with the masculine paradigm in the singular. In that period, apparently,


the shift of masculine barytone into the mobile accentual class had already taken place (with the retention of optional barytone forms under certain conditions; see Section 46). Thus, the transformation of columnar barytone paradigms into columnar oxytone paradigms (see Section 68) could encompass only the singular of the old barytone neuters (*dvora, dvora, do dvora ... dvorli, dvora, do dvora, but *bOga, bOga, do boga were retained without change). Since in the plural of this category oxytone accent had been inherited from Proto-Indo-European (Sing. *dhyorom-P!ur. dhyorli), a columnar oxytone paradigm arose; the shift of such nouns into the masculine category was completed by the elimination

of neuter forms in the plural. The process described above assumes that the accentual distribution of

nonderived neuter and masculine a-stems in Slavic depends not only upon the original accentual distribution but also upon the gender distribution. Original neuter nouns with short roots must have been distributed between the oxytone class of Slavic neuters and the oxytone class of Slavic masculines; consequently, the class of SJavic neuters with mobile AP requires explanation. On the other hand, since Proto-Indo-European masculines have been transferred into the Slavic masculine class with mobile AP, the Slavic oxytone masculine a-stems must be, as a rule, reflexes of original barytone neuters.

51. Membership of the Slavic Class of Neuter 0-Stems with Mobile AP

The basic group of neuter nouns with mobile AP consists of nouns in which the falling C) tone of the root is not original, but arose in place of the rising (") tone in the mobile AP; these nouns, as a rule, go back to Proto-Indo-European oxytone (in the singular) neuters with long roots, and consequently their accentuation does not violate the distribution established above for nouns with short roots. The following Slavic items can be explained in this way: *jaje, *m~so, *jaro, *v~no, *pivo, *zoito, *t~sto, */~do, *s~no (see Section 62). The original oxytonesis of these items explains the absence of the shift -om to -a.

In a number of cases the appearance of neuter nouns with mobile AP must be explained by a process of back-formation of forms in -o from oxytone pluralia tantum forms in -a: thus, Slavic *drilvo 'log, wood' (SC drvo) is formed from the Plur. *dravd (SC drva); Rus. drovd, Ukr. dryvd. Sl. *krosno (Rus. kr6sno, Ukr. kr6sno) is formed from the Plur. *krosnd 'bloom' (Rus. dial. krosnd, Plur.; cf. Cz. kritsna), originally wooden

frame (MACH 237).


The transformation of barytone AP to oxytone AP did not take place in three-syllable neuter nouns, if the accent was originally on the first syllable; in these cases we get mobile AP. Thus, corresponding with Lith. ezeras 'lake' I AP in old texts (SK 46, B 1735, B 1755, ACD 23) and in some of the dialects (KSL; 3 AP in most of the dialects and in the standard language)78 we have Sl. *ezero, Plur. ezerd, mob. AP (SCjezero; cf. place name Jezera from Nom. Plur. (Rus. 6zero, Plur. ozerd in the poets of the nineteenth century). The analogical origin of the form in -o

in Slavic is confirmed by the parallel form *ezera (SC dial. jezer-Istra, Dubrovnik; SDZ X 85, RSJ; Sin. dia!.Rzer; Rus. dial. 6zer) with the regular reflex of unstressed -om; cf. also Slavic 0/ova (Sin. olijv, OR us. olova) alongside *0/ovo (Rus. 6/ovo). The retention of mobile AP in this category is connected with the nature of the accent shift in the barytone paradigm in Slavic: the accent shifted, apparently, only to a contiguous syllable, so that a columnar oxytone AP could not arise in three-syllable items.

It is more difficult to explain the mobile AP in a number of io-stems (cf. *morje, *po/je, *gorje, *v~tje [Rus. vece, 'popular assembly in ancient Russia]), which perhaps are originally barytone (singular) forms (the reflex of oxytone io-stems is probably to be seen in words of the type *plektje, Plur. p/ektjdfplektja; cf. Rus. plec6, dial. Plur. plecd and pleca; see SOR LXXVII 8, 75). It can be assumed that the retention of mobile AP here is connected with the absence of change of unac-cented -ie (from *-iom), parallel to the change -om to -a. The development *morje from *m6rjom, *polje from p6liom, etc., distinguish this category of words from words of the type *dvora from *dhy6rom; with the development of the mobile paradigm from neuter a-stems with originally long roots (*m~so-mrsd) conditions were created for the inclusion of words of the type *morje-morjd in this class.

52. Membership of the Slavic Oxytone Class of Masculine 0-Stems

There are a fair number of items constituting a correspondence between Slavic oxytone a-stems and neuter forms in other Indo-European languages; although the accentuation of these forms is unknown, it is natural to assume that they were barytone.

Sin. slbj, s/6ja 'layer'; Big. s/6jat; BRos. sloj, slajd Ukr. slij, slojd 'vein'. A secondary transfer to mobile AP, usual in nouns where lengthening before -j- takes place, is reflected in SC slOj, s!Oja, Rus. sloj, s/6ja, BRos.

118 Nominai Accentuation in Slavic

sloj, s/6ja. From PSI. slajf (sloja) Ox. AP 'layer' from PIE kl6iom 'strip, layer'; OPrus. Slayan (EV 309) 'sled runner'. 79

SC grab, grobii 'grave, tomb' (Novi, Prcanj, Lepetane; lOR XIV, 2, 214; RE 46; FIL XIV 70), rrap, rroba (Susak, HDZ I 106), greb, gryebii (Bednja; HDZ I 298), grab, graba (standard language); Sin. grab, gr6ba; Big. gr6biit (cf. the absence of accent shift to prepositions in Middle Bulgarian documents; vii gr6bce, vii gr6bce, ki gr6bu; LA OB 229; SOR LXVII 3, 43; lOR XIV 2, 314) and eighteenth-century gr6-botii (MIL 20); Ros. dial. grob, grobd; BRos. dial. hrob, hrabd (KP 83). An ancient but, apparently, secondary variant with mobile AP occurs in Ros. grob, gr6ba (dial., Rjazan'), grop, gr6bii in the Sofijskij Sbornik (lOR XVIII, 4, 181; VV 24, 25) and in the sixteenty-century documents (cf. izo groba, s6 groba, k6 grobu in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century documents; VV 27, 56), Ukr. hrib, hr6ba, Slk. hrob. From PSI grabii (groba) ox. AP 'grave, tomb' from PIE ghrobhom 'tomb'; Gmc. *~raoa, OHG grab (neut.) 'tomb'.

SC stOI (with lengthening before sonant), stola (Solta; RAD CCLXXII 139, 146), sta (from stol), stO/a (standard language) 'table'; Sin. stOI, st6/a; Big. st6/iit; Ros. stol, stold (dial., Kostroma, Vologda, Rjazan') stO/ (VV 110, lOR XVIII, 4, 185) ox. AP in documents of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (STU 31, OV II 32, VV 112); BRos. stol, staid; Ukr. stil, stold; Slk. stol. The accentuation ofUkr. (dial.) stil, st6lu is secondary (SML; this secondary accentuation also shows up in Ukrainian and Belorussian texts of the seventeenth century; V OV 36, V NI 147). From PSI. stalii (stola) 'table, chair' from PIE stHelom 'something placed, raised place'; Skt. sthalam 'raised place, dry land' (position of accent unknown, BOH VII 206).

SC del, de/a (lstra, Novi; SAW CIV 16, lOR XIV, 2, 214), dil, dila (Hvar, Brae; FIL XIV 19, SDZ X 39), die!, die/a (Bednja; HDZ I 297), dil dila (Posavina; RAD CXCVI), del, de/a (Prigorje; RAD CXV 102), d'io (with shortening in hiatus), dijela (Prcanj; RE 53), d'io, dijela (Eastern Hercegovina, Dubrovnik; SDZ X 192), with secondary leveling on the model of the Nom.-Acc. Sing. dz'jel (d'io), d'ijela (standard language, Plevlja, Lepetane; SDZ III 128, FIL XIV 70); Sin. d~l; Ros. (dial.) posle de!U (Kadnikov; OBN I 119); OCz, die/, Cz. dil, Slk. die/, Pol. (dial.) dzidl (KAR), Kash. ~el, ~ela with long vowels. The accentuation of Big. delttt (everywhere in the dialects) and Ros. (dial.) s delu is secondary (VAS I 337). From PSI. d~lii (de/a) ox. AP 'part; boundary,


watershed' from PIE dhoilom 'part'; Gmc. *ilaila (neut.) 'part', OHG teil (neut.,) MHG del (neut.), OFris. del (neut)., along with a parallel ilailaz (masc.), OHG teil (masc.), OSax. del (masc.), MHG del (masc.).

SC stag, staga (Piva, Pocerje; SDZ X II 8, SDZ II 3 I 8) 'haystack, pile'; stag, stoga, with lengthening of obscure origin (Prcanj; RE 54), stag, staga (standard language, Varazdin; RAD XLV 66); Sin. stag, st6ga; Ros. (dial.) stog, stogd, also in the literary language of the nineteenth century (NACH 102); BRos. stoh, stahd (LOB 67); Ukr. (dial.) stih, stohd (ASP VII 332). A shift of this item to mobile AP is attested by SC stag, staga, which developed on the basis of the Nom.-Acc. Sing. stiJg with lengthening (No vi, Prigorje, Hvar, Kosovo; lOR XIV 2, 209; RAD CXV 101; FIL XIV 71; ELZ I 271), Ros. stog, st6ga (dial. Rjazan', Sudogda) stok (VV 26; lOR XVIII, 4, 181, 315), nd stog (VV 28) as well as in the Academy dictionaries of 1794, 1822, and 1847 (KP 108), BRos. stoh, st6ha, Ukr. stih, st6hu, Slk. stoh. From PSI. stagii (stoga) ox. AP 'haystack' from PIE stogom 'covering, something covered'; Gmc. * paka (neut.), 'roof', ON pak, OHG dah, Gen. dahhes, OFris. thak, OE peek from *togom (form without mobile s).

Ros. plot, p/otd 'raft' cf. also Gen. Sing. plotu, Nom. Plur. ploty in eighteenth-century documents (KP 27, 70); BRos. plyt, plytd (along with secondary plyt, plyta; LOB 74). From PSI. pliltii (pliita) 'raft' from PIE plutom 'something floating, something flowing'; Skt. plutam (neut.) 'stream' (accent unknown).

Ros. (dial.) seren 'frost', Ukr. seren (also in the Berynda dictionary; V UN 8) with traces of the neoacute tone, put into an original oxytone; Slk. srien with long vowel (KA). A secondary transfer to mobile AP is found in Sin. sr~n, Ros. (dial.) seren, and Ukr. seren (possibly under the influence of the f-stem from the same root, which shows up in Ros. dial. seren' and BRos. seran').

From PSI. sernii (serna) ox. AP 'hoar-frost' from PIE kernom 'hoarfrost'; Gmc. *herna, ON hjarn (neut.) 'frozen snow'.

SC (dial.) host hasta (instead of *hosta, with leveling to the nominativeaccusative singular) '~talk of the grape cluster' (Novi; lOR XIV, 2, 208); Ros. xvost, xvostd (also in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century documents; VV 112), dial. (Rjazan', Tot'ma) xvost (lOR XVIII, 4, 185; VV 110); BRos. xvost, xvastd; Ukr. xvist, xvostd. There is a secondary ac-


centuation in Sin. hi)st 'thicket, forest', Slk. chvost. From PSI. xvbstii (xvasta) ox. AP 'bundle; tail; thicket' from PIE sgyastam 'bundle of vegitation, undergrowth'; from the form *gyastom without mobile s comes PSI gvbzdii (gvazda) 'forest, thicket' (SC dial. gvozd, gvozdiiIstra, SDZ IX 149; Sin. gbzd, g6zda; Slk. hvazd is secondary) with the assimilative change st to zd, as in Pol. (dial). glizda from *glista (SKI I 284). Evidence for an original neuter form comes from OPrus. Twaxstan (EV 553) 'bath besom' (probably a mistake in the transcription

for *Gwaxtan).BO

Original neuter formations can also be assumed in cases where oxytone masculine a-stems in Slavic reflect substantivized Indo-European

adjectives, for example:

PSI. berstii, bersta ox. AP 'elm', SC brest, brestii, brest, bresta, Sin. br~st, Big. brjastiit, Rus. (dial.) Gen. Sing. beresta (NACH 154), Pol. (dial.) brz6st; transfer to mobile AP in Rus. berest, beresta, Ukr. berest, Mresta, BRus. berast, berasta, Cz. brest, Slk. brest, Pol. brzost with short vowels; Gmc. *oerhtaz 'bright, shining', Goth. bairhts, ON bjartr,

OHG beraht.

PSI. szstii, slsta, ox. AP 'pole'; Rus. sest, sestd, BRus. sost, sasta; Gk.

skhist6s 'split'.

There are isolated examples of the correspondence between Slavic oxytone a-stem masculines and Proto-Indo-European masculine forms (barytone or with unknown accentuation). For all examples of this type a single explanation is possible: they are Slavic reflexes of barytone a-stem neuters which coexisted in IE with a-stem masculines from the same root, as attested in other Indo-European languages. Parallelism of this sort can often be noted in a single language; cf. Skt. rat has (masc.) and ratham (neut.); Gmc. *lauoaz (masc.) and *lauoa (neut.); PSI. zvonii, zvona 'peal, ringing' from *ghyanas (masc.), and zvbnii, zvana 'bell' from

*ghyanam, (neut.). Other examples:

PSI. gbnii, gona ox. AP 'plowed furrow'; Sin. gon, g6na, SC gi'm, gi'ma with leveling. There has been a transfer to mobile AP in Rus. gan, g6na, Ukr. hin, h6nu, Slk. han. This item probably reflects the nomen acti *gh6nHam, parallel to the nomen actionis *gh6nHas; cf. Gk. ph6nas

'murder'.

PSI. rojl, raja 'swarm' ox. AP; SC (dial.) rej. reja (Prigorje; RAD CXV 99), Sin. rbj, r6ja, Rus. (dial.) roj (cf. also raja in Derzavin); Ukr. rij,


rojd, BRus. raj, raja (KP 87); Slk. (dial.) roj (MACH 420). Secondary forms in SC roj, raja, Rus. raj, r6ja, Vkr. rij, r6ju. This item may go back to the form *roiHam, existing alongside *roiHas; cf. Skt. rayas 'course, stream'.

The following correspondences may be explained in the same way:

PSI drggii, drvga ox. AP 'lever, stick', Cz. drouh, Slk. (dial.) druh, Pol. drgg, drggu, Snc. dr6'fg, dr6w;u, along with a secondary Sin. dri)g; Gmc. *i!ran'Jaz, ON drangr 'stone pillar'.BI

PSI strgkii, str{Jka ox. AP 'pod, stem', Big. strilkiit, Rus. (dial.) struk, strukd, BRus. struk, strukd, Ukr. struk, strukd, Sin. strbk, str6ka from *str6k, str6ka, Cz. strauk, Pol. strgk, along with secondary SC strftk, strftka, Slk. struk; Lat. truncus 'tree trunk'. 82

Thus, it may be claimed that the Slavic oxytone class of o-stem masculines developed from barytone a-stem neuters. On the other hand, the class of a-stems with mobile AP included only original masculines. sa

This distribution is in accord with the semantic opposition of oxytone versus mobile accentual classes of masculine a-stems noted by Nachtigall: ". . . There are practically no nomina agent is among the oxytone nouns-almost all of them are nomina acti ... conversely, among nouns with initial accent [i.e., mobile AP-V. 1.] we do find nomina agentis along with deverbal substantives" (NACH 256-257).

53. The Determination of Original Gender and Accentual Paradigm of 0-Stems on the Basis of Slavic and Baltic Data

It was noted above that Baltic (Lithuanian) data are sufficient in most cases for determining the original accentual paradigm of a-stems, but they are not sufficient (in the absence of corresponding Old Prussian and Balto-Finnic material) for determining original gender. The Slavic languages, on the contrary, provide accentual criteria for establishing the original gender of a-stems, but do not always reflect the contrast of accentual paradigms. Therefore, if an a-stem is attested only in Baltic and in Slavic, we are provided with mutually complementary information concerning the item, and we can determine its original accentual paradigm and its original gender with a high degree of probability.

In those cases where Lithuanian has a barytone a-stem and Slavic has an oxytone masculine, an original barytone neuter form must be reconstructed :


PSI. soma, soma ox. AP 'sheat-fish' (SC sam, soma, Sin. som, soma, Big. somut, Rus. som, somd; also in the 1794 dictionary, see KP 17; BRus. som, somd; see LOB 66; secondary leveling in Rus. dial. som, soma and som [Rjazan'] BRus. som, soma, Ukr. som, soma); Lith. siimas 2 AP in the western Aukstaitis dialect. of the Gilija region (GER 90; usually 4 AP; seeS LL, SK LK 31, KAM, LKR, DLK) from *kdmam 'light gray being (fish)', cf. Lith. semas 'light gray'.

PSI. gr(Jdu, gr(Jda ox. AP 'hill' (Ukr. grud, grudd, Cz. dial. [Moravian] hrud, Pol. dial.-OPol. grqd. grqdu, Soc. grfntd, gr6~tdu); Lith. graiidas 'beam, drying floor for flax' 2 AP in the southern Dzuk dialect area of Punskas, and, more frequently in the dialect, 4 AP (KSL, DLK) from *ghrondham 'raised place'.

PSI kortu, korta, ox. AP 'time, occurrence' (Sin. krat, krdta from *krdt, krdta; Slk. krdt 'once' an adverbial formation going back to a nominative-accusative singular form); Lith. kaftas 'time, occurrence' 2 AP in old texts and in the standard language (BYS 73, RAL, ACD 119). On the basis of this we can reconstruct the original form *kortam 'time, occurrence; notch'.B4

PSI. glistu, glista ox. AP 'worm' (Rus. glist, glistd, BRus. hlist, hlistd, Ukr. hlyst, hlystd, Cz. hlist); Lith. glaistas 'layer of clay, plaster' 2 AP (LKR, LKRM) and 4 AP (S LR, KAM, LK, DLK). On the basis of these data the original form *g/eistam, *gloistam 'something slippery, sticky' can be reconstructed.

PSI. abtru, abira ox. AP 'tub (SC cabar, cabra, Sin. ceber, cebra); Lith. kibiras 'bucket' 2 AP (KT GL 157, LS, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, LK, DLK) from *kibirom 'suspendable vessel'.

In those cases where Lithuanian has a barytone o-stem and Slavic has a masculine o-stem with mobile AP, an original barytone masculine form must be reconstructed. For example:

PSI. soipu, soipa mob. AP 'waterfall' (SC slap, slapa, Sin. slap, Cz. slap) and Lith. saipas 'river cove, backwater', 2 AP (S LL, NS, LKR, DLK) and 4 AP (NS) point to an original form *solpos.

PSI. nerstu, nersta mob. AP 'spawning, roe' (SC mrl'jest, mrl'jesta, Sin. mr~st 'rutting period', dr~st 'roe', Rus. nerest 'spawning', Pol. mrzast, Soc. mfitest); Lith. ne'fstas 'spawning', Plur. nerstai 'roe', 2 AP (NS,


FUL, LKR, DLK) from which an original *nerktos can be reconstructed.

PSI. brOdu, brOda, mob.AP 'ford' (SC brOd, broda 'vessel, ford', Sin. br{jd, Big. dial. brad~-Teteven; see SNU XXXI 80; Rus. brad, broda [cf. also u bradu, nd brode in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century documents and brad in the Tot'ma dialect in VV 27 and 25]; BRus. brad, br6du, Ukr. brid, brodu, Slk. brod); Lith. (dial.) briidas 'dirt; large net; fishermen's association' 2 AP in the dialects of Prussian Lithuanian (KT LD) and more often 4 AP (KSL, DLK). All this points to an original from *bhrodas.

Finally, in those cases where both the Lithuanian and Slavic o-stem has mobile AP, an original oxytone masc. form can be reconstructed. Thus, on the basis of PSI. rgbu, rgba mob. AP 'seam, hem, edge' (SC rub, ruba, Sin. rgb, Big. rubttt, Rus. dial. rub, ruba 'rags', Ukr. rub, ruba 'edge; rib', Cz. rub 'wrong side', Slk. rub, Pol. rqb, r~bu, Soc. royb, rqbU) and Lith. rumbas 'notch' 4 AP (KT GL 152, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK; a secondary variant rumbas 3 AP see KSL, NS, DLK) we can reconstruct *npbhos.

Similarly, on the basis of PSI xlgdu, xl(!da mob. AP 'stick' (Sin. hl(!d; Rus. dial xlud, xluda 'yoke'; OCz. hlud, Pol. chlqd, chl~du, dial. chl~d with short vowels; shift to oxytone AP in Sin. hlgd, Cz. hloud, Snc. xl61fd, xl61fdu) and Lith. (dial.) sklaiidas 'fence pole' 4 AP (KSL, SK LK 27, LKR) we can point to an original *sghland6s.

Other. Stem Types


Traces of the Indo-European opposition "mobile-oxytone AP versus barytone AP" are evident in varying degrees in all the remaining stem types in Slavic. Barytone nominals are usually shifted into the oxytone AP, and nominals with mobile-oxytone AP show up as nominals with mobile AP. This distribution is also retained in cases where Slavic has shifted a number of words into other stem types in connection with the loss of several unproductive types.

55. Adjectives with Stems in -0/A

The opposition of mobile AP versus oxytone AP shows up distinctly in


the indefinite forms of adjectives. All three gender forms are distinguished here; cf., for example, *siixu (Gen. siixa), siixo, suxa (siix(J) vs. *b~lu (Gen. bela), bela, bela (Ace. bel(!). This opposition is well maintained in a number of Serbo-Croatian dialects (for example in the Dubrovnik dialect) as well as in Slovenian. Accentual leveling in feminines and neuters is characteristic for the majority Serbo-Croatian dialects (cf., for example, siix, suxa, suxo from *siixo or, on the contrary, bos, bOsa from *bOsa, bOso), which, in the final analysis, leads to the confusion of the mobile and oxytone accentual types. Similar processes apparently took place in the ESI. languages as well, where some of the originally oxytone adjectives were transferred to the mobile type. The confusion of two accentual paradigms in the Slavic languages led to the neutralization of the opposition in the definite forms in many instances (cf. SC dial. siihi from siih, like beli from bel).

Slavic adjectives with mobile AP correspond, as a rule, to IndoEuropean forms with mobile-oxytone AP.

SC (dial.) bas, boso, bOsa, Ace. bOsu (Dubrovnik: RE 110); cf. bos, bOso (by analogy to the fern. form), bOsa, where original mobile AP is indicated by the lengthening in the nominative-accusative singular masculine; Sin. bps, boso, b6sa, Ace. bosp; Rus. bos, b6so, bosd, dial. (Tot'ma) bos (cf. also dial. nti bosu nogu, and Dat. Sing. masc. b6su in the 1647 Sbornik; VV 44, 43). From PSI. bOsu, bOso, bosa mob. AP 'barefoot' from PIE bhos6s 'naked, barefoot'; Gmc. *oazdz 'naked', ON herr, OHG bar, OSax. bar, OE b::er.

SC (dial.) suh, siiho, suhlz, Ace. siihu 'dry' (Hvar: FIL XIV 32): Sin. siih, suhO, suha, Ace. suhp; Rus. sux, suxo, suxd (cf. p6suxu, dial. 6t suxa and, in old texts, p6 suse zemli, p6 suxu, and Nom. dual masc. suxa; VV 44). From PSI. siixil, suxo, suxa mob. AP 'dry' from PIE soys6s 'dry'; OPrus. sausa from Ace. Sing. *sausan, Adv. sausai without length mark in the Enchiridium, Gmc. *sauzdz 'dry', OE sear, OHG sor.B5

Sin. sfij, suje, suja, Ace. sujp. From PSI. §fiji, sfije, sujd mob. AP 'left' from PIE seui6s 'left'; Skt. (RV) savytis 'left'.

Sin. riid, rudo, rUda, Ace. rudfJ. From PSI. riidu, riido, ruda mob. AP 'red' from PIE roudh6s 'red'; Skt. (RV) lodhds 'wild animal with red fur' (actually 'red'), Skt. (SB) lohtis 'bronze; reddish'. Slavic adjectives


with oxytone AP usually have barytone correspondences in other IndoEuropean languages.

Sin. gster, 6stro, 6stra, Ace. 6stro; Rus. oster, ostrd, ostro, also in the literary language of the nineteenth century (BURL). From PSI. ostru, ostro, ostrd ox. AP from PIE dkros 'sharp'; Gk. dkros 'extreme, upper', OLith. astras 'sharp', originally 2 AP (cf. Section 21).

Sin. nov, novo, nova, Ace. novo; original oxytone AP is also indicated by SC nov without lengthening (cf. bas, dial. go/ in the mobile type), Rus. dial. (Rjazan') nof(IOR XVIIJ 4, 186, VV 45; cf., however, novu in the sixteenth-century Psalter).B6 A secondary shift of this item into mobile AP took place in Serbo-Croatian (cf. nanovo, ponovo, etc.) and in Rus. (nov, novo, nova, zdnovo), as well as in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century documents (VV 45); original oxytonesis is retained in the dictionary of 1794 (KP WR 274). From PSI. novu, novo, nova ox. AP from PIE neuos 'new'; Skt. (RV) ndvas 'new; young', Gk. neos 'new'. -

Sin. mej 'between'; this preposition apparently goes back to a nominative accusative singular masculine form of an adjective: cf. Sl. *medju 'between', a Gen. dual form agreeing with the Gen. dual of the noun, constituting therefore an adjectival form. From PSI. medji ox. AP 'located in the middle' from PIE medhios 'middle'; Skt. (RV) mddhyas 'located in the middle', Gk. mesos 'middle' (cf. the prepositions Gk. meson 'among' and Avest. maiiJim 'among', which also go back to the Ace. Sing. form of the adjective).

With regard to exceptions one must exclude adjectives with reduced vowels in the root which have oxytone AP corresponding to oxytones in other Indo-European languages: PSI. tflsi':jl 'emaciated; empty' (Sin. test:, SC tast without lengthening, Rus. tosc, tosc6, tosi':ti; Skt. tucchyds 'empty, worthless', Lith. tusi':ias 4 AP in Dauksa) and PSI. pistru 'motley' (Rus. pestro, pestry, also in the Vostokov grammar; see BURL 194; Gk. pikr6s 'sharp, bitter, caustic'); the shift from mobile AP to oxytone AP took place i?- these cases as a result of the loss of reduced vowels. The accentuation of PSI. ctrnu ox. AP 'black' (SC dial. ern, crna, cfnoKastav; see SDZ X 243; Sin. ern, i':rno, crna, Ace. crno, Rus. ceren, cerno, cernti) does not agree with the ox. of Skt. (RV) kr~nds 'black'; this exception can be attributed to the influence of the accentuation of the antonym, PSI. b~lu ox. AP 'white' (SC dial. bel, be/0, bela, Sin. b~l,


belo, bela, Ace. belo, Rus. bel, belo, be/d). PSI. spori1 ox. AP 'profitable, abundant', which does not agree with Skt. (RV) sphirds 'firm', must apparently be reconstructed on the basis of Sin. spar, sp{Jro, sp{Jra (with /Q/ of unclear origin). It may be the case that original mobile AP is retained in Rus. sporo, cf. the derivative sporitsja (rabota sporitsja 'the work is turning out well').

56. iJ -Stems

0-stems with mobile AP, which merged with o-stems in all of the Slavic languages, left certain traces in the accentuation of the corresponding nominals. Stang (ST pp. 77-82), developing the ideas of Nachtigall (NACH, p. 146), showed that a substantial number of masculine nouns which have oxytone accent in the nominative plural (along with general mobility of accent in Russian dialects and in the standard language) go back to original i1-stems with mobile AP. Stang's material can be supplemented by Ukrainian and Serbo-Croatian data, where accent on the nominative plural ending is found in the same group of words:

*medi1 (i1-stem in OCS; cf. Lith. medus): Ros. med, meda-medy, Ukr. med, medu-medy. *rcdu (i1-stem in OCS): Ros. rjad, rjdda-rjady, Ukr. rjad, rjddu-rjady, SC red, reda-redovi. *plodi1 (i1-stem in OCS): Ros. plod, ploda-plody, Ukr. plid, ploduplody, (also plody), SC plod, ploda-p/Odovi. *ti1rgi1 (traces of i1-stem in OCS, cf. the borrowing from OCS in Lith. tufgus, Finn. turku 'market', indicating a ii-stem): Ros. torg, torgatorgi, Ukr. torh, torhu-torhy, SC trg, trga-trgovi. *doli1 (traces of i1-stem in OCS): Ros. dol, dola-doly (in Sumarokov, OBN II 375), Ukr. dil, dolu-doly, SC do, dola-dO/ovi (BE P, RSJ; also dolovi; see BE P). *sadi1 (traces ofi1-stem in OCS): Ros. sad, sdda-sad-y, Ukr. sad, sddusady, SC sad, siida-sddovi. *d(Jbi1 (traces ofii-stem in OCS): Ros. dub, duba-duby, Ukr. dub, dubu -duby, sc dub, duba-dubovi. *stani1 (traces of i1-stem in OCS): Ros. stan, stdna-stany (also in U 1647, see KP 16), SC stiin, stiina-stdnovi (DAN 21, BE P 473, PAY 10; also stanovi; see SIM 29). *ledi1 (cf. Lith. dial. ledus, Latv. lcdus): Ukr. lid, /'odu-l'ody, SC led, leda-ledovi.

127 Norninals with Short Roots

*ziri1: Ros. zir, zira-ziry, Ukr. zyr, zyru-zyry, SC zir, z'ira-zirovi. *vali1 'wave': Ros. val, vdla-valy, Ukr. val, vdlu-valy, SC viii, viilavdlovi.

Apparently, the process of the gradual extension of the genitive singular and instrumental singular oxytone accent to the nominative plural in the mobile AP of i1-stems, which Stang proposed for Old Russian, took place in other Slavic areas as well; an early stage of it can probably be posited for Proto-Slavic. In any case, traces of it can be found in the West Slavic languages, where we find forms with length in the root and which point to the generalization of oxytone accent in a number of case forms; cf. Cz. rad, Slk. rdd, Pol. rzqd, rzqdu 'order' along with rzqd, rzcdu 'row'; Cz. (dial.) sdd 'boundary stone' (KOP 54) along with sad 'orchard'; Cz. (dial.) stan (TRA V) along with stan; Cz. zir, Slk. zir 'feed', Cz. val 'battledore' along with val 'wave'. These processes have come to a halt in certain Slavic languages; this accounts for variations of the type Ukr. domy, SC domovi vs. Rus. domy (in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century documents; see V OV 29) and Rus. dary (but ddry in documents of the sixteenth through the eighteenth centries; see KP WR 51), Ukr. dary (also ddry) vs. SC darovi.

Along with the mobile accentual class in Slavic there exists a type of i1-stem with columnar oxytone (cf. ST p. 81); an example of this accentual class is *voli1 (i1-stem in OCS); cf. SC vo, vOla, Sin. vO/, vola, Big. voli1t, Rus. vol, void, BRus. vol, vald, Ukr. vii, void, Slk. vol.

Slavic i1-stems with mobile AP correspond to Indo-European forms with mobile-oxytone AP.

SC (dial.) souk, souka 'log' (Bednja HDZ I 297); Sin. sgk; Ros. (archaic) suk, suka, Plur. suki (also in the literary language of the nineteenth century KP 75, BN 136); BRos. suk, suka, suki (LOB 75); Cz. suk, Slk. suk, Pol. sck, Soc. sijk with short vowels. There is a shift to oxytone AP in Ros. suk, sukd, BRos. suk, sukd, Ukr. suk, sukd, Big. sdkut. From PSI. sgki1, Ge~. S(Jku mob. AP 'bough; peg' from PIE konkus 'peg, bough'; Skt. (SB) sm1kus 'sharp peg'. Traces of the original ii-stem are found in Ros. sukovatyj.

SC triik, triika, trdkovi 'ribbon'; Sin. triik, triika; Ros. torok, toroka (Plur. torokd) 'saddle strap'; Ukr. torok, toroka; Cz. trak, Slk. trak, Pol. trok. From PSI. torkii, Gen. torku mob. AP 'strap, ribbon' from PIE torkus 'something twisted, turned around'; Skt. tarkus 'spindle' (BOH-


R III 275). An original it-stem in Baltic is indicated by OPrus. Tarkue (EV 449) 'harness strap' (apparently instead of *Tarkus).

Sin. 91 'beer' (RAD CXXXII 191) with a secondary gl. From PSI. o!U, Gen. o/it mob. AP 'a kind of drink' from *alu (neut.); Gmc. *a/up (neut.) 'beer', OE ealu, Gen. ea/op, ealup, ON (Jl (neut.), Finn. olut, from *alu with the formant+; Lith. a/its 'home-made beer' 4 AP (LKR, DLK); original neuter gender in Baltic is indicated by OPrus. Alu (EV 392).

SC led, /eda, Plur. /edovi 'ice'; Sln./~d; Blg.lediit; cf. led6ti in old texts (MIL 18); Rus. dial. (Kostroma) pod led (VV 56); Ukr. lid, 1'6du, Plur. /'ody From PSl.ledu, Gen./edit mob. AP 'ice' from PIE led us 'ice'; cf. the secondary transformation of the u-stem in Lith./edas 4 AP in old texts (GS 1685, GB 1685, B 1735, B 1755, R LD), dialects (KSL), and in the standard language. The original it-stem is retained in Lith. (dial.) /edits (FRA 350) and ledus from *!edits (LKK II 141) and Latv. l~dus. Traces of the u-stem in Slavic are found in Rus. ledovityj.

SC med, meda 'honey'; Sin. m~d; Big. mediit; Rus. med, meda, Plur. medy; Ukr. med, medu, Plur. medy. From PSI. medu, Gen. medit mob. AP 'honey' (u-stem in OCS) from PIE medhu (neut.) 'honey'; cf. Lith. medits 4 AP ( cf. Section 23). In Slavic and Baltic a change in the original accentuation must be assumed; cf. Skt. (RV) mddhu 'sweet drink, honey', Gk. methu 'wine, home-brewed beer'. Slavic it-stems with oxytone AP reflect Proto-Indo-European forms.

SC viirx, varxa 'top, apex' (Susak, see HDZ I 106), vrh, vrhii with shortening off (Novi, Hvar, see lOR XIV, 2, 214, FIL XIV 71), vr (h), vr(h) a (eastern Hercegovina, Pocerje; see SDZ X 117, II 317), vi'x, vrxa (standard language); cf. ot verxd in Krizanic (RFV XXXIV 90); Rus. verxa (KP 93), do verxit, k verxit (ST 81, OBN I 245-246), etc., in old texts: cf. Rus. dial. (NGR) verex with traces of the neoacute; Ukr. (dial.) verx, verxu; BRus. (dial.) verx, verxd (KP 83); Cz. (dial.) (Moravian) vfch (MAL 147), Snc. vjerx. Secondary transfer to mobile AP: Sin. vrh, Big. vurxfit, Rus. verx, verxa, Ukr. verx, verxu, BRus. verx, verxu, Slk. vrh. From PSI. vlrxu, vlrxit ox. AP 'top' (u-stem in OCS) from PIE yfsus 'top'; cf. Lith. vidus 'top' 2 AP in dialects and in old texts (more frequently 4 AP); cf. Section 23.

Sin. b6ber, b6bra 'beaver', dial. beber, bebra; Rus. bober, bobra, cf. bobra, bobry in seventeenth-century documents (VV III, 114), BRos. baber, babrd, Ukr. bibr, bobrd. There is secondary leveling in SC dabar,


dabra. From PSI. bObru, bobrit and bebru, bebrit ox. AP 'beaver' from PIE bhebhrus 'brown animal'; cf. Lith. bebrus 2 AP in old texts, bebras 2 AP (cf. Section 23).

The PSI. form voitu 'panicle' (SC v/iit, vliita, Plur. vldtovi, Sin. vliit, Ukr. v6/ot) would be an exception to the above distribution if it is compared with the Germanic word *walpuz 'forest; meadow' (OHG wald 'forest'; cf. ON V(Jllr 'open field'). However, the Germanic formation with the original meaning 'virgin land' should rather be connected with Gmc. *wilpja 'wild' (OHG wild; cf. KL 875). The Slavic *voitu apparently reflects metatony in the mobile AP, like Slavic *voitl 'panicle'; cf. Lith (dial.) valtis 'head of oats'.

57. /-Stems

Although the Slavic languages have usually generalized the mobile AP in !-stems, certain facts provide some basis for the speculation that at an earlier period there was indeed an opposition of two accentual paradigms. Vasil'ev showed that traces of the columnar oxytone are preserved in the Russian !~stems *sedmi and *osmi (L. Vasil'ev, "Zametka ob akcentovke nesklonjaemyx pricastij na -lu," ZMN, Aug. 1905, p. 468); these numerals do not shift the accent to enclitics and proclitics (cf. Rus. sem'desjat, v6sem'desjat, and na sedml, za sedmi, na 6smi, etc., in documents of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries), and oxytone AP can assumed on the basis of Sin. s~dem, Sin. gsem, Rus. (dial.) vosem'. Since the i-stems *p~ti and *sesti, which have mobile AP (cf. Rus. pjat'desjdt, sest'desjdt, and, in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century texts, zd p~ti, nd Nli, nd sesti, Sin. p~t, s~st), correspond with Skt. (RV) oxytone forms paliktis 'five' and ~ants 'sixty', it is natural to assume that the oxytone Slavic forms *sedmi and *osmi reflect the original barytone type. This supposition is confirmed by the analysis of two other cases in which traces of oxytone accentuation in 1-stems is preserved.

Sin. ~st 'spike, thorn' where /Q/ indicates a neoacute tone which arose from an original oxytone AP. From PSI. osti, Gen. osti 'beard (of grain), thorn' ox. AP from PIE dkstis 'something sharp'; cf. Lith. (dial.) akstis, Gen. iiksties 'a type of skewer' (SK LK 330), where the mixed AP indicates an original barytone AP.

Ukr. (dial.) ohen', Gen. ohny, Oat. ohny 'fire' (Transcarpathia; see ZNT XXVII64); cf. Rus. dial. (NGR) ogon', Gen. ogni (OBN I 81): usually there is a secondary io-stem with retention of the oxytone in the Slavic


languages (SC oganj, ognja, Rus. og6n', ognjd, etc.). From PSI. ogni, Gen. ogni ox. AP 'fire' from PIE 6gnis 'fire'; Lith. ugnis (fern.) 'fire' (with an initial u- of obscure origin) 2 AP in old texts (SK 117) and in dialects (SK 118, LKK II 173, AR 40); in the eastern Aukstaitis dialects there is a mixed AP ugnis, ugnies 4 AP in the standard language and in most of the dialects. There is an oxytone variant in Skt. (R V) agnis (masc.) fire, God of fire'.

Thus, there are grounds for claiming that the generalization of the mobile accentual type in !-stems took place after the shift of originally barytone forms into the oxytone class. The mobile AP of nominals such as *noka, *des~ti (cf. Lith. naktis, desimtis, originally barytone AP; cf. Section 22) therefore reflects this relatively late process of generalization of mobile AP.

58. tJ -Stems

Slavic u-stems, which in the modern Slavic languages have usually shifted to a-stems or i-s terns, usually have oxytone AP, the Slavic oxytone forms corresponding, as a rule, to barytone forms in other Indo~European languages.

SC zelva 'tortoise', formed from the oblique cases *ze/Uve (Gen.), etc.; the absence of lengthening in closed syllables indicates rising tone in the root. From PSI. zely, Gen. zeliive, Ace. zelilvi ox. AP 'tortoise' from PIE ghefus 'tortoise'. Gk. khe/us, (fern.) 'tortoise'.

SC mrkva 'carrot'; Sin. mfkev; Rus. mork6v'; Ukr. (dial.) mork6v. From PSI. murky, Gen. milrkiive, Ace. miirkilvi ox. AP 'carrot' from PIE mfku(s) 'type of root'; Gmc. *murhon (fern.) 'carrot, edible root'; OHG morha, OE moru, probably a reformation of an original u-stem (cf. Section 58, Gmc. *lahon, *swehron).

SC /Okva 'puddle'; cf. Sin. l(!kev (the falling tone is not original, but with jQj, indicating neoacute tone). From PSI. laky, Gen. /okilve, Ace. lokilvi ox. AP 'puddle' from PIE /6ku(s) 'stagnant water'; Gmc. *ldhon (fern.) 'stagnant water', ON la, MHG fa, a secondary reformation of a u-stem (cf. the Gmc. ii-stem *laJus, masc. 'moisture'. ON /ggr).

Traces of the mobile AP in u-stems appear in SC dialects, like svekrva Dat. Sing. svekrvi (Novi; lOR XIV 2, 226); cf. svekrva in the standard language along with svekerva in Krizanic (RFV XXXIV 123) with


generalization of the accentuation of the barytone or oxytone case forms. 87 Slavic *svekry, Ace. svekruvi mob. AP 'mother-in-law' goes back to a form with mobile-oxytone AP; PIE SIJekra(s), Skt. (RV) svasras 'mother-in-law', Gmc. *sweJrJ 'mother-in-law' (OE sweJer), with a secondary reformation of the stem. ss

59. Consonant Stems

The old accentuation of neuter stems in -osfes- and -m7J/men- has been retained in Slavic, Proto-Indo-European having had only one accentual paradigm with barytonesis in the singular and, probably, oxytonesis in the plural (judging from the presence of the collective form in -a). This mobile AP in Slavic appears in all s-stems with short roots; cf., for example, SC (dial.) nebo, nebesii, Rus. nebo, nebesd, etc. In n-stems this accentuation shows up in SC (dial.) vrime, Gen. vrl'mena, Plur. vrimena, Rus. imja, imeni, imend. It is more difficult to explain the columnar accentuation of the type Rus. (Ulozenie of 1649) p/em~, Gen. plemcni, Sin. p!eme, plemcna (cf. ST 91-92); perhaps this is the Slavic innovation. A contamination of the two accentual paradigms is found in SC vreme, Gen. vremena, Ukr. im'jd, Gen. imeni.

The opposition of two accentual paradigms is retained in original r-stems (-orfer-, -terfter-). Here the barytone form *s!Jhor 'sister' (Skt. svdsii 'sister') is reflected (with reformation of the stem) as Slavic *sestra, sestr¢ ox. AP (SC dial. sestra, sestru, sestre, in the standard language sestra, sestru, sestre; Rus. dial. sestrd, sestru, Plur. sestry, as well as in old texts [OBN II 382, VV 34, KP 34]; Ukr. dial. Plur. sestry-Peremysl', see ZNT XXXVI 34). On the other hand, the oxytone noun *dhugadr 'daughter' (Skt. duhitil 'daughter') show up as Sl. *diikti, Ace. dilkteri mob. AP (SC kCi, Ace. kcer, Sin. hei, Rus. dial. doei, Dat. d6ceri).

Proto-Indo-European e-stems, for which an early generalization of the barytone in the strong cases must be assumed in both Slavic and Baltic, have also been shifted to the oxytone AP; cf. Slavic *mgty, Gen. mqtiive Ace. mgtilvi OX. AP, 'churn-staff, mixer' (OCz. mutev, Cz. moutev, Pol. mqtew with long vowels); Skt. (RV) mdntha (instrumental mathil) 'mixer' Lith. mente 'mixer, spade, short oar' 2 AP in dialects and in the standard language (along with 4 AP; cf. Section 25); Sl. *p(Jti, Gen. pgti (Sin. p(Jt, fern., Rus. put', puti, Ukr. put', puti, Cz. pout, Slk. pul, Pol. dial. pqc; with a secondary paradigm and retention of oxytonesis; SC put, puta) and Skt. (RV) pdnthas (Gen. Sing. pathds).



The distribution of nominals with long roots according to accentual classes in Slavic is very close to the Baltic distribution. Nominals with barytone AP correspond here, as a rule, to barytone forms of other Indo-European languages; Slavic nominals with mobile AP and nominals with barytone AP may correspond to Indo-European forms with mobile-oxytone AP.

61. Slavic Barytone Forms Corresponding to Indo-European Barytone

Forms

SC vuna; Sin. v6/na, v6/no; Big. viilna; Rus. (dial.; Ore!, Brjansk, Kaluga, Smolensk) volna 'wool' (SOR LXVIII 5, 11; LXXXVII 5, 203; LXX 7, 148)89 BRos. vouna; Ukr. v6vna. From PSI. vllna bar. AP 'wool' from PIE ulna 'wool'; Skt. (R V) {mJii 'wool', Latv. vilna, Lith. vilna I

AP.

SC Iva; Rus. iva; Ukr. yva; Cz.jiva. The accentuation ofWBig. iva (Trun, Lorn, Samokov, see ISSF 62, liB IV 305, SNU XXXVIII 34) is secondary. From PSI. Iva bar. AP 'willow' from PIE ~iyii 'tree with thin branches'; Gk. 6e, oie 'service tree' from *i5iyd, Latv. ieva, Lith. ieva 1 AP in dialects (cf. Section 27).


Cz. tY/, tylo; the falling tone of Sin. til, tila is apparently secondary. From PSI. ty!U (secondarily also tylo) bar. AP 'back of the head' from PIE til/om 'growth, excrescence'; Skt. (A V) talam 'panicle; reed'.

SC /eto; Sin. /~to, Plur. [fta; Rus. tho. Plur. leta (cf. tha in older texts; see ZMN, Aug. 1904 p. 499 and BURL 166); Ukr./ho, Plur. l~ta in eighteenth-century documents (VOV 58). The short vowel in OCz. leto

· is apparently secondary; cf. OCz. and Cz. !eto with long vowel (possibly under the influence of a lost *leto). From PSI. tho bar. AP 'summer' from PIE /~tom 'harvest'; Gmc. *l~pa, (neut.) 'plot of land', originally 'plot where the harvest has been collected'; OE /~p (neut.) ON lop 'harvest' from */i5pa, Goth. unleps 'poor' originally 'unfruitful'.9°

SC breme (the accentuation of the Plur. brem(ma is secondary); Rus. (dial.) bremja 'burden'; OCz. bNeme Cz. (archaic) bfime. The accentuation of Sin. breme, Gen. brem~na is secondary. From PSI. berm~ bar. AP 'burden' from PIE bMrmlJ 'something being carried'; Skt. *bMrma (neut.) or *bhlirmii (masc.) 'stretcher' (Loc. Sing. bMrman from *bhlirmaT}i in RV, see GRA 933), Gk.pherma 'fruit of the womb' (cf. Rus. beremennaja. 'prengant'). 91

Rus. zndmja (cf. Plur. zndmena in the Ucenie of 1647, (STU 24-25); the shift in accentuation in the Plur. znamend and later znamena is attested in the eighteenth century (V OV 54, OBN II 397). From PSI. znam~ bar. AP 'banner' from PIE gni5m1J 'military symbol'; Gk. gnoma 'sign, symptom'.

SC brat, brata (cf. Plur. bratri, bratrov-Bozava, FIL VII 93); Sin. brat, brdta.92 From PSI. bratru bar. AP 'brother' with re-formation of the stem from PIE bhriiter 'brother'; Skt. (R V) bhratii 'brother', Gk. phrlitor phrater 'member of phratry', Gmc. *bri5par 'brother', OHG bruoder, OFris. brother, OE bropar.

62. Slavic Nominals with Mobile AP Corresponding to Proto-IndoEuropean Forms with Mobile-Oxytone AP

There is a correspondence of Baltic forms having long roots and mobile AP with Slavic nominals having mobile AP with metatony in the root; instead of acute tone, Slavic has circumflex (falling). Metatony in the mobile AP was established by Meillet (A. Meillet, "0 nekotoryx anornalijax udarenija v slavjanskix irnenax," RFV XLVII-XLVIII, 1902,


pp. 193-200); a fuller list of nominals with this metatony is given by Stang (ST 9) and in V. A. Dybo, "0 drevnejsej metatonii v slavjanskom glagole," VOP 1958, No.6, pp. 55-56.93 These lists can be supplemented by cases of correspondence between Slavic nominals with mobile AP and Proto-Indo-European forms with mobile-oxytone AP.

SC glavil, gliivu, gliive (dialects without accent retraction), gldva, gliivu, gliive 'head'; Big. (older texts, see LA OB 228) nd g/avp, p6 glave (with accent shift); Rus. golovd, g6/ovu, g6/ovy (also in seventeenth-century documents; STU 25, 26, CHR 280, V OV 41, VV 33); Ukr. holovd, h6/ovu, h6/ovy; Cz. hlava with short vowel from PSI. golva (goivp) mob. AP 'head' from PIE gholyli 'head'; Latv. galva, Lith. galva 'head' 3 AP in old texts (SK 86, ACD 41) and in the standard language.

SC (dial.) tiik, tiika (Novi, Cres, see lOR XIV 2, 210,94 ASP XXX 202), Cz. tuk with short vowel. From PSI. tiikii (tiika) mob. AP 'fat' from PIE touk6s 'fat'; Lith. tuakai 'fat' 3 AP in old texts (SK 33, R LD, ACD 16),95 everywhere in the dialects (LM 29, OTR I 219), and in the standard language. 96 Original masculine gender in Baltic is confirmed by OPrus. Taukis (EV 378) 'lard, tallow'.

SC smrad, smriida 'stink'; Sin. smrad; Big. smradilt; Rus. (dial.) sm6rod, sm6roda; Ukr. sm6rid, sm6rodu; Cz. smrad (along with an obscure dialect form smrdd). The accentuation of BRus. smur6d is secondary. From PSI. smordii (smorda) mob. AP 'stink' from PIE smord6s 'unpleasant smell'; Latv. smafds 'odor'.97

SC (dial.) liig, liiga 'grove'; Sin. /gg 'underbrush'; Blg.liigilt 'underbrush'; Rus./ug, na lugu 'meadow'. From PSl.lggii (lgga) mob. AP 'meadow, underbrush' (originally 'open place') from PIE fangos 'cleared, open place, hole'; Latv. luogs 'hole, window', Lith. ldngas 'window' 3 AP in older texts (ACD 16) and in the standard language (KT GL 154, GL 85, S LL, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK).

SC (dial.) joje, Gen. joja, Plur. jojil 'egg' (Hvar, see FIL XIV 23), jiije, Plur. jajil (Prcanj; RE 71), jiije, Plur. jdja (Solta, Lepetane, Dubrovnik; RAD CCLXXII 147, FIL XIV 78, RSJ); Pol. (dia!.)jaje (KUC 83), Snc. jajo with short vowels. The accentuation of SC in jiije, Plur. jiija (Novi; lOR XIV 2, 220) is secondary; there is a shift of this item to the type of stem in -ent in SC jdje, Gen. jdja, Plur. jdja; cf. the parallel variant jdje, Gen. jajeta, dial. jaje, jiljeta (Pi peri, SDZ X 116). From


PSI. jiije (Plur. jajd) mob. AP 'egg' from PIE o(u)i6m 'egg'; Gk. o6n 'egg.'

SC meso, Gen. mesa, Plur. mesa 'meat'; Sin. mesi); Rus. mjdso, Plur. mjasd; Ukr. mjdso, Plur. mjasd; Cz. maso with short vowel. From PSI. meso (Plur. mesa) mob. AP 'meat' from PIE mems6m 'meat' ;9s Slit. (RV) malflsdm, Gmc. *mimzd, Goth. mimz (neut.) 'meat'. Sin. jiin, juni), juna, Ace. juni) 'young'; Rus. jun, juno, jund. From PSI. jiinii, juno, juna mob. AP 'young' from PIE ioun6s 'young'; Latv. jauns 'young'.

Sin. niig, nagi), ndga, Ace. nagi) 'naked'; Rus. nag, ndgo, nagd, and in texts of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries p6 nagu (VV 56, 43). From PSI. niigii, niigo, naga mob. AP 'naked, bare' from PIE nogh6s 'naked'; Latv. (dial.) nuogs 'naked'.

It should be noted here that, corresponding to Proto-Indo-European oxytone (in the singular) neuter forms with long roots, we have mobile AP in Slavic, which is not the case with nominals having short roots (where the Proto-Indo-European singular oxytone forms show up as the oxytone type). Thus, metatony in long roots, besides the items *jiije and *meso, analyzed above, is manifested in the following items;

PSl.jiiro (OCz.jaro 'spring grain', Cz.jaro 'spring'); cf. Gmc. *j:Era (neut.) 'year', Goth. jer, OHG jar, etc. PSI. t~sto (SC testa, Cz. testa); cf. Oir. tdis 'dough' from *taistom from *taistom 'dough'.

PSI. ledo 'deposit' (Cz. /ado, Slk. /ado); cf. Ir. land 'open place' from *Ianda.

PSI. v~no (Cz. veno 'gift to the bride'); cf. Arm. gin 'price' from *yeno-. PSI. pivo (SC pivo, Cz. pivo); cf. Gk. pinon 'beer'. PSI. s~no (SC seno, Cz. seno); cf. Lat.fenum 'hay' (from *ghe(i)nom with a dialectal, possibly Sabine, reflex of gh).99 PSI. zoito (SC zliito, Rus. z6loto) 'gold', the long root indicated by Skt. hdritas 'yellow, green', ON glop 'redhot coals'.

63. Slavic Nominals with Barytone AP Corresponding to Proto-IndoEuropean Forms with Mobile-Oxytone AP

Slavic items entering into this correspondence, like the Baltic examples, were first collected by Hirt (H lAp. 94); Hirt's lists were supplemented


by Mikkola, Urslavische Grammatik, I. Teil, Heidelberg, I9I3. p. I22, and Lehr-Splawinski. Najstarsze praslowianskie prawo cofania akcentu, Cracoviae, I927, and also in Studia i szkice wybrane zj~zykoznawstwa slowianskiego, Warszawa, I957, pp. I27-I29.

SC grlva; Sin. griva, grivo; Big. griva, grivata; Rus. griva; BRos. hryva; Ukr. hryva; Cz. hNva. From PSI. griva bar. AP 'mane' (like Latv. griva from *griva bar. AP) and PIE grzvii 'neck'; Skt. (RV) grivil 'back of the neck'.

SC dl'm, dl'ma 'smoke' (in dialects also secondary lengthening in the nominative-accusative singular: cf. dim, dl'ma-Novi; dim, dl'ma-Hvar, Saptinovac, Kosovo; FIL XIV I8, RAD CLXV I2I, ELZ I I37); Sin. dim, dima; Cz. dym. The accentuation of the following is secondary: Big. dimflt, Rus. dym, Plur. dymy, Ukr. dym, Plur. dymy From PSI. dyma bar. AP 'smoke' (like Latv. dumi, Lith. damai I AP) and PIE dhumos 'smoke'; Skt. (RV) dhumtis 'smoke', Gk. thumos 'passionate desire; life force'.

SC dial. pl'r, pl'ra 'spelt' (RSJ, RIS 650); Cz. pyr 'couchgrass'. The accentuation of Sin. pir is secondary_IOO From PSI. pyru bar. AP 'type of grain' and PIE puros 'grain'; Gk. puros 'spelt'.

SC jato; Sin. jdt!J; Big. jtitoto. The oxytone in SC dial. jato (alongside jato from *jiito-Hvar; see FIL XIV 23) is secondary. From PSl.jiito bar. AP 'flock, herd' from PIE jiitom 'something moving, movement'; Skt. (RV) yiitdm 'traveling'.

SC dug, dugi, duga, dugo 'long'. There are secondary transformations of this item in SC dialects (cf., for example, dugii, fem.-Brac; see SDZ X 52) and in the ESllanguages (cf. Rus. dolgti, fern.). From PSI. dl!ga bar. AP 'long' (like Latv. ilgs 'long' from *ilgas bar. AP) and PIE dlghos 'long'; Skt. (RV) dirghtis 'long'.

SC pun, puni, puna, puna 'full'. In the ESI languages there is evidence of an early shift of this item to the mobile AP; cf. polna, fern., in the Ucenie of I646 (STU 43). From PSI. p'tlnu bar. AP 'full' (like Latv. pilns 'full' from *ptlnas bar. AP) and PIE pJ nos 'full'; Skt. pun;ztis 'full'.

SC miiti, Gen. miitere; Sin. mtiti; Cz. mtiti. From PSI. miiti, Gen. miitere bar. AP 'mother' (like Latv. miite 'mother', Lith. mote 'wife' I AP) and PIE miit~r 'mother'; Skt. (RV) miita 'mother', Gmc. *moiler 'mother', OHG muoter, etc.


SC dever, devera; Sin. #ver. There is a secondary shift to mobile AP in Sin. dev~r. From PSI. d~verl bar. AP 'brother-in-law', a reformation of an r-stem (like Latv. dieveris, which points to a barytone AP) and PIE diiiy~r 'brother-in-law'; Skt. (R V) deva '(younger) brother of the husband', Gk. dii~r 'brother-in-law'.

64. Divergences Between the Slavic and Baltic Distribution

In the work cited in Section 62, Dybo noted that in a number of neuter a-stems with acute roots there is a contradiction between the Latvian data, where the broken tone C) indicates mobile AP, and the Slavic data, which presuppose barytone AP, e.g.,

PSI. slto (SC sl'to, Cz. silo) vs. Latv. siets PSI. kr~slo (SC kreslo, Cz. kfislo) vs. Latv. krrsls PSI. lyko (SC ll'ko, Cz. lyko) vs. Latv. !ilks PSI. v~ko (Cz. viko 'cover', Pol. wieko) vs. Latv. vilks 'cover' PSI. ordlo 'plow' (SC riilo, Cz. radio) vs. Latv. afkls.

In all cases of this type, variants with barytone AP (along with more recent variants having mobile AP) are found in Lithuanian. I have suggested (Section 32) that the Latvian broken tone in such nominals arose as the result of generalization throughout the whole paradigm of a tone which developed phonetically in the oxytone form nominative-accusative plural of neuter nominals, which were barytone, in the singular; in Lithuanian, apparently, the barytone accentuation of the singular case forms was generalized. This same explanation may serve to account for the barytone accent of these nominals in Slavic.

The lack of correspondence between the Slavic and Baltic data shows up among a-stems as well. Thus, the accentuation of Sl. *syna mob. AP (SC sin, sina, Sin. sin, Big. sinut; Rus. syn, syna, syny, Ukr. syn, syna, syny) does not agree with the original barytone accentuation in the Lith. sunus, as confirmed by data from old texts (see Section 30). The reason for this lack of correspondence must be sought in the early shift of barytone a-stems with acute roots to the mobile AP; as Meillet pointed out ("0 nekotoryx anomalijax udarenij ... ," pp. 194-I96), a-stems with long roots, as a rule, have mobile AP with metatony in Slavic, cf. *diira, *pira, *ziru, *viilu, *stiina. The same explanation probably holds for PSI. vida, if this root originally reflected lengthening, as in Latv. veids 'view', Lith. vhdas 'face' I AP along with 3 AP (possibly an original s-stem in Baltic; cf. Section 27); a Slavic a-stem is indicated


by the accentuation of Rus. (dial.) vid, vida, vidy (NACH, p. 97), SC vid, vida, vidovi (BE P; also v'idovi, DAN I9); cf. length in Snc. vjid, vjidit 'light'. The re-formation of an original it-stem can be seen in Sl. *kyjl 'hammer', Sin. kij, Cz. kyj, Slk. kyj; cf. Rus. kij, kija, kii, Ukr. kyj, kyja, kyi) and Lith. kUjis 'hammer' I AP, which does not agree accentually with the Slavic item.

PSI. zflna 'type of woodpecker' has oxytone AP (SC zuna, zunu, zuneIstra, SAW CL 555), Rus. zelna, zelnu; Ukr. zovna, zovnu; cf. dial. Plur. zovny (ZNT CXIV I27); Pol. i6lna does not agree accentually with Latv. dzilna 'woodpecker'. There is a similar lack of correspondence between Latv. salna 'frosts' and Lith. salna with 4 AP, probably an original 3 AP ( cf. Lith. Sdlti 'to freeze') and PSI. solna 'hoarfrost' ox. AP (cf. SC dial. slana, slanu, slane, slana, sldnu, slane-Prcanj, Ozrinici; see RE 94; the standard language shows secondary re-formations of this item in slana, slanu, sliine and slana, sliinu, sliine, see DAN 4-5, PAV 18, RSJ). An original barytone AP and circumflex root (metatony?) is to be reconstructed here for Slavic. The accentuation of Latv. dzisla 'vein' is probably secondary, as this item does not agree with PSI z'ila (SC z'ila, Rus. Zila, Cz. zila) nor with Lith. gysla, dial. gfsla, I AP in old texts (ACD 44) and in the standard language (KT LD. GL 59, KAM, NS, LKR, DLK).

It is not clear why mobile AP appears in PS!pirvu 'first' (cf. SC i'sprva, dial. pfvl and prvi, Rus. pervo-napervo, etc.) as against Latv. (dial.) pifmais, Lith. pirmas I AP in Dauksa, and Skt. pUrvas (see Section 27).

65. Accent Retraction to Long Syllable

In Slavic one can set up the same formulation for the retraction of accent to a long syllable as was done earlier (Section 3I) for Baltic: accent shifts to a preceding nonapophonic long vowel. This is precisely the root structure we find in the following items:

Proto-Slavic

griva dymii pyrii jato dilgii

Proto-Indo-European

griH11a dhuHm6s puHr6s ieHt6m or ioHt6m d!Hgh6s

139

pilnii mati dheri


p!Hn6s meHt~r deHil)~r

On the contrary, in cases where no accent shift has taken place, the root contains an original two-syllable sequence with schwa primum:

PSI. tukii from lo!fak6s from PIE touHk6's vs. PSI. tyti from PIE tuHtei

PSI. smordii from smorad6s from PIE smorHd6s vs. Lith. smirdziu from PIE smrHdio

PSI. jiinu from io!fan6s from PIE iouHn6s vs. Skt. Gen. Sing. yunas from PIE iuHn6s.

The same disyllabic root structure can be set up for PSI. golva and lggu. For the following items apophonic long vowels can be reconstructed:

PSI.jiije from oui6m PIE Houi6m; cf. Lat. avis 'bird' from PIE Ho!!is;

PSI. niigii from PIE nog6s, cf. Skt. nagnds from PIE nogn6s.l01

66. The Reasons for Slavic Metatony in the Mobile AP

For an early period of pre-Slavic one must reconstruct two nominal paradigms with long roots, just as in Baltic. The change of the root tone from acute to circumflex in the mobile AP, established by Meillet, was a specifically Slavic process. Meillet was inclined to view this process as the result of the influence of the mobile accentual type in words with short roots. Later, Van Wijk, who thought that the oxytone paradigms were transformed into mobile ones in Slavic independently of the comparable Baltic reformation, tried to establish the connection between Slavic metatony and this restructuring (WIJK, p. 52). The conclusive establishment of the identity of mobile AP in Baltic and Slavic and the reconstruction of the Balto-Siavic mobile AP led Stang to accept Meillet's explanation in a modified form (ST, p. 10). The introduction of circumflex tone in the barytone case forms of the mobile AP, in Stang's opinion, must be connected to the loss of tone distinctions in unaccented syllables (it would probably be better to state this in terms of distinctions in length) in the oxytone case forms of the paradigm and, it should be added, in the forms with accent on proclitics and enclitics; for example,


after *golva to *golva and *nii golv(J to *nii golv(J, the resultant forms were indistinguishable from the forms *borda and *nii bord(J, and conditions were thereby created for the replacement of the phonetically expected form Ace. Sing. *golv(J by the form *goiv(J on the analogy of *bofd(J. This explanation is consistent with the fact that distinctions of long versus short syllables in unstressed position were retained in Baltic up to a very recent period (evidence for this can be seen in the difference in the treatment of long versus short syllables when accent shifts to them in Latvian and in a number of Zemaitis dialects; cf. Section 26); no metatony of the Slavic type was possible in Baltic, because there was a distinction of length in unaccented syllables (*galva vs. *barjzjdli)

67. The Distribution of Nominals in Accentual Paradigms in Slavic

A consistent analysis of the accentuation of various types of nominal stems leads to the conclusion that the Proto-Indo-European opposition of two accentual paradigms was originally retained in all the categories examined_l02 Corresponding to the oxytone nominals in Sanskrit, Greek, and Germanic and to nominals with mobile AP in Baltic, Slavic has nominals belonging to the mobile accentual class, nominals with original long roots in this case having a secondary circumflex tone. Corresponding to barytone nominals of other Indo-European languages, Slavic has barytone nominals in the case of long roots and oxytone nqminals in the case of short roots; the transformation of the columnar barytone paradigm into a columnar oxytone paradigm in the case of items with short roots is a specifically Slavic process. Unlike Sanskrit, Greek, and Germanic, in the Slavic class of nominals with a nonapophonic long vowel in the root, accent shift to the root syllable must be assumed; since a similar class is also found in Baltic, this process must be considered very ancient ( cf. Section 31 ).

Thus, the Slavic system of accentual paradigms displays a number of innovations as compared to Baltic and reflects those Indo-European oppositions which are reflected in the Baltic system; the opposition of three Slavic paradigms developed from a two-way opposition of the Baltic type, and not vice versa, as Meillet and Stang proposed. The hypotheses of Kurylowicz, which stand in contradiction to the Baltic data, are not supported by the Slavic material either. Tables 8 and 9 summarize the correspondences examined above and constitute the basis for my conclusions.


Table 8 Short Roots

Proto-Indo-European Barytone AP

Iexa, Iex(l OHG -leisa

vidova, vidov(l Skt. vidhava

bliixa, bliix\1 Gk. psulla

migla, migl\1 Gk. omikhle

kosa, kos(l skt. kak~a

krupa, krup\1 Germ. riife

OSa, OSQ Lith. vapsa 2/4

Ioka, Iok\1 Lith. lanka (2)/4

gvezda, gvezd(l Lith. zvaigzde 2/4

medja, medj\1 Lith. mede 2

cerda, cerd\1 OPrus. kerdan

volka, volk\1 Lith. valka 2

ceva, ceVQ Lith. seiva 2/4

pesta, pest\1 Lith. piesta 2/4

Serbo-Croatian Dialect

ziip,zUba

rrat, rrada

r96x, rora

liik, IUka

Skt. jambhas

Lith. gai'das 2/4

Lith. ragas 2/4

Lith. laiikas (2)/4

sneg, snega Lith. sniegas 2/4

cep, Plur. cepi Hes. skoipos

vias, Plur. vias! Skt. valsas

dvorii, dvora Skt. dv~ram

podii,poda Gk. pedon

drnii, tirna Skt. tfl)am

Ilnii, lina Gk. linon

miixii, miixa OHG mos

sitii, sita OHG seid

viinii Skt. vanam

cerdii, cerda Skt. sardham

cernii, cerna Gk. kernon

Proto-Indo-European MobileOxytone AP

polsa, poisQ OHG falg

ovica, ovicQ Skt. avik~

zola, zolQ Gk. khol~

rosa, rosQ Skt. ras~ ~ ' 1!. snuxa, snuxQ Skt. snu~~

dlna, c~nQ Gk. poin~

fQka, rokQ ON rQng

gr<;da, gr~dQ Lith. grinda 4

zima, zimQ Lith. ziema 4

tolka, tolkQ Lith. talka 4

noga, nogQ Lith. naga 4

kosa, kosQ Lith. kasa 4

kriixa, krftxQ Lith. krusa 4

soxa, soxQ Lith. saka 4

borda, bordQ Lith. barzda 4

rlas, riasa ON kall

mix, mixa Skt. me~as

x9ot, xoda Gk. hod6s

plen, plena Lith. pelnas 4

per<'> Gk. pter6n

gnezdo Skt. nidam

j<;dro Skt. iii)Q:im

Qtro Skt. antram

sidlo OHG seil

giirno Skt. ghrnas

diino Lith. dugnas

j~tra Plur. ON innr


Table 8 (continued)

Proto-Indo-European Barytone AP Proto-Indo-European MobileOxytone AP

dernii, dermi Gk. terkhnos vorta/v6rta Plur. Lith. vaftai 2

scitii, scita Lith. skiCtas 2/4 plutja/ph!tja Plur. Lith. plauciai 2/4

pirstii, pirsta

voskii, voska

pestii, pesta

pridii, prida

cerslo

pluto

ostrii, ostro

novii,novo

medji

osti, osti

ogni, ogni

zely, zeh'ivi

Lith. pifstas 2

Lith. viiskas 2/4

Lith. pitlstas 2

Lith. priedas 2

Lith. kefslas 2

Lith. plaiitas 2/4

Gk. akros

Skt. navas

Skt. madhyas

Lith. akstis 2/4

Lith. ugnis (2)/4

Gk. khelus

murky, miirkiivi OHG morha

Joky, lokiivi ON Ia

sestra, sestrQ

mQty, mQtftvi

PQti,pQti

Skt. svasa

Skt. manthli

Skt. pantha:s

bosii, boso

siixii,siixo

siiji, siije

riidii, riido

svekcy, svekriivi

diikti, dukteri

Deviant Forms in Short Root Correspondences PSI. does not correspond to: kriixa, krftxQ OHG hrosa (but to Lith. krusa 4) pirstii, pirsta Skt. pr~thilm (but to Lith. pii·stas 2) scitii, scita OHG scit (but to Lith. skietas 2/4) medi1, medu Skt. madhu (but to Lith. medus 4) ogni, ogni Skt. agnis (but to Lith. ugnis (2)/4) rQka, rQkQ Lith. ranka 2, ON rQ (but to ON rQng) zemja, zemjQ Lith. zeme 2 dQga, dQgQ Lith. danga 4 siito, siita Skt. satam ..,z .... ..,.., .. ctrnu, ctmo Skt. knnas

OHG bar

0.1:\ sear

Skt. savyas

Skt. lodh:is

Skt. svasrils

Skt. duhitii


Table 9 Long Roots Proto-Indo-European Mobile-Oxytone AP Proto-Slavic Barytone AP --;P:;-r-o~to---;;S::-Ia-v-;-ic----=M~o=-bi:-:-.Ie--:A-c:Pc-----

griva

dymii

pyrii

jato

dilgii

pilnii

Skt. grivii

Skt. dhiimas

Gk. piir6s

Skt. yatam

Skt. dirghas

Skt. piirl}as

golva, goivQ

tiikii, tiika

Latv. gaiva

Lith. taukai 3

smordii, smorda Latv. smards

li;}gii, li;}ga Latv. lu6gs

jaje, Plur. jaja Gk. 06n

m~so, Plur. m~sa Skt. marpsam

miiti Skt. matii jiinii, jiino La tv. jauns

dheri Skt. devii nagii, nago Latv. nu6gs

Proto-Indo-European Barytone AP - Proto-Slavic Barytone AP

vrlna Skt. firl}li

iva Gk. 6e

tylii Skt. tfilam

lgto OE Ire~

berm~ Skt. *bhiirma

zmim~ Gk. gnoma

briitrii Skt. bhriita

68. The Restructuring of Barytone AP in Nominals with Short Roots in Slavic

The correspondences discussed above assume the existence of a columnar barytone paradigm for nouns with short roots at an early stage of PreSlavic, comparable to the corresponding Baltic paradigm; for a certain period, therefore, one can reconstruct the Slavic paradigm *bliixa, bli'ixu, blase, bliix(J (the phonetic reconstruction here is arbitrary), comparable in all respects to the Baltic paradigm *blusa, blusas, blusiii, blusan. In explaining the reasons for the transformation of the barytone paradigms into oxytone paradigms in Pre-Slavic, one must consider the question of whether this shift was morphological or phonetic in nature. A morphological change probably would have had to affect nominals with long roots along with those having short roots. The retention of barytone AP in nominals with long (acute) roots points to a phonetic rather than a morphological change. It is necessary then to look for the particular


conditions which brought about the shift of falling tone to the following syllable precisely in the barytone AP (but not in the mobile AP).

These conditions are found only in combinations of nouns with proclitics (prepositions), which form one phonetic word with one basic accent: in the mobile AP the accented root syllable is always the first syllable of the phonetic word ( cf. Ace. Sing. gr~d(!; in combination with prepositions the preposition is stressed: vu gr~d(J); in the barytone AP the accented syllable may be an internal syllable within the phonetic word (in combination with prepositions; cf. vuli)k(J). These facts are crucial in a determination of the possible reasons for the accent shift.

As is known, at a later stage of Pre-Slavic internal syllables with falling tone were phonetically impermissible. The accent was shifted from such syllables to the preceding syllable, resulting in a neoacute tone. It may be assumed that the tendency toward the elimination of falling tone in internal position began rather early in Pre-Slavic; originally, internal accent could have been eliminated by means of a shift to the following syllable. This assumption would explain the transformation of the pre posed forms of the barytone AP into oxytone forms *(vii /f!k(J to *viil(Jk{J); the complete transformation of the paradigm into oxytone could be ascribed to the operation of analogy: *l(!k(J to *l(Jk{J under the influence of *vii i(Jk{J, and *lf!ka to *l(Jka under the influence of *l(Jk¢ and vill(Jk{J.

Conclusion

A comparison of the Baltic and Slavic systems of accentual paradigms V of nominals leads to the conclusion that they were originally identical. Both of them constitute a system with the opposition barytone AP J versus mobile AP, corresponding to the Sanskrit and Greek opposition of barytone AP versus oxytone AP; in both Baltic and Slavic there is a class of nominals with non-apophonic length in the root which diverges from the this correspondence (see Table 10).

It is difficult to say whether these similarities between the Baltic and Slavic systems demonstrate the existence of a Balto-Slavic system of nominal accentual paradigms which differs from the Proto-Indo-European system because of a certain set of common innovations. The following could be considered innovations: I. The extension of accentual mobility, i.e., the conversion of the Proto-Indo-European mobile-oxytone AP into a mobile AP. 2. The shift of nominals with nonapophonic length in the root into the barytone AP.

However, if we take into account the relic character of accent mobility in the paradigm and the clear-cut tendency toward columnar paradigmatic accent in Sanskrit and Greek, we can scarcely make a reliable reconstruction of the original relationship between oxytone and mobile accent on the basis of data from these languages (see the introduction to this volume).

146 Conclusion

Table 10

Indo-European Barytone AP"' Baltic/Slavic Barytone AP*

Gk. psulla Lith. blusa 2 PSI. bliixa, bliix¢

Gk. omikhle Lith. migla 2/4 PSI. migla, migl¢

Skt. firQa Latv. viina PSI. vilna

Gk. 6a Latv. ieva PSI. iva Gk. pedon Lith. padas 2/4 PSI. podii

OHGseid Lith. sietas 2/4 PSI. situ

Gk. akros Lith. astras (2)/4 PSI. ostrii

Skt. svasa Lith. sesuo 2/4 PSI. sestra, sestrQ Skt. mantha Lith. mente 2/4 PSI. mQty

Proto-Indo-European Mobile-Oxytone AP "' Baltic/Slavic Mobile AP

Skt. rasii Lith. rasa 4 PSI. rosa, rosQ Gk. khol~ Lith. zala 4 PSI. zola, zoiQ Gk. poin~ Lith. kaina 4 PSI. cena, cgnQ

Skt. niqam Lith. Iizdas 4 PSI. gnezdo

Skt. duhitii Lith. dukte 4 PSI. diikti, dftkteri

Proto-Indo-European Mobile-Oxytone AP "' Baltic/Slavic Barytone AP

Skt. grivil. Latv. griva PSI. griva

Skt. dhiimas "' Latv. diimi PSI. dymii

Skt. dirghas

Skt. piirQiis

Skt. matii

Skt. devil.

Latv. ilgs

Latv. piins

Latv. mate

Latv. dieveris

PSI. dilgii

PSI. pilnii

PSI. miiti

PSI. dgveri

*The term barytone AP with reference to Slavic here relates to the Pre-Slavic state of affairs that preceded the transformation of the columnar barytone AP of certain nominal classes into oxytone AP. In the list, however, the ProtoSlavic items are transcribed in their later forms, i.e., with oxytone AP.

Mobile accent in Baltic and Slavic, therefore, may not be a Balto-Siavic innovation, but rather an archaism which has been eliminated in Sanskrit and Greek. The present state of accentual studies in the last two languages is such that an unambiguous answer to this question cannot be given.

The second set of facts, i.e., cases of barytone nominals with nonapophonic length in the root, clearly reflects an innovation ( cf. Section

147 Conclusion

31). However, the recent work of V. A. Dybo, "Sokrascenie dolgot v kel'to-italiiskix iazykax i ego znacenie dlia balto-slavianskoi i indoevropeiskoi akcentologii" (VOPS 5, 1960, pp. 9-34) has demonstrated that this innovation is not limited to Slavic and Baltic. Barytone accent in similar circumstances occurs in Celto-Italic languages which retain vowel length (unaccented long vowels in these languages, as Dybo demonstrated, were shortened): cf. Lat. mater 'mother',fumus 'smoke', Ir. ldn 'full', which go back to barytone forms identical to Baltic and Slavic (Latv. mate, diimi, pilns, PSI. miiti, dymu, pflnu), but differing from the oxytone forms of other Indo-European languages (Skt. mati1, dhumds, pun;ds, Gk. [Gen.] metros, thumos, Gmc. *moiler): cf. Dybo, op. cit., p. 18. On the other hand, as H. Skold pointed out ("Zur Akzentzuriickziehung auf Akutsillben," ZSP IV, 1927, p. 143), in the oldest portions of the Rigveda, some words of this group, when occurring as the second members of bahuvrihi compounds with accent shift from the first member of the compound, are barytone, in contravention of the general rule of accent retention: cf. Skt. tuvigrivas, puruviras, sakadhti.mas, pururapas vs. grzvil, vzrds, dhumds, rupds. Thus, accent retraction to a syllable with nonapophonic length was not, apparently, a specifically Balto-Slavic process, but an Indo-European dialectal process, which may have been directly connected with the weakening (and loss) of Iaryngeals and with corresponding tonic strengthening of the newly developed nonapophonic long vowels.

Accent retraction, although not exclusively Balto-Slavic, is nevertheless the oldest of the Balto-Slavic accentual changes that can be set up. It did not lead to a change in the system of accentual paradigms in nominals, but only affected the distribution of forms in the two contrasting accentual classes. The subsequent shortening of accented long ~ diphthongs, which brought about the phonemicization of tone in non final syllables in Baltic and Slavic, merely led to the split of each AP in two; this split shows up in different ways in Baltic and Slavic at a later period. The shift of accent to acute syllables changed the columnar barytone

AP into a mobile AP in the case of nominals with short roots in Lithuan-ian; the elimination of falling tone in internal syllables changed the barytone AP into an oxytone AP in Slavic. These processes, which brought about a fundamental change in the old system of accentual paradigms, were accompanied by an ongoing regrouping of nominals within Dthe system, which, for the most part, took the form of a shift of originally barytone nominals into the mobile AP.

148 Conclusion

This, in general terms, has been the fate of the Proto-Indo-European

system of nominal paradigms in Baltic and Slavic. There have been

significant innovations and numerous linguistic changes have obscured

the original picture. Nevertheless, a continuity of development clearly

emerges.

Notes

Notes to Part I, Sections 1-3

1. The term accentual paradigm (AP) denotes the aggregate of accentual relationships in various word forms, characteristic of a definite group of words, belonging to some grammatical category, a kind of "accentual curve" of the grammatical paradigm. Thus, we speak of a barytone AP in cases where the stemstress (barytonesis) characterizes all forms of the word (e.g., Rus. griva, grivy, grive, grivu, etc.); the oxytonic AP implies stress on the desinence in cases where a desinence is present (Rus. dvor, dvord, dvoru, dvor6m, etc.), and the mobile AP implies differential placement of stress in the various forms of the word (Rus. vodd, vody-v6du, v6dy, etc.)

2. The identity of the Greek and Sanskrit distribution was established by B. Wheeler (Wheeler, Der Griechische Nomina/accent Strassburg, 1885; cf. lists of nominals, pp. 22-38); the identity of the Germanic/Sanskrit distribution was shown by C. Verner (Verner, "Eine Ausnahme zur ersten Lautverschiebung," ZVS, Bd. 23, pp. 97-130; cf. especially the lists of nominals, pp. 118-119). More extensive lists of correspondences can be found in the works of H. Hirt (Hirt, Indogermanische Grammatik, Teil V: Der Akzent, Heidelberg, 1929) and C. Barber (Barber, Die vorgeschichtliche Betonung der germanischen Substantiva und Adjektiva, Heidelberg, 1932).

3. The original stem can be reconstructed in a number of cases by removing the results of well-known secondary stem changes in certain languages (e.g., the Gk. -id- stems from + stems, Orne. -on- stems from -li- stems).

4. Within the category of essential apophonic differences, I include the opposition normal grade-reduced grade, which is ultimately related to differences in position of accent. In my comparisons I permit differences in the vowel

150 Notes

qualtity (deflected grade q-e), as these differences are often conditioned by late analogical levelings. Under essential semantic differences we include here the relegation of morphologically identical words to accentually distinct semantic classes (e.g., oxytone o-stems, nomina agentis versus barytone -o-stems, nomina actionis).

5. In this work I accept the numbering of accentual paradigms as introduced by K. Biiga and used in modern Lithuanian dictionaries and grammars. Correspondingly, upon citation of sources using other numbering systems, the designations have been changed.

6. Here and below stem types are designated according to the Proto-Indo-European stem-building suffix: -a- stems, and not -o- stems (the Lithuanian stage), etc.

7. In a number of case forms (e.g., instrumental singular of -o-stems) there is dialect variation in the place of stress, resulting from various types of leveling.

8. F. Kurschat, Beitriige Zur Kunde der littauischen Sprache, Heft 2: Laut- und Tonlehre der littauischen Sprache, Konigsberg, 1849. Kurschat later presented the same material in his grammar (Grammatik der littauischen Sprache, Halle, 1876).

9. The work of Hirt (Der indogermanische Akzent: Ein Handbuch, Strassburg, 1895) has obviously demonstrated that the Lithuanian material that had been gathered at that time was still insufficient for such a comparison.

10. A. Leskien, "Die Quantitiitsverhiiltnisse im Auslaut des Litauischen," APS, Bd. V, 1881, p. 189.

11. F. de Saussure. "Accentuation lituanienne," IF 6 Anzeiger, 1896, p. 157.

12. A. Bezzenberger came to this conclusion at the same time as de Saussure (in a review of Hirt's book Der indogermanische Akzent, BK, Bd. 21, 1896, pp. 294-295). The analysis of nominal distribution into accentual paradigms (See Table 2) inevitably had to lead to such an idea. Since 1 and 2 AP and, correspondingly, 3 and 4 AP contain nominals with a differing intonational structure of the root, it is clear that 1 and 2 AP (and 3 and 4 AP) are connected by a relationship of complementary distribution and can be united.

13. De Saussure, like the majority of scholars of that time, considered the oxytone to be the Proto-Indo-European AP which was opposed to the barytone.

14. Saussure, Accentuation, p. 163.

15. See. especially the theory ofT. TorbiOrnsson (Torbiornsson, Die litauischen Akzentverschiebungen und der litauische Verbalakzent, Heidelberg, 1924), which is elaborated in detail, but which fails to take into account certain facts which contradict it. The attempts of several investigators (K. Biiga, J. Endzelin, N. van Wijk, E. Nieminen) have not been successful in showing that the change of "oxytonesis to mobility" took place relatively late in Lithuanian (See. E. Nieminen, "Der urindogermanische Ausgang -ai des Nominativ-Akkusativ Pluralis des Neutrums in Baltischen," Annates Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae, Seria B, t. 16, 1922-1923, pp. 130-138). The main argument in favor of such a dating-oxytonesis in the secondary cases of the mobile AP as against barytonesis in the original case forms (e.g., Ill. Sing. of o-stems kiemafi from *kiemand

",·

151 Notes

with the Ace. Sing. kiem{l)-becomes impossible to prove upon consideration of the analogical facts of the transfer of stress onto an enclitic in the Slavic mobile paradigm (cf. Rus. (dial.) zimus' 'this.winter' along with the Ace. Sing. zimu). The identity of the Slavic and Baltic AP, demonstrated by Ch. Stang Slavonic Accentuation, Oslo, 1957, pp. 62-64 and elsewhere; see Section 37) has definitively taken away the force of this argument. On the possibility for differing interpretations of the Old Prussian data, cited by the defenders of the aforementioned hypothesis, see Section 35.

16. This interpretation of Pedersen's idea largely weakens the objections of Stang (ST, p. 12), based on the imprecise formulation of Pedersen (he speaks of a special type of phonetic law).

17. The clarification of accentual relations of the o-stems, a category where one can be guided by the largest quantity of exact correspondences in other Indo-European languages, was hindered for a long time by the widespread views of J. Schmidt, who explained the Baltic o-stem nominative plural ending -ai as the original neuter nominal ending. Since in the neuter plural a specific change in the place of stress is characteristic, scholars were deprived of the support of the decisive evidence of the plural forms in studying the accentuation of the o-stems. Views going back to Schmidt's theory continued to weigh heavily on many investigators even after the appearance of Nieminen's book, dedicated to a critique of this theory (for example, the largely unfair review by E. Sittig of Nieminen's book: ZSP, Bd. VI, 1929-1930, pp. 284-289).

18. J. Endzelin, "K litovskoi aktsentuatsii imen. pad. mn. ch. osnov na -o-," lOR, XXI, 2, 1916, p. 229.

19. N. van Wijk, Die baltischen und slavischen Akzent- und Intonationssysteme Amsterdam, 1923, p. 51; see his examination of Bezzenberger's correspondences, pp. 45-51.

20. Cf. NIE, p. 167; K. Biiga, Review of: J. Pla\l:is, Dazi attisnbas puosmi latviesu un leisu akcenta vesture TAU, kn. 2, 1924, p. 474.

21. J. Kurylowicz, £'accentuation des langues indo-europeennes, WroclawKrak6w, 1958, p. 197.

22. Ibid. p. 174.

23. Ibid. p. 175.

24. Ibid. pp. 200, 212-213.

25. On the other hand, data concerning the retention of the barytone AP in dialects with a significant spread of mobility will serve as a faithful indica-tion of the fact that this accentual type is retained in the majority of Lithuanian dialects.

26. To avoid complications in typesetting, we generally do not cite Lithuanian dialect forms in the body of the text, restricting ourselves to an indication of the accentual paradigm. Let us note that a determination of the accentual paradigm based on transcriptions made in northern Lithuanian dialects with accent retraction, either partial (from a short final syllable to a preceding long) or complete (from a short or circumflex final syllable to the preceding or initial syllable of the word), as a rule, is possible only where the accentological transcrip-

152 Notes

tion is accurate to a sufficiently high degree. The intonation of the syllable to which the accent is secondarily transferred in many cases is different from the intonation of the syllable with the original stress; this difference, however, is not always indi~ated in textual transcriptions. The principles of the accentuation in certain Zemaitis and Aukstaitis dialects with stress retraction have been summarized in a series of articles of the publication of the Institute of Lithuanian Language and Literature, Lietuviy kalbotyros klausimai (t. I-III, Vilnius, 1957-1960). Models of nominal paradigms in a dialect with partial stress retraction (the eastern Aukstaitis dialect of the Debeikiai region) are given in an article by 0. Sedelskyte, "Debeikiv tarmes daiktavardzivlinksniavimas," MADA, t. 1 (14), 1958, pp. 198-207; models of nominal paradigms in a dialect with complete stress retraction (the western Aukstaitis dialect of the Sakyna region) are in an article by A. Jonaityte, "Sakynos tarmes daiktavardzio kaityba" (LKK, t. III, 1960, pp. 98-110).

27. Presumably, the district between the regions of Veliuona (in the south) and Radviliskis (in the north); cf. J. Rozwadowski, "Der Iitauische Akzent in der Universitas linguarum Lituaniae," IF, Bd. VII, 3-4, p. 236.

28. Cf. A. Bezzenberger, Beitriige zur Geschichte der litauischen Sprache, Gottingen, 1877, pp. 18-19. A more detailed description of D. Klein's accentual system was given by T. Buch (T. Buchiene, J. Palionis, Pirmosios spausdintos lietuviv kalbos gramatikos, with reference to the 1957 edition of Klein's grammar, pp. 47-59). The symbol, rarely used by Klein for indicating a short vowel or diphthong in a final syllable', is not usually found in more recent texts of a religious content and reappears only in the grammatical and lexicographical writings ofF. Ruhigand P. Ruhig (1747), G. Ostermeyer (1791), and K. Mielke (1800). The symbol ',used in all Konigsberg manuscripts, is not a symbol of stress; it serves as an indicator of a series of grammatical forms (Gen. Plur., Gen. Sing. of a-stems, etc.); see the review by A. Bezzenberger cited in note 12; T. Buchiene and J. Palionis, op. cit., pp. 50-51.

29. In rare cases the sign ' is used for e, a in circumflex diphthongal groups. For some of these examples dialect variants with acute should be supposed; see Section 4 (ranka) and Section 21 (sventas).

30. Examples from manuscripts are given in simplified form.

31. A. Baranovskij pointed out this graphical characteristic (according to the data of the Haack dictionary of 1730) in "Notes on the Lithuanian Language and Dictionary," SOR, LXV, 9, p. 13. V. A. Dybo brought it to my attention (based on the material of the Bible of 1735).

32. The majority of these texts have not been considered thus far in accentological studies. Specialized work has been dedicated only to the accentuation of C. Donelaitis, who used the system of designations described above (T. Buch, Die Akzentuierung des Christian Donelaitis, Wrodaw-Warszawa-Krakow, 1961; this work also contains a short description of the accentual system of D. Klein, F. Ruhig, and P. Ruhig: see. pp. 6-11).

33. Among these manuscripts, reflecting the accentuation of the western Aukstaitis dialects of Prussian Lithuania, the New Testament of 1701 stands all by itself (Novum Testamentum lithvanicum ... Karalduczuje ... 1701). It was published in Konigsberg but compiled with the aid of the priests of the evangeli-

153 Notes

cal communities of the Great Lithuanian Principality (see the corresponding evidence of J. Berendt in the preface to the Bible of 1755, Biblia ... Karalduczuje 1755, Vorrede, p. 9). This edition represents the western Aukstaitis or central Aukstaitis dialect with a partial stress retraction (cf. Ace. Plur. grdbus, dwis, mhus, Inst. Sing. med'iiu, treCiu, etc. the symbol ' in these cases designates, most probably, a short stressed vowel). The closeness of this dialect to that of the grammar Universitas linguarum is interesting.

Notes to Part I, Sections 3--35

1. Here and below page references are given only for non-dictionary-type works or for those dictionaries which present some difficulty in locating the word in question. The numerals following the abbreviated title indicate volume and page.

2. It can be supposed that Dauksa knew of the dialects that transferred the word into the 4 AP. In his work we find four occurrences of the form of the Gen. Sing. wiet6s and one instance of the derivative wietiniku (Inst. Sing.), presupposing the 4 AP in the base noun (in addition there are four instances of forms from *vietinykas; cf. SK DA 53).

3. The same accentuation, apparently, is found in the work of D. Klein (Loc. Sing. rdnkoje, Rdnkoje, Inst. Plur. Rdnkomis, Loc. Plur. Rdnkosa; cf. KC 13, 21, 22), although the symbol' usually assumes acute intonation of the stressed syllable. It is curious that in all these cases the symbol ' is used in case forms where stress transfer to the following acute syllable is expected according to the Law of Fortunatov-de Saussure (*raiikoje to *rank6je, etc.; cf. the dialectal adessive rankdi(p) from *raiikai-pi), and where one usually assumes the introduction of barytonesis by analogy (cf. SK DA 135-136). Forms with barytonesis according to the sound laws are given by Klein without the symbol ' (Dat. Sing. rankai, Ace. Sing. rank(!, Nom. Plur. rankos). If the analogical introduction of barytonesis took place at a period when the stress shift according to the Law of Fortunatov-de Saussure was still in force, the indicated case forms could have been barytone only if the stressed syllable were acute. Thus, the forms observed by Klein can reflect very old relations, lost as a result of intonational leveling of the paradigm.

4. The semantic development 'something bent' to 'arm' is usual; cf., for example, Orne. *armaz 'arm, the upper part of the arm' (Goth. arms, etc.) along with Lith. (dial.) armal 'bent spokes, between which a rod is inserted'. The possible borrowing from Celtic, Lat. (Late) branca 'arm' assumes that the indicated semantic change was not confined to .Baltic and Slavic. The etymology given by J. Mikkola demands a reinterpretation of the commonly accepted connection of Lith. rankd with the verb riiikti 'to collect'; in this case the verb should be seen as an old derivative with the original meaning 'to function with the arm'. As to the skeptical attitude of several scholars toward the rule of E. Liden J(PIE !fr- to Bait. and Sl. *r-), it will remain a simple prejudice until another Baltic and Slavic reflex is found for the fairly widespread PIE initial w-. 5. In Lithuanian, together with a -ia-stem, there is the reflex of the root *mus-; cf. Lith. (dial.) musis, Gen. Plur. mus(j, miisy.

154 Notes

6. The forms cited by F. Kurschat with long -y- mygld, myglid, mygl~ (KT GL, 175, KT LD) probably reflect a borrowing of the word from dialects having a lengthening of short i, u.

7. G. -a in psulla instead of the expected -e (Dor. -a), apparently is secondary, as in cases like Attic prumna with Hom. prumne; cf. SZW I 476; the dialectal Attic gemination probably reflects -11- from -Is- (cf. SZW I 284). Thus, there is no longer any necessity for reconstructing an original-fa-stem for psulla *bhsulia from *bhlusja, as is often done (cf., for example, BQ 1078).

8. In suffixal formations of this type it is hardly possible to assume an opposition of a- and o-stems according to place of stress, so that it is admissible to reconstruct a bar. *kupra on the basis of Germanic data.

9. In all examples given, lack of stress on the first syllable is indicated by a doubled ss; see Section 2.

10. I reconstruct a form with a laryngeal (H) after I in view of the absence of the lengthening of -a- (from -o-) in Sanskrit, which is pussible only in a closed syllable; cf. Lith. skilti 'to split' from skfH-t-.

I 1. In the dictionary entry (DLK 840) there is a .nistaken indication of 2 AP instead of 4 AP. The 4 AP is indicated by the example provided: Be /ietaus nera - os (i.e., tarpos, Gen. Sing.).

12. K. Bilga (BUG II 647) denies the existence of the variant viekd. However, F. Kurschat's reference to a definite dialect makes one think that in this case (as in the case of the form mot~; See Section 30), Bilga made an error, easily explainable by insufficient acquaintance with the dialects ofPrussian Lithuania.

13. It is, however, possible that the observed form of one occurrence tdlpa (cf. BOH R III 236) is mistaken, and that there exists only tdlpas, masc. (the usual form in Sanskrit.).

I4. The genitive plural Szakkil observed in a charter (gramota) of I804 is an obvious misprint: the doubled kk indicates lack of stress in the preceding syllable (cf. the Gen. Plur. Ssakku N 1735 20a, Szakku in the work of Donelaitis; cf. ACD 42).

15. It is supposed that Skt. *k6kas originates from the onomatopoetic name of the cuckoo (GRA 352) or wolf (MAY I 268); both of these proposals are conjectures. The Slavic name for werewolf, *kuku, similar to that of Lithuanian and Sanskrit, can be assumed on the basis of expressions such as SC na kukov dan, na kukovo leto, Big. na kukov den, na kukovo /jato 'when the cow jumps over the moon'.

16. Semantically, this connection is wholly satisfactory; cf. Sl. *potu 'half, side', along with Skt. phaldti 'it bursts'. It is unclear why E. Fraenkel (FRA I5) prefers to explain Lith. ardai, Latv. iirdi 'beams in the kitchen for drying clothes', as a borrowing, eventually going back to a Balto-Finnic formation (Finn. arta, Plur. arrat, Karelian arto 'a device for drying nets'). The opposite direction of the borrowing process, proposed as early as V. Thomsen (THO I I2, also KAL 9I-92), is undoubtedly more probable. A Balto-Finnic form with a final -a regularly reflects a Baltic plural in -ai; cf. Finn. karva, 'wool, hari', harja 'brush, mane', along with Lith. gaural 'hair'. serial 'bristle'.

155 Notes

17. The reconstruction *iouHos explains the absence of the lengthening of -oin Sanskrit (in a closed syllable) and the acute intonation of Lith. jdujas 'barn' from *iouHtos.

18. Initial v- in Lithuanian, as in vienas 'one' from *oinos (Gk. oin6s or oinos 'one-on dice').

19. Skt. lokds '(open) space' can hardly be an indicator of a parallel oxytonic formation since ulokds (GRA 1187-1188) is an older form in RV; this form probably goes back to the compound formation *ulu-lokds 'open field' in the -1- dialect (see MAY I 112); cf. the analogical formation of the r- dialect urulokas 'occupying a large space' (R V).

20. Hom. nousos, which most likely assumes *n6rts1fos, can be explained as a hypercorrection introduced in a copy instead of NOSOS; cf. SZW I, 308, WAL II 333.

21. The Proto-Indo-European name for 'evening' is usually reconstructed as *IJesperos on the basis of Gk. Msperos, Lat. vesper, Old Irishfescor, Welsh ucher, but its connection to Lith. viikaras, Slavic *veceru remains unclear. The PIE reconstruction *ue-sk•oros and the variant without mobiles, *IJe-k•oros, seem more likely; a g~neralization of the vocalism -e- or-o- was realized dialectally. Then Gk. Msperos can be explained as a transformation of the original *wesporos from *IJesk•oros; Lat. vesper can be viewed as a borrowing from Osco-Umbrian with regular p from *k"; the Celtic forms go back to *IJesk•oros (Old Irishfescor) and *wesk•eros (Welsh ucher); finally, Armenian giser 'night', which cannot be explained from a form with -sp- (sp to Armenian p), agrees very well with the proposed reconstruction, which assumes an original *wesk•eros (sk (") from Armenian .l', cf. Armenian .l'el 'crooked': Gk. skoli6s 'crooked', cf. BRU I, I, 581).

22. In Germanic there are traces of the root *alh-(Goth. alhs).

23. Baltic s- from PIE sw-. as in Lith. siipnas 'dream', sesuo 'sister.'

24. Together with the oxytonic forms of the adessive in -p(i), indicating 4 AP (2I times), in Dauksa's work one can also observe barytone forms of the type dievop (six times; cf. SK 135), which are difficult to explain. Here I suggest accentual leveling based on the Gen. Sing. dii!vo.

25. Attic strouthos probably reflects a secondary retraction of stress, observed in several cases in this Greek dialect; cf. WH 115, SZW I 383.

26. The bar. Gk. ph6nos 'murder, victim of murder, cadaver' is a nomen actionis (and nomen acti), regularly opposed according to stress placement to the nomen agentis (and nomen instrumenti), reflected in Baltic and Sanskrit.

27. The widespread assumption about the connection of ON me iss (from* meisaz) with Lith. mai.l'as, Skt. me.yds is conjectural (cf. the basis for connecting these forms: 0. Schrader, Reallexicon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, Bd. I, Lief. II, Berlin-Leipzig, I920, p. 629). The postulated original meaning, 'sack, animal-skin basket' does not agree semantically with the word meiss, which means primarily 'wooden chest'.

28. LKR I68 wrongly indicates 2 AP. This mistake has been corrected in reprinting the dictionary; cf. LKRM 66-4 AP.

156 Notes

29. If we can consider the Proto-Indo-European name for a bull a borrowing from Semitic (Semitic pauru), the accentuation of the Greek word could be compared with the Lithuanian. This hypothesis satisfactorily explains the Greek and Italic (Latin taurus) vocalism; from this point of view it is harder to explain the Germanic forms cited above.

30. In another group of dialects and in the literary language, barytonesis (ddrbe) was introduced into the instrumental singular of the mobile AP; the coinciding singular forms of the 2 and 4 AP caused a similar coincidence in the 1 and 3 AP.

31. The assumption that Finnish nominals in -a can go back to Baltic neuter formations was made by V. Thomsen (THO 112); he admitted, however, that these nominals also reflect masculine formations, going back to the accusative singular form in -an (also KAL 77-78). The neuter was also reconstructed, proceeding from the Finnish data, by K. Buga ( cf. K. Biiga, "Sis-tas is lietuviv ir indoeuropieciv senoves," TAU, kn. II, 1924, p. 104).

32. Nieminen's construct compares favorably with other attempts to explain the process of the elimination of neuter formations. J. Kurylowicz, who reconstructs the nominative-accusative neuter ending of a-stem nouns as -an, admits a similar explanation only for a-stem adjectives; neuter gender was eliminated in nouns later, in his opinion, as a result of the absence of this category among modifiers (KCZ 217). This hypothesis is hardly in accord with the fact that there is a complete absence of neuter relics among nouns while there are such relics in the adjectival system. Endzelin proposed that the replacement of neuter endings by masculine endings may have originally begun in those neuter nouns which were diminutives derived from masculine nouns, but this proposal is in principle unprovable. (J. Endzelin, "Przyczynki do historii jf<Zyk6w baltyckich. 1. 0 zaniku rodzaju nijakiego" Symbolae grammaticae in honorem J. Rozwadowski, vol. 2, Cracoviae, 1928, also END 395).

33. This characteristic reflex of old neuters was discovered by F. Sommer (Sommer, Die indogermanischen ia- und io-Stiimme im Baltischen, Leipzig, 1914, pp. 243-244); in his explanations Sommer proceeds from the ending of the neut. Nom.-Acc. Sing. -an, which necessitates explaining by analogy such forms as the Ace. Sing. gaidi (cf. medzig). In a review of Sommer's book, J. Endzelin demonstrated that the neuter -iio-stems can be included also in the type in -ys in the nominative singular, if -the plural forms are influential enough (J. Endzelin. "Notes on the Baltic Nominal Stems in -(je)e and -jo" RFV, v. 76, p. 309).

34. However, there is no reference to this work in the discussion of the accentuation of old neuters in the second edition of Kurylowicz's book L 'accentuation des !ungues indo-europeennes, in spite of the fact that in 1958 Bonfante's article was known to Kurylowicz (he criticizes it in another connection on p. 197).

35. Probably a calque of Pol. wigzy 'fetters', wi~zienie 'prison'.

36. However, semantically the original neuter and masculine formations could have been different. Thus, in the dialect of the Dzuk region Linkmenys, medis -'a growing tree', while mediias (mJdZas)-cut-down tree; lumber' (LKK II 167).

157 Notes

37. EBalt. *mediia 'forest' is undoubtedly connected to the Finno-Ugric name for forest (Finn. metsii, Est. mets, Ostjak mac, mat'), which V. Thomsen considered a borrowing from Baltic (THO 112; cf. the objections of J. Kalima, KAL 11). However, it would be premature to make a proposal on the nature of this connection. Let us only note that this case is not alone, but stands along with other examples (cf., for example, Vogul put 'cauldron'-Lith. puodas 'pot'), collected recently by B. A. Serebrennikov ("0 nekotorykh sledakh ischeznuvshego indoevropeiskogo iazyka v tsentre Evropeiskoi chasti SSSR, blizkogo k baltiiskim iazykam," MADA 1, 1957, pp. 69-72).

38. In Lat. porcus 'pig' we have the transfer of the word to a masculine a-stem.

39. The spelling lappu (Gen. Plur.) in the Bible of 1755 (177a29; 177b-2 x) is probably incorrect; in the 1735 edition the word is not in the text.

40. The word reflects a Proto-Indo-European substantivization of the adjective *loik"os 'remaining' (Gk. loip6s 'remaining, impending', Lith. liekas, Latv. lieks 'superfluous'). A later substantivization is represented by the Gk. masc. formations loip6s 'future', loipoi 'descendants, posterity'.

41. The Nom. Plur. accentuation *lizdai (one occurrence), which should be assumed based on the meter, is probably a kind of poetic license in the work of Donelaitis (cf. ACD 15).

42. Apparently the Gen. Plur. form kdkb1 in the 1755 Bible (319a29, 319aal) should be considered a misprint; in the corresponding place in the 1735 edition we find kaklu with the symbol '.

43. Cf. Slavic *vortii 'neck, collar', along with virteti 'to turn'.

44. Meillet could hardly be right in considering the neuter form a later extraction from the collective formation *k"ok•ta (cf. BQ 531). The basis for this assumption were the Greek relationships Sing. kuklos-Piur. (Hom.) kukla and Skt. cakrds (masc.) observed along with cakrdm (Plur. only cakrfi). However, the barytonesis of kuklos obviously indicates a later form of this formation: there is an absence of the expected opposition of stress placement with the form kukla. On the other hand, in R V there are only two forms represented, indicating cakrds together with the frequent Nom. Sing. cakrdm (cf. GRA 429). The gender of A vest. caxra- cannot be determined from the text; C. Bartholomae (BR T 576) indicates masculine, probably following the traditional interpretation. He does so even in cases where it is obviously wrong; cf. BRT, foreword, xxii. The Proto-Indo-European antiquity of the neuter is confirmed by the Gmc. formations *hwe3wufd (OE hweogol, hweowol, neut.) and *hwehwufa (ON hjo/, neut., OE hweol, neut.), where stress variation is explained by the Proto-Indo-European accentual opposition of singular and plural of neuter nominals (cf. HI 243).

45. The zone with 2 AP includes southwestern Aukstaitis and southern Lithuanian Dzuk dialects.

46. In other dialects and the literary language the 2 AP is generalized in the sing'ular.

47. The plurale tantum formation is Proto-Baltic; cf. further Latv. lini, Plur. 'flax'. Lith. linus, Latv. fins 'one flax plant' are forms taken from the plural at a later time.

158 Notes

48. The data of the Konigsberg editions do not allow us to consider Dauksa's form ndmai (cf. also ndmuse with double stress) to be a simple error, asP. Skardzius thinks (SK 41).

49. The spellings ofNesselmann (NES 462), Po senam, isz senu, Senay might not indicate 2 AP since Nesselmann sometimes uses the symbol e to indicate an unstressed open e (cf. NES, Forward, x).

50. Skt. saptamds 'seventh,' oxytone, like other ordinal numbers in Sanskrit, probably going back to *septrrzmos.

51. The forms in Ruhig's dictionary (R LD 107b) Pi/lis, es can reflect either *pi/is, pities, or *pi/is, pilies.

52. Gk. -of- represents a dialectal (Cretan or Aeolian) reflex of -J-, cf. SZW I 344. As to Gk. initial pt- corresponding top- in other Indo-European languages; cf. SZW I 325.

53. M. Mayrhofer (MAY II 121) proposes that the form ndktis is formed by analogy to the Nom. Plur. rlitris (ratri 'night') and that, consequently, for Sanskrit only the stem *nakt- can be reconstructed. Nevertheless, the parallel -i-stem probably had already arisen in the Proto-Indo-European period: besides Baltic and Slavic, its traces can be found in Latin (nox, Gen. noctis, Gen. Plur. noctium) and Tocharian (Tocharian B nekcije 'in the evening').

54. The variant paiu (Vajasaneyi-Samhita, cf. MAY II 239) is secondary; it probably arose under the influence of pasus, masc., 'one animal, head of cattle'.

55. Originally 2 AP; cf. Bebrus MDL 318, Bebrus, Gen. Bebraus; Nesselmann 324, also in the Konigsberg manuscript dictionary according to the data of LK (but Bebrus in Ruhig's dfctionary-R DL 73b); the very same accentuation is indicated by the 2 AP in the secondary a-stem bebras in the northwestern Zemaitis region Gargzdai and in the literary language; cf. LK I 575, NS, DLK.

56. The meaning of the word is probably inaccurately given in the gloss; cf. FRI 530.

57. The Nom. Sing. accentuation thugdter is secondary, cf. SZW I 381.

58. In both cases the root acute intonation is secondary in Lithuanian, cf. Latv. m(dme(li (Plur.), 'sacrum, meat around the kidneys', strdume, 'stream, current'.

59. J. Endzelin, "Uber den Lettischen Silbenaccent," BK, Bd. 25, 1899, and "Des intonations lettones," RESL, vol. 2, 1922; and END 34-41. Cf. the map of the modern distribution of accentual systems in Latvian dialects in V. Dambe, "Zemgalisko izloksv.u intonacijas," Latvijas PSR Zinlit(IU Akademijas Vestis, 1960, No. 12 (161), p. 38.

60. Cf. the description of this system in J. Aleksandravicius, "Kirtis ir priegaide Kretingos tarmeje," LKK, t. I, 1957.

61. Kurylowicz's own thesis on the rise of the slurred intonation in an unstressed i'nitial syllable of the columnar oxytone paradigms of derived nominals retained in Latvian, is based on many other hypotheses put forward by End-

159 Notes

zelin; we shall examine the relation of Kurylowicz's constructs to the actual distribution of the Baltic data below (Section 34).

62. The Latvian forms are cited according to the dictionary of K. Miilenbachs, Latviesu valuodas vardnica Riga, 1923-1925 (supplements: Papildinajumi un labojumi K. Miilenbacha Latviesu valuodas vardnicai Riga, 1934-1946), where the accentual material has been collected and verified by J. Endzelin; the orthography of this edition has been retained. Words known over the major portion of Latvian territory are given with the accentuation of dialects having three intonations. Dialect forms observed include central Latvian (both groups of dialects with three intonations), western Latvian (dialects with a merger of" and ' realized as "), and eastern Latvian (dialects with a merger of' and - realized as').

63. Cf. Latv. guo/is 'a place to lie down' from *gouli{os.

64. WAL I 239 assumes the influence of the athematic present *yeidmi.

65. Variants with -m and -u after -r-, such as Lith. kirmis 'worm', Slavic *Cirmi along with Slavic •iirvi. ·

66. The Old English form also allows the reconstruction of an oxytone Gmc. *anwfiz; however, the presence of the bar. root *dnuif- (OHG anut) in Germanic makes barytonesis of the parallel -i-stem more probable.

67. In Slapelis's work (SLL 204) there is an incorrect indication of "lduzas 4" instead of "lduzas 3."

68. If one is to trust the transcription of the dialect of the eastern Aukstaitis region of Pagiriai, made by A. Baranovskii (informant-A. Dambrauskas), in this dialect the form *jugas (4 AP) is used without infixation: cf. Gen. Plur. jugii, three occurrences (once corrected form jungii); cf. LM 209, SPE 503.

69. The accentuation of Lith. t~vas 'thin' in manuscripts which retain two adjectival accentual paradigms is unknown.

70. Initial v- in eastern Baltic is secondary, cf. OPrus. ains 'one'.

71. Cf. the more complete list in H. Hirt, "Akzentstudien, IF, Bd. X, 1899, p. 54.

72. Dauksa's spellings of the type dund, Gen. Sing. dun6s, Ace. Plur. dunds have been correctly interpreted by P. Skardzius as instances of placing the stress mark on a syllable contiguous to the stressed one in the absence of a special symbol for stressed u (SK 90). The same explanation should be given to the forms observed in Mielcke's dictionary, dund, su Dund (M LD 60a, 65a). The same device for designating stress on a syllable contiguous to the stressed one is used in Slavic accented manuscripts (cf. bgd, bgu, etc.).

73. The formal and semantic similarity of the Baltic and Sanskrit formations makes the comparison of Skt. tirthdm with Skt. tdrati 'it sails across, intersects, overcomes' improbable (the root is *terH-, cf. MAY I 507, POK 1074); this etymology leaves the voiceless aspirate in tirthdm (cf. tirtds, participle to tdrati) without explanation.

74. This is a case of Proto-Indo-European alternation of li :e, which has not as yet received a satisfactory explanation.

160 Notes

75. More widespread in Latvian is a secondary -iio- stem: Latv. (W.)jiitis and with metatony Latv. (Central) jutis, Latv. (W.) jut is from *jutis 'joint, fork in the road'.

76. If Latv. znuots reflects an old a-stem, which existed in Baltic together with the i-stem (cf. Lith. zentas 'son-in-law': Slavic *zeti), then this word should be compared also with an oxytone formation-Gk. gnot6s 'close relative (usually brother)'.

77. More usual in Lithuanian is the -i{o-stem uosis, Gen. uosio (1 AP dialectally). In Latvian the original -1-stem has been lost everywhere; the accentuation of secondary formations-Latv. (W.) uosis (-i{o-stem), Latv. (E.) and Latv. (Central) uoss (-io-stem) is not significant.

78. W AL I 184 rejects this widespread etymology; akherois is viewed here as a derivative in -id- from Akheron 'the river of the subterranean kingdom'.

79. Thus, K. Buga was premature in assigning the form mot~ to a nonexistent class (BUG II 710).

80. In Greek the form of Ionic origin with -e- from -li- (*karion) apparently has become widespread; cf. BQ 450, POK 532.

81. We cannot fail to observe that all examined cases of the Lithuanian appearance of circumflex intonation instead of the expected acute on a long syllable (dirvd, korjis, piirai) belong to a single lexical type (agricultural lexicon). Can it be that these words reflect a Lithuanian borrowing from a Baltic lauguage with a different kind of intonational system (a language of the Old Prussian or Latvian type, where the old acute is a rising intonation)?

82. A. Meillet, "Sur !'accentuation des noms en indo-europeen," MSL, vol. XIX, 1914, p. 67.

83. Hirt has specifically written about an originally oxytone AP in Baltic. In order to explain the change of "oxytonesis to mobility" in nominals with a long root-vowel, he proposed yet another (later) process of stress retraction: the newly arisen long (acute) syllables from sequences such as -er<Jt-attracted the stress from final acute syllables. This hypothesis does not account for the uniformity of the supposed change of "oxytonesis to mobility" within both long and short root-vowel nominals.

84. G. Bonfante. "L'accento dei nome lituani del tipo Nom. Sing. ketmas: Plur. kelmai," BAL, vol. 6, 1936-1937; cf. especially pp. 119-120.

85. G. Bonfante, "L'accento lettone gestossen C) e I' "acuto mobile" Iituano," BAL, vol. 4, 1934, pp. 124--131.

86. Words with -liin the root indicate a non-apophonic vowel by the very timbre of a. Words with -o- and -e- do not have formations of the same root with short -o-, -e-, which could indicate the degree of lengthening in the root.

87. Gmc. hr03b with loss of the second diphthongal element indicates a long diphthong in *krftukli; Gk. -au- in kau/6s and -ai- in *daiw~r confirm -li~- and -lii- in *kaula and *daiye; Gk. poii 'herd' requires the reconstruction *poimo (*p~imo); Sl. *lejq 'I pour' assumes *l~imo.

88. In East Baltic along with the neuter form ( = Lat. caucum 'goblet') there

161 Notes

probably also existed the masculine form, identical to the Sanskrit: cf. Veps. kayvaz along with kayh (from *kauha), cf. KAL 112. Latv. (E.) kduss, if it goes back to *kaiiss, perhaps reflects the accentuation of this masculine barytone formation.

89. The same relationship is demonstrated by Latv. arkls 'plow' as against Lith. drklas, I and 3 AP; here a barytone neuter formation in the singular, having a root syllable that does not retract the stress, is represented, *dr<1tlom ( cf. Cretan Gk. dratron, drotron from *dratron from *dr<Jtrom).

90. The a-stem type with a long root-vowel and a mobile AP remained rather limited in number so that F. Kurschat, as is well known, never listed it at all in his grammar; in other stem types the large number of words of this accentual class can be explained by the secondary introduction of the mobile AP. as was noted above.

9I. Z. Rysiewicz' attempt to revise Fortunatov's work on the rules for the placement of symbol of length in the Enchiridium (Z. Rysiewicz, "L'accentuazione dell'antico prussiano," BAL, vol. VII; also in the book, Z. Rysiewicz, Studia jezykoznawcze, Wroclaw, 1956, pp. 112-161) cannot be considered convincing.

92. F. F. Fortunatov, "Ob udarenii i dolgote v baltiiskikh iazykakh. 1. Udarenie v prusskom iazyke," REV, kn. 33, 1895, p. 271.

93. Cf. N. van Wijk, "Das Gesetz de Saussures im Altpreussischen," TAU, kn. 2, 1924, pp. 3I, 32.

94. Fortunatov, "Ob udarenii i dolgote," p. 273.

95. Hirt, "Akzentstudien" p. 37.

96. Bonfante, "L'accento prussiano," p. 77.

Notes to Part II (Sections 36-68)

1. It can be proposed that, in West Slavic, the rising intonation that appeared as the result of stress retraction to a long root syllable (cf. note 2) was replaced by a falling intonation, characteristic of the barytone forms of the mobile AP (Nom. Sing. *r(!ka to *r¢ka to *rqka under the influence of the Ace. Sing. *rqkq; cf. SC dial. rftka, rftku).

2. In the latter case West Slavic length can also reflect an intonation similar to nco-acute, which arose as a result of the process of stress retraction to a long root syllable, attested in Polabian and Slovincian.

3. Photocopy edition: Novyi Zavet gospoda nashego Jisusa Khrista ... , Moscow, I892.

4. L. L. Vasil'ev, "0 znachenii Kamory v nekotorykh drevnerusskikh pamiatnikakh XVI-XVII vekov," Sbornik po russkomu iazyku i slovesnosti, t. I, tetrad' 2, Leningrad, I929.

5. Cf., for example, V. Kiparskii, 0 kolebaniiakh udareniia v russkom literaturnom iazyke. Odnoslozhnye sushchestvitel'nye, Helsinki, 1950.

6. Cf. Z. Veselovs'ka, "Ukrains'kyi naholos v slovari Beryndy," Zapysky ystorychno-filolohichnoho viddilu Ukra!ns'ko! Adademi!, kn. XXI-XXII, Kiev,

162 Notes

1929, pp. 7-28; Z. N. Veselovs'ka, "Naholos imennykiv bilorus'koi movy za pam'iatkamy XVII st. u porivnianni z naholosom suchasnoi bilorus'koi literaturnoi movy," Filolohichnyl zbirnyk, Kiev, 1958, pp. 145-156; Z. N. Veselovskaia, "Osobennosti vostochnoslavianskogo udareniia kontsa XVInachala XVIII v," Uchenye zapiski Khar'kovskogo pedagogicheskogo in-ta inostrannykh iazykov im. N. K. Krupskoi, t. V, 1959, pp. 27-66.

7. Cf. A. Shakhmatov, "Jurij Krizanic o serbo-khorvatskom udarenii," RFV, kn. 32,pp. 250-260,kn. 33, pp. 298-327;kn. 34,pp. 87-124,204-222.

8. St. Ivsic, "Akcenat u Gramatici Matije Antuna Relkovica," RAD, knj. CXCIV, pp. 1-60; St. Ivsic, "Akcenat u Gramatici lgnata Alojzije Biiica," ibid., pp. 61-155.

9. N. van Wijk, "Zur Betonung der Verba mit stammbildendem i," ASP, Bd. XXXVII, 1918, pp. 12-15.

10. V. Kiparskii's attempt to explain all verbs of the recessive class as the result of a secondary development based on data from Russian manuscripts (KP WR 316-319) cannot be considered successful, mainly because he does not take into account the Slovenian data, which agree with the Russian in many cases.

11. H. Hirt, "Akzentstudien," IF, Bd. X, 1899, pp. 44-48.

12. A. Meillet, "Sur !'accentuation des noms en indoeuropeen," MSL, vol. XIX, 1914, pp. 64-84.

13. Ibid., p. 72. Fr. Sedhicek established the identity of the Baltic and Slavic mobile accentual classes of nominals with a short root vowel independently of Meillet (Fr. Sedlacek, Pfizvuk podstatnych jmen v jazycich slovanskych, Prague, 1914, pp. 145, 152, 160, 164); Sedlacek considered Balto-Slavic mobility, which he found in all stem types, to be a reflection of Proto-Indo-European oxytonesis, assuming the phonetic retraction of stress from final syllables under certain conditions. An essential defect of this unusual conception was the elimination of the Slavic oxytone class as secondary and a virtual disregard of the barytone class of nominals with a short root vowel in Lithuanian.

14. Variations in the accentuation of Gk. thugdter, on the basis of which MeilIet reconstructed in Greek a third mobile paradigm of -ter/tr-stems (Meillet. "Sur !'accentuation," p. 75) of course are not a sufficient basis for assuming a three-way opposition of accentual paradigms.

15. F. F. Fortunatov, "Razbor sochineniia G. K. UI:ianova Znacheniia glagol'nykh osnov v litovsko-slavianskom iazyke," SOR, kn. LXIV, 1897, no. 11, p. 67.

16. A. Meillet, "Note sur un deplacement d'accent en slave," MSL, vol. XI, 1900, pp. 345-351.

17. Cf. especially N. van Wijk, "Zum baltischen und slavischen Akzentverschiebungsgesetz," IF, Bd. 40, 1922, pp. 1-39; also WIJK, pp. 28-38.

18. V. A. Dybo, Review of: L. Sadnik, Slavische Akzentuation, VOP, 1960, No.6, pp. 116-119.

19. Pol. (dial.) pl6sa (KAR) possibly developed the 6 under the influence of a more widespread pl6ska.

I l \

163 Notes

20. Cf. Sin. Cfnim, Cfnis, which allows the assumption of oxytonesis in the original.

21. Nom. Plur. ceny, found in the works of Batjuskov, possibly indicates a secondary oxytone AP (cf. BURL 153).

22. Big. zima can hardly reflect the barytone AP; more likely, this is a generalization of the stress of the form without an article from the paradigm zima, zimdta, zimi, zimite, known in dialects (for example, Lorn, Bela Slatina; cf. SNU XXXVIII 34, liB IV 143).

23. The form with -z- is secondary in Baltic, as shown by Latv. blirda along with Latv. (dial.) biinda (cf. Lith. veizeti 'to look' along with Lith. veidas 'aspect', Slavic *videti).

24. The long root in Lith. lyse 'flower bed' is not original, cf. Gmc. *lisa (OHG lesa 'wrinkle') from *lisa.

25. It is unclear why M. Vasmer prefers a connection to the Lith. kdsti 'to bury' and other more doubtful etymologies, rather than this phonetically and semantically adequate comparison of A. Bezzenberger (cf. further Lat. coxa 'hip' OHG hahsa 'bend of the knee' from *koksa; cf. BR SE 581). '

26. Cf. MAY 258, where this interpretation is considered doubtful.

27. The acute root in Latv. kraiipa 'wart, lichen' reflects a metatony and does not indicate the original length; cf. Rus. (dial.) kr6pkij 'fragile' from *krilpilkil *krilp-.

28. The South Slavic accentuation is probably indicated by Russian sixteenthcentury manuscripts which have columnar barytonesis.

29. Palatal k-, reflected in Slavic and Baltic as k- (possibly an old Joan word from a centum language), is indicated by Skt. Sdrdham 'herd'.

30_. OPrus: kerda_n can, however, also indicate a Baltic a-stem neuter *kefda(n); this form IS possibly reflected in Slavic *cerdil (cf. Section 49).

31. The accentual paradigm of Lith. (dial.) saivd 'tubular stem' is unknown.

~2. Latv. piesta 'mortar' reflects metatony in a-stems; the original intonation IS presented by Latv. (dial.) pieksta.

33. Cf. Lith. slaiige 'nurse' with a barytone AP.

34. These forms cannot be a reflection of South Russian influence since in those South Russian and Belorussian dialects where oxytonesis was int;oduced i? the accusative sin~ular of a-stems with a mobile AP (zemlju), in the nominative plural barytones1s was always retained (zemli, also Belorussian sixteenthand seventeenth-century manuscripts).

35. Cf. further the Ace. Sing. zemljit with two occurrences in PIS'M (one occurrence of zemlju); cf lAG 436, 467, 486; the presence of such a form in this ~anuscript causes surprise also because all the a-stems (including oxytones) in 1t have, as a rule, barytone accusative singular (cf. zenu, sestru, str6ku, as well as 16zu, ~enu). The forms zemljit, na zemljit, vii zem/jt) are quite numerous in t~e Russ1an cop! of Book 12 of the minor prophets of the late fifteenth-early Sixteenth centunes (cf. TUN 5, 33, 54, etc.); the data of this text, which has Middle Bulgarian accentuation, are more definite, since within it one can observe

164 Notes

the partial retention of the oxytone type of a-stems; cf. Ace. Sing. S(!dij~. but r~kf!, rii g6ru (TUN 58, 46, 52).

36. Lith. danga 1 AP (SK LK 40, KAM) corresponds to the Slavic variant with metatony, *d{fga.

37. The absence in such cases of Slovenian closed(! can be explained by the influence of the oblique cases where unstressed o was open (cf. Gen. Sing. p6pa from *papa).

38. The accentuation of Big. vldkat 'train' is not significant since in this meaning the Bulgarian word is a loan from Cz. vlak which is, in turn, a calque of German Zug.

39. Cz. (dial.) vlak with a long vowel is possibly due to the influence of the a-stem vlaka.

40. The length in Cz. (dial.) hlas is unclear.

41. The Slavic x-is usually explained as the result of leveling on the basis of prefixial formations with *pri-, *u-.

42. The indication of 2 AP in LKR 192 is erroneous (draiigas, - e 2; it should have been draiigas 4, - e 2); cf. LKRM 82, which has draugas 4.

43. Concerning Gk. taiiros, cf. Section 11.

44. A secondary lengthening before a resonant is found in OCz. vecir, Cz. (dial.) veCir, vecer (DN 112, DM I 8); cf. SC pod vecer.

45. Sin. goj, g6ja 'care' is a late deverbative formation from gojiti 'to care about, to grow' and does not reflect the accentuation of Sl. *goji.

46. The Standard Bulgarian accentuation b6g<Jt (cf. b6gatogo in the Svistovskii damascene of the eighteenth century; cf. MIL 23) is probably connected with the fact that the word bog 'God' is usually not used with an article in dialects (cf. the corresponding data of the dialect of the village Bobosevo, SNU XLII 20).

47. In Baltic and Slavic, this is possibly the reflection of an old loan word from a centum language.

48. Cf. kanth6s, used by Hesychius, 'aperture for smoke in a hearth; flue' (HAL II 406).

49. For the Slavic mobile AP one must accept the early elimination of oxytonesis in the nominative singular, instrumental singular, and nominative plural. The introduction of barytonesis into the nominative singular is possibly connected to the early substitution for this form by accusative singular.

50. Cf. J. Hamm, M. Hraste and P. Guberina, "Govor otoka Suska," HDZ, t. 1' 1956, p. 106.

51. Cf. D. Nemanic, "Cakavisch-kroatische Studien," SAW, Bd. CIV, 1883, pp. 371, 374.

52. The data of the dialect on the island Susak are cited without any indication of location.

165 Notes

53. Cf. further the Ukr. (dial.) Gen. Sing. rohd, sniha, cited above, and the Ace. Plur. vovky along with Nom. Plur. v6vci (Transcarpathia, cf. ZNT XXVII 63), zuby as well as zuby (Peremyshl'; cf. ZNT XXXV-XXXVI 34). These facts, perhaps, indicate the existence of peripheral Ukrainian dialects with a similar accentual distribution.

54. Cf. the stress retraction in the instrumental plural of oxytone a-stems, also connected to the length of this case desinence (cf. Seetion 42).

55. Probably originally *pero, pfra (cf. selo, Sfla) with a late widening of~ from the plural; in Standard Slovenian there has been a secondary transfer of this word to the -es-stems: per{J, Gen. peresa.

56. The reconstruction of the form with initial *pt- is supported by the correspondence of Gk. (Cypriot) pt6lis: Lith. pi/is. Accepting the original *perom, one should assume that initial pt- in Greek was introduced under the influence of words such as pteruks 'feather'; cf. W AL II 21, MAY II 204.

57. However, cf. Slk. jadro, whose shortness that is hard to explain.

58. Lith. sailas, dial. seilas, 'rope handle of a pail, mooring line' must be considered, in agreement with A. Senn, as a loan from Low German (cf. FRA 755).

59. The accentuation of SC (dial.) grno 'red-hot coals under a layer of ashes' (RSJ).

60. The form vartai 4 AP, according to K. Bfiga's evidence (BUG II 719), does not exist in Lithuanian.

61. We can dispense with the question caused by the lack of accentual correspondence between Sl. *silto and PIE k1J1t6m by accepting the often advanced, but unproved proposition of the Slavic word as a loan from Iranian.

62. H. Hirt, "Zu den slavischen Auslautgesetzen," FIL, Bd. II, 1893, p. 399; cf. especially the comments on Sl. *dvorii, *miixii.

63. There have been attempts to increase their number by H. Pedersen ("Das indogermanische s im Slavischen," IF, Bd. V, p. 74) and T. Milewski ("Drobiazgi z fieksji praslowiaitskiej," PF, rocz. XV, 1939, pp. 272-273); however, almost all their comparisons turned out to be unsuccessful (with the exception of Milewski's comments on Sl. *jezerii, jezero ).

64. Cf. A. Meillet, Review of: S. Agrell, Intonation und Auslaut im Slavischen, RSL, rocz. VII, 1914-1915, p. 28.

65. Sl. *tirnii could also reflect an -ii-stem *trnus; cf. Gmc. *purnuz 'thorn' (Goth. paurnus) together with the secondary *purnaz (OHG darn, OSax. thorn, OFris. thorn); however, this reconstruction cannot explain SC (dial.) torno, neut. (Hvar, cf. FIL XIV 24), which retains the word's original gender (on doublets of the type *tirnii/*tirno see below).

66. Thus it is no longer necessary to reconstruct the original mobile AP on the basis of Slovenian and partially Serbo-Croation data, as N. van Wijk did ("Zur sekundiiren steigenden Intonation im Slavischen, vornehmlich in ursprUnglich kurzen Silben," ASP, Bd. XXXVI, 1916, p. 334.

166 Notes

67. The variant with metatony, sietas 3 AP, observed by F. Kurschat (KT GL 154) probably arose under the influence of the word sietas 'sieve'; cf. KT LD: sietas 'leash'.

68. Cf. further Rus. (dial.) von (Katagoshcha; cf. GTS 44) with closed o, which sporadically appears in several dialects in place of neo-acute -u-. 69. I do not know the source of Rus. ceren, cited by Vasmer in this meaning (Vasmer REW III 322). V. Dal' indicates ceren, with no stress.

70. The parallelism of neuter -o- and -os/es- stems is a frequent phenomenon of Proto-Indo-European; cf., for example, Gk. kernon and kernos, neut., cited above.

71. Lith. (dial.) priedas (LM 53), WLatv. prieds 'addition,' with secondary meta tony.

72. In the standard language, plUto- a variant observed by V. Karadzic, and possibly not reflecting the actual stress (cf. RAD CXXVI 240).

73. I limit myself to reliable examples; cf. AG 68-72 (where a very heterogenous sort of material has been gathered, requiring careful selectivity).

74. Cf., besides the examples cited above, which have Proto-Indo-European correspondences, SI. *selo, *rebro, *melko, *tilo, *vedro, *slrebro, *runo, *lice (from *liko), *stegno 'hip,' *bedro, *stlblo, *reseto, *desno 'gums' (Cz. dtisno, jasno), *leto from *lekto 'entrance to beehive' (SC leta), *lono 'lap' (lon6, lono in Russian and Ukrainian manuscripts), BRus. lan6, Ukr. lon6, cf. VAS 37, V OV 56, LOB 296.

75. Later, Hirt tried unsuccessfully to eliminate these difficulties, referring to the isolated cases of correspondence between Proto-Indo-European barytone -os/es-stems and Slavic masculine formations and between Proto-IndoEuropean oxytone masculine -a-stems and Slavic neuter formations. Cf. H. Hirt, "Zur Verbalflexion," IF, Bd. XVII, 1904-1905, pp. 291-292.

76. Cf. the compilation of relevant literature: S. Szober, "Siowianski Nom.-Acc. Sg. neutr. temat6w na -o-, -es-," PF, rocz. XII, 1927, pp .. 563-571; E. A. Iakubinskaia-Lemberg, "Problema obrazovaniia form srednego roda v slavianskikh iazykakh," Uch. zap. LGU, no. 250, Seriia filol. nauk, vyp. 44, 1958, pp. 3-13.

77. Judging by the data of neuter -osfes- stems (*nebo, *slovo, etc.), final -os gave -o in Slavic. In the nominative singular -a-stem masculine form we have to allow for the possibility of an early change of the ending -as to -om (the accusative singular ending); this assumption is well in accord with the barytonesis of the nominative singular in the mobile AP; the barytonesis is original only in the accusative singular; the appearance of a new accusative singular form in -a for nominals denoting living beings can also be connected with the tendency to restore the opposition of nominative singular and accusative singular in this category, which was lost as a result of the introduction of the -om form into the nominative singular.

78. An original neuter gender in Baltic is confirmed by OPrus. Assaran (EV 60) 'lake'.

167 Notes

79. M. Vasmer separates the Slavic word from OPrus. Slayan, Slayo EV 307 'sleigh', Lith. sliijos (Plur.) 'sleigh', and he reconstructs *siiloji, connected to *liti 'to pour' (VAS II 663); this comparison is doubtful semantically and morphologically (in the old nominal formation we would expect rather *sf!loji).

80. J. Mikkola proposed an original *Cwaxstan here (cf. E. Nieminen, "Ein Beitrag zu der ostslavischen und ostseefinnischen Badeterminologie," LIN, t. 4, 1953, pp. 226-227), basing his study on the frequent instances of written t instead of c. However, the group kv- regularly is represented in Old Prussian texts by qu, Qu- (cf. Queke, EV 635, 'pole ih a fence', quai, quliits, quoite in the Enchiridion, and qu- (Qu-) could hardly have been understood by the scribe as tw- (Tw-); on the contrary, the substitution of the Gothic written Gw- and Tw- is highly possible. Thus, we dispense with propositions about the borrowing of the Old Prussian word from a Germanic source, which were based on the reconstruction *Cwaxtan (cf. German Quast) or *Twaxlan (cf. OHG dwehila 'towel'; cf. further BR 328, TR II 453). OPrus. *Gwaxtan coincides with Sl. *xvostil in form (in Slavic the form with mobiles is reflected) and meaning; cf. Finn. vasta "bath besom" from ESI. *xvostil 'besom' (cf. Rus. xvostat' to take a steambath with a besom', for more detail cf. NIE pp. 218-227); the same root is represented in Gmc. *kwastuz 'panicle; wisp, frings, besom' (cf. German Badequast 'bath besom', OSwed. kvaster, koster 'broom' from ON *kv(!Str).

81. The Lithuanian dialect (Dzuk dialects in the Lida region; cf. LK) accentuation draiigas 4 AP is hardly original.

82. Naturally one can also find the opposite correlation when Slavic has masculine formations corresponding to neuter formations in the other IndoEuropean languages. In these cases we find mobile -a-stems in Slavic; cf., for example, Sl. *svorbil, svorba mob. AP 'itch' (SC svriib, svriiba, Sin. sriib, Rus. dial sv6rob, Cz svrab, Slk. svrab) *s!forbhos, nomen actionis, along with Gmc. *swaroa (ON swart, neut., 'sawdust') from *s!!orbhom, nomen acti.

83. This is the distribution right after the change -om to -iloccurred. Later, the two indicated accentual classes naturally came to be opposed as masculine nominal accentual classes. The inclusion of derived masculine nominals into the oxytone class belongs to this later period.

84. Possibly we should connect Lat. scortum 'skin, leather' (originally 'cut off piece of skin') to this formation.

85. Gk. (Attic) hailos 'dry, withered' reflects the barytone variant.

86. In view of the Slovenian and Serbo-Croation data, L. L. Vasil'ev's proposal of the introduction of -o- in the form no/under the influence of the pronominal adjective novyj (VAS 45) becomes doubtful.

87. The transfer of the word into the oxytone AP, usual for -a-stems in Slavic, is reflected by SC dial. svekPva (Kosovo, cf. ELZ II 206), Big. sveHrva, Rus. svekr6v', svekr6vi (Rus. dial. svekry -may represent the oxytone nominative singular of the mobile AP).

88. The barytonesis of Gmc. swehron (fern.) 'mother-in-law' (Goth. swaihro, ON svii!ra) reflects, most probably, the influence of the accentuation of the masculine formation *swehuraz 'father-in-law' (OHG swehur).

168 Notes

89. The forms voln6j, volnu, observed in the usage of Krylov and Del'vig (BU RL 185), can be reflections of the influence of the accentuation of the word volnd 'wave (in water)'.

90. I prefer this comparison to the usually accepted comparison with Irish laithe 'day' or with Lith. lietus 'rain'.

91. Comparisons of *berm~g with Skt. bhtirzma (masc). 'contents, subsistence' and Skt. (RV) bhtirma (neut.) 'retention, guard' are unsatisfactory; bhtirlma is probably a late innovation since the root bhr belongs to the ani! roots (without schwa primum); the comparison with bharma leaves the Slavic acute intonation of the root without explanation. A reconstruction of the formation with a lengthened grade is thus the only possibility.

92. The reasons for the appearance of shortness in Cz. bratr are unclear.

93. Some of the examples cited by these authors are not proven since they are based on insufficiently exact correspondences; cf. Sl. *serdd, *sefde (-a-stem)Latv. sefde (originally an +stem; cf. Lith. dial. serdis 'heart of a tree'); Sl. *miru (originally a -ii-stem)-Latv. miers (o-stem); Sl. *mtjdru (-o-stem)-Latv. muodrs (originally a -ii-stem; cf. Lith. mandrus); Sl. *s!Mu 'trace'-Latv. slaids 'smooth' (an adjective, in contrast to Slavic).

94. The form tiik, tiika, cited by M. Vasmer (VAS III 149) and Fr. Sedlacek with a reference to Nemanic, reflects, apparently, secondary new formations in certain Istrian dialects.

95. Inst. Plur. tdukais in the 1755 Bible (151a46) is an erroneous spelling, which arose probably as a result of correcting the misprint of the 1735 edition taikais.

96. Secondary metatony in Latv. tduki (Piur.,) 'fat, lard'.

97. ELatv. smlirds can reflect *smlirds or *smiirds; in both cases this accentuation should be considered secondary.

98. e is indicated by length in Skt. mas 'meat'. Latv. miesa probably is a loan from Slavic (cf. Lith. mesd).

99. Sl. *s~no thus should be reconstructed as *sghoinom with mobiles (cf. Gk. skhoinos, masc. or fern., 'cane, reed'). The intonation of Lith. sienas, Latv. siens 'hay' may not be original; cf. Lith. (dial.) sienas, observed in Zemaitis-Krakes -and central Aukstaitis-Grinkiskis, Butkiske-regions (LM 224, 202, 227).

100. Slk. pyr, possibly borrowed from Cz.; cf. NON 78.

101. The origin of length in Sl. *mrso, Skt. mas is unclear.

102. This opposition is almost completely eliminated within masculine -a-stems; however, even here its traces are found in certain Slavic areas; cf. Section 46.

ACD

AG

AR

ASP

AV

B 1735

B 1755

BAL

BAR

BBR

BE

BEP

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GER

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172

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HI

HIlA

HOD

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I 1750

lAG

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lOR

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KA

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Indogermanische Forschungen.

Izvestiia na Instituta za billgarski ezik.

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KCZ

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KEL

KG

KIN

KL

KLNS

KOP

KP

KPWR

KSL

KTGL

KTLD

KTWL

KUC

LA


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R AL

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RAD

RAM

RE

RESL

RFV

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RN

RSJ

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RV

SAW

SB

SBL


Kniga Konstantina Filosofa o Pis'menekh (see lAG).

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177

SCH

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SIM

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SKI

SLL

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II TRA

II If

I r f

' L


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TRBS

TRAY

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UNI

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VNI

vov

VUN

VAS

VOP

VOPS

VOR

vv

WAL

WH

WIJK


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Word Index

Lithuanian and Other Baltic Languages

akmuo24 danga 41 akstis 57 debesis 22 alga 5 desimtis 22 alkas 9 desinas 21 antis 27 dievas 10 antras 21 dieveris 30, 63 ardai 9 dirva 27 arklas 32 drangas 52 astras 21' 55 draugas 43 asva 4 dugnas 48 atrs (Latv.) 30 duja 4 aulas 10 dukte 24 avis 22 diimai 15 badas 11, 44 duona 30 bangas 10 dzilna (Latv.) 64 barzda 39 ezeras 51 bebrus 23, 56 ganas 10 blusa 4, 40 galva 62 bradas 57 gardas 44 branka 5 geras 21 butas 17 gija 6 dagas 10 gysla 64 dalis 22 glaistas 53

References are to numbered sections

grandas 53 grandis 22 grinda 39 griva (Latv.) 30, 63 gultas27 gurnas 17 ieva 27 ilgas 30 jaujas 27 jaukas 15 jauns (Latv.) 62 javai 9 jega 27 jungas 29 juosmuo 33 jUts (Latv.) 30 kaina 5, 39 kaklas 16 kanka 6 kapas 9 karbas 43 karpas 9 kartas 53

182 Word Index 183 Word Index

kasa 39 naga 39 senas 29 tinklas 15 vapsa 40 vilna 27, 61 kaukas 9 · nagas 16 sesuo 24 trf!sa 6 varnas 43 virsus 23, 56 kaulas 30 naktis 22 sietas 'sieve' 32 tuscias 21, 55 vartai 48 vokas 32 kausas 32 namai 18 sietas 'tie' 49 tvankas 11 vf!sas 9 vyras 30 kerdan (OPrus.) 40 narsas 5 skala 5 Twaxtan (OPrus.) 52 vaskas 49 znuots (Latv.) 30

kerslas 49 naujas 21 skietas 17, 49 ugnis 57 vazys 17 zala 5, 39 kibiras 53 nerstas 53 sklandas 53 uosis 30 veidas 27, 64 zambas 9, 44 kinis 22 nuogs (Latv.) 62 slauga 41 urvas 33 vejas 30 zarais 10

kirmis 22 padas 15,49 Slayan (OPrus.) 52 usnis 22 vieka 5 zeme 41

korys 30 paisai 18 smards (Latv.) 62 vakaras 9, 44 vienas 29 zentas 33 kraujas 16 parsas 15 snate (Latv.) 30 valas 9 vieta 4 ziema 39 krauka (Latv.) 30 pats 22 sniegas 44 valka 40 vilkas 11, 44 zvaigzde 40 kreslas 32 pedas 29 spaliai 18 valkas 10, 43

krusa 6, 39 pekus 23 sparnas 16 kUjis 64 pelnas 43 spauda 5 Russian and Other Slavic Languages kupra 4 piemuo 30 spurgas 33 kutas 15 piesta 40 sraumuo 24 beremja 61 golova 62 zvezda 40 kvapas 9 piestas 49 srava 5 berest 52 golos 43 zemlja 41 1aikas 16 pieva 27 stambas 10 bloxa 40 gon 52 zima 39 langas 62 pilis 22 stomuo 27 bober 56 horno (Ukr.) 48 znamja 61 lanka 40 pilnas 30 strazdas 10, 45 bog44 gorod 44 zola 39 lankas 44 pirmas 27, 64 sula 4 bod (SC) 44 griva 63 zub 44 lapas 15 pirstas 17, 49 sUnus 30, 64 boroda 39 grob 52 iva 61 laukas 9 plakas 17 saka 6, 39 bos 55 grom 44 jaje (SC) 62 laupai 18 plauciai 48 sakh 25 brat 61 hrud (Ukr.) 53 jato (SC) 63 lauzas 29 plausai 18 salna 64 brod 53 grjada 39 kij 64 Iedas 56 plautas 49 samas 53 val 56 dvor 49 korob 43 lenta 5 priedas 49 sapas 9 vdova 40 dever (SC) 63 kosa 'hair' 39 Iiauka 4 pUiiai 32 sarmas 27 verx 56 del 52 kosa 'tool' 40 Iiemenis (Latv.) 30 pUrai 30 seiva 40 vecer 44 deren 49 krat (Sin.) 53 Iinai 18 ragas 44 sesuras 11 vid 64 dno 48 krosno 51 Iipai 18 raisas 27 simtas 16, 48 vlaka (SC) 40 dol 56 kroxa 39 lizdas 16, 48 ranka 4, 39 slakas 16 voz 44 dolog 63 krupa 40 maisas 10, 43 rasa 5, 39 slaunis 22 vol56 doc' 59 kut 45 mazgas 11 ratas 15 sulas 9 volk 44 drvo (SC) 51 led 59 mede 40 raupai 10, 43 sventas 21 volna 'wool' 61 drozd 45 len 49 medus 23, 56 rumbas 53 takas 43 volok 43 drouh (Cz.) 52 Ieto 61 medzias 15 saikas 9 talka 39 volos 44 drug 43 Ieha (SC) 40 melmuo 24 saitas 15, 49 talpa 6 volot (Ukr.) 56 dub 56 log44 melns (Lat.) 27 saka 5 tanas 9 von 49 duga 41 lokva (SC) 58 mente 25, 59 sakai 10, 43 tarpa 5 voron 43 dux 43 lug 62 menuo 30 salpas 53 taukai 62 vorota 48 dym 63 luk 44 migla 4, 40 samda 5 tauras 11, 43 vosem' 57 zelva (SC) 52 luka 40 mintis 22 sapnas 9 tauta 5 glist 53 zelna 64 magla (SC) 40 mote 30, 63 sapnys 15 tievs (Latv.) 29 gnezdo 48 zila 64 mat' 63 musia 4 sekmas 21 tiltas 30 goj (SC) 44 zir 56 med 56

184 Word Index 185 Word Index

tucchyas 21, 55 pesas 18 vahyam 17 meza 40 pol6n 43 stog 52 tulam 61 babhrus 23" vayus 30 mej (Sin.) 55 polosa 39 struk 52 tfl}am 49 badhas 11, 44 viiras 9 mex43 prid (SC) 49 strup 43

dak~inas 21 bhagas 44 vidhava 40 mig43 prh (SC) 44 suk 56 dalis 22 bhai:Jgas 10 viras 30 morkov' 58 put' 59 sux 55 dirghas 30, 63 bhiirman 61 vfkas 11, 44 moutev (Cz.) 59 pjat' 57 syn 56 duhitii 24, 9 bhriita 61 vedas 27 mox49 rog 44 tern 49 durva 27 matis 22 Slit am 16, 48 mjaso 62 roj 52 tok 43 devas 10 madhu 23, 56 sankus 56 nag 63 rosa 39 toloka (Ukr.) 39 devii 30,63 mlidhyas 55 s:irdham 49 nerest 53 rub 53 torg 56 dviiram 49 £ madhyam 15 siikha 6, 25 nov 55 rud (Sin.) 55 torok 56 dhaniis 30 mantha 25, 59 siipas 9 noga 39 ruka 39 tosc 55 dhumas 30, 63 m:irma 24 sr6nis 22 nutro 48 rux (Ukr.) 43 tuk (SC) 62 n:iktls 22 malin:is 27 sv:isuras 11 ovca 39 rjad 56 tur 43 nakh:im mlirils:im 62 svasrus 58 ogon' 57 svekrov' 58 tyl (Cz.) 61 n:ibhas 22 matii 30, 63 svlintas 21 ozero 51 sem' 57 xvost 52 n:ivas 55 meghas 10, 43 ~a~tis 57 ol (Sin.) 56 seren 52 xlud 53 navyas 21 me~as 10,43 sanas 21 olovo 51 sestra 59 xod 43 nidaghas 10 yavas 9 samdhii 5 osa 40 silo 48 cena 39 niqam 16,48 y:ivias 27 savyas 55 ost (Sln.) 57 sit (OCz.) 49 cep 44 pai:Jktis 57 yatam 63 sura 4 oster 55 slana (SC) 64 cieva (Slk.) 40 p:itis 22 yugam 29 sunus 30 pas (SC) 45 slap (SC) 53 cabar (SC) 53 padam 15 yiitis 30 stambas 10 pervyj 64 sloj 52 cered 49 p:inthas 59 rayas 52 sthalam 52 pero 48 sluga 41 cereda 40 parl}am 16 rasii 5, 39 sthiima 27 perst 55 smorod 62 ceren 55 pasu 23 Iokas 9 snu~ii 39 pest 49 sneg 44 cerep pisas 45 Iogas 29 sphiras 55 pestr 55 snoxa 39 cereslo 49 piirl}as 30, 63 Iodhas 55 sv:ipnas 9 pir (SC) 63 sok 43 certa 40 purvas 27, 64 vanam 49 svapnyam 15 pista (Cz.) 40 som 59 sest 52 pulyam 32 v:ilsas 44 svasli 24, 59 plot 52 son 44 sest' 57

Pr~th:im 17, 49 pluto (SC) 49 soxa 39 suj (Sin.) 55

pluca (SC) 48 sporyj 55 scit 49 Ancient Greek

pod 49 stan 56 jadro 48

p6lon 63 sto 48 jatra 48 akmon 24 eidos 27 kanth6s 45 akros 21, 55 hekat6n 16 k:ipos (Hes.) 9

Sanskrit alphe 5 hekur6s 11 kaul6s 30 asparagos 33 henos 21 kerathos 27

agnis 57 klik~a 40 granthis 22 aul6s 10 entera 48 kernon 49

:intaras 21 kalii 5 grlvii 30, 36 haiios 55 eor (Hes.) 24 kerion 30

ardhas 9 kfta 40 ghanas 10 akherofs 30 hesperos 9, 44 kutos 15

avik[ 39 kfmis 22 ghmas 48 garnon (Hes.) 17 zug6n 29 leimon 30 asma 24 kr~nas 55 jiii 6 guoma 61 zoma 33 Iepos 15 :isva 4 k6ka-yatus 9 jiiatis 30

gu5t6s 30 Mbe 27 Ieuke 4 lii}Qiim 48 k6sas 32 tantram 15 g6mphos 9, 44 thua 4 linon 18, 49

antram 48 kravy:im 16 tarkus 56 da~r 30, 63 thugater 24 Iipos 18

urna 27, 61 khanis 22 talpa 6 hebdomos 21 thiim6s 30, 63 loip6n 16

iirv:is 33 g:iyas 44 tlrth:im 30

186 Word Index Index of Numbers refer to

Lithuanian corresponding points on

Populated the map on p. 189

Iokhos 44 holkos 10, 43 spolia (Hes.) 18 Areas Iukos 11, 44 omikhle 4, 40 stilmon 27 methu 23, 56 opos 10,43 strouthos 10, 45 melas 27 okhos 44 skhistos 52 meson 15 pedon 14, 49 tanaos 29 mesas 55 pentheros 11 tai'iros 11 m~ter 30 pedon 29 terkhnos 49 moskhos 11 pikros 55 tonos 9 mula poa 27 hupnos 44 neios 21 poimiln 30 phiitar 61 neos 55 poinil 5, 39 pherma 61 nephos 22 posis 22 phonos 52 nomos 18 pteron 48 phuton 17 nosos 9 ptolis 22 khe!Us 58 ksulon 9 rilros 30, 63 khol~ 5, 39 ogkos 9 hrei'ima 24 khoros 10 hodos 43 hro~ 5 khromos (Hes.) 44 oe 27, 61 skathos 9 psulla 4, 40 oinos 29 skoipos (Hes.) 44 oon 62 ois 22

Alsedzial9 Krincinas 16 Radviliskis 34 Old High German and Other Germanic Languages Anyksciai 46 Kupiskis 41 Ramaskonys 93

Bartininkai 85 Kursenai 32 Raseiniai 59 alah 9 innr (ON) 48 scharf (OLG) 9 Biriai 15 Kvedarna 31 Rietavas 25 andar 21 kall (ON) 43 sear (OE) 55 Cedasai 17 Lazilnai 96 Rokiskis 47 atar 30 kind 33 seid 15, 49 Darbenai I Leipalingis 88 Salakas 51 bar 55 kolder (OSwed.) 27 seil48 Daunoriai 97 Linkmenys 70 Salamiestis 40 beraht 52 Ia (ON) 58 slag (ON) 16 Debeikiai 45 Linkuva 14 Salantai 5 branga (ON) 5 laeJ> (OE) 61 snod (OE) 30 Dieveniskes 94 Marcinkonys 90 Sasnava 80 bruoder 61 !Oh 9 snor (ON) 39 Dotnuva 62 Marijampole 81 Saugai 52 dah 52 loub 18 swe3er (OE) 58 Dusetos 48 Merkine 89 Seda 7 darba 5 manod 30 swehur 11 Endriejavas 24 Moletai 68 Seinai 87 diota 5 mimz (Goth.) 62 teil 52 Gargzdai 20 Mosedis 4 Sidabravas 36 ealu (OE) 56 morha 58 thuang 11 Garliava 82 Naujamiestis 38 Siesikai 67 ened (OE) 27 mos 49 tior 43 Gerveciai 84 Naumiestis 53 Skapiskis 43 falg 39 muoter 30, 63 tiund (ON) 22 Gomaliai 30 Nocia 91 Skirsnemune 56 farah 15 rad 15 J>rOh (OE) 6 Griskabudis 76 Pagiriai 65 Skuodas 2 fihu 23 reyrr (ON) 43 J>fOStr (ON) 45 Gudeliai 65 Paezereliai 61 Slavikai 74 flag (Norw.) 17 rosa 6, 39 veig (ON) 45 Jaskonys 95 Pandelys 18 Subacius 42 fors (ON) 44 roub 10,43 vlius (OHG) 18 Joniskis 13 Panosiskes 83 Sudargas 58 grab 52 ri,? (ON) 4, 39 waganleisa 40 Jurbarkas 57 Pilviskiai 78 Sakyna 12 ha (ON) 6 rQng (ON) 39 wald 56 Kacergiske 71 Plunge 23 Seduva 35 hjarn (ON) 52 ri.ife (Gmc.) 40 weida 4 Kamajai 44 Pociilneliai 37 Seta 66 hovar 4 saga 5 weref 44 Krakes 3 Priekule 22 Svencioneliai 72 hrog (OE) 30 sar (ON) 9 wrah (OE) 27 Kretinga 19 Punskas 86 Sveksna 27 hunt 16

188

Taurage 55 Telsiai 28 Tverecius 73 Upyna 33 Utena 69 Uzpaliai 49 Vabalninkas 39

Lithuanian Populated Areas

Varniai 29 Vaskai 21 Veivirzenai 26 Veliuona 60 Vieksniai 10 Vilkaviskis 79

Vilkija 64 Virbalis 75 Visakio Rilda 77 Zarasai 50 Zygaiciai 54 Zverynas 92

189 Lithuanian Populated Areas

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Nominal Accentuation in Balto-Slavic -Illich-Svitych

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