Totem: The University of Western Ontario Journal ofAnthropology

Volume 12 | Issue 1 Article 8

6-21-2011

Mikhail Bakhtin: The Philosopher of HumanCommunicationGary KimThe University of Western Ontario

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Recommended CitationKim, Gary (2004) "Mikhail Bakhtin: The Philosopher of Human Communication," Totem: The University of Western Ontario Journal ofAnthropology: Vol. 12: Iss. 1, Article 8.Available at: http://ir.lib.uwo.ca/totem/vol12/iss1/8

Mikhail Bakhtin: The Philosopher of Human Communication

KeywordsMikhail Bakhtin, philosophy, literature, language, human communication, art

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Mikhail Bakhtin: The Philosopher ofHuman Communication

IntroductionThe work of Russian theorist Mikhail

Mikhailovich Bakhtin has emerged from generalobscurity to currently. reign as some of the mostinfluential philosophical theory of the twentiethcentury. In the past, much of his research wasobscured by a number of factors. For example, theSoviet government exiled Bakhtin to the centralAsian nation of Kazakhstan from 1930 to 1936

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because they were convinced that the scholar hadpersonal connections to the underground RussianOrthodox Church (Bakhtin 1981: xxiv). The onlycopy of his manuscript on his theories abouteighteenth-century German literature was destroyedduring the Nazi invasion of World War Two (Bakhtin1981: xxiv). Furthermore, his doctoral dissertationon French writer Francois Rabelais was failed by theGor'kij Institute of World Literature in 1940 due toits heavy emphasis on sex and bodily functions. As aresult, Bakhtin and his work faded into obscurityuntil his work was rediscovered by Russian literarystudents nearly a quarter of a century later (Bakhtin1981: xxv and Danow 1991: 4). It is also rumouredthat Bakhtin had published some of his work underthe names of his compatriots and colleagues, V.N.Voloshinov and P.N Medvedev (Danow 1991: 5-6).

The majority of Bakhtin's theories criticallyexamine literature such as those written by FrancoisRabelais and Russian novelist, Fyodor Dostoevsky(Bakhtin 1981: xxxi). He also concentrates heavilyon language and its general use not only betweenpeople during communicative interaction, but alsobetween writers and their literary 'subjects' (Danow1991: 3-4). His 'failed' doctoral dissertation,Rabelais and His World focuses on the humanexperiences of joyous festivities during the Frenchcarnival of the Middle Ages as depicted in theliterature of Francois Rabelais (Bakhtin 1984: xviii).Throughout his work, Bakhtin consistently theorizesthat everything considered to be a work of 'art,' suchas literature, orients itself to multi-layered expressionand communication towards its audience (1984: viii).His ideas of art as a vehicle oriented towardsinteraction with its audience in order to express orcommunicate any sort of intention is reminiscent ofClifford Geertz's theories of culture. Geertz looselyargues that culture is a socially shared code ofmeaning created through the interactive actions ofindividuals and can consequently be generallyinterpreted like a literary text through its symbols(McGee and Warms 2000: 503-516). Therefore,culture as Geertz and Bakhtin allude to can begenerally transmitted through communication orreciprocal interaction such as a dialogue. As a result,Bakhtin is frequently referred to as the "philosopherof human communication" (Danow 1991: 3-4).

Both Bakhtin and Geertz would argue thatcommunication is a highly abstract and complicatedconcept which inhabits every aspect of daily life for

each and every individual since interaction with oneanother strongly affects our interpersonalrelationships. In this respect, theories of humancommunication through verbal dialogue or literaryrepresentations will apply to virtually every academicdiscipline in the human sciences. I personally placeheavy emphasis on communication and itsassociation with anthropology, an academicdiscipline which can be loosely defined as thephilosophical pondering of human experience and itsmeaning under a specific set of cultural and historicalcircumstances. Furthermore, anthropologicalresearch is often carried out through physicalinteraction between individuals which is representedthrough a literary vehicle known as an 'ethnography'.In doing so, anthropology also promotes a philosophyor 'way of life' that emphasizes mutual interactionwith individuals without creating social boundaries,thus separating the anthropologist from the cultural"other" (Darnell 2001: 141). Additionally, the entireworld can be viewed as polyglossic or multi-voicedsince every individual possesses their own uniqueworld view which must taken into considerationthrough dialogical interaction (Bakhtin 1981: 12).

Anthropology is often faced with muchcriticism for its colonial roots and legitimizing highlyethnocentric concepts through its published literature,such as "primitive" in terms of categorizingindividuals from different cultures and societies(Darnell 2001: 140). Most anthropologists from thepast have unfortunately focussed solely on thebizarre, unfamiliar, and the exotic in foreign culturesand thus, have created a demeaning dichotomy of theprivileged anthropologist studying the "primitiveother" in its ethnographic representation (Geertz1981: 12). Bakhtin' s theories on the novel as adialogue between the author and subject, and the useof language between individuals should compelanthropologists to critically examine their pasthistory and improve literary representations ofdifferent cultures by analysing past ethnographies. Indoing so, anthropologists can also develop ideasconcerning effecti ve communication and interactionbetween individuals or more specifically, 'subject'and 'object' in mutual and reciprocal terms (Darnell2001: 142). Furthermore, these philosophical ideascan be applied to ethnographic encounters, as well asduring common or routine activities of our dailylives.

Effective communication is perhaps the key

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to understanding different cultures, its individuals,and their world views. Bakhtin argues thatcommunication based on dialogue or dialogism is amulti-layered process that constantly unfoldsthroughout time and possesses virtually no genericcharacteristics (1981: 7-8). I would argue thatanthropology is an academic vehicle which attemptsto critically examine the outcome of such interactionbetween indi viduals and to capture it through thedifferential interpretive vision of each and everyanthropological ethnographer. In this respect,Bakhtin's theories on communicative, mutual, anddialogical interaction are greatly analogous to theideals and aims in the discipline of anthropologywhich is constantly changing, evolving, andunfolding as it strives to self-reflexively ponder andreflect upon the ideas of communication, interaction,and its literary representations. In doing so,individuals who choose to read the literature ofanthropologists can perhaps attain an understandingof not only the world view of another individual, butof the ethnographer and also oneself.

Multi- Vocality and Multi-CulturalismOne of Bakhtin's most important concepts is

his theory of heteroglossia which can be generallydefined as the co-existence of numerous voices(polyglossia) or socio-ideological contradictions thatintersect and interanimate one another in a singlelanguage (Bakhtin 1981: 291-292). Each socio-ideological standpoint is indicative of a world viewwith its own objects, meanings, values, and has thepotential to interact with differing ideologies(Bakhtin 1981: 291). In this respect, if the interactionbetween each world view is mutual and reciprocal,these different world views will eventually conditionone another, a process which produces changethrough creative elaboration by ways of new anddiffering meanings. However, 'multiple meanings'and perspectives produced from communicativeinteraction can only occur if each random utterance isun-finalized or centrifugal and willing toaccommodate one another (Bakhtin 1981: 271-272,282). Each and every utterance possesses anintention entangled with values, thoughts, ideas, andpoints of view directed towards its object,conditioning a response which is to be taken intoconsideration through open-ended dispute (Bakhtin1981: 276-277). More importantly, heteroglossia or'multiple meanings' can be otherwise stated as the

creative elaboration as a result of dialogicalinteraction between differing world views and voices.

Each and every culture is composed ofdifferent individuals, each possessing their ownunique world view. However, it is quite common tofind that not every utterance or world view is takeninto consideration and as a result, is silenced into amarginal social status. For example, Fighting ForFaith and Nation by Cynthia Keppley Mahmood is anethnography which critically examines Sikh militantswho have resorted to violent methods in reaction tothe 'oppression' of the Hindu-dominated governmentin India. In the ethnography, Mahmood discusses"Operation Blue Star," a government-led plan toattack a holy Sikh site known as the Golden Templewhich left thousands of Sikh civilians dead(Mahmood 1996: 71 and 94). Some Sikhs claim thatthe Hindu-dominated government is attempting toabsorb Sikhism into the larger tradition of Hinduism(Mahmood 1996: 113). In this particular situation,personal interpretations of voices or world viewsbeing taken into accommodative interaction, or lackthereof, can provide intimate glimpses into socialrelations between cultural or religious groups in amulti-cultural nation such as India. By providing herviews on such matters, Mahmood communicates herown dialogic interactions with the voices of Sikhmilitants in hope that readers attain a partialunderstanding of their beliefs and actions. Bakhtinwould argue that Mahmood provides readers with abiographical novel which expresses imagesconsisting of genuine human individuals rather than'stick figures' who exist in another time and spaceother than our own (1981: 130).

Ethnographies such as Fighting For Faithand Nation not only promote greater understandingand empathy for readers from a western audience, butalso for readers from the opposing side of the'political spectacle.' For example, one can argue thatsuch ethnographies can communicate to Hindureaders that Sikh militants have much reason for theiranger and as a result, can familiarize the 'enemy'with the 'other.' However, one must consider thedeep and long history of animosity between religiousgroups in India. Each and every word uttered by boththe Indian government and the Sikh militants has ahistorical meaning attached to it since heteroglossiaalso refers to past and present meanings co-existingin the same language (Bakhtin 1981: 291). In thisrespect, each and every utterance acts upon and

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creates a culture or atmosphere of tension, animosityand even violence. However, I have had personalethnographic experience with an Afghani womanwho fled her home country as a refugee to India. Inthis particular encounter, she talks about her life inIndia.

Everybody believes that people in India arefighting all the time. But for the most partthis isn't true, because if it were, Indiawould be in a state of war. But where myfamily lived, our neighbours, colleagues andfriends were Muslim, Sikh, Hindu andChristian. The fighting that does occurdoesn't happen all the time and are only theextreme cases (Seema, 2002).

Perhaps for the most part, India is indeed a heteroglotnation where people are willing to accommodate oneanother and respect their differing world views, thusproducing a culture and society based on peacefulinteraction and communication.

Ideal ethnographic encounters demand theutmost respect and attention to each and every wordthe participant utters because each and everyresponse conditions and shapes future utterances.During my ethnographic interaction with a colleaguewho had fled Afghanistan, I admittedly possessedsome assumptions and preconditioned ideas orimages about the utter 'tragedy' of her life.Therefore, I was surprised to learn of her carefree andhappy childhood in Afghanistan before the SovietUnion invaded, and the warmth and friendliness ofher Muslim, Hindu, Christian, and Sikh neighboursand classmates. During this "dialogical" interactionwith my colleague, we laughed with one another overthe comical moments of her life such as the countlessnumber of Bollywood films she had watched as achild, her family trips to the park every Sunday, andher family vacation in Kashmir (Seema 2002).Interestingly, Bakhtin argues that laughter is avehicle which can be utilized to draw people closerand demolish fear and piety, thus enablingindividuals to become more familiar with one anotherand produce dialogic communication (Bakhtin 1981:23). In other words, laughter can liberate allindividuals from personal and situated constraints,compelling individuals into open-endedcommunication with one another.

Laughter and heteroglossia usually occur

through open-ended interaction and theaccommodation of each other's words (Bakhtin 1981:23). Bakhtin also argues that laughter andheteroglossia can also manifest themselves during theEuropean carnivals of the Middle Ages as depicted inthe literature of French writer, Francois Rabelais. InRabelais and His World, Bakhtin theorizes that thecarnival is an event for each and every individual toparticipate in because everyone has the ability tolaugh and enjoy its festivities (1984: 7,12). In fact,philosophers such as Aristotle theorize that of all theliving creatures in the world, humans are endowedwith the spiritual privilege of laughter (Bakhtin 1984:68). Therefore, the carnival is not simply a spectacleto be viewed by spectators, but it is something to belived in. Stripping away the social boundaries orfalse pretences between the higher classes andcommoners, the carnival also has the potential toestablish temporary communication betweenindividuals which is otherwise impossible in ordinaryeveryday life (1984: 16). In other words, the carnivalprovides personal liberation by destroying ordemolishing the established social order, hierarchicalranks, social statuses, thus bringing something muchmore joyous or even utopian to its present world(Bakhtin 1984: 10). Some literary critics such asSimon Dentith argue that the carnival is a "safety-valve" that reaffIrms the existing status quo byallowing the masses to enjoy a temporary releasefrom daily social constraints (1995: 73). However, Iwould argue that the carnival represents an idealworld that every individual should strive toward sinceonce liberated from the "absolute" or "unchangeable"social ranks, people can proceed to interact and enjoythe company of one another (Bakhtin 1984: 83).

People who participate in the carnivalbecome familiar and comfortable enough around oneanother enough to abuse one another such as depictedin Rabelais' Gargantua where characters often utilizeinsults such as "dullard" or "dirty fellow" (Bakhtin1984: 168). Uses of insults greatly permeate thehistory of colonialism, a process based on exclusionand imposition. For example, North Americansociety and culture is heavily burdened with a deephistory of racism and violence which can bedemonstrated in our use of language towards oneanother. In contrast to the familiar, good natured, or"friendly" abuse Bakhtin describes in Rabelais andHis World (1984: 168), the term "nigger" is mostoften used as a deeply derogatory insult towards

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African Americans, most of whom are descendants ofslaves. However, although the term '"nigger"undeniably has its racist connotations, some linguistsmay argue that many African Americans use the termto make light of it. In this respect, the term is indeedgreatly heteroglossic since its derogatory past andhistorical meaning co-exist with for instance, themore lighthearted and comradely usage (Bakhtin1981: 291). In his book, Nigger: The Strange Careerof a Troublesome Word, African American lawyerRandall Kennedy examines how many willunderstandably argue that such a term should neverbe used in any context due to its racist and violenthistory (2002: 34-35). However, Kennedy counter-argues that the protean term means different things indifferent contexts, as well as signifying a great degreeof comfort, interaction, and familiarity betweenAfrican Americans (2002: 34-35). It isunderstandable that many individuals advocate thecomplete abolition of this particular term. However,this particular trend of political correctness has theunfortunate potential to reduce the long and complexinteraction between North Americans of both Africanand non-African descent, creating an insincereatmosphere of fraudulent politeness and socialtensions rather than familiarity, understanding, orcomfort.

Rabelais possessed firsthand experience ofFrench carnivals he attended at Fonteney-le-Compte(Bakhtin 1984: 154). This particular carnival washeld only three times a year and was frequentlyvisited by German participants as well as the localRoma population, all of whom contributed to shapingthe distinctive character of the carnival in Fonteney-Ie-Compte (Bakhtin 1984: 154). On another level,carnival as a cultural activity is most often studied inmodern Caribbean and Latin American societies.The culture of the Caribbean islands is oftendescribed as a rich ethno-cultural mix or a"creolization" of several different world views.However, many Black Trinidadians claim that theTrinidad Carnival is a cultural product belongingentirely to those of African descent (Zavitz andAllahar 2002: 125-126). Consequently, thisparticular claim 'excludes Trinidadians of Indian,Chinese, Lebanese, and Syrian descent (Zavitz andAllahar 2002:129). According to historical records,the carnival originates from French planters andaristocrats from 1783 to 1883 (Zavitz and Allahar2002: 136). After national independence, the

majority of the carnivar s participants are individualsof African descent although the event began toexhibit Indian influences through its music, laterknown as chutney soca (Zavitz and Allahar 2002:141). In this respect, the Trinidadian carnival isgreatly indicative and symbolic of the nation's richethno-cultural or polyglossic mix. However, perhapsit is a stretch to view the Trinidad Carnival asheteroglossic since Black Trinidadians often excludefellow civilians from the festivities and thus, reflectthe assymetrical social relations between ethnic andreligious groups in Trinidad (Zavitz and Allahar2002: 126). However, the modern state of Trinidadexpresses a rich blend of different ethnicities andcultures in spite of the tensions which exist betweenthem.

Grotesque Realism and Ethnographic EncountersThe most imposing or prevalent concept

throughout Rabelais and His World is grotesquerealism and Bakhtin's evocation of bodily images inRabelais' literature. For example, Bakhtin discussesthe way in which many grotesque images show twobodies in a single image as one body dies beforetransforming into a new one (Bakhtin 1984: 26). Thegrotesque body is considered to be unfinished orincomplete because it transgresses its own materiallimits by combining both birth and death in a singleimage (Bakhtin 1984: 26). In other words, birth anddeath are not events completely separated from oneanother, but are rather steps in a continuous cycle orprocess (1984: 50). In Rabelais and His World, bodyparts such as the belly are often exaggerated toemphasize not only their growth and renewal, butalso their degradation as a low or base topographicpart of the body (Bakhtin 1984: 19-21). For example,I had previously mentioned that Bakhtin theorizesthat the carnival is about second life based onutopian ideals of laughter, joyous festivity, andliberation from established order or social hierarchy(1984:8-10); however, the grotesque body alsodegrades what is considered to be "high culture" bybringing it down to the earth to destroy it and givingit another life by conceiving something moreenjoyable such as the carni val (Bakhtin 1984: 21).

Another feature of Bakhtin's grotesquerealism is the consumption of tripe in Rabelais'Gargantua. The colons and bowels of tripe contain10 percent excrement and its consumption signifiesthe devouring belly, thus representing life and death

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drawn together into a single grotesque image(Bakhtin 1984: 162-163). Bakhtin argues that thehuman body forms an indivisible whole with itssurrounding environment since people are constantlyintroducing and digesting external matter into theirbodies through their mouths (Bakhtin 1984: 281).One might argue that cultural practices among Nativecultures of North American are somewhatreminiscent of Bakhtin' s theory of grotesque realism.For example, by investigating the remains of humanbones in villages of several Iroquoian cultures inpresent-day Ontario, some archaeologists haveuncovered evidence that warfare and cannibalism arewidespread between native cultures (McMillan 1995:65), Although a positive ideology exists behind suchpractices, such 'evidence' in Western culture andsociety might suggest 'animalistic' monstrosity orsevere aggression. However, several Native culturesbelieved that during warfare, consuming the flesh ofa captured warrior would 'absorb' his strength andcourage (McMillan 1995: 77), Therefore, Nativecannibalistic practises demonstrate aspects ofBakhtin's "grotesque realism" such as thecombination of life and death into a single bodilyform which gives birth to improved courage andstrength within an indi vidual. In other words,cannibalism as Aboriginals have practised it led tospiritual elevation and enlightenment, a process farfrom the 'degradation' expressed by Europeans whoviewed such practices with great ethnocentrism sincethey imposed Western ideas of cannibalism ontocultures other than their own.

Although grotesque realism is a 'positive'negation of the social order that transgressesboundaries by fusing the material body with the restof the world, many would superficially view theworld of the grotesque as strongly negative,distasteful, and a degradation of "high style"(Bakhtin 1984: 307-310). In a similar vein, earlyEuropean explorers viewed Native cultures of what isnow North and South America, as greatly distastefuland negative. For example, Spanish explorers of thesixteenth-century were aghast at the continuouswarfare indigenous groups practised against oneanother, concluding that such cultures were addictedto satisfying their 'monstrous' and 'animalistic'hunger for human flesh (Stevenson 1992: 30). Inother words, such cultures were supposedlydisorderly, without discipline, and corrupted with an"evil" animosity towards one another (Stevenson

1992: 30-31). As European explorers and settlerscolonized indigenous cultures, relations between theopposing groups became asymmetrical since those ofEuropean descent attempted to "civilize" andenlighten their 'captives' (Stevenson 1992: 30).French theorist Michael Foucault would argue thatNative groups became objects of European powerand domination that aims to manipulate or"discipline" them (1977: 136). The unequaldistribution of power and authority between differentsocial groups produces a multi-layered languagewhich stratifies one social group above or below oneanother (Bakhtin 1981: 29 and Stevenson 1992: 31).Furthermore, negative sentiments or beliefs about theculture of the "other" have the potential to devalue anindividual because his/her culture is greatlydehumanized (Rapport 1997: 12).

Anthropologist Michael Stevenson arguesthat Eurocentric terminology which describesindigenous cultures as negatively "grotesque" or"savage" greatly suppresses one's capacity to identifywith such groups as human beings and designatescultural 'others' into separate categories (1992: 31).Therefore, such a language creates difficulty forpeople across cultures to treat one another with thesame dignity and respect one would hope for oneself.Furthermore, such terminology is remindful of"degeneration" from nineteenth century evolutionismwhich advocated the idea that some cultures will losetheir sense of "civilization" and as a result, willbecome "savages" (McGee and Warms 2000: 5). Inother words, cultural evolution was once viewed bytheorists such as Lewis Henry Morgan as 'goaloriented' or progressive towards an ideal image suchas Western society and culture (McGee and Warms2000: 152). As most anthropologists have discoveredover the years, such theories are highly ethnocentricsince it stratifies Western cultures above cultureswhich are simply different in their philosophicalideology and outlook on life.

Boasian anthropologists such as Paul Radinare interested in what they can learn from the cultural"other" through interactive communication withindi viduals from different cultures (Darnell 2001:145). Bakhtin would similarly argue that open-endeddialogic interaction between individuals transcendsthe private body into the material world which isinhabited by other people with their differing worldviews (Bakhtin 1984: 307-310). Therefore, thedestruction of hierarchical ranks in the European

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carnival or during simple dialogic interactionproduces a heteroglot language which demolishes theanthropological boundaries between oneself and thecultural "other" (Bakhtin 1984: 23 and 1981: 293).In fact, Bakhtin argues that a person' s identityremains fragmented until it interacts with differingviewpoints since a single individual consciousnesscannot exist on its own (Danow 1991: 65). In moregeneral terms, I would suggest that his theory can betranslated into the notion of the inability of a singleidentity to exist in isolation since virtually everyindividual co-exists in relation with others.Therefore, the boundaries between self-identities arehighly permeable or fluid rather than isolated fromone another. In this situation, self-identities anddiffering world views can potentially supplement oneanother in a mutual manner and co-exist in a singleconsciousness in order to create a culture based onopen ended dialogue, mutual communication, andreciprocal interaction (Bakhtin 1981: 291-292).

Radin also argues that the boundariesbetween the 'privileged' ethnographer and thecultural 'other' are also fluid since the formereventually realizes that all individuals are capable ofphilosophical thought in order to deal with thesurrounding environment (Darnell 2001: 142).Therefore, conversing or interacting with one anothercan become a possibility. Radin also believes it isdangerous for an ethnographer to fall into speculationfor its own sake and must interact and communicatewith others from different cultures in order to learnfrom them (Darnell 2001: 145). Franz Boas similarlycriticizes evolutionary theorists by arguing that allcultures possess social organization and knowledgewhich evolve in accordance to their environmentalconditions, psychological factors, and historicalconnections (McGee and Warms 2000: 159). Mostanthropologists would probably argue thatethnographers should actually interact at a closedistance with individuals from differing cultures inorder to transcend the unfamiliarity of their ideas,customs, and cultural practices (Geertz 1988: 48).After all, "what is remote close up is, at a remove,near" (Geertz 1988: 48). Furthermore, ethnographersmust realize that every cultural idea and practice hasmultiple meanings since every meaning is multi-layered (McGee and Warms 2000: 521 and Bakhtin1981: 291). Therefore, "cultural analysis" willalways be incomplete or centripetal and thus, openfor further elaboration and creative interpretation

(McGee and Warms 2000: 521 and Bakhtin 1981:271).

Ethnographic Writing and the Polyphonic NovelBakhtin produced several theories on the

history of the novel which he claims is a piece of"unfinished" literature (Bakhtin 1981: 3). Althoughthe novel possesses no generic characteristics, onesalient feature which he finds consistent in everynovel is flexible language permeated with irony andhumour (Bakhtin 1981: 7-8). In other words, thenovel is a literary vehicle which is multi-layered andfilled with a variation of meanings which in turn canbe interpreted in a number of different ways. Perhapsmost importantly, Bakhtin claims that the novel isdetermined by experience, knowledge, and practice(1981: 15). Radin theorizes that knowledgesubjectively differs for each and every individual,and is constructed in relation to personal experiences(Darnell 2001: 145). Not surprisingly, Bakhtinstrongly criticizes the epic genre because it is basedon a "great" yet inaccessible past, since it is not tiedto the relative present which the reader inhabits(Bakhtin 1981: 18). Thus, the epic genre is isolatedor beyond the realm of human activity (Bakhtin1981: 13-16).

In Problems of Dostoevsky's Poetics,Bakhtin critically examines the literature of Russiannovelist, Fyodor Dostoevsky. Bakhtin considersDostoevsky's novels to be greatly heteroglossic sincethe character of the novel is ideologicallyindependent from the author and is not a product ofthe latter's finalized artistic vision (1984: 5). Themanifestation of heteroglossia in the novel isotherwise known as polyphony where the viewpointsof the author and the character do not coincide.Dostoevsky's novel is considered to be "multi-accented," producing the contradiction of values inits discourse (Bakhtin 1984: 15). If the "multi-accents" interact with one another in a dialogicalmanner, I would deduce that creative communicationcould possibly occur, consequently producingheteroglossic concepts or new and differentmeanings. Bakhtin also claims that Dostoevskypossesses the capability to interpret a visualizationinto someone else's psyche (Bakhtin 1984: 36). Thisparticular task is what ethnographers attempt toaccomplish in order to understand a world view.Indeed, one can proceed to understand a differentworld view and its cultural ideologies by opening up

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dialogical conversations based on familiarity andcomfort with different people (Bakhtin 1981: 23).Once incorporated into the novel, heteroglossia canbe viewed as:

[A]nother's speech in another's language,serving to express authorial intentions but ina refracted way. Such speech constitutes aspecial type of double voiced discourse. Itserves two speakers at the same time andexpresses simultaneously two differentintentions: the direct intention of thecharacter who is speaking, and the refractedintention of the author. In such discourse,there are two voices, two meanings, and twoexpressions. And all the while these twovoices are dialogically interrelated, they-as itwere- know about each other just as twoexchanges in a dialogue know of each otherand are structures in this mutual knowledgeof each other; it is as if they actually hold aconversation with each other. Double-voiced discourse is always internallydialogized (Bakhtin 1981: 324).

The description of the heteroglossic or polyphonicnovel can also be used to describe an effectiveethnography which is essentially a literary vehicleexpressing voices which have otherwise beensilenced by various external structures or factors. Inother words, an effective ethnography should be ableto express multiple voices by communicating them toan audience through a literary medium. Since anethnography captures an encounter or conversationbetween an anthropologist and another individual, anethnography should therefore contain multiplespeakers which demonstrate the 'dialogical'exchange and interaction between the two objects.As Bakhtin argues, the author does not exist outsideof the literary use of language of the character, but israther a very important part of the process since he orshe is in a constant dialogue with the characters(1981: 254).

Past ethnographies, such as those written byEuropean explorers who encountered Native culturesin the New World, have unfortunately attempted topigeonhole Aboriginals into cultural categories orlabels other than their own without attempting tocomprehend their world view. One can argue that anethnography can never be genuinely polyphonic since

any utterance will inevitably be translated andmodified within a person's interpretive framework(Darnell 2001: 145). Therefore, ethnographers arenot fundamentally analysing a culture but areproducing their personal ideas in their own vision.However, the ethnographer's interpretive frameworkcan be minimized in order that both intentions areexpressed to the ethnographer's best ability. Thisparticular argument raises questions concerningauthorship and the ethical responsibilitiesethnographers must abide by. For example, Geertztheorizes that anthropologists should avoid positivistmodes of rhetoric such as "objective facts" (1988:136). Complete objectivity cannot exist inanthropological thought since every individual withina culture is constantly changing and evolving throughtime and space which the anthropologist attempts tounderstand through self-reflexive and open-endedinterpretation. This particular argument bearsresemblance to Bakhtin's chronotope or the idea thatmetamorphic characters will evolve throughout adiscourse of a novel and within their own time andspace (1981: 113).

Throughout much of the past, earlyexplorers as well as early anthropologists haveunfortunately used their privileges to attack or evenassail individuals of different cultures by attemptingto arrange them into unflattering categories such as"savage" or "barbarian" (McGee and Warms 2000:48). Furthermore, some anthropologists such asLewis Henry Morgan theorized that "savage" or"barbarian" cultures would eventually evolve into awestern cultural image without much criticalexamination of local ideas of change and evolutionwithin their own concepts of time and space (McGeeand Warms 2000: 48). However, I optimisticallybelieve that for the most part, contemporaryanthropologists have learned from past 'mistakes'through self-reflexive thought and careful self-scrutiny. As a result, many contemporaryanthropologists are now attempting to create acommon culture and society based on mutual respectand trust through reciprocal communication,dialogue, and interaction between individuals. AsGeertz theorizes, culture can be defined as a sociallyshared code of meaning created through theinteractive actions of individuals and canconsequently be interpreted like a literary textthrough its symbols which formulate a "thick"complex web or ensemble of different voices and

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perspectives (1973: 5,9). In this respect,'culture' or symbolic meanings can also beproduced between those with different ideologiesand world views. Furthermore, culturalanthropologists seem to be maneuvering into amore positive direction where the disparitybetween elite and privileged anthropologists andthe cultural 'other' will be minimized.

ConclusionClifford Geertz argues that cultural

meanings constantly remain complex and multi-layered due to their incomplete and open-endednature (McGee and Warms 2000: 521). Bakhtinwould similarly argue that such meanings of anyparticular utterance will constantly alter andchange within a different context or within adifferent time and space (1981:276). In otherwords, each utterance takes form within aparticular historical moment and environment,but alters in accordance to the social dialogue ofthat particular context (Bakhtin 1981: 276). Allanthropological discourse concerning theinterpretation of ideas or world views of anyparticular culture are also incomplete orunfinalized because they are individualinterpretations that cannot be regarded asprimary sources of knowledge (Darnell 2001:144). Therefore, such knowledge remainsaccessible for dialogical elaboration and furthertranslation since culture never remains staticover time and space (Geertz 1988: 16).However, if anthropologists are to interpret suchchanges, their research must be based oninclusion, accommodation, and open-endeddialogue in order to prevent a demeaningencounter where relations between individuals aswell as cultures become asymmetrical.

Many scholars advocate the notion thatcultural anthropologists should be striving foropen-ended communication based on reciprocalexchange and accommodation betweenindividuals and culture in order to interpret ideasthat are indicative of world views. AlthoughBakhtin was not an anthropologist, his theorieson the multi-vocal nature of language withinboth literature and common routines of daily lifeenable anthropologists to extend beyond therealm of social theory in order to attain a multi-disciplinary approach to comprehending aforeign point of view which is historically andculturally situated. Anthropologists such asGeertz theorize that social distances between anethnographer and the cultural 'other' should benarrowed in order to arrive at open-endedconclusions concerning their observations and

interactive communication (1988: 16). Moreimportantly, an established 'bridge' ofcommunication provides opportunities forindividuals to exchange ideas in a reciprocalmanner in order to supply a strong foundation fornot only comfort, familiarity, and laughter, butalsl') the production of heteroglossic languageand speech.

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Cultures Across Canada. 2nd Edition.Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre Ltd.

Mahmood, Cynthia K. 1996. Fighting for Faithand Nation: Dialogue with Sikh Militants.Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

Rapport, Nigel. 1997. Transcendent Individual:Towards a Literary and Liberal Anthropology.London: Routledge.

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Zavitz, Amanda Land Allahar, Anton L. 2002.Racial Politics and Cultural Identity inTrinidad's Carnival. Identity. 2(2): 125-145.

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