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The weekly Koha (The T imes) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. E dited by VetonSurroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Y ugoslavia, Koha

soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the

name of Koha Ditor. With the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on

http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

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Digest # 14 (1994)

KOSOVA

THE ACCUSED JUDGE THEMSELVES BY FORCE

by BATON HAXHIU

The indictment against 14 accused in the Regional Court of Prishtina, which was elaborated

rapidly, represents legal fragility and absurdity of the Court's authorities. The indictment is

mainly based on speculations, and since the beginning of its elaboration, it has had attributes

of a framed political trial which was preformed by the organs of the State Securit organs of

Serbia (Secret Police). They are accused of endangering the constitutional order of the FRY

and threatening the territorial integrity of this state. The indictment in its contents is lacking

of many facts, and is framed up, in order to discover a military formation which does notexist. The time of action, the actors and the whole military formation have been invented.

In its contents, the indictment can be rejected because there are no factive actions, but also

because there are persistent procedural violations from the beginning. The violation of the

Criminal Law started since the moment of detention. The mistreatment in these kind of

processes is inevitable and is the key element to framing an indictment and the whole trial.

The actions of the secret police are expressively active when there are neither proof or

juridical facts, and they must be invented or "found", to prove the guilt. This is a consequence

of the lack of concrete actions of the Courts, therefore the only basis of the Courts to prove

the guilt is the use of violence. Unfortunately, the grounds in this trial are the statements ofthe accused, which were given under force, while in investigating proceedings. According to

the Law on Criminal Proceedings, such statements should be excluded from the trial files.

The facts presented were forced, have violence as instigator, they have no procedural values

and can't serve as proof for the verdict. According to the opinion of the defending attorneys of

the accused in Prishtina, the whole process against them has started at the police, and it has

ended there. The way to get statements out of the accused has become a method to make these

people give false statements, to admit the perpetration of the crime, accusing themselves, for

there is no other proof about their "criminal" actions.

The Regional Court in Prishtina which was, and still is authorized to supervise the accused,

not only did not prevent the use of force, but in conclusion tolerated its application. This isnot applicable in any rule of law, because even formally the statement at the police can not

serve as grounds for indictment. But, how else could it be, if the whole indictment has its

foundation on constructions and lies. The creation of the atmosphere to apply violence before

the detention term is set, is prohibited by a SFRY law, a law which is still being applied.

Even the President of the Regional Court in Prishtina, Dragoljub Zdravkovic, during the

proceedings declared that this was an unusual trial and that, as it can be seen from the

statements of the accused, regarding the tortures that they have suffered, the ones who have

tortured them, should face trial instead. The truth is that the Courts and the Prosecutors have

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tolerated the use of force in this framed up political process, and have enabled the use of force

with their own actions. The legalization of violence by the institutions that should defend it,

only shows the lack of professionalism of the Courts or the inability of a state, where there is

no rule of law. Thus, in this way the Court has legalized violence by applying it itself or by

allowing its application by the Serbian secret police, even though it is responsible of theaccused. For such actions, a UN Declaration states that "Any degrading or inhuman action is

an offence to human dignity and should be condemned as a violation of human rights and

freedoms".

The Public Prosecutor who should have had dealt with the accused, has not supervised the

proceedings, and has passed the whole responsibility over to the organs of violence of the

Serbian Secret Police. Expressively, the essential element of the indictment was not proven

with not one fact, and especially when the accusation didn't discover any of the 40 thousand

soldiers of the invented army, any weapon or any concrete action which could put the Nullum

crimen sine lege formula in function. As if this trial proves a rule of this police state, that

every time it is facing a political and moral crisis, it activates framed-up trials againstAlbanians which are characterized with many irregularities, brutal treatment and political

intervention in them. This is best concretized by the 14 accused in Prishtina, whose "crime"

has no cohesion, no action and no intention to create military formations. Such an accusation

intents to remove the Albanian peaceful policy from its rails. Nevertheless, this is the

Albanian determination and it can't be shaken by any constructions, arrests and inquisitional

tortures.

KOSOVA

FOUR MONTHS AFTER THE WOMEN'S DAY

by DUKAGJIN GORANI

"Good morning! Is this the Institute of Albanology? I am a journalist..."

"What??!..."

So much regrading the sure decision on the annulment of the decision on the eviction of the

employees of the Institute of Albanology from their building, - and the insecure hope that itwould be given back to them.

Since the Women's Day (March 8) and the beating of the employees of the Institute, almost

four months have passed. There was a quiet protest (from our side) and an open expulsion

from the building of the highest national institution (from their side).

On June 30 of the current year, a trial which will decide about the future of the last usurped

institutional bastion. How decisive it will be, will it remove or add new dilemmas regarding

the fate of this building, it will have to be found out inside the walls of the Serbian court.

However, it has been over a month since we found out about the fact that the decision of the

ill-famed Prefect on the eviction of the building, has been annulled.

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"The attorney of the Institute", Destan Rukiqi, with much patience explains what not many

want to hear: "...that the chances of having the building back are too relative. The Institute of

Albanology has not been suppressed as an institution. There is no decree that foresees its

closure. So, such a specific institution for one people can be suppressed, but not have the

employees replaced by Serbs, as it happened in the University. There is only one decisionregarding the expulsion of the employees from their building, which I understand as a

personal wish of Milos Simovic. He himself annulled the decision, therefore we insist on

restitutio in integrum."

The table written in gothic letters, states that this building has now become the seat of the

Faculty of Natural and Mathematical Sciences of the Serb University of Prishtina, more

precisely, the Faculty of Biology and Mathematics. The present Serbian employees are by all

means trying to forget the original destination of this building. Life inside it is full of work, be

it imagined or not. When you ask them, it will remain thus for centuries.

"We should have already got used to such juridical combinations. Look, even if the Courtconfirms the annulment of the decision on eviction and the confiscation of the building and

its inventory, the explanation that will be given will be something like this: For the time

being, the building is property of the University of Serbia, which as an institution has full

subjectivity and autonomy, and it is the only one that can decide about the use of the building.

All of this can bring back the situation at the beginning. Therefore, the Court can't intervene

in the competencies and autonomy of the the University (which is questioned in Belgrade, but

is maximal in Prishtina), whilst the Council of Assembly of the University has to discuss the

proposal (an possibly annul it), etc. etc. Thus, there is an attempt to establish status quo which

can last an undetermined period of time. A regular practice, isn't it? Since now we have

started hearing such justifications".

On the other side, the employees of the dislocated Institute continue their daily labors

somewhere in the Sunny Hill neighborhood. "All of us have agreed not to give any statements

to the press. This is not a refusal, but simply a conviction of ours that we won't achieve

anything by talking. Whether the building will be given back to us or not, I will say anything

in that respect when I see myself in it...", says Dr. Sadri Fetiu, director. Asked to comment on

the possibility of getting back the building, he adds: "Look son, they will have to free the

whole of Kosova and not only the building of the Institute, but don't see it necessary to further

upset the public opinion. The trial regarding Simovic's annulled decision will take place on

July 20th. Even though we have not many hopes, we still await for the results. This is all we

know, and all we can say."

Amongst many paradoxical Murphy laws, one of them is the Golden Rule. It says: "Whoever

has the gold, runs the game". Simple and effective. If this postulate is elaborated within the

context of this theme, it will seem more than illusive to speak of "an emerging justice", when

we known that the building of the Institute is the last one we were expelled from. Within this

context, the Courts are the first on the top-lists. On the other hand, the personal wishes of

Simovic and others of the kind, gain juridical value and convert into an obstacle hard to pass.

Finally, in a state where we so often face the annulment of annulled decisions, justice is

formulated to function only for one party.

Thus, whatever happens during this trial regarding the fate of the building of the Institute, will

be understood as a political communication of the regime with the Albanians, and in no way

as a dead end of those who "themselves measure-themselves cut" the decisions on the legal

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fate of anyone or anything in Kosova.

Used to turn our attention towards Belgrade for anything that happens in Kosova, the general

impression that derives from the "Police & Courts vs. Albanians" contest, explains that what

is happening is really only a settlement of bills between the owner of Serbia and, in this case,the heads of the Okrugs (regions). It is well known that some days ago the fate of Simovic has

been sealed and that he will be replaced by Aleksa Jokic, from Valjevo. This time, the #1

person in Kosova comes from the "restricted area of Serbia", and will be here (hopefully) on

temporary residence and employment. It has been said that the problems and quarrels between

the "newcomers and old-timers", which have been the point of explosion for over a year -

were determining to eliminate Simovic from his despotic position. However, on the other

hand, knowing that the fate of Simovic is only one of a dozen throughout the Kingdom of

Serbia (a news communicated by the Serbian media) - it can be supposed that the cleansing of

the Serbian officials (where the building of the Institute is only a formal episode), can be a

result of new political rearrangements in Belgrade.

However it may be, the juridical parameters prove that justice is on the side of the

Albanologists. Even inside the framework of the Serbian laws. There is no legal justification

to usurp the building which has a clear destination- to be used for the needs of the Institute of

Albanology.

"If the building is given back, we will take this as a great success, not only ours, but of all

Albanian workers in Kosova who have been dismissed. This would be the first case in which

a building is given back to us", says Fetiu.

Many things could be added to the fact whether the potential return of a building could turninto a political precedence which would prove the (doubtful) withdrawal of the Serbian

usurping policy. According to Serbian laws, the Institute of Albanology has not been banned,

but it was only evicted from the building. Formally, it still functions as an institution

wherever it may be. But the same thing counts for the University of Prishtina or the Academy

of Sciences and Arts of Kosova, whose fate preceded that of the institute. The labor of this

institutions has already been defined as illegal and prohibited. Their destination is not

contested, but they continue working only with Serbian cadres. From this standpoint, the

eventual return of the building would be interpreted by the Serbian circles as " a concession

because of the specific nature (there could be no replacements by Serbs) of the institution, etc.

etc.", and which in no way should be interpreted as a precedence to other concessions. But,

knowing that all the sources of our collective misfortune are of political nature exclusively(where law is applied only as its instrument), any concession, however formal and small it

might be, will be understood as a considerable - also political - victory.

MONTENEGRO

THE DEMOGRAPHY OF THE ACTUAL POLICY

by NAIL DRAGA/ Ulqin

Looked upon from the population aspect, as before in the Former Yugoslavia, Montenegro is

now too, the Republic with the leat number of citizens in the Balkan Peninsula. This is no

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surprise, because it is well known that the Montenegrins are the smallest people in the region.

However, it is very important to know what is the ethnic composition of the republic like

right now, whether there have been any changes in numbers regarding people that live here

and has there been any difference between one and the other census. To be more precise, we

have analyzed the data from the censuses between 1948 and 1991, specifically concentratingin the decade between 1981 and 1991.

Based on the data from the 1991 census, it comes out that in Montenegro there were 615.267

citizens, or 25.957 citizens more that in 1981. From the start, this was a surprise for the

responsible, because according to some approximative figures, it had been calculated that

there would be cca. 645 thousand inhabitants.

The other unexpected surprise had to do with the citizens who declared themselves as

Montenegrins. If in 1981, 400.488 people had declared themselves as such (or 68,55%), in

1991 there were 380.484 Montenegrins altogether (61,84%). These facts show that there are

less and less Montenegrins in the area. The down-fall of the participation of Montenegrins inthe population for 6,69% in only one decade, is not a small figure for even larger people.

Such a figure should be upsetting for any country. But, we should stress that this might be

upsetting for those uninformed and who have not been acquainted with the situation in

Montenegro in the past three years. It is even not a mistake if we state that the political

euphoria of the ruling party (Demokratska Partija Socijalista-DPS) has largely contributed to

this situation, which has caused an increase of the number of those who declare themselves as

Serbs. In one word, right now, Montenegro reminds us of the Baltic Republics of the Former

Soviet Union, where the local population was decreasing decade by decade.

In the censuses after 1945, it had almost become a tradition to have Muslims and Albanianscoming immediately after the Montenegrins. But the last census changed this ranking. Thus,

even though in 1981 there were 19.407 people declared as Serbs (3,32%) in 1991 their

number (strangely enough) was tripled, to 52.276 people (9,3%). There is no doubt that

anyone can declare oneself as one feels, but nevertheless, it is really hard to believe that the

number of Serbs has tripled in one decade alone. There are probably two essential moments

that influenced this figure: first, the political developments in Montenegro since 1989 and

second, the application of pluralism. Even more, if a census would take place now, it wouldn't

be strange if this number would increase even more, because the number of Serb or pro-Serb

citizens is increasing, not to say expanding. The existence of seven Serb or pro-Serb political

parties in Montenegro right now, proves this ascertainment.

How realistic is the number of Muslims and Albanians? According to the last census, there

were 89.932 Muslims, or about 11 thousand more than the previous decade. But, it should be

said that the number of Muslims in Montenegro reaches about 110 thousand, and not as the

official statistics claim. Muslims are mainly concentrated in the northern municipalities such

as Rozaje (87,2%), Bjelo Polje (41,6%), Pljevlja, Berane (25,8%), Tivar (Bar - 13,3%),

Podgorica (5,1%) and Ulqin (Ulcinj - 4,6%). In other municipalities, their participation is

symbolic.

On the other hand, according to this census, the number of Albanians is 40.880 or 6.64% of

the total population of Montenegro. This data would not be sensationalistic because theAlbanian population has increased for 3.145 people or 8,3%, but when it is well known that

during this decade many Albanians have fled Montenegro and settled abroad, then the offered

data makes one doubt about its certainty. However, the other possibility should not be

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excluded, and that is that in previous censuses a small number of Albanians had declared

themselves as Yugoslavs or Muslims, especially in the urban areas. Also, there are many that

claim that the number of Albanians in Montenegro is about 50 thousand, without counting

those who have emigrated.

Such a conclusion seems logical because of the sole fact that a number of Albanians

indoctrinated by Yugoslav patriotism, do not declare themselves to what nation they belong

to. For example, according to the last census, it comes out that in the municipality of Ulqin

there are about 72,4% Albanians and 12,4% Montenegrins. It is interesting to see how have

the rest declared themselves. From the data available, it comes out that 4,59 % are Muslims,

4,36 Yugoslavs, 1,72% Serbs and 4,6% others. Based on these figures and knowing closely

the situation, figures regarding Yugoslavs and Others are almost all Albanians, which means

that this municipality is inhabited by 80% of Albanians. Taking this ascertainment as a

starting point, the claim that Montenegro is inhabited with over 50 thousand Albanians and

not the figure communicated by the Republican Institute of Statistics, is closer to the truth.

Apart from the municipality of Ulqin, the Albanians in Montenegro are spread in other four

municipalities such as Tivar (Bar) 12,51%, Podgorica 8,50%, Plav 20,73% and Rozaje

3,93%. In these five municipalities, Albanians are autochthonous, and they are also

symbolically present in some other municipalities, mainly as workers or artisans.

Members of other nationalities living in Montenegro are Croats (in 1981 there were 6.904

inhabitants) whilst one decade later their number had decreased at came to 6.249 people, who

mainly live in the seashore zone. It is very important to stress that in 1991, 25.854 people

declared themselves as Yugoslavs, which makes 4,25 of the total population. In the "others"

file, there were 13.425 inhabitants or 2,18% of the population.

The presented data proves that 38,16 % of the population in Montenegro have declared

themselves as members of the non-Montenegrin people, which makes this state a

heterogenous one in the national aspect, composed of different people, languages, cultures

and religions. Such a demographic variety should be considered a riches and not weakness,

for there are very few states with homogenous national structure.

MACEDONIA

THE CENSUS, A CRITICAL POINT AGAIN

by IBRAHIM MEHMETI/Shkup

Under the motto of "the data for today and for the future", the population census in

Macedonia started on June 21, and it is expected to last until July 5th.

The news which had been expected for three years, since the results of the 1991 census were

declared nil, because of the Albanians' boycott, was followed with great interest by the

domestic and international public opinion. Nevertheless, what has increased the publicity ofthis census were the Albanians, once again, who abstained from participating in the first five

days of this statistical operation.

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How much has this event trespassed the "normal" framework of a statistical operation and has

become a political event of greatest importance can best be proven by the fact that since the

census has started, all other "explosive" matters, such was the penetration of Serbian soldiers

to the Macedonian territory and the conquest of the strategic points at the North, as well as

the murder of a Macedonian youngster in a quarrel with some Albanian youngsters, have beenthrown to the second plane. How important this issue is, is best proven by the fact that the

Macedonian press has considered the census to be one of the four critical points for the future

of Macedonia. According to them, this is the third most critical moment after Bit Pazar and

the weapons' affair, and if this one is overcome, there is only one left: elections in November.

That this ranking was not groundless, it could be immediately seen in the beginning, when the

Albanians, unsatisfied with the application of the law, which was anyways restrictive, didn't

accept to participate in this action, unless the many irregularities are emended and a new

interpretation of the legal act is made. One of the points in law which has created the biggest

misunderstandings was the one regarding citizenship. This provision states that the

citizenship certificate is the first proof of identification of the Macedonian nationals. As it

was known even beforehand, a very large number of Albanians faced many problems to getthis document, and in times when the law was passed, over 150 thousand citizens, Albanians

in their majority, had still this issue unsolved. Nevertheless, the Albanian MP's voted in favor

of this legal act, thanks to the promises they had received from the Macedonian party, that the

problems would be emended along the run. On this occasion, once again has the naivety of

Albanians come to the surface. They trusted the "word of honor", which rapidly came out to

be false, because only one day before the census, according to official figures, around 100

thousand people, the majority of them being Albanians, had still not gotten the citizenship

certificates, which had created much discontent.

Apart from this, the Albanian public in Macedonia, and especially the Albanian registrarswere revolted by the provision which compulsorily requested the presence of a Macedonian

registrar, who would be controlling the work of the Albanian ones in Albanian municipalities,

but this provision was not foreseen in the opposite case, where Macedonian neighborhoods

would have only one Macedonian registrar, who would not be controlled by anyone. Eshref

Aliu, an Albanian MP explains how was this taken by the Albanians: "This is a practice

which can't be tolerated, and this is not good for the state either, because this would be a law

of pure apartheid. We can't accept such a practice and this we prove through harsh reactions

of the censors, who don't accept such controls".

Another problem was that of the census of citizens abroad who, according to what the

government has decided, could be registered in the diplomatic offices, but later it came out tobe that census would be effectuated also in Macedonian clubs and religious communes,

without the presence of Albanian registrars, as the law had foreseen it. This issue was

commented by Albanians as a tendency to have over 100 thousand Albanians living abroad,

not censed.

Taking into account all these deficiencies, a group of Albanian MP's had requested the

Parliament to postpone the initiation of the census for six days, in order to remove these

failures, but the request was rejected. The conversation with the mediators didn't help much,

especially after they insisted, in every occasion, to remind the Albanians that they themselves

had voted the law, and had no reason to complain about. It seems as it the most "merciless" inthis aspect was Gert Arens, representative of the ICFY, whom the Albanians accused to be an

open supporter of the Macedonian party. But, as it seems, apart from the foreigners, the

Macedonians too had reasons to haste. These reasons were clearly elaborated by a

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Macedonian MP, member of the ruling Social-Democratic Party, claiming that the tendencies

to prolong the census, go in favor of the propagators of Bulgarization who need more time to

gain more supporters of their idea, in order to increase the number of Bulgarians in the

census. Likewise, the Macedonian public was especially upset after the Greek statements that

there were 250 thousand Greeks living in Macedonia, and who still don't dare to declarethemselves "justly".

The decision of Albanians, illogical for some, not to participate in the census until the

obstacles for a just census are not annulled, caused a big mess which was characterized by

intensive contacts between Albanians, Macedonians and the international factor, and which

resulted with the elaboration of a Memorandum by the Census International Observer

Mission, on the fourth day of the census. In fact, this Memorandum was announced by Robin

Guthrie, who, on the second day of the census declared: "One of the issues that causes a

determined dissatisfaction is that the issue of citizenship is linked to the census. We insisted

before the Government and the President of the Republic and asked for assurance that these

two issues are not linked at all. This is the census of residents and not citizens". In theMemorandum this issue is defined even more, and is suggested to the government as such. It

regards point 6 of the PL form which had foreseen that people who have still not regulated

their citizenship would be marked as people without a citizenship. The Memorandum

suggests this point be replaced by a new one, stating that these are people in process to

determine their citizenship. At the same time, it is suggested that no publication of the first

results of the census should mention the figures of the people without citizenship, or of those

who are residing abroad. Equality among registrars of both nationalities (Albanian and

Macedonian) in municipalities of Albanian majority was also requested, by suggesting that

there should be two of them on both sides, regardless of the fact whether the Albanians or

Macedonians are being registered.

Regarding the census abroad, it is requested that Albanian registrars be sent there too, which

in reality would mean the full respect of the law, and not a special privilege or its

modification, as it could be said regarding other points.

The last news which came just before handing in this piece for publication, speaks of the

agreement of the Macedonian party to these changes, and at the same time with the agreement

of the Albanians to start their participation in the census since Sunday, June 26. These news

will probably mean that the tensions in Macedonia will ease, but taking into account the

experience of this census until now, it is early to claim that the third critical moment for

Macedonia has passed. This doubt is increased by the statement of the Serbs that they will notparticipate in the census for many reasons. If the situation at the Northern Border is known,

you don't have to think much and conclude that this census will face many other problems,

and that they will last more than a fortnight it is foreseen to continue.

It should also be stressed that the international observers, known for their principled postures,

will have a lot to think of after this census, and will have time enough to analyze their "mortal

vaults" from the unconditioned support of the Albanians when the draft of the law was being

elaborated, and up to taking the side of the Macedonians, which became more evident as the

time went through.

At the end, a question imposes: What would have happened if the compromise was not

reached? Let's hope there will be no answer to this question even after the fourth critical

moment, which is just around the corner, has passed.

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MACEDONIA

DEJA VU?

by ISO RUSI/Shkup

Two hundred women or mothers from Tetova, as they called themselves, came to the

Parliament of the Republic of Macedonia to tell the President of the Parliament Stojan Andov

and the Minister of Interior Lubomir Frckovski what they think was happening in their town.

The women claimed that Macedonia was not an oasis of peace, but it was that of hell, that

Tetova was in chaos, that Macedonia has been sold-out, that there is no rule of law, that there

are no policemen, that if the things continue thus, there will be no more Macedonians in

Western Macedonia, and they questioned who gave the Albanians so much rights, and finally

they threatened that if needed, they would rather live in Serbia than in Albania. The whole

atmosphere in the congress room can best be described by Stojan Andov's words to the

mothers: "Now, in every criminal you see an Albanian and in any Albanian you see acriminal".

This was a normal outcome of the events that occurred last week, after the incident in which a

Macedonian youngster died. The beating and murder happened almost on the same time as

the tribune in which the Minister of Interior of Macedonia Frckovski, had declared, among

other things, that all neighbors of Macedonia had underestimated the factors of stability of

this state and its ability to create a national segment and enough institutional space to absorb

the inter-ethnic tensions. The core of the reactions of the Macedonian party was determined

by the tone of the VMRO-DPMNE press release, which states: "Such a terrible terrorist act is

a logical and direct consequence of the anti-Macedonian policy, which has been applied along time now by the government of Albanian-Communist coalition and President of the

Republic Kiro Gligorov, who, in order to fulfil their egoist and ill-minded ambitions for

power, made a series of concessions to the Albanian separatists aspirations, including the

attempts for federalization, that is, the division of Macedonia". The TV of Macedonia was

not better at all. Afterwards, all of the rest were developed, as if by inertia. And, it is almost

irrelevant that the whole case was interpreted and colored according to everyone's wishes. It

was forgotten that in the same town an Albanian teacher had been beaten to death, and that

his case was treated as "ordinary murder". It was forgotten that previous to the beating there

was singing and yelling and that you need two to have a quarrel, the statements of the first

person of the Macedonian Orthodox Church "that this is the memento of the Macedonian

people" have been also forgotten. Or the fact that the telegram sent by the political leaderswas refused to be received by the family. All of this was justly called by colleague Branko

Gerovski as "Harsh political necrophilia".

What is demoralizing in this whole matter are the moments which are almost identical to the

ones known from the former-Yugoslav space. The sole murder maybe the most reminds us of

the killing at the wedding in Sarajevo, immediately before the war in Bosnia started.

However, the reaction of the Macedonians from Tetov is almost of the same style as the

organization of Serbs and Montenegrins before the things were "put in order" by Milosevic.

Shkupi's daily "Vecer" explains: "By all means one must start from the fact that people

beneath the Shar mountain are living one aside the others and that any attempt to create afalse image on brotherhood and unity under the pressure of a imposed loyalty (through the

police, politics, etc) has no chance to succeed.

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In Bosnia for example, people among each other had no linguistic or intimate obstacles in

over five decades, which was proven by many mixed marriages. Now, in the same Bosnia,

there are thousands of graves, and it seems as if human insanity is endless. Why? because the

cohabitation as a system can't be installed or connected by pulsing a button. It requests from

the people almost the impossible - to control themselves, look the truth in the eye, even whenit hurts.".

The fact that this is not a joke any longer is best proven by the Albanophobia that has

captivated Tetova and its surroundings, for apart from the open hatred towards the "Siptars",

it also results in the public rejection of their own nationality. The model of the "rule of law"

in the "oriole and opus" of the Milosevic regime is so strong among Tetovars, that they have

massively started changing their last names to "ic", they refuse to take the Macedonian

citizenship, which enables them to participate in the census, and the autumn elections. It is

not rare to hear a threat: "We shall register as Serbs in the census!" Some marginal

Macedonian political parties have seen their chance in all of this, therefore they have started

making noise about the orthodox union, and speak about the idea in Belgrade. In such anatmosphere, a special importance is that of the fact that the actual political leadership - from

the President to the Prime-minister, purposely or casually, didn't meet the local leadership,

didn't participate in any meetings in Western Macedonia. Is it because they don't want to give

the opposition more arguments to "prove" their theory about the Albanian-Communist

coalition", or they do not want to offend the Albanian coalition partners, either because of the

PPD division or the eventual contacts with local Macedonians?

Maybe this is the creation of a new political wave where the main word will be that of the

VMRO-Movement for Yugoslavia, whist Kosova will get its autonomy the same day

Macedonia will? These are two "inventions" of journalist Nikola Mladenov, and have a bittersense of something that might happen easily. In the light of the use of the internal and

external organizing bargains regarding the census, for political reasons, the provocation at the

Serbian border, the activation of the contest between the Serbian and Macedonian Orthodox

Churches, the Greek embargo, the surveillance of Sofia...the hope that the worst will be

evaded remains in the hands of God - people anyways are doing everything possible to not

have it.

THE BOREDOM OF THE GOULASH DEMOCRACY

by VETON SURROI

It is best to get to Hungary by train. Not because there is no other efficacious means of

transportation, but because to enter Hungary from a grey zone called Former Yugoslavia, is to

transfer from the Balkans to Mittel-Europe, and at the same time from the history of

Communism to the history of Post-Communism. The train, the symbol of civilization of this

century, remains the most efficacious way to travel through history.

The first time I was in Budapest, it was a strange combination of Janos Kadar's Goulash

Communism, old ladies wearing fur-coats who every afternoon visited Austro-Hungarianpastry shops and regularly visited the Opera, farmers that produced food the most in Eastern

Europe, and a middle class of people who wanted to swamp their small clothes of one

non-democratic political system.

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Budapest today, as any other town of Eastern Europe (or maybe this one is the leading one) is

that of Western shops, American fast-food restaurants and of a society interested to have a

good life and wealth. At times, only as a curiosity could you remind yourself of the fact that

this is the state with the highest suicide rate in Europe, and that somewhere deep, in the scent

of secessionism and below peoples' eyebrows, there is passion.

A passion felt by Hemingway in the figures of the Hungarian anarchists of the beginning of

the century, or the ones found in the images of the photographs of the Anti-Soviet

insurrection in 1956.

Political passion? But not that of Hemingway or the photographs.

There is no better illustration of this than the past elections, when the ex-Communists won.

The press and TV made different comments. In town, claim the observers, nothing changed.

Not even the sun-bathing of the youngsters at the shores of the Danube. Hungary is most

likely proving the old saying that democracy is dull. That much, that people have time to dealwith other things rather than politics.

HEALTH-CARE

HUMANITY WRAPPED WITH BANKNOTES

by IBRAHIM REXHEPI

NN came back from a private lab, and terrified showed the bill: for just one analysis he had

paid 200 DEM, whilst the three week long treatment of his sister cost him 1200 DEM. His

good luck is that he is a successful businessman, otherwise he would have been forced to see

his sister die, without having anything to do to help her. He doesn't want his name mentioned,

neither that of the lab technician who made the analyses, as he still believes that it was some

kind of mistake.

This happened during the epidemics of abdominal typhus in Shtime. The impression was that

the local population had not sufficient medical care. When the epidemics had already affected

80 people, then came the intervention of the competent, they localized the disease and after a

long term hospitalization in Prishtina, all patients came back sane and safe, but always withthe fear that the disease could reappear.

The scientific magazine of the Doctors' Association of Kosova called "Praxis Medica",

published another astonishing information: in the past three years, there were five cases of

AIDS registered in Kosova, and in the present circumstances, it is very hard to control the

disease.

Everything started four years ago. The massive intoxication of children in Kosova served as

an excellent excuse for the Serbian authorities to frontally attack the Faculty of Medicine in

Prishtina. Immediately afterwards were the "emergency measures" implemented in all clinics,and health-care institutions in different municipalities, whilst some months later, in the name

of a so called rationalization, many health-care facilities were closed down, mainly in parts

where Albanians make up the majority. The Albanian population was astonished, for at that

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time, the impression was that there were no more doctors and medical staff who would take

care of them, especially having in mind that they wouldn't go to a medical institution which

has dismissed Albanian doctors. It happened that in a very short period of time, 1.962 medical

staff, out of which 44 were University professors, 27 docents, 82 instructors, 119 specialists,

171 PhD's, 1016 technicians as well as a considerable number of other personnel in medicalinstitutions. All of the dismissed were Albanians who were replaced by Serbs and

Montenegrins and now, if we compare the figures of the employed before the "measures" and

after them, the difference is disregarding. In 21 health-care institutions in Kosova, there were

4.846 employed, whilst now there are 218 less. In order to illustrate the dimensions of the

massive dismissal, only a detail will be presented: during this whole time, the number of

Albanian employees was reduced by 1.034 people, whilst the number of Serbs and

Montenegrins increased by 739, as well as that of other nationalities, by 77. Even though the

number of employed Serbs and Albanians is approximately the same, the changes were

qualitative, because the medical experts were dismissed, a small number of them still

remains, whilst the largest number of employed Albanians is comprised of nurses, orderlies,

medical staff and assisting personnel.

Adem Limani, Minister of Health-Care of the Government of the Republic of Kosova, claims

that the occupied clinics have never had worse cadre than they have today: "The Serbs and

Montenegrins that came, according to the qualifications they have, don't deserve to even

approach the clinics. Just imagine the authorizations they have". This can be best illustrated

with the example of a dentist in Ferizaj, who used to work in the Health Home with a forged

diploma. Last week it was discovered that he had inscribed at the faculty thirty years ago, but

never graduated.

However, the Albanian population today is forced to seek medical assistance in the clinicswhere there are no more Albanians. There are many reasons that make them take this path,

starting from a cheaper treatment, up to the situation when a specific kind of treatment can't

be received elsewhere. Taking the gynecological clinics as an example, none of them has a

night's duty, and even if it has, when the patients find out what the price is, they head towards

the occupied Gynecological Clinic, regardless that she will be mistreated; many times has

happened that the mother was released from the hospital only in her pyjamas, or as it is often

said, the newborn was carried in a plastic bag. This is reason why the Kosovan doctors,

mainly those owners of private doctor offices, have failed the exam this time, because their

level of humanity depends on the quantity of money that the patient offers. This situation is

trying to be eased by the Humanitarian Organization "Mother Theresa" which has opened

several doctor offices where the medical care and medicines free of charge. Only in Prishtinait has 9 clinics of the kind, and in other municipalities, at least one. It takes care of 50

thousand families, which means that it provides them with treatment and medicines. The

Ministry of Health-Care claims that it elaborated a program, foreseeing to open such kind of a

clinic in every municipality, where the employed staff would be paid by the Ministry proper.

The Ministry would also determine reasonable prices for offered services, but the project

failed to be accomplished because it lacked support of different political structures of

government in Kosova.

According to some figures presented by local doctors and scientists, actually lecturers at the

Albanian Faculty of Medicine, the health-care situation here has deteriorated very much.From 1981 to 1992, there were 157.628 cases of infectious diseases, with 1.650 casualties.

This happened because "only 44 % of the population drink hygienic water, only 33% are

connected to the sewage system and only 28,9% of the flats are connected to the water supply

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and sewage systems." This situation has deteriorated after 1990, for in the past three years,

there were 541 grown ups and 944 children were mortal victims of enterocolitis and

dyspepsia. Until last year there was not one case of children paralysis, whilst in the past three

years, 23 cases were recorded, with one casualty. There were also 13 new cases of neonatal

tetanus with four deaths as a consequence of the deliveries without any professionalassistance. This alarming situation is a result of the decrease of the level of compulsory

vaccination. For example, four years ago, 61.853 children should have been vaccinated, and

only 36.291 actually did receive the vaccines.

One must also seek for some answers regarding the data issued by the occupied

Epidemiologic Institute. It claims that there were 21.699 cases of infectious diseases, out of

which 5.636 were cases of diarrhoea. It is considered that this figure is in reality ten times as

large, and that 112 children died as a consequence, usually up to the age of one, then there

were 3.674 children suffering from measles with 13 casualties, 167 cases of hepatitis, 3.529

cases of scabies, 852 cases of TB with 14 casualties and 82 cases of typhus. This Institution

proves that the doctors employed at the occupied clinics can't do much more in prventind thespread of diseases, but it also very clear that neither can the Albanian doctors, who have

converted their humane profession into business.

Any lack of organization of any of the rings in a chain of one system, has anarchy as a

consequence. This is why health-care is included in this "club". To ask whether today the

health of the population is being safeguarded or destroyed would be too much. "Where there

are no rules, there is no control and responsibility, and we can't speak of safeguarding the

health of the population. The Ministry has prepared a list of documents which would regulate

this area, as for example the Decree-Law of Health-Care, The Rules and Regulations, The

Program of Labor, the organization of health-care, the list of the prices for medical services,which had been supported by the government and which were offered to every respective

institution. They are not only not respected by anyone, but different ways to stop their

application are sought. The obstacles are found at high instances, and I have heard that

despite the existence of a whole mechanism in health-care, there are preparations made to

concentrate the whole labor on some Councils which could be directed by individuals from

one center", says Limani.

Yet, it is not strange to know that the Ministry proper doesn't have all the data on how many

private health-care facilities are there in Kosova, how many people are employed there and

what kind of services they offer. It is supposed that there is at least 400 private facilities, but

there is no division of labor among them, neither is there any coordination for offering betterservices.

On the other hand the Independent Trade Union can't do anything in this respect. Objectively

it can't have any influence over the staff which is working in the official clinics. What is even

worse, it doesn't have any influence whatsoever over the owners of private clinics. The Trade

Union is almost certain the employed staff in these private clinics is not fairly recompensed,

but since there are no collective contracts, which anyway can't be enforced, there is nothing

that can be done. When it regards the prices, the Trade Union considers that there must be a

categorization, stating that if a patient wants a better service, or to be checked by a professor

or experienced doctor, then he must pay more. They claim that it is not the same beingchecked up by a professor and/or a doctor who has just accomplished his studies of Medicine.

The attempt to employ medical staff in Libya is a separate story, whilst the responsible who

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obligation to determine the schedules to enter freedom (Martin Luther King) for whole

people.

Since this is referred to serious states, which pretend to ground their actions on principles, as

it happened in a meeting with one of their diplomats, at least two question arise: knowing thereaction of France in respect to the position of people in Quebec (De Gaulle, who knew how

to free France from its colonial burden in Algeria, in his times had gone to Canada and totally

out of line, had addressed the local french-speakers with "Vive la France!"), naturally, based

on the principle of justice; knowing that the Parliament of the United Kingdom has agreed to

approve a decision regarding Ireland which would be adopted based on the majority of votes;

knowing that in Kosova the democratic will of over 90% of people has been declared in favor

of its independence, what is the reason of principle to take into discussion the request of

Albania for the regulation of the position of the Albanians in the disintegrated Yugoslavia,

and what would be a reason of principle, in the case of Kosova, not to respect the democratic

will of the population not to stay in Serbia?

The behavior of a diplomat in such a situation has no importance whatsoever, especially when

it is clear that, after such statements from above, the government, which this people considers

as alien, interprets such declarations as a green light to undertake what it wants, and indirectly

put part of the blame for the repression and systematic terror on the side of those countries

who declared themselves as mentioned above.

Different projections that may come from abroad, and that could aim at marking the

movements, which have been declared as the most peaceful in Europe by them proper, as

extremist and non-realistic (which means just a step away from the request to punish them),

having in mind the experiences of such powers, needn't special elaboration. One also can'tclose his eyes before the other fact that countries highly depending of European powers such

as Greece, precisely in times when they even speak on their behalf, undertake dangerous steps

against Albanians and Macedonians. All of these can't be seen otherwise than as schedules to

enter freedom, that they would want to set to other people, as a principle of segregation.

What sense does it make to speak of the Balkans and "Balkanism" after all of this? Isn't it

clear that such "concepts" are directly part of Europe proper, and not only because the

Balkans are geographically and historically in Europe?

An essential question must be put: isn't true that the Western civilization is proud that, since

the first sources of thought in Ancient Greece, force was not the first principle of things? Apart of Aristotle's ideas, (mis)used, but not always followed, have been interpreted by this

same civilization as: human deeds, as imitation of divine deeds, aims at presenting the force

of the soul and not subjugate the soul to the force. Justice before force, Gentlemen?

Arguments of the type quod licet Iovis non licet bovis, since long ago have become

transparent even in the Balkans.

However the sufferings of those who are subjugated close any prospects, the quote above

shouldn't be taken as totally groundless. And this, also could be illustrated with important and

enlightening examples in thought, action, the public, in general developments.

The responsibility of the big to prevent the (mis)use of the force by the "local powers", grows

proportionally with their force. Not going far from the ancient sources of Western pride, let us

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borrow this thought of Tukidides: "The real guilt is not on the oppressor, but on that who,

even having the possibility to stop it, gives up, remains indifferent".

The margins of explainable indifference of the responsible, are always broader that can be the

level of resistance of the oppressed, to be acceptable also by the one that is oppressed. Notusing the criteria of relativization, it would be maybe better to see up to what level are these

margins products of the almost mechanical tendency to safeguard the sole principle of force

and its regeneration. Up to what level are the soul and the moral, in this case the really

peace-wanting opinion in Europe, able to force the perpetrator and take its own

responsibilities?

Finally, the principle of force presupposes the relation of forces, whilst its application leads to

more violence. Only the principle of justice would lead us to durable peace and become basis

for values such as non-violence, comprehension and cooperation.

MACEDONIA

TITO OR SLOBA?

by NIKOLA MLADENOV/Shkup

Until now, the Balkans responded to its national mess in two ways: in the Titoist way and the

Serbian-unitarist way. The first one caused consequences to the state, whilst the other one to

the minorities. Has maybe Macedonia invented some new answer to this provocation?

The last events in and at the outskirts of Tetov actualize, again, the issue of coexistence

between members of different ethnicums in Macedonia. It was proven that, still, anything

starting on the Balkans can't end without being politicized. All possible frustrations find their

space to penetrate with their own "multi-national" cases. And, once again, without any

consequences for the powerful saviors of their own nation. How could otherwise, the threat of

the Tetovan mothers at the Macedonian parliament, that they would rather declare themselves

Serbs during the census, than bare the Albanian terror, be understood?

The mess called census, continues being effectuated among the workers whose firms are

going bankrupt, and in the meantime their association is appealing for participation in thecensus and clear national declaration, regardless of the position which the bankrupt are

facing. Look, look! For God's sake...Even the bread is sacrificed for the nation! Simply, a

man doesn't know whom should he defend himself from: those that will attack or those who

will defend the nation?

At the same time, the connection of the Tetova case to the census is indisputable. In fact,

what will the census represent to those who don't go beyond their nation? To the

Macedonians, of course, if there is enough of them in numbers (?), it wil be the possibility to

become bosses of themselves. The impression that even in Macedonia, the wish to make the

different disappear, is still inevitable. Simply, the quality of life continues to be evaluatedaccording to the language to be spoken and the flag that will fly during all historical events

that we are going through.

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Even the Macedonian part of the Balkans seems to be small for those who live in it. The

declared co-existence has no deep content. It is not so strange, when it is well known that no

one has ever tried to explain this "magic" word to the people. Is this something new, contrary

to the models of life in the Balkans practice up to now, in relation to its national mixture? Or

maybe it is nothing else but a replacement of Tito's brotherhood and unity, if it is not a maskof unitarism, whose strongest applicant is the Serbian regime?

Tito's model is clearly unacceptable even for the tolerant Macedonians. It is hard to

understand that they would dare to bargain their own state, which they couldn't establish

during the past. The Serbian unitary model, from the other side, is unacceptable as much as

for the Albanians that much for the other national minorities in Macedonia. Besides this, this

would mean that the so called co-existence would have in leading posts some Albanians too,

but the essential issue is whether this will be done according the national key? If this happens,

then there is no reason to exclude the Turks, Vlahs, Gypsies and Serbs from this combination.

Exactly six. And then two (autonomies) candidates will be found, and there we would get the

"most perfect state" which doesn't exist, and which forces Macedonian hair to rise. The soleranking of other nationalities at the same level as the Albanians, the second largest population

in Macedonia, simply terrifies them.

Macedonia is still fighting the same contest: whose state is it, instead of what the state is like?

This is big portion of state in the blood of any person from the Balkans.

What good could have the subordinated, if they are spoken to in their own language? What

good could the ministers, who can be bought, regardless of the national appertaining, do to

the state? What good is there from an inefficacious, big and expensive apparatus? But if the

agenda foresees the items that regard the necessity of the state which exists only to protect thefreedoms and goods of the subordinated with the lowest price possible, in the financial aspect,

then contrary to the until present outlooks, we will conclude that politics is one of the hardest

art-crafts...All the heads of the tribes will be out of work, those who see nothing else but

black and/or white.

Long time ago have the western democracies absolved the civil society, which, as we were

told, was a direct attack against the Yugoslav Peoples' Army, the column of the state!?

Meaning, that regardless of the freedom of the individual, our ideal is the uniform, the

repression. In times when a person has more and more rights which once it had been given by

or taken from the state, the Balkans person is preoccupied with the state that will solve all of

his problems. There is no doubt that this is easy for them - somebody else will have to thinkand do the chat instead of them, or on their behalf. This is probably why the Balkans people,

instead of making money, they make a lot of states, which because of their anachronic

contents, can't stand for too long.

This is precisely why, the rivalry regarding the issue whether Tito's of Sloba's receipt can

bring any development to the region, is useless. Neither the first or the second one have

moved from the feudal sense of the state. It will be thus always, as long as the state is

understood as a feud where someone's uncontrolled will is applied in practice and which the

others have to bare, regardless of the nationality.

If it doesn't come to be strong enough and fight back the challenges, the Macedonian state

will keep on discussing more and more cases of Tetovan bloodied national fighters, instead of

being treated as cases of criminals that can be only loved by their mothers. Coexistence has

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once again been a sedative of short duration. Until we don't get sick of it!

(The author is Editor in Chief of "Mlad Borec" magazine and also director of the

independent radio-station "Libertas" in Shkupi)

INTERVIEW

ROBERT ELSIE, Canadian scholar of Albanian literature

interviewed by BATON HAXHIU/Prishtina

KOHA: Mr. Elsie you have been studying the Albanian language and people in general for

some time now. How do you see the problem of the Albanians in this region?

ELSIE: Before starting to study the problems of the Albanian language, I had to learn the

language first. I started at the end of the '70-ies, and it was precisely here in Kosova. I came to

Kosova several years, not only to participate in the International Seminar but also to meet

with scientists, Albanologists and other interested from all over the world. Learning the

language, I also learned about the Albanian culture. I had the chance to visit Albania too. I see

my publications as a presentation of the Albanian culture aborad. I try to present this

unknown culture to the world. Albania and Albanian lands are a hole in the European maps,

nothing or almost nothing is known about them. Now, of course, there is more knowledge

about them, than it was in times when I showed my interest in them.

KOHA: You say that this was an unknown land to Europe. From this perspective, could you

tell us what were the reasons they were so far away from Europe?

ELSIE: The reasons were different. Of course, the dictatorship in Albania didn't allow

contacts with the outside world. Albanians wouldn't contact with the world, neither did they

insist to do it. However, Kosova had more freedom, but it was far away and poor, and the

contacts were not sufficient. Now the situation has changed fully: Albania is open and wants

contacts, and Kosova is closed, it's surrounded. You know this better than I do.

KOHA: You said that Kosova was closed. How do you and others in Europe look upon this

fact?

ELSIE: I couldn't give you an official posture, but I can say that the problem of Kosova is

known. There is chance to read about what is going on. Lately, we who deal with the

Albanian culture and problems have been shocked. It was terrible to hear of the occupation of

the building of the Institute of Albanology. This is a primitivism not seen before. This

institute is not of military or strategic importance for the Serbian regime. It is a clear step of

the Serbian regime to prevent the expansion and development of the Albanian culture. It is a

part of a campaign, that of the quiet ethnic cleansing.

KOHA: However there are almost no reactions in respect of the cultural genocide in Kosova.Why?

ELSIE: My impression is the following. Every day we hear news from Bosnia and we are sick

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of them. The terrors in Bosnia are in the first plane, therefore the majority of the audience and

readers have no interest in things going beyond Bosnia. Kosova is still calm, the situation is

not so urgent. This is maybe the reason why there is not enough resonance.

KOHA: But, we are going through the worst of genocides, which, for many reasons, is quiet.Is it maybe our poor propaganda or the lack of interest of the world for the Albanian issue?

ELSIE: Surely the biggest problem is the lack of propaganda. After each visit to Kosova I

have insisted on and stressed the importance of the contacts. The importance of translations

of news on different events. On the contacts by phone, fax or any other means of

communication. This should be done with the Western media. In the past, there were none.

As far as I can follow now, much more is being done in this sense, but it is so little compared

to the situation you are living.

KOHA: You have often served as interpreter in meetings of German and Albanian

delegations. Which are the main premises of these talks and what can be seen now in respectto the political culture of the Albanians?

ELSIE: I am the official interpreter of the German Government for Albanian language. It is

understandable that I have gone to Albania more often, because there almost no official

German delegations coming to Kosova. The problems in Albania are different from the ones

you have here. They have economic problems. In Kosova, it is a political status problem.

Regarding the relations betwen Kosova and Germany the best thing to do is talk to the

German officials, for they would give an official standpoint, but I am aware that in the

political circles in Germany, the problem of Kosova is known pretty well.

KOHA: But it has not been actualized?

ELSIE: Why? That is the right question. I don't know, but I am very much upset. One thing is

sure, between Germany and Kosova stands Bosnia. This makes things difficult.

KOHA: Putting Bosnia aside as the main problem, nevertheless Kosova is suffering the terror

of primitive brutality. This is not enough present in the German media, apart from Radio

Deutsche Welle which broadcasts in Albanian. Taking into account all these facts, what do

you think should be done by Albanians to actualize their problem?

ELSIE: They must have as many contacts possible with foreign journalists. There must bemore journalists coming into Kosova. There is a lack of active propaganda, something is

moving, but not much. I don't know whether you have translators, but I know that not one

book or material that would make politics and the media move are known to the German

media or Government. In the few contacts that you have, you use them for political options

that without a logical explanation of things, are not enough. A half-hour meeting is not

enough to speak about all the problems in Kosova. Tell me, what have you done in this

respect. Very little. Let's not say nothing. I am speaking of Germany. I don't know about

translations in other languages. This is the essence of the problem.

KOHA: Tell us how to Albanians present themselves in meeting with German officials?

ELSIE: The situation in Tirana is improving very much. Some time ago, I was present in a

meeting between officials of the German and Albanian governments. The Albanian

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representative, wanting to express the good friendly relations between two countries,

expressively spoke of "our mutual Arian race". The German delegation was shocked, they

were surprised and wouldn't react because "Arian" was a fascist word from the times of

Hitler. This was serious mistake of the Albanian official. This has happened many times in

Albania, and in some ministries very often there were not capable of presenting the urgentneeds of Albania. Recently, things have started changing and new, well prepared people have

been employed by different ministries.

KOHA: Once you had mentioned the problem of the insufficient translation of Albanian

authors. What is the situation now in this regard?

ELSIE: The Albanian literature had been totally sabotaged by he Communist regime of

Tirana. To publish anything in Albania, the main criteria was the life of the real socialism of

its contents, and usually these were poor quality. The translations were bad and they wouldn't

be read at all. If someone was interested to read Albanian literature, it would close the book

immediately after a couple of pages. The best pieces were not translated at all. Now thesituation has changed a little bit. But there is still a lack of translators who would be able to

translate the best books into other languages.

I have been trying to present the Albanian literature. Last year I published an anthology of the

contemporary Albanian poetry. It was published in London, in English. I had included 25

poets, and was greatly assisted by UNESCO. I have also translated Migjeni's poems into

English and German and I keep on translating prose. In respect to the Kosovan literature,

almost nothing has been done. Only poems of Ali Podrimja have been translated to German

and for the first time this year, we had a publication of Qosja's book "Death Comes to Me

From Those Eyes" in France, which has had a very good reception.

KOHA: You claim that Albanian literature is not present in Europe. What criteria should be

applied to change the situation?

ELSIE: It is not a problem of quality, even though there are many books that are worth

nothing. Therefore, what you need is a new quality. We don't have enough good books to

translate, neither are there good translators, and this stops the contacts between cultures. This

is the main problem. Kadare's book "The Wedding Guests are Frozen" which is a very

interesting book and speaks of Kosova's problem too, has been translated to French, but the

readers of other countries don't know it. It would be very important to have that book

translated to other languages too. It is not the fault of the readers. It's your fault.

KOHA: You also mentioned that you are publishing a book on Albanian literature which will

be over 1000 pages long. What does it contain?

ELSIE: This book is huge and it is almost a monster to me. Now it is published in the USA,

in English. It comprises all Albanian literature from its beginning up to today. There are

separate chapters on "Rilindja" (Albanian Renewal, the brightest phase of Albanian literature,

not to be mixed with the publishing house), on the Muslim and Bektashi literature, on the

Arbresh literature since its beginning till the end. There is a chapter on Albanian literature

before war. I tried to include all works that are of quality and represent something.

KOHA: Ismail Kadare is the first one, after Faik Konica and Fan S. Noli that entered Europe.

What is Kadare's position in the European literature?

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ELSIE: First of all, when speaking of Kadare, then we should refer to his position in the

Albanian literature. He is in the top position and compared to other authors, he is the greatest.

This should not be denied. In the frame of the European literature, it is hard to say. Kadare is

very well known in France, but totally unknown in England, Germany or the USA. He has

some books in English, but he is best known in France. Unfortunately, Kadare is consideredto be a social-political author. In the literary aspect, he has many enemies in Albania, as if

there were a polarization between Kadare's friends and enemies. That is the actual policy in

Tirana. I try to evaluate him form the literary aspect, and in my opinion, he is a great writer.

KOHA: Finally, what should the Albanians urgently do in literature and politics, for whatever

happens here has a political connotation?

ELSIE: Albanians should do two main things: have contact with the world, which is very

important, and work on education. First of all I am referring to Albania: now it is an open

state and as many youngsters possible should see the world. Let them take as much

experience, and come back home. Kosova has always had people abroad, but they wereusually workers who had to feed their families. There were few students. Regarding the

educational system both in Albania and Kosova, it was pretty weak. In Albania it was because

of the dictatorship, in Kosova it was because of the political situation and the unwillingness

of the Serbian regime and the Belgrade government to allow Albanians to have a superior

education system, which would enable them to enter Europe. They preferred poor, uneducated

Albanians, because it is easier to control these kind of people. The rural Albanian, without

any education can easily be subjugated by the Serbian hegemonistic and assimilating regime.

This is a sort of a blockade which should be broken by all means. From all things that are

important, education is the first that must be reinstalled.

KOHA: And at the end...

ELSIE: The first time I came here was in 1989. I was hesitant, because Serbia was referred to,

as the Nazi Germany. A state of terror, of soldiers wearing automatic guns, a state without

law, without any protection of human rights. I am astonished with the Albanians' patience to

face this situation. I am convinced that this will, maybe, be fructiferous. This is, however, a

Serbian and Albanian tragedy. The ones that face the tragedy of the defeated and as they are-

they are tragic. The tragic get lost in the midst of the benevolent of peace.