Migrants in Ethiopia A conundrum for the European Union

This short report gives an analysis of the experiences of refugees and migrants in Ethiopia that was largely part of an indicative survey on the migration in Ethiopia in view of the EUTF. Special thanks to all those who gave their input and shared experiences with the research team. Their perceptions inform to a large extent the key findings of this indicative survey that was carried out in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia during the months of July-August 2018 as a joint work by both Hakimani Center & Entreculturas. The key findings of this indicative survey did not include the analysis of the responses from selected key informants due to logistical problems. It was always difficult and nearly impossible for the research team to obtain input from government officials and necessary data from statutory agencies such as the Ethiopian Agency for Refugees. Most of the survey questions posed went unanswered. The missing data certainly affects the interpretation of the final results of the key findings that will be enumerated and detailed below. Disclaimer: It is generally difficult to take a still picture of a moving target unless you have a high-

speed shutter camera. Due to the usual research resource-constraints and given the difficulty of

getting data from a relatively ‘closed’ government with regard to access to information, a complete

satisfactory picture of migrants in Ethiopia in view of the EUTF is hard to construct. However, the

research team has managed to collect the views, opinions, and experiences of migrants, some

returnees and refugees, almost all of whom live either in the city of Addis Ababa or the outskirts of

the city due to affordable housing. From the survey carried out, the research team compiled this

short report.

Introduction Migration management is a political sensitive issue within the European Union and it has lit a political storm in Europe´s governments against each other, governments against a good part of the public and even given rise to nationalism and extremism of the worst kind1. In 2015, the EU-Members States released a new management tool to respond to migration, the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa (EUTF)2. The rationale for this agreement is simple: it is difficult for Europe to deter migrants given its international obligations and the limitations of borders control, thus EU-MS reckoned that it is advisable to support the economies of countries where migrants originate from or transit through so that they do not feel forced to migrate to Europe or instead reintegrate them locally. One of those countries chosen as a partner and included in the EUTF is Ethiopia, amongst others. At the start of 2018, Ethiopia hosted 892,555 refugees from neighbouring Somalia, Eritrea, South Sudan and the Sudan. The refugees were forced to flee their homes as a result of insecurity, political instability, military conscription, communal conflicts, famine and the impact of climate change on the sources of rural livelihood.

Ethiopia is, therefore, one of the largest refugee asylum countries in the world, but the second largest host country in Africa. The position of Ethiopia thus reflects its fragility and susceptibility in the region to host the highest number of migrants. What`s more, many international organizations have their headquarters in Addis Ababa, which shows its political relevance in Africa. Despite the fact that the number of actual Ethiopians migrants in Europe is not very large, the EU’s interest in Ethiopia is underwritten by its strategic location3. The main motive to keep it politically stable is to help the West deter any build-up of terrorist cells or prevent a major humanitarian crisis due to fragile states within the Horn of Africa. The political challenge that the EU’s policy on migrants is grappling with in Ethiopia is getting the right balance between helping Ethiopia as an ally by providing economic (development aid) opportunities and security-logistical support, on one hand, and stopping migrants and refugees from leaving the country, on the other. So, is it border control first or respecting international obligations on the human rights of refugees and migrants; Is EU-MS genuinely concerned with local development first or is the EUTF an expedient political excuse to reduce the number of migrants coming to Europe?

1 https://edition.cnn.com/2018/11/22/europe/hillary-clinton-migration-europe-intl/index.html Accessed on 29 November 2018. 2 Annual EUTF Report 2017 (See Chapter 1: Introduction, p.7). 3 EUTF-Ethiopia 2018.

IT IS ANTICIPATED THAT BY THE END OF 2018, ETHIOPIA WILL HOST 919,134 REFUGEES IF THE CURRENT TREND OF FORCED MIGRATION CONTINUES. THE BULK OF THESE MIGRANTS COME MAINLY FROM SOUTH SUDAN (485,000), ERITREA (131,343) AND SOMALIA (231,348).

The strategic geographical location of Ethiopia in the Horn of Africa. It shares a border with six countries: Djibouti (342 km), Eritrea (1,033 km), Sudan (744 km), South Sudan (1,299 km), Kenya (867 km) and Somalia (1,640 km)..

Refugees and asylum seekers in Ethiopia Ethiopia shelters refugees from some 19 countries. South Sudanese, Sudanese, Eritreans, Somalis and Yemenis are recognized as prima facie refugees. Nationals from other countries undergo a rigorous individual refugee status determination. Ethiopia maintains an open-door policy for refugees mainly fleeing from neighbouring countries. As part of its international obligation, it has thus allowed humanitarian access and protection of those seeking asylum in its territory. Continued insecurity in neighbouring states has resulted in sustained refugee movements into and through Ethiopia because of an array of combined factors: internal conflict, human rights abuses, severe drought & famine that causes food insecurity. There are 26 camps spread across the country. The majority of refugees in Ethiopia are located in Tigray Regional State and the four “emerging regions”: Afar Regional State, Benishangul-Gumuz Regional State, Gambella Regional State and the Somali Regional State. The emerging regions are the least developed regions in the country, characterized by harsh weather conditions, poor infrastructure, low administrative capacity, a high level of poverty, poor development indicators and poor road network. The arid environment in Afar and Somali regions make it more challenging to provide services than any other region in Ethiopia.

Internally displaced persons (IDP) Conservative estimates put 1,740,900 people as internally displaced. Most IDP live in Somali State. A widespread drought & famine is also severely impacting the lives of many, leaving millions of people with little to eat. Ethiopia’s worst drought in decades is fuelled by the El Niño weather pattern – dangerous climatic conditions for a country where more than 80 percent of its population are farmers. Fighting inside the country has also led to massive displacements (over 800,000 people have fled the violence in 2018 alone).

Background information on refugees and internally displaced people in Ethiopia

Dollo Ado is the biggest refugee camp in the world hosting 213.232 refugees.

© Sergi Cámara\Entreculturas

I. No level of danger or amount of risk will deter the migrants Discussions with refugees and migrants revealed that no amount of risk or levels of danger would discourage anyone with the intention of moving to other countries especially for the daring young men and women who dream of better living conditions in Europe than the daily grit back at home with no hope or alternative. They reckon that Europe is a better alternative to the political-economic exclusion, lack of employment opportunity or an insecure source of livelihood back at home.

II. Even if there are camps, it is no place to stay Ethiopia is by and large a transit country even though a good number of migrants also come from Ethiopia. The survey indicated various push factors such as lack of basic needs, employment, or entrepreneurial opportunities. The level of desperation among the refugees and migrants in the country is also very high:

“I will rather die trying to find a better place to live than stay here and die all the same” congolese woman living in Ethiopia.

Most refugees are unwilling to remain in Ethiopia and consider Ethiopia as a pathway to other countries. Most prefer Europe in first place (through Sudan and Libya), followed by America (including Canada) and lastly the Middle East. Australia is also a welcomed alternative to Ethiopians. There was a perception that when Europe, the Americas and the Middle East become impossible, most migrants opt for South Africa. III. Unhelpful policies in taking care of the people on the move There is a disconnection between the narrative trafficked by state agencies and the experience of reality given by the diverse communities, groups and no state actors. Refugees and communities from which migrants come from contest the government claim that it has indeed been effective in taking care of the needs of the migrants and refugees. For instance, there are certainly indications that condominiums are provided for the refugees; but what is not acknowledged publicly by the government is that the rents are particularly high. The cost of renting a condo takes the biggest piece of the 2,500 Birr given to a (refugee) family.

“We only get 2100 Birr per month to take care of our needs for single households and 2400 Birr for families”

However, the government’s narrative is politically designed to ensure that the country’s image is undented as it gives an appearance that all is well and is running efficiently. There is a general perception that migration debate in Ethiopia is informed by political correctness in the global market rather than by actually tackling the issues at hand. It is difficult to remove migration issues from the political positioning of the country among other nations of Europe that financially support

Key findings of the survey

Ethiopia. However, it is necessary that migration is seen through the lens of rights, interests, needs of the migrants and responsive politics.

IV. Absence of legal pathways drivers the growth of smuggling and trafficking networks There is the perception that Ethiopia, knowingly or unknowingly, contributes to the growth of irregular migration. This is particularly truth due to the proliferation of human smuggling and human trafficking. Most respondents interviewed indicated that legal migration pathways have been stifled and border controls reinforced. This has led to desperate groups of people resorting to human smugglers and traffickers who are operating in the desert areas of Djibouti, Libya and Sudan. This explains why the routes through the deserts are preferred by aspiring migrants. This vision contradicts the widespread but mistaken view that smuggling and trafficking are the cause of irregular migration; instead, the smugglers & traffickers exploiting a niche in the market, which in the end also drives migration. Most migrants have some knowledge and understanding of the various paths to leave Ethiopia. In fact, many migrants and refugees shared with the interviewers in confidence, detailed information on the dangers likely to be experienced along the way in trying to reach Europe and other destinations. They cited Djibouti as the most dangerous but also the most discreet route to leave Ethiopia, followed by Libya via Sudan, and then Kenya. The common denominator across the identified routes is the ability of migrants to either sneak through unnoticed, or easily find means to outsmart migration controls to access onward movement alternatives.

V. Women and girls on the move are the easy target for abuse Discussions with different stakeholders showed that gender issues and human rights are largely unconsidered in the management of refugees and migrants. While the official position is that women and children are protected, dialogue with refugee communities indicated that gender considerations were largely on paper but the practice is inadequate, or worse, non-existent.

“Most migrant women in Addis engage in commercial sex to help them meet the daily needs of their household(s)” Fatuma D., migrant lady forcibly returned from Italy.

“We are unable to feed our families, and as women we are even more disadvantaged because children primarily rely on us to provide” Santa F.N., a Congolese refugee

Secondly, the issue of human rights seemed to take a back seat in the dialogue of migration management. Stories of women and girls taking to sex work and those of poorly paid volunteer refugee teachers in schools are dehumanising. These concerns were prevalently referenced. Refugee women and girls are subject to gender inequalities and discrimination. Men and women may migrate for similar reasons to escape from poverty or to flee persecution or harm. However, migration is very much a gendered phenomenon: gender norms and expectations, power relations, and unequal rights shape the migration choices and experiences of women and girls. Some decisions for girls or women to migrate are taken by families but other adolescent girls and women migrate in order to escape family control that can lead to harmful practices such as forced or early marriage or female genital mutilation. When they are displaced from their homes, women and girls are more vulnerable to violence and abuse, particularly if not accompanied by male relatives. The risk of human trafficking may also increase. In female-headed households, women may struggle with the additional burdens of fulfilling both traditional male and female roles within the family either in transit or in host country when left behind by their husbands. Self-employment (a trend that many humanitarian organizations have adopted) does not favour women, as most are unable to go out and get supplies to run businesses. Women tending to children limit their movement and sometimes experience reduced capacities to get engaged in informal employment opportunities.

Female migrants (especially in cases of forced migration or displacement) may be forced into prostitution or sex work to survive or provide for their families. Dealing with refugees without due considerations of how women and children are differently affected tends to increase their vulnerability. It is therefore important to have a gender responsive framework in the management of migration. . VI. Development Aid and migration management: good intentions in disguise There is a perception amongst the respondents that Ethiopia receives a lot of foreign aid and that such aid is not effectively channeled to the right/pre-determined objectives. The Ethiopian Country Response Plan (ECRRP) envisages improved coordination mechanisms between the government and development actors to ensure that refugees are actively considered in the development agenda. However, both development aid and migration management funds (EUTF) are drawn from the same consolidated fund. What is not clear is whether there is a relationship between the two funds such as a conditionality attached. In government circles there are claims that these two funds are unrelated, but in the public court or public spaces they have every reason to believe that development aid to Ethiopia from EU is dependent to how Ethiopia addresses the question of migration. Most respondents think that Ethiopia is accepting more refugees and agreeing to EU’s unilateral terms without questioning – why? It seems that in order to continue receiving development aid. Other perception widely shared is that EU will play a blind eye to any questions arising from misuse or abuse of resources for as long their agenda of stopping irregular migration is being addressed.

“Financial, material and technical aid are just ways of containing migration” claimed one refugee respondent.

VII. European Union Trust Fund & Ethiopian Government programs leave a majority out A majority of refugees, migrants and returnees have a feeling of being left-out. They feel strongly that Ethiopia leaves them unidentified for a considerably long-time for political reasons such as gaining financial support from the European Union and other donors. The perception on the ground is that Government funding is only accessible to a few. Most survive on unreliable humanitarian aid and many seek the support of relatives, friends or participate in the informal economy. And for those migrants who are returned to Ethiopia as their country of origin, a good number feel that they do not receive a structured re-integration program that should take care of many things including psychosocial support and community acceptance, so that they are not seen as failures after the family & friends spent a fortune to send them abroad:

These women from Sudan live in the Melkadida refugee camp, Dollo Ado.

© Sergi Cámara\Entreculturas

“Funds only work in one way: to stay in the camps, there is no clarity or horizon for the long term” “It is not easy to monitor funds because the government remains the custodian of such assignments” “Some programs to benefit migrants are marred by corruption” “The government provides housing to some but we cannot tell the source of such funds”

VIII. European Union Trust Fund & Ethiopian Government funds might be reinforcing comparative grievance among host communities There was an observation that Government of Etiopia is committed to addressing migrants’ issues, as demonstrated by the enactment of the Comprehensive Refugee Response Framework (CRRF), out-of-camp policy and provision of housing in collaboration with UNHCR. However, these integration structures should also include and emphasize the social implications of dealing with migrants without prejudice to local hosting Ethiopian communities as is the case now. From the interviews, the researcher deduced the possibility of xenophobia likely to occur if the locals’ interests will not be fully addressed, particularly because the rate of unemployment among the youth is high. The integration system must be able to build goodwill from local communities and emphasize a referral process between different players and sectors. There is a need to build cohesion on the part of local communities so as to begin to agree to live with and work alongside foreigners in a country where job opportunities are minimal. IX. The good intentions of self-reliance trainings and micro-finance schemes are hampered by bureaucratic bottlenecks A good number of respondents also indicated that their previous trainings on self-reliance and development using micro-finance schemes run by NGO have been ineffective due to legal constraints or bureaucratic bottlenecks. It is very difficult, for example, to be granted “business engagement licenses” and the system limits the participation of refugees and migrants in small scale entrepreneurship. In general, these are the questions that migrants and refugee communities pushed back to us:

“Does Ethiopia really have the possibility to undertake infrastructure investments of this magnitude?”

“Even if it were the case that there such capacity, how many years would be required to carry out such a humongous task?

X. Migrants and the importance of remittances According to the respondents in the study, over time a culture has emerged among prevalent migrant families and communities in Ethiopia. The culture is that of moving to areas considered to have an appealing income security with access to other social services and amenities. This culture is informed by financial remittances that migrants send to support their poor families in their home community. First, remittances are usually from urban centres to the rural areas occasioned by rural-urban migration. Later, the rural-urban migrants begin to absorb new ideas that Europe offers even a better economic emancipation route than Addis Ababa and other growing urban centres such as Harar, Nazareth, Awassa etc.

Families with migrants who have successfully crossed the desert, braced the dangerous seas and eventually made it to Europe and managed to find work and send money back home that uplifted entire families and relations present a model or is an imitable example that justifies migration as a viable option that many desire to embrace or attempt to try at whatever cost. Groups working with returnees asserted that some families in rural Ethiopia tend to encourage and even arrange for the irregular departure of some of their younger members. The changed lifestyles and improved economic status out of poverty does play a role for increased migration to Europe as an economic and social achievement.

XI. Ethiopia lacks the organizational capacity to integrate large numbers of refugees nor is it reintegrating the returnees adequately According to the sources the researchers spoke to, there was consensus that Ethiopia does not yet have the structural capacity to transform the lives of refugees within its borders nor is it capable of a rigorous and accountable reintegration program of returnees despite the assertions made from the Government of Ethiopia (GoE). Most respondents questioned the wisdom of GoE claims that it has capacity to integrate the majority of the refugees and to carry out reintegration process adequately. The respondents decried the long-delay to implement the “out-of-camp policy” and pointed out that GoE and its agencies lack the necessary urgency to pursue the out-of-camp policy. They also strongly pointed out the lack of requisite legal, economic and social infrastructure for refugees´ integration, coupled with the absence of political will to ensure the integration of migrants. The respondents consistently mentioned the absence of programs that can help local people support the integration of refugees and migrants in Ethiopia.

Recommendations to the EU-MS & the Government of Ethiopia

Provide a migration information framework Listening to most respondents there was a stark difference in the depth of information (knowledge) between people working in organizations, local communities and mixed migration groups. There is a gap in what knowledge people hold on migration. This requires that a framework for sharing information is developed to help migrants understand three important aspects: a) the legal migration pathways, b) realities of migratory opportunities, and the myths of better job placements and c) countries that require migrants and for what purposes. Such a framework should be factual, filtered and packaged to address the different audiences. Create more legal pathways that are safe, orderly & regular Effective measures to prevent smugglers and traffickers from creating illegal routes and swelling the number of irregular migrations, the EU-MS & the GoE should focus on creating legal migration opportunities and prevent exploitation of migrants by the smugglers & traffickers’ networks. Prioritise education and training There were repeated suggestions to address the root causes of forced migration by relevant measures in education and training. There is a need for an education system that does reduce inequality and provides for equal opportunity for all, such as reducing performance gap between urban and rural schools.

There is also a recommendation for technical and vocational trainings that will provide skills in craftsmanship in wood work, building, metal fabricators and other employable skills. Improve transparency and impact assessment of EUTF in Ethiopia Although the EU posts on its webpages the actual amount of funds sent to GoE and what it is meant to achieve in the management of migration from Ethiopia, the same type and level of information is lacking from the Government of Ethiopia. Therefore, to reduce irregular migration and to reduce migrants motivated by economic freedom, nothing short of the traditional values are hereby recommended: transparency, openness and accountability not only in the management and the use of funds, but also in measuring value for money: how many migrants have been supported and how; where are the numbers of those who have been reintegrated or integrated? And by whom? Can all these information and data on progress be accessed and independently verified by third-party entities such as credible CSO or INGO for the interest of the Ethiopian public and the citizens of Europe who deserve to know in full how their tax dollars are used and for what purpose(s). Verifiable transparency will dispel any unfounded allegations or clear wrong-headed perceptions.

AND AREAS FOR FURTHER DISCUSSIONS

CONCLUSION: The above short report was based on survey carried out by Hakimani Center and Entreculturas, Spain as an effort to understand, appreciate and inform on the status of migration management in Ethiopia in light of the EUTF. The report had a short introduction and followed by background information to prepare for the key findings of the survey. The report also highlights the difficulty of drawing a complete picture on migrants in Ethiopia given the logistical challenges of obtaining official government data. Finally, the report gives some recommendations and areas for further discussion. The basis for such perception survey is, thus, engendering due diligence & casting a monitoring-eye over public policies and issues of social & human interest in the face of the current ongoing migration challenges. The New York Declaration on Migration of 2016 states that migration is a-shared-responsibility. The GoE and the EU-MS play their role but the CSO also play their role. When we all play our parts diligently and faithfully, the world becomes a better place than when we found it.