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    Nehru Report [1928]

    The Government of India Act 1919 was essentially transitional in character.Under Section 84 of the said Act, a statutory Commission was to beappointed at the end of ten years to determine the next stage in therealization of self-rule in India. Accordingly, the Simon Commission wassent to the Sub-continent under the command of Sir John Simon. All

    members of the commission were British. This was regarded as highlyinsulting to the Indians and immediate protest was raised from all theimportant political parties. When the Simon Commission arrived, the localmasses welcomed it by with slogans of "Go back Simon!". All the majorpolitical parties of Sub-continent, except the Shafi League of Punjab,boycotted the Simon Commission.

    After the failure of Simon Commission, there was no alternative for theBritish government but to ask the local people to frame a constitution forthemselves. They knew that the Congress and Muslim League were the twomain parties and that they both had serious difference of opinions.

    Birkenhead, Secretary of Sate for Indian Affairs, threw the ball in the Indian politicians' court, and askedthem to draw a draft of the forthcoming Act on which both Hindus and Muslims could agree. The Indianleaders accepted the challenge and for this purpose, the All Parties Conference was held at Delhi in January1928. More than a hundred delegates of almost all the parties of the Sub-continent assembled andparticipated in the conference. Unfortunately, the leaders were not able to come to any conclusion. Thebiggest hindrance was the issue of the rights of minorities. The second meeting of the All Parties Conferencewas held in March the same year, but the leaders still had their differences and again were not able to reacha conclusion. The only work done in this conference was the appointment of two subcommittees. But due tothe mutual differences between Muslims and Hindus, the committees failed to produce any positive result.

    When the All Parties Conference met for the third time in Bombay on May 19 1928, there was hardly anyprospect of an agreed constitution. It was then decided that a small committee should be appointed to workout the details of the constitution. Motilal Nehru headed this committee. There were nine other members inthis committee including two Muslims, Syed Ali Imam and Shoaib Qureshi.

    The committee worked for three months at Allahabad and its memorandum was called the "Nehru Report".The chairman joined hands with the Hindu Mahasabha and unceremoniously quashed the recent Congressacceptance of the Delhi Proposals. The Nehru Report recommended that a Declaration of Rights should beinserted in the constitution assuring the fullest liberty of conscience and religion.

    The following were the recommendations advanced by the Nehru Report:

    1. India should be given the status of a dominion.

    2. There should be federal form of government with residuary powersvested in the center.

    3. India should have a parliamentary form of government headed by aPrime Minister and six ministers appointed by the Governor General.

    4. There should be bi-cameral legislature.

    5. There should be no separate electorate for any community.

    6. System of weightage for minorities was as bad as that of separate electorates.

    7. Reservation of Muslim seats could be possible in the provinces where Muslim population was at least tenpercent, but this was to be in strict proportion to the size of the community.

    Pandit Motilal Nehru

    Quaid-i-Azam and other Muslim

    leaders condemned the NehruReport

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    5. Representation of communal groups shall continue to be by means of separate electorate as at present,provided it shall be open to any community at any time to abandon its separate electorate in favor of a jointelectorate.

    6. Any territorial distribution that might at any time be necessary shall not in any way affect the Muslimmajority in the Punjab, Bengal and the North West Frontier Province.

    7. Full religious liberty, i.e. liberty of belief, worship and observance, propaganda, association andeducation, shall be guaranteed to all communities

    8. No bill or any resolution or any part thereof shall bepassed in any legislature or any other elected body ifthree-fourth of the members of any community in thatparticular body oppose such a bill resolution or partthereof on the ground that it would be injurious to theinterests of that community or in the alternative, suchother method is devised as may be found feasible andpracticable to deal with such cases.

    9. Sindh should be separated from the Bombaypresidency.

    10. Reforms should be introduced in the North WestFrontier Province and Baluchistan on the same footingas in the other provinces.

    11. Provision should be made in the constitution givingMuslims an adequate share, along with the otherIndians, in all the services of the state and in local self-governing bodies having due regard to therequirements of efficiency.

    12. The constitution should embody adequatesafeguards for the protection of Muslim culture and forthe protection and promotion of Muslim education, language, religion, personal laws and Muslim charitable

    institution and for their due share in the grants-in-aid given by the state and by local self-governing bodies.

    13. No cabinet, either central or provincial, should be formed without there being a proportion of at leastone-third Muslim ministers.

    14. No change shall be made in the constitution by the Central Legislature except with the concurrence ofthe State's contribution of the Indian Federation.

    The council of the All India Muslim League accepted fourteen points of the Quaid. A resolution was passedaccording to which no scheme for the future constitution of the Government of India would be acceptable tothe Muslims unless and until it included the demands of the Quaid presented in the fourteen points.

    A. K. Fazl-ul-Haq [1873-1962]

    Quaid-i-Azam presented his famous Fourteen Points onMarch 28, 1929

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    Popularly known as Sher-i-Bengal, A. K. Fazl-ul-Haq was a leaderwho, for more than half a century, was in the forefront of allpolitical activities pertaining to the Pakistan Movement. He madevaluable contributions towards the political, social and educationaluplift of the Muslims of the Sub-continent.

    He was born on October 26, 1873, and received his elementary

    and religious education at home. He learnt the Holy Quran, Arabicand Persian from well-known scholars. Fazl-ul-Haq excelled in hisstudies. He passed his BA securing honors in physics, chemistryand mathematics, and his MA with distinction from the Universityof Calcutta.

    In 1900, he was enrolled as an advocate in the Calcutta HighCourt. While practicing law in his hometown, Barisal, he realizedthat the main cause of the backwardness of Muslims of Bengal waslack of education. Educational uplift and political advancement ofthe Muslims became the goal of his life.

    He slowly began to emerge as a young political leader. Fazl-ul-Haqwas one of the four members of the committee that drafted the

    constitution of the All India Muslim League in 1906. In 1912, hestarted the Central National Muhammadan Educational Association

    to help the poor and deserving Muslims. In 1914, he became the leader of the Muslims of Bengal. Heattended the Lucknow Pact as the representative of the province. In 1920, he became the Minister ofEducation for Bengal. He devotedly worked for the educational advancement of the Muslims. During theNon-cooperation Movement of 1919-1921, he very wisely advised the Muslim students to single-mindedlypursue their studies and not to get involved in politics at that stage.

    Fazl-ul-Haq was essentially a man of the masses. As a lawyer he defended thousands of Muslims who wereaccused of the riot cases before the Partition. He also looked after the interests of the peasantry of Bengal.He was also a delegate of the Round Table Conferences and pleaded the cause of the Muslims to have theirproper share in the administrative affairs of the country. In 1937, he was elected as Chief Minister ofBengal. During the All India Muslim League session of March 23, 1940, which was presided over by Quaid-i-Azam, Fazl-ul-Haq rose to move the historic Pakistan Resolution and spoke of protecting the rights of the

    Muslims of India.

    Fazl-ul-Haq migrated to Pakistan and accepted the Advocate Generalship of East Pakistan. At the age of 80,he toured East Pakistan from one end to another. In 1962, his health started deteriorating. He passed awayon April 27, 1962 after dominating the political stage of the Sub-continent for half a century.

    Sher-i-Bengal, A. K. Fazl-ul-Haq

    June 3rd Plan [1947]

    When all of Mountbatten's efforts to keep India united failed, he asked Ismay to chalk out a plan for thetransfer of power and the division of the country. It was decided that none of the Indian parties would viewit before the plan was finalized.

    The plan was finalized in the Governor's Conference in April 1947, and was then sent to Britain in May wherethe British Government approved it.

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    The following were the main clauses of this Plan:

    1. The Provincial Legislative Assemblies of Punjab andBengal were to meet in two groups, i.e., Muslimmajority districts and non-Muslim majority districts. Ifany of the two decided in favor of the division of theprovince, then the Governor General would appoint aboundary commission to demarcate the boundaries ofthe province on the basis of ascertaining thecontiguous majority areas of Muslims and non-Muslims.

    2. The Legislative Assembly of Sindh (excluding itsEuropean Members) was to decide either to join theexisting Constituent Assembly or the New ConstituentAssembly.

    3. In order to decide the future of the North West Frontier Province, a referendum was proposed. TheElectoral College for the referendum was to be the same as the Electoral College for the provincial legislativeassembly in 1946.

    Lord Mountbatten - 11 days

    before the transfer of power

    Mountbatten came back from London on May 31, and on June 2met seven Indian leaders. These were Nehru, Patel, Kriplalani,Quaid-i-Azam, Liaquat, Nishtar and Baldev Singh. After theseleaders approved the plan, Mountbatten discussed it with Gandhiand convinced him that it was the best plan under thecircumstances. The plan was made public on June 3, and is thusknown as the June 3rd Plan.

    The final phase of partition of India; Quaid-i-Azam andNawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan with Viceroy Lord Mountbattenand Congress leaders during their meeting on June 2, 1947

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    4. Baluchistan was also to be given the option to express its opinion on the issue.

    5. If Bengal decided in favor of partition, a referendum was to be held in the Sylhet District of Assam todecide whether it would continue as a part of Assam, or be merged with the new province of East Bengal.

    The Birth of Pakistan [August 14, 1947]

    The British Parliament passed the IndianIndependence Act on July 18, 1947. The Actcreated two dominions, Indian Union and Pakistan.It also provided for the complete end of Britishcontrol over Indian affairs from August 15, 1947.The Muslims of the Sub-continent had finallyachieved their goal to have an independent statefor themselves, but only after a long andrelentless struggle under the single-mindedguidance of the Quaid.

    The Muslims faced a gamut of problemsimmediately after independence. However,keeping true to their traditions, they overcamethem after a while. Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad AliJinnah was appointed the first Governor General ofPakistan and Liaquat Ali Khan became its firstPrime Minister. Pakistan became a dominion withinthe British Commonwealth of Nations.

    The birth of Pakistan, August 14, 1947

    The boundaries of Pakistan emerged on the map of the world in 1947. This was accomplished on the basis ofthe Two-Nation Theory. This theory held that there were two nations, Hindus and Muslims living in the

    territory of the Sub-continent. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan was the first exponent of the Two-Nation Theory in themodern era. He believed that India was a continent and not a country, and that among the vast populationof different races and different creeds, Hindus and Muslims were the two major nations on the basis ofnationality, religion, way-of-life, customs, traditions, culture and historical conditions.

    The politicization of the Muslim community came about as a consequence of three developments:

    1. Various efforts towards Islamic reform and revival during the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

    2. The impact of Hindu-based nationalism.

    3. The democratization of the government of British India.

    While the antecedents of Muslim nationalism in India go back to the early Islamic conquests of the Sub-continent, organizationally it stems from the demands presented by the Simla Deputation to Lord Minto, theGovernor General of India, in October 1906, proposing separate electorates for the Indian Muslims. Theprincipal reason behind this demand was the maintenance of a separate identity of the Muslim nationhood.

    In the same year, the founding of the All India Muslim League, a separate political organization for Muslims,elucidated the fact that the Muslims of India had lost trust in the Hindu-dominated Indian National Congress.Besides being a Hindu-dominated body, the Congress leaders in order to win grass-root support for theirpolitical movements, used Hindu religious symbols and slogans, thereby arousing Muslim suspicionsregarding the secular character of the Congress.

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    Events like the Urdu-Hindi controversy (1867), the partition ofBengal (1905), and Hindu revivalism, set the two nations, theHindus and the Muslims, further apart. Re-annulment of thepartition of Bengal in 1911 by the British government broughtthe Congress and the Muslim League on one platform. Startingwith the constitutional cooperation in the Lucknow Pact (1916),they launched the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movements to

    press upon the British government the demand forconstitutional reforms in India in the post-World War I era.

    But after the collapse of the Khilafat Movement, Hindu-Muslimantagonism was revived once again. The Muslim Leaguerejected the proposals forwarded by the Nehru Report and theychose a separate path for themselves. The idea of a separatehomeland for the Muslims of Northern India as proposed byAllama Iqbal in his famous Allahabad Address showed that thecreation of two separate states for the Muslims and Hindus wasthe only solution. The idea was reiterated during the Sindhprovincial meeting of the League, and finally adopted as theofficial League position in the Lahore Declaration of March 23,1940.

    Thus these historical, cultural, religious and social differences between the two nations accelerated the pace

    of political developments, finally leading to the division of British India into two separate, independent

    states, Pakistan and India, on August 14 & 15, 1947, respectively.

    Jinnah - Mountbatten Talks [1947]

    Quaid-i-Azam taking oath as the first GovernerGeneral of Pakistan

    Quaid-i-Azam administering oath

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    The history of bilateral negotiations pertaining to Kashmir between theleaders of India and Pakistan at the state level can be traced back toNovember 1947. The meeting of the Joint Defense Council wasscheduled at Delhi only four days after the occupation of Kashmir bythe Indian forces. The venue of the meeting was changed from Delhi toLahore. The Governor General and Prime Minister of the two countrieswere supposed to attend the meeting. However, to avoid direct talks

    with his Pakistani counterpart, Jawaharlal Nehru declared himself ill andhis deputy, Sardar Patel, refused to come to Lahore, stating that therewas nothing to discuss with the Pakistani leadership. This leftMountbatten alone in his visit to Pakistan.

    Mountbatten came to Lahore on November 1, 1947, and had a threeand a half hour long discussion with the Governor General of Pakistan.Mountbatten made an offer to the Quaid that India would hold aplebiscite in the state of Jammu and Kashmir, provided Pakistanwithdrew the Azad Kashmiri forces and their allies. He also made itclear that the Indian forces would remain in the valley and SheikhAbdullah in the chair. Quaid-i-Azam opposed the unjust plan andclaimed that the State of Jammu and Kashmir, with its massive Muslim

    majority, belonged to Pakistan as an essential element in an incomplete partition process. He was alsoconvinced that plebiscite under the supervision of Sheikh Abdullah and Indian regular army would be

    sabotaged.

    Presenting his proposal, Quaid-i-Azam asked for the immediate andsimultaneous withdrawal of both the Pathan tribesmen and the Indiantroops. Afterwards, he suggested that the leaders of India and Pakistanshould take control of the State of Jammu and Kashmir and sort out allmatters including the arrangement of a free and fair plebiscite.

    Quaid-i-Azam guaranteed his counterpart that the two of them wouldbe able to solve the problem once and forever, if Mountbatten wasready to fly with him to Srinagar at once. As India was not interested inthe immediate resolution of the problem and wanted to gain time,Mountbatten told the Quaid that unlike him, he was not the completemaster of his country and had to take the consent of Nehru and Patel.

    Thus the talks ended and the problem remained unsolved.

    Liaquat Ali Khan as Prime Minister [1947-1951]

    Lord Mountbatten

    Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah

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    Liaquat Ali Khan's contributions to the struggle forindependence were numerous. After independence,he was thus the natural choice for the premiership.Liaquat Ali Khan was appointed as the first PrimeMinister of Pakistan.

    Being the first Prime Minister of the country, Liaquat

    Ali Khan had to deal with a number of difficultiesthat Pakistan faced in its early days. He helpedQuaid-i-Azam in solving the riots and refugeeproblem and in setting up an effective administrativesystem for the country. He established thegroundwork for Pakistan's foreign policy. He alsotook steps towards the formulation of theconstitution. He presented The ObjectivesResolution, a prelude to future constitutions, in theLegislative Assembly. The house passed it on March12, 1949. It is considered to be the "Magna Carta" inPakistan's constitutional history. Liaquat Ali Khancalled it "the most important occasion in the life of

    this country, next in importance, only to the achievement of independence". Under his leadership a teamalso drafted the first report of the Basic Principle Committee and work began on the second report.

    During his tenure, India and Pakistan agreed to resolve the dispute of Kashmir in a peaceful manner throughthe efforts of the United Nations. According to this agreement a ceasefire was affected in Kashmir in January1948. It was decided that a free and impartial plebiscite would be held under the supervision of the UN.

    Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan signs the register as the firstPrime Minister of Pakistan

    After the death of Quaid-i-Azam, he tried to fill the vacuum createdby the departure of the Father of the Nation. The problem ofreligious minorities flared during late 1949 and early 1950, and itseemed as if India and Pakistan were about to fight their second warin the first three years of their independence. At this critical momentin the history of South Asia, Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan metNehru to sign the Liaquat-Nehru Pact in 1950. The Liaquat-NehruPact was an effort on his part to improve relations and reducetension between India and Pakistan. In May 1951, he visited theUnited States and set the course of Pakistan's foreign policy towards

    closer ties with the West. An important event during his premiershipwas the establishment of National Bank of Pakistan in November1949, and the installation of a paper currency mill in Karachi.

    Liaquat Ali Khan was unfortunately assassinated on October 16,1951. Security forces immediately shot the assassin, who was lateridentified as Saad Akbar. The question of who was behind hismurder is yet to be answered.

    The government officially gave Liaquat Ali Khan the title of Shaheed-i-Millat.

    Khawaja Nazimuddin becomes Prime Minister [1951-1953]

    Liaquat Ali Khan, hours before he wasassassinated

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    Under Quaid-i-Azam's constitutional framework, executive powers laywith the Prime Minister. When Liaquat Ali Khan was assassinated onOctober 16, 1951, Khawaja Nazimuddin, who was the Governor Generalat that time, took over as the second Prime Minister of Pakistan. GhulamMuhammad, who had been Finance Minister since the inception ofPakistan, was elevated to the post of Governor General.

    It was under Prime Minister Khawaja Nazimuddin that the second draftof the Basic Principles Committee was presented to the ConstituentAssembly on December 22, 1952. He remained in power till April 1953when Ghulam Muhammad removed him from the office. KhawajaNazimuddin's downfall was not only due to his meekness of character,but also due to the power struggle amongst the various leaders. Themovement for Tahaffuz-i-Khatam-i-Nabuwat and the worsening foodcondition in Punjab caused a lot of trouble for Khawaja Nazimuddin.

    The anti-Ahmadiya movement was started in Punjab by the Ahrar andhad the support of Mian Mumtaz Daultana, the Chief Minister of Punjab.This movement soon spread to other parts of the country. There werewidespread disturbances and the situation in the country soon worsenedto the brink of anarchy and civil war. Imposition of Martial Law became

    imminent. Khawaja Nazimuddin was summoned by the GovernorGeneral along with his Cabinet and ordered to resign. KhawajaNazimuddin declined but was dismissed by Malik Ghulam Muhammad onApril 17, 1953. After the dismissal of Khawaja Nazimuddin, the Governor

    General appointed Muhammad Ali Bogra, an unknown person from East Pakistan, as the Prime Minister.

    Most historians agree that the removal of Khawaja Nazimuddin was improper, undemocratic andobjectionable because the Prime Minister still enjoyed the confidence of the Parliament. This act set anunhealthy tradition and precedent for the future Presidents who were fond of removing electedgovernments, thus creating continued instability in the country.

    West Pakistan Established as One Unit [1955]

    Even after eight years of existence, Pakistan was

    without a constitution. The main reason wasbelieved to be the fact that there were two unequalwings of Pakistan separated from each other bymore than a thousand miles. To diminish thedifferences between the two regions, theGovernment of Pakistan decided that all the fourprovinces and states of West Pakistan should bemerged into one unit.

    To this end, Prime Minister Muhammad Ali madethe first official announcement on November 22,1954, enumerating the benefits of having one unitor province. On September 30, 1955, the Assemblypassed the bill merging 310,000 square miles intoa single province, with Lahore as its provincial

    capital. West Pakistan had formerly comprisedthree Governor's provinces, one ChiefCommissioner's province, a number of states thathad acceded to Pakistan, and the tribal areas.Geographically, they formed a homogenous blockwith easy communication, but with markedlinguistic and ethnic distinctions. The result of thenew bill was to unify these various units into oneprovince to be known as West Pakistan.

    Khawaja Nazimuddin took over as thesecond Prime Minister of Pakistan onOctober 16, 1951

    All the four provinces and states of West Pakistan weremerged into one unit

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    The Bill was hailed as a measure of administrative rationalization as it was likely to reduce theadministrative expenditure. It was claimed that one unit of West Pakistan would eliminate the curse ofprovincial prejudices. The problem of representation of various units in the proposed Federal Legislature hadbeen a big hurdle in the way of making a Constitution and it was said that with the removal of this hurdle,the formation of the Constitution would now speed up.

    Dr. Khan Sahib was appointed as the first Chief Minister of the One Unit, while Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani was

    appointed as the first Governor of West Pakistan. Dr. Khan Sahib's Ministry, however, came to an end whenthe President himself took over the administration. Subsequently, Sardar Abdur Rashid and Muzzaffar AliQazilbash were appointed Chief Ministers of that province in succession.

    While the One Unit scheme in West Pakistan could be supported on various grounds, the method of itsestablishment was not free from criticism. The government wanted to introduce the One Unit Scheme by anexecutive decree, which it could not do. So the Central Government dismissed the Ministry in Punjab, Sindhand N. W. F. P. One Unit continued until General Yahya Khan dissolved it on July 1, 1970.

    Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy [1892-1963]

    Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy was born on September 8, 1892,in an illustrious Muslim family from Midnapore in West Bengal,India. Suhrawardy's mother was the first Muslim woman to

    pass the Senior Cambridge examination. He graduated withhonors in Science from St. Caviares College. In 1913, heobtained his Masters degree in Arabic from Calcutta University.Suhrawardy received his B. C. L. degree from OxfordUniversity and was called to the Bar from Grey's Inn in 1918.

    In 1920, Suhrawardy married Begum Niaz Fatima.

    In 1921, he was elected to the Bengal Legislative Assembly.For a brief period, he served as Secretary, Calcutta KhilafatCommittee. In 1923, he was appointed Deputy Leader of theSwaraj Party. The following year he was elected Deputy Mayorof Calcutta. In 1936, he became the General Secretary of theBengal Provincial Muslim League. After the 1937 elections,

    Suhrawardy was appointed Minister for Labor and Commerce.After serving briefly in the Fazl-ul-Haq's Ministry, he joinedKhawaja Nazimuddin's Ministry in 1943 as Minister for CivilSupplies.

    After the 1946 elections, Suhrawardy formed government inBengal, the only Muslim League Government in the Sub-

    continent. In 1949, he formed the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League, and in 1953 he renamed it as theAwami League.

    In 1953, Suhrawardy teamed up with A. K. Fazl-ul-Haq and Maulana Bhashani to establish the United Frontin Dhaka. Their party won the 1954 general elections. The same year he joined Muhammad Ali Bogra'sMinistry as Law Minister. However, with the change of government in 1955, Suhrawardy took charge of theleadership of opposition.

    H. S. Suhrawardy became the fifth Prime Minister of Pakistan on September 12, 1956. During his tenure, hetried to remove economic disparity between the two wings. In October 1957, Suhrawardy resigned from hisPremiership due to the President's refusal to convene a meeting of Parliament for seeking a vote ofconfidence.

    Field Marshal Ayub Khan Becomes President [1962-1969]

    Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy

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    In March 1962, Ayub Khan suspendedthe Martial Law and proclaimed theConstitution of 1962. Presidentialelections were held in January 1965,and Ayub Khan defeated Miss FatimaJinnah, Jinnah's sister, to once againbecome the President of Pakistan.

    During his term, the "Great Decade"was celebrated, which highlighted thedevelopment plans executed during tenyears of Ayub's rule. The 1965 War wasfought during Ayub's term and AyubKhan represented Pakistan in thesubsequent Tashkent Talks.

    Ayub Khan moved the capital ofPakistan from Karachi to Islamabad in1965, but could not complete his termdue to public pressure.

    He handed over power to GeneralMuhammad Yahya Khan on March 25,

    1969.

    Awami League's Six-Point Program

    In the 1970 National Assembly elections, the mandate of Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman's Awami League Party was based on a Six-Point Program ofregional autonomy in a federal Pakistan. Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman hadpresented the Six-Point Program as the constitutional solution of EastPakistan's problems, in relation to West Pakistan.

    First enunciated on February 12, 1966, the six points are as below:

    1. The Constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in thetrue sense on the basis of the Lahore Resolution and for aparliamentary form of government based on the supremacy of a directlyelected legislature on the basis of universal adult franchise.

    2. The Federal Government shall deal with only two subjects; Defenseand Foreign Affairs. All residuary subjects will be vested in thefederating states.

    3. There should be either two separate, freely convertible currencies forthe two Wings, or one currency with two separate reserve banks toprevent inter-Wing flight of capital.

    4. The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the federating units. The FederalGovernment will receive a share to meet its financial obligations.

    5. Economic disparities between the two Wings shall disappear through a series of economic, fiscal, andlegal reforms.

    6. A militia or paramilitary force must be created in East Pakistan, which at present has no defense of itown.

    Ayub Khan taking oath as the President of Pakistan

    Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman

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    After the elections of 1970, differences arose between the Government and Awami League on the transfer ofpower on the basis of this Six-Point Program.

    There ensued a political deadlock with talks ending in failure and postponement of the first session of theNational Assembly. The postponement of the National Assembly session triggered a chain of events thateventually led to the separation of East Pakistan.

    Martial Law under General Yahya Khan [1969-71]

    The Tashkent Declaration signed by the Indian Prime Minister LalBahadur Shastri and the Pakistani President Muhammad AyubKhan was not at all approved by the general public, and wasregarded as submission to India and humiliation for the nation.Politicians were already unhappy with Ayub Khan whoseGovernment was celebrating the decade of various reforms. Buthe fell victim to the then Foreign Minister, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto,who exploited the whole situation. He resigned from office andafter forming a party of his own, Pakistan Peoples Party,announced to "defeat the great dictator with the power of thepeople". As a result, he and others were arrested.

    Ayub Khan tried his best to handle the situation by releasing anumber of political prisoners, including the most popular leader ofEast Pakistan, Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman. He held a Round TableConference in Rawalpindi with all the well-known political leadersin March 1969, but it proved to be a stalemate, with the resultthat Ayub Khan was forced to hand over power to GeneralMuhammad Yahya Khan, on March 25, 1969. Pakistan was nowunder the grip of another Martial Law.

    Being deeply aware of the explosive political situation in thecountry, General Yahya Khan set in motion moves to transfer

    power to the elected representatives of the people and announced that the general elections would be heldon October 5, 1970.

    General Elections 1970

    The political history of Pakistan from 1947 to 1970 witnessed no general elections. Thus, when Yahya'sRegime decided to hold the first general elections on the basis of adult franchise at national level, they

    were not only required to make a new mechanism but were also required to set up a permanent electionmachinery. A three-member Election Commission was set up and Justice Abdus Sattar was appointed as thefirst Chief Election Commissioner of Pakistan.

    The first task before the Election Commission was to enroll as voters all citizens of Pakistan who were atleast 21-years old on October 1, 1969. The electoral rolls were put before the masses for corrections onJanuary 16, 1970, and after necessary amendments, the final list was published on March 17. The totalregistered voters in the country were 56,941,500 out of which 31,211,220 were from the Eastern Wing,while 25,730,280 from the Western Wing. The Election Commission also marked the constituencies, inaccordance with the seats allocated for the National and Provincial Assemblies under Legal Framework

    Order, 1970. One hundred and ninety nine Returning Officers were appointed for the National Assembly and285 Returning Officers were appointed for the Provincial Assemblies.

    Twenty four political parties participated in the elections. They were allowed to begin their electioncampaigns from January 1, 1970. The public meetings of Awami League in Bengal and Pakistan PeoplesParty in the Punjab and Sindh attracted huge crowds. Awami League mobilized support on the basis of itsSix-Points Program, which was the main attraction in the party's manifesto. While Z. A. Bhutto's personality,his socialistic ideas and his slogan of "Rotti, Kapra aur Makan", meaning food, clothing and shelter, were thefactors that contributed to the popularity of Pakistan Peoples Party. The rightist parties raised the religiousslogans, while the leftists raised slogans based on regional and communistic ideas.

    General Yahya Khan

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    A total 1,957 candidates filed their nomination papers for 300 NationalAssembly seats. While after scrutiny and withdrawals, 1,579 contestedthe elections eventually. None of the political parties filed nominationsof their candidates on all the seats. Awami League nominated 170candidates out of which 162 were for the constituencies in EastPakistan. The party that filed second highest number of candidateswas Jamaat-i-Islami. It filed 151 candidates. There were only 120

    candidates contesting the elections on the ticket of Pakistan PeoplesParty, out of which 103 were from the constituencies in the Punjab andSindh. Pakistan Peoples Party didn't nominate a single candidate fromEast Pakistan. Convention Muslim League nominated 124 candidates,Council Muslim League 119 and Qayyum Muslim League 133.

    According to the original schedule, polling for the National Assemblywas to be held on October 5 and for the Provincial Assemblies onOctober 19. However, due to the floods in the East Pakistan, the dateswere changed to December 7 and 17, respectively. Elections on nineNational Assembly and 18 Provincial Assembly seats, however, couldnot be held on these dates because of the cyclone that hit a large partof East Pakistan. Elections for these seats were held on January 17,1971.

    According to the results of the elections, Awami League emerged asthe single largest party in the National Assembly by winning 160 seats.It was also able to win 288 out of 300 seats in the East PakistanAssembly. However, the party failed to win even a single seat in thefour Provincial Assemblies of West Pakistan. Pakistan Peoples Partymanaged to win 81 out of 138 seats reserved for West Pakistan in theNational Assembly. The party also performed well in the ProvincialAssembly polls of the Punjab and Sindh Assemblies.

    The election results showed that the rightist parties were completelyrouted. The biggest reason for this was the division of votes amongseveral candidates on almost every seat. Qayyum Muslim League,Council Muslim League, Convention Muslim League, Jamiyat-i-Ulema-i-Islam, Jamiyat-i-Ulema-i-Pakistan and Jamaat-i-Islami as a wholecould only secure 37 National Assembly seats. National Awami Partyand Jamiyat-i-Ulema-i-Islam emerged as the prominent parties in theN. W. F. P and Baluchistan Assemblies.

    Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman''s AwamiLeague emerged as the single largestparty in the National Assembly

    Z. A. Bhutto''s personality and hissocialistic ideas were some factors thatcontributed to the popularity of P. P. P.

    The Separation of East Pakistan [1971]

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    The separation of East Pakistan was a greatsetback to Pakistan. By 1970, sentiments fornational unity had weakened in East Pakistan tothe extent that constant conflict between the twoWings dramatically erupted into mass civil disorder.This tragically resulted in the brutal and violentamputation of Pakistan's Eastern Wing.

    The physical separation of a thousand milesbetween the two wings without a common border,and being surrounded by Indian territory andinfluences, led to constant political, economic andsocial conflicts between the two wings; embitteringrelations bringing the country on the verge ofcollapse.

    As a result of the separation of its Eastern Wing,Pakistan's international credit was depleted and themilitary, being its most powerful institution,suffered a lot. To some, the very concept ofPakistan as the homeland for the Muslims in

    Southeast Asia no longer appeared valid.

    Trouble started right at the inception of Pakistan in1947. Almost immediately, East Pakistan claimed that as their population (55 percent as compared to 45percent in the West) was greater, they were in a majority. Democratically, the Federal Capital, therefore,should have been in Dhaka and not in Karachi.

    Since Karachi was the seat of the National Government; ministers, government officials and industrialistsexerted immense influence on national and regional affairs, which brought them many benefits. But the EastPakistanis were unable to extract the same kind of advantages, as they were a thousand miles away fromthe Capital. Moreover, the Capital initially attracted wealthy industrialists, businessmen, administrators,doctors and other professionals who had fled from India.

    The location of the Capital, it was

    said, created great economicimbalance, uneven distribution ofnational wealth and privileges, andbetter jobs for the people of WestPakistan, because they were able tosway decisions in their own favor.

    Secondly, Bengalis resented thevast sums of foreign exchangeearned from the sale of jute fromEast, which were being spent ondefense. They questioned how theexpenditure for the Kashmir causewould be justified, when it couldotherwise have been productivelyused to build dams and barriers tocontrol floods, eradicate povertyand illiteracy, and supply food andshelter for the ever-growingpopulation in East Pakistan.

    Thirdly, the people of the Eastbelieved that it was sheer regional prejudice that all white-collar jobs were taken by West Pakistanis.

    The Separation of East Pakistan, 1971

    Mukti Bahini

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    Many mistakes were made early in the short history of Pakistan. There lived in East Pakistan about 15million Hindus who, with the help of their fellow West Bengali Indians from across the border, were able toexploit East-West differences that emerged as a result of these mistakes. Grievances were exaggerated tofoster anti-West Pakistani feelings that eventually created Bengali Nationalism and separatist tendencies.Bengali political leaders went around depicting the Central Government and West Pakistan as hostileexploiters. However, no effective efforts were made by the Government to check these anti-national trends.

    Awami League, formed in 1951, was headed by Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman. He had always been an ardentBengali nationalist. He began to attract popular support from Bengalis in East Pakistan. He put forward hisSix Points that demanded more autonomy for the Provinces in general, and East Pakistan in particular. Hewas arrested in April 1966, and soon released, only to be rearrested and imprisoned in June the same year.He languished in prison until February 1969.

    Being deeply aware of theexplosive political situation inthe country, the then Chief

    Martial Law Administrator,Yahya Khan, set in motionmoves to transfer power tothe elected representatives ofthe people, and announced

    that the general electionswould be held on October 5,1970.

    In all his election speeches,Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahmanreiterated his demand forimplementation of his SixPoints and provincialautonomy plans.

    The 1970 elections werepostponed from October toDecember due to heavy

    floods that caused immensedestruction and havoc in East Pakistan. The sheer enormity of the disaster attracted worldwide attention.This gave Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman a golden opportunity to have an international audience for his anti-WestPakistan feelings, which he accused of brutal callousness. The Awami League gained much sympathy andbenefit out of this suffering, and Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman and his people were portrayed on theinternational scene as victims of West Pakistan's indifference.

    In the general elections held in December 1970, the Awami League achieved an overwhelming victory. Theycaptured 167 seats, the highest number in East Pakistan and overall. In the West, the Pakistan PeoplesParty had won 85 seats. The way was now open to draw up a new Constitution.

    The Awami League, now overwhelmingly victors, stood firm on its Six Points plan and refused tocompromise on that issue. The Peoples Party in the West maintained that the Six Points Program did notreally permit a genuine federation. It was in fact a unique constitutional proposal that proposed a federationthat had power only over defense and foreign policy.

    General Niazi signs the document of surrender to General Aurora

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    Efforts were made to start a constitutional dialogue and narrow thedifferences between the two Wings, but all in vain. Mujib-ur-Rahman's adamant stand in support of his Six Points, and hisproposal that East Pakistan should have a sovereign statusindependent of Pakistan, further aggravated the situation.

    Mujib-ur-Rahman launched a non-cooperation movement. The civil

    administration was totally paralyzed. All government andeducational institutions were closed. People were asked not to payany taxes. The transport system came to a standstill. Factories andshops were shut. All government activities between both the Wingsceased. The Awami League setup a parallel government. Gangs oflocal Awami League freedom fighters, known as Mukti Bahini, ledviolent demonstrations and howled racial and anti-West Pakistanslogans, inciting the people to more violence.

    Amidst these disturbances, Genaral Yahya decided to convene theNational Assembly in March 1971. But Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahmanunexpectedly put forward other demands such as the immediatelifting of Martial Law and power transfer to the electedrepresentatives of the people, prior to the National Assembly

    session.

    Unfortunately, on March 23, the Republic Day of Pakistan, the Awami League declared "Resistance Day" andBangladesh flags flew all over the Province. There was a great massacre. East Pakistan had reached a pointof no return. To quash the armed rebellion of Awami League militants, the Pakistan Army struck its firstblow on March 27, 1971. Yahya Khan chose to use force to bring law and order in the country.

    In the meantime, India exploited Pakistan's dilemma to the full. It sought to wring full propaganda andstrategic value for itself out of the Bengali suffering and misery. India launched an attack on East Pakistanon November 22, 1971. The use of modern Soviet missiles, geographical separation by a thousand mileslying across the hostile Indian territory, and the collusion of Mukti Bahini and the Indian Army, madePakistan's military defeat in the East almost certain.

    On December 10, 1971, the first feeler for surrender in East Pakistan was conveyed to the United Nations.

    On December 17, 1971, a formal surrender was submitted and accepted. Forty five thousand troops and analmost equal number of civilians of West Pakistan were taken as prisoners of war.

    The text of the Instrument of Surrender document was as follows:

    "INSTRUMENT OF SURRENDER"

    The PAKISTAN Eastern Command agree to surrender all PAKISTAN Armed Forces in BANGLA DESH toLieutenant-General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA, General Officer Commanding in Chief of the Indian and BANGLADESH forces in the Eastern Theatre. This surrender includes all PAKISTAN land, air and naval forces as alsoall para-military forces and civil armed forces. These forces will lay down their arms and surrender at theplaces where they are currently located to the nearest regular troops under the command of Lieutenant-General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA.

    The PAKISTAN Eastern Command shall come under the orders of Lieutenant-General JAGJIT SINGH AURORAas soon as this instrument has been signed. Disobedience of orders will be regarded as a breach of thesurrender terms and will be dealt with in accordance with the accepted laws and usages of war. The decisionof Lieutenant-General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA will be final, should any doubt arise as to the meaning orinterpretation of the surrender terms.

    Lieutenant- General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA gives a solemn assurance that personnel who surrender will betreated with dignity and respect that soldiers are entitled to in accordance with the provisions of theGENEVA Convention and guarantees the safety and well-being of all PAKISTAN military and para-military

    The ''Instrument of Surrender''

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    forces who surrender. Protection will be provided to foreign nationals, ethnic minorities and personnel ofWEST PAKISTAN origin by the forces under the command of Lieutenant- General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA.

    Signed:

    (JAGJIT SINGH AURORA) Lieutenant-General General Officer Commanding in Chief Indian and BANGLADESH Forces in the Eastern Theatre

    (AMIR ABDULLAH KHAN NIAZI) Lieutenant-General Martial Law Administrator Zone B and CommanderEastern Command (PAKISTAN)

    16 December 1971"

    The surrender led to the disintegration of East and West Pakistan and the establishment of Bangladesh.After 25 years, the East Pakistanis declared themselves independent and renamed their Province asBangladesh. Pakistan finally recognized Bangladesh at the Islamic Conference in Lahore on February 22,1974.