Issue 20 - December 2006

Issue 20 - December 2006

TRADITIONALM a r i n e R e s o u r c e M a n a g e m e n t a n d K n ow l e d g e

information bulletin

Editor’s note

This edition contains articles with refreshingly contrasting points of view. Let’s hope we succeed inrattling a few cages and provoking some responses.

In the first article, “Evolution of the artisanal fisher: Case-studies fromSolomon Islands and Papua New Guinea”, Armagan Sabetian and SimonFoale examine the increases in fishing efficiency brought about by newtechnologies on Ghizo Island, in Western Province of Solomon Islands,and from Milne Bay Province in Papua New Guinea. These case studiesreassert the idea that very low human population densities, rather thansome form of “traditional management” or conservation ethic, have so farprotected many fisheries in the Solomon Islands and Papua New Guinea.The authors’ evidence shows that fishermen are basically unaware of thefinite nature of the stocks they are exploiting, so without systematic man-agement interventions the new technologies and the expansion of Asianexport markets will accelerate sequential overfishing. “… in the absence of widespread and systematic intervention, the only uncertainty at presentis how long it will take for each fishery to collapse.” This, their concludingsentence, is sobering: downright frightening in fact, now that we under-stand that this is a worldwide situation.

Then read and think about the second article, “Traditional marine resourcemanagement in Vanuatu: Acknowledging, supporting and strengtheningindigenous management systems”, by Francis Hickey. The erosion andtransformation of traditional concepts and practices related to marineresource management in Vanuatu that began with the arrival of Europeanshas more recently been accelerated and deepened by the forces of develop-ment and globalization. Now a more commercially motivated system ofmarine resource management is gradually replacing the culturally moti-vated regimes. Hickey reviews some traditional marine resource manage-ment beliefs and practices, and documents their adaptation to contempo-rary circumstances. He is aiming “for a greater recognition, strengtheningand support for these indigenous systems in Vanuatu and the region.”

The theme of technological modernization and related social and culturalchange is continued in “Socialisation of fishing knowledge: The emergenceand transmission of new fishing technology and marine ecological knowl-edge in the Republic of Palau, Western Micronesia”, contributed by Yoshi-taka Ota. Ota examines the emergence of marine environmental knowl-edge and the application of new fishing practices in three key fishing

Secretariat of the Pacific Community

Inside this issue

Evolution of the artisanal fisher: Case-studies from Solomon Islands and Papua New GuineaA. Sabetian and S. Foale p. 3

Traditional marine resource management in Vanuatu: Acknowledging, supporting and strengthening indigenous management systemsF.R. Hickey p. 11

Socialisation of fishing knowledge: The emergence and transmission of new fishing technology and marine ecological knowledge in the Republic of Palau, Western MicronesiaY. Ota p. 24

Local ecological knowledge and Goliath grouper spawning aggregations in the South Atlantic Ocean: Goliath grouperspawning aggregations in BrazilL.C. Gerhardinger et al. p. 33

Noteworthy publications p. 35

Editor: Kenneth RuddleAsahigaoka-cho 7-22-511Ashiya-shi Hyogo-kenJapan 659-0012Email: [email protected]

Production: Information Section, Marine Resources Division SPC, BP D5, 98848, Noumea Cedex, New Caledonia. Fax: +687 263818Email: [email protected] www.spc.int/coastfish

Produced with financial assistance from Australia, France and New Zealand.

ISSN 1025-7497

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 20062methods: speargun fishing, hand-held trolling, and trapping. He demonstrates that technological changedoes not always undermine the social and cultural elements of fishing; rather they may be reinforced oreven augmented by it.

Occasionally we publish a contribution from outside our main region of focus. This time we arepleased to be able to include a short article of interest to readers working on grouper spawning aggre-gations in other parts of the world. In their article “Local ecological knowledge and Goliath grouperspawning aggregations in the South Atlantic Ocean: Goliath grouper spawning aggregations in Brazil”,Leopoldo C. Gerhardinger, Athila A. Bertoncini and Mauricio Hostim-Silva document the first evi-dence of Goliath grouper (Epinephelus itajara) spawning aggregations in the South Atlantic, based onthe knowledge of local fishermen and derived from an ongoing local ecological knowledge survey ofthe bio-ecological and conservation aspects of the Goliath grouper. Basic information on a network ofgovernment and non-governmental institutions that form the Brazilian Goliath Grouper ConservationCampaign (http://www.merosdobrasil.org) is included.

Several potential contributors have recently asked if articles in this Information Bulletin are peerreviewed. You should be aware that on an informal basis, I obtain anonymous peer reviews for articlessubmitted by persons from academic institutions, since they often need to “claim them” for promotionand other purposes. I do not do the same with other articles. However, should they wish them to be,non-academic contributors should request that their articles be reviewed when they are submitted.

This is not intended as any form of discrimination, rather it is simply because some persons feel intimi-dated by peer review, even if it is anonymous, and might be shy about submitting articles. And I cer-tainly do not wish to discourage excellent contributions from persons with neither the need nor thedesire to meet rigorous academic publication standards. On the contrary, in fact!

Kenneth Ruddle

Pacific Islands Marine Resources Information System

PIMRIS is a joint project of 5 international organi-sations concerned with fisheries and marineresource development in the Pacific Islandsregion. The project is executed by the Secretariat ofthe Pacific Community (SPC), the South PacificForum Fisheries Agency (FFA), the University ofthe South Pacific (USP), the South Pacific AppliedGeoscience Commission (SOPAC), and the PacificRegional Environment Programme (SPREP). Thisbulletin is produced by SPC as part of its commit-ment to PIMRIS. The aim of PIMRIS is to improve

the availability of information on marine resourcesto users in the region, so as to support their ratio-nal development and management. PIMRIS activi-ties include: the active collection, cataloguing andarchiving of technical documents, especially ephe-mera (“grey literature”); evaluation, repackagingand dissemination of information; provision of lit-erature searches, question-and-answer servicesand bibliographic support; and assistance with thedevelopment of in-country reference collectionsand databases on marine resources.

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 2006 3

Abstract

In this article we describe the rapid uptake of technology that increases fishing efficiency in two parts ofwestern Melanesia: Ghizo Island in Western Province, Solomon Islands, and Milne Bay Province in PapuaNew Guinea. We present evidence that demonstrates a disturbing lack of awareness among fishers of thefinite nature of the stocks they are exploiting, and we argue that without corresponding systematic man-agement interventions, the technological transformations we are now witnessing will accelerate the pre-sent pattern of sequential overfishing of commercially valuable species.

Evolution of the artisanal fisher: Case studies from Solomon Islands and Papua New Guinea

Armagan Sabetian1 and Simon Foale2

1. School of Marine Biology and Aquaculture, James Cook University, Townsville QLD 4811, Australia. Email: [email protected]

2. ARC Centre of Excellence: Coral Reef Studies, James Cook University, Townsville, Queensland 4811, Australia. Email: [email protected]

Introduction

Effective management and conservation of coralreef marine resources in coastal tropical regions isincreasingly the subject of discussion within sci-entific, political and economic realms. Simply put,the fundamental role that marine resources playin the social and economic well-being of develop-ing nations makes it a topic of interest acrossmany academic disciplines. In particular, theimpact of subsistence and artisanal fishing isincreasingly being investigated both by marineand social scientists.

The economic importance of artisanal fishing todeveloping tropical countries is increasingly beinghighlighted (Alison and Ellis 2001; Sadovy 2005).However, even with a growing body of evidencepointing towards adverse ecological and biologicaleffects (Jennings et al. 1999; Hawkins and Roberts2004; Tuya et al. 2006) there is still a widespreadperception that artisanal fishing has little impact,and this is perpetuated by a myth that this form offishing is pursued by small-scale fishers using tra-ditional methods, which are viewed by some asenvironmentally benign (Hawkins and Roberts2004). In this paper we describe the rapidity withwhich hitherto relatively benign fisheries inMelanesia are transitioning to enterprises that posesignificant commercial and ecological threats. Fish-ers are increasingly incorporating the use of tech-nologies such as outboard motors, handheld globalpositioning units and scuba, inevitably resulting inmuch heavier fishing effort.

The idea that some form of “traditional manage-ment” or conservation ethic will help prevent over-fishing in areas where the “corrupting” influenceof modernisation has not yet penetrated is in ourview is misguided (Foale 2006). Probably the mostimportant factor contributing to the persistence ofmany fisheries in the Solomon Islands and PapuaNew Guinea to date has been the very low humanpopulation densities of those countries (12 and 16people per km2, respectively: Foale 2005). Despitethis, the last two decades have seen the abrupt col-lapse of a number of formerly lucrative fisheries,including giant clam (Tridacna gigas), green snail(Turbo marmoratus), sandfish (Holothuria scabra) andblack teatfish (H. nobilis), throughout most ofPapua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands. Webelieve that the combination of increased access toimproved fishing technologies and the expansionof export markets will rapidly reverse the protec-tion that low human population densities haveafforded fisheries in the region until now.

Scuba spearfishing in the Caribbean has been pre-viously highlighted (NOAA 2002). However, untilrecently spearfishing on scuba was not consideredan issue in the Pacific Islands as access to equip-ment, logistics and technical knowledge remainedoutside the reach of most people. Economic devel-opment, especially in the tourism sector, and theestablishment of many dive outfits are increasinglychanging this scenario.

The tourism boom has most notably been evidentin Fiji, where in a global report on coral reef fish-

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 20064eries (Wilkinson 2004), scuba spearfishing washighlighted as a serious emerging threat. Theexpansion of more efficient fishing methods, suchas scuba spearfishing, is an inevitable evolution ofartisanal fisher behaviour in developing countrieswhere economic realities are dictating changes inthe utilisation of marine resources.

In the Solomon Islands for example, where themajority of local artisanal fishers have access tomotorised boats, the increasing use of air com-pressors (hookah) and scuba gear by untrainedfishers targeting lucrative bech-de-mer species hasbeen causing concern, and in some instancesinjury and death according to WWF’s BrunoManele (see also below).

However, the use of methods such as scuba andhookah would presumably be higher arounddensely populated urban centres, where demandfor fish is higher and access to logistical supporteasier. A decade ago Adams et al. (1996) high-lighted the fact that urban centres posed the great-est threat to nearby coral reefs fisheries in thePacific Islands. However, because “total fisherycrashes are unlikely due to excess demand beingmet from surrounding islands” (Adams et al. 1996),localised crashes in fish stock numbers are unlikelyto attract attention from the wider community.

Here we present and discuss the findings of twoseparate studies carried out in the Solomon Islandsand Papua New Guinea (Fig. 1).

Part 1: Ghizo Island, Solomon Islands

Background information

Over the past three years, one of the authors of thispaper (Sabetian) has conducted a wide ranginginvestigation into the status of the parrotfish(Scarid) fishery around Ghizo Island, WesternSolomon Islands (Fig. 2). For the purpose of thisexercise “Ghizo reefs” refer to areas on the east andsoutheastern side of the island, which contain alien-ated lands and adjacent coral reefs that are nowadministered by the national government. As such,access to these reefs is open to all subsistence andartisanal fishers. Gizo town (note the difference inspelling between the town and the island) is thesecond largest urban centre in the Solomons, withinwhich the last census in 1999 reported a permanentpopulation of approximately 8000 individuals(Otter 2002).

Typical of urban centres described by Adams et al.(1996), Ghizo’s population is gradually increasingthrough rapid immigration by people looking foremployment. This has meant that the percentage ofincome generated from informal economic activitiessuch as fishing is inevitably increasing (Otter 2002).Gizo town has by far the biggest fish and food mar-ket in Western Province. The local economy revolvesaround services and tourism, but the food market,which is open 24 hours every day, attracts peoplefrom all around the area, including fishers and agri-cultural produce sellers from other provinces such as

Pacific Ocean

HoniaraPort Moresby

Ghizo

Milne Bay

Solomon IslandsPapua New Guinea

AustraliaCoral Sea

10°S

150°E 160°E

Figure 1. Papua New Guinea and Solomon Islands showing Ghizo Island and Milne Bay Province

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 2006 5Choiseul and Santa Isabel. In sim-ple economic terms, the accumula-tion of wealth around urban cen-tres such as Gizo is what promptspeople to travel very long dis-tances to sell their catches or pro-duce. Furthermore, the ever-increasing necessity for money in acash economy has inevitably led tothe expansion of trading hoursaround the clock, which a fewyears ago were not in place.

Comparative analysis of catchand creel data has revealedlocalised declines in catch num-bers, supported by declining esti-mates of parrotfish abundanceand distribution between 2004and 2005 (Sabetian, unpublisheddata). As part of this study, a sur-vey was carried out throughinterviews with 15 artisanal fish-ers (see questions below). We dis-cuss the results of this survey and investigate theimplications of fisher behaviour and perception inrelation to localised fishery crashes.

Fisher survey

The purpose of this survey was to engage fishersin dialogue that covered topics such as their skillsand knowledge, their perception of resource useand management, and speculation of futuretrends. Seven questions were asked in a semi-structured interview format and elaborated onwhere necessary.

Questions:

1. How would you rate your knowledge of parrot-fish behaviour, and ecology? Give examples.

2. What is the best method with which to targetparrotfish? Why?

3. Are parrotfish popular with customers? Whichspecies?

4. Which fishing grounds have you targeted overthe years? Which ones are you targeting now?

5. How would you rate the parrotfish stocksaround Ghizo?

6. What do you think of past, current, and futurefishing trends around Ghizo?

7. Do you intend to continue fishing as a mainsource of income? What would you like to do orhave to do to increase your fishing capacity?

The first two questions deal with ecological knowl-edge and most effective fishing methods. Detailedknowledge of parrotfish behaviour was observed.

All (n=15) interviewees made reference to the factthat parrotfish are herbivorous and as such, nettingand spearfishing are the only techniques that can beused efficiently. Twelve fishers made specific refer-ence to the fact that some parrotfish ate corals,while some appeared to scrape at different sur-faces. There was unanimous agreement that parrot-fish are most feasibly targeted at night, using spearsas they generally aggregate in sleeping groups.

Ten fishers rated parrotfish as equally popular withcustomers as other fish. All fishers rated the bump-head parrotfish (Bolbometopon muricatum) as themost desirable and highly profitable species withlocals and commercial food outlets, such as restau-rants and resorts. One fisher claimed to have a con-tract with a local resort, which required him to sup-ply bumpheads to the resort’s restaurant on aweekly basis.

Answers to the fourth question were varied, cover-ing nearly all areas of Western Province, from Ghizoto the nearby Hapu Hapu reefs and also the unin-habited areas of Rarumana and north New Georgia.Six fishers claimed to be no longer targeting theGhizo reefs due to low catch rates, while four indi-cated that they still accessed Ghizo reefs but alsotargeted other fishing spots. All fishers indicatedthat Ghizo was still popular with people who didnot have access to motorised boats. Seven infor-mants suggested that non-indigenous Gilbertesefishers were the most brazen at targeting customaryowned fishing grounds as far as inner VonaVonaLagoon and even marine protected sites. Althoughanecdotal evidence appears to support this claim, itneeds to be further investigated and validated.

Figure 2. Ghizo Island showing Gizo town and proximity to the large island of Kolombangara and the large village

of Rarumana on Kohingo Island.

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 20066The unanimous perception of the 15 fishers wasthat the size of fish across all families has beensteadily declining over the past decade. Nine fish-ers claimed that fishing effort has significantlyincreased in the past three to four years, leading tonoticeable declines in size and abundance of fishacross the board. The overall sentiment was thatmore people are now resorting to fishing as a wayto generate or supplement incomes. When fisherswere asked to elaborate on the reasons for theincrease in fishing pressure around Ghizo, theresponses were more interesting. The ethnic Malai-tan fishers blamed the civil unrest between 1999and 2003. This event was responsible for significantnumbers of Malaitans being intimidated and forcedto either keep a low profile or leave their settlementon Ghizo. The Malaitan settlement on Ghizo isreferred to as the “fishery” because the majority ofinhabitants are artisanal or small-scale commercialfishers and as such are a major driving force behindGizo’s local fish market. The Malaitan fishersclaimed that the demographic nature of the fisherychanged during the height of violence and lawless-ness (June 2000–late 2001) when some could nolonger practice their trade. The gap left by theabsence of some Malaitan fishers was largely filledby local Gilbertese fishers who met the demand forfish through the consequent intensification of fish-ing effort on the surrounding reefs utilising night-time spearfishing. Furthermore, night-time spearfishers have an added advantage of being the firstsellers on the daily fish markets before the arrival ofother fishers in the afternoon.

The next question asked each fisher about their per-ception of current, past and future fishing trendsaround Ghizo. There was unanimous agreementthat parrotfish had become prominent in fish salesbecause of an increase in spearfishing. Eight fishersclaimed that parrotfish numbers had noticeablydeclined within the market in 2005, with five fish-ers claiming to have noticed absence of specificspecies such as Scarus ghobban and Chlorurusmicrorhinos. Three fishers claimed of knowingcrews of spearfishers who have spent 12 hours fish-ing the Ghizo reefs. In local parlance this is referredto as “six to six” where crews of spearfishers visitnumerous reefs starting from 6 pm and lastingthrough to the early hours of the morning.Although we had been told of six to six fishing by aGilbertese fisher, he did suggest that its persistencewould not be long-term due to its strenuous andlaborious nature.

When pressed on their perception of the overallproductivity of Ghizo reefs, respondents unani-mously agreed that fish numbers had declinedacross all families. However, only three fishers per-ceived this to be a problem as the others pointed tothe fact that demand was being met by an expan-

sion of fishing area to more productive reefs. Fourfishers claimed personal knowledge that fishstocks, parrotfish in particular, are still very healthyaround the uninhabited areas of Rarumana (20 kmby sea southeast of Gizo town), but did concedethat the most productive and cost-effective way totarget the area was through mobilizing large crews(between 8 and 10 fishers) and utilizing nets as longas 200 metres.

The final question pressed interviewees on theirchosen profession. Twelve fishers indicated thatthey were happy with fishing as a source of incomeand intended to continue in the future. The remain-ing three respondents displayed reservations, cit-ing logistical restrictions. Interestingly, no oneseemed to suggest that the apparent localiseddecline of fish stocks around Ghizo would force anearly cessation of their fishing activity. All fishersindicated a strong desire for improvements in fish-ing technology, access to fibreglass boats, and big-ger outboard motors. Nine fishers indicated theirdesire for independence, conceding that theirinability to acquire fishing gears such as nets, boatsand outboard motors on their own was the majorreason why they still persisted with working increws. One very interesting revelation from sixrespondents was their desire to learn how to scubadive and also use hookah equipment. While othersdemonstrated reservations, these fishers indicatedthat the use of scuba, for example, would allowthem to target known sleeping grounds of large fishsuch as the bumphead parrotfish and humpheadwrasse (Cheilinus undulatus). This is an alarmingdevelopment given the increasing anecdotal evi-dence of scuba spearfishing in the Pacific (Wilkin-son 2004).

The above data point to two very important issues.The first concerns the inherent contradictionbetween a) the observations made by fishers con-cerning the marked declines in both size and abun-dance of fish within their own, often relatively briefcareers, and b) their expressed desires to acquirefurther equipment that would enable them toincrease their fishing effort and make more money.The almost complete absence of anything resem-bling a conservation ethic among the vast majorityof fishers in the Solomon Islands is something wecannot emphasise too strongly here. There are ofcourse a few enlightened individuals here andthere who can clearly see what is happening to fish-eries and are struggling to do something about it,but such people are in a tiny minority.

The second issue concerns access to reefs. Reeftenure around Ghizo Island, as far as we are aware,is quite problematic. Most of Ghizo Island, apartfrom one or two small parcels at the western end, ispart of the 15% of land in Solomon Islands referred

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 2006 7to as “alienated land” (the other 85% is held undervarious forms of customary ownership, which isendorsed by the state). This means that the land waspurchased from its former traditional custodiansduring the colonial era, and was converted to lease-hold land, often a 99-year lease. These leases arepresently held by the government of SolomonIslands. Because most of the reefs in question areadjacent to alienated land, their legal status appearsto be somewhat ambiguous, and atpresent most are nominally the pos-sessions of the government. How-ever enquiries to the Lands Depart-ment about this issue by the secondauthor in 2000 yielded contradictoryand confusing responses. It is verylikely that, if large deposits of pre-cious minerals were discoveredunder any of the reefs around Gizo,a number of competing claims fromcustomary owners would be made.How such claims would be resolvedwould most likely depend on eachindividual case (Kabui 1997). There-fore, Ghizo currently represents asituation where there is essentiallyopen access to reefs, and as suchthere is no customary (nor any other)mechanism for enforcing restric-tions. However even if the willexisted within the provincial gov-ernment to exert fishing restrictionsover reefs around Ghizo Island,there is no capacity to enforce them.

Part 2: Milne Bay, Papua NewGuinea

The material for the second part ofour analysis comes from the “SmallIslands in Peril Study” (SMIP),which focussed on marine andcoastal resource management issueson small islands in Milne Bay(Fig. 3) that have population densi-ties higher than 100 people per km2.At these densities it is no longer pos-sible to support the population withswidden agriculture, and food pro-duced by subsistence farming isusually therefore supplemented byfood obtained with cash, and thecash is mostly obtained by artisanalfishing. The most important arti-sanal fisheries at present in MilneBay are beche-de-mer and shark fin.

The people living on SMIP with thehighest population densities mostlyhappen to be those with access to

very large marine territories that include vastexpanses of coral reefs. The two most importantexamples are Ware Island in the Bwanabwanagroup and Brooker Island in the Louisiade group(Fig. 4). Most of the findings from the SMIP studyhave been published (Foale 2005) but recent unpub-lished data on catch per unit of effort (CPUE) forbeche-de-mer give useful insights on the impact ofincreased use of modern technologies in artisanal

Figure 3. Milne Bay Province, showing all the major islands, with theexception of the Trobriands and Goodenough (to the northwest). Thereef layer in this map was kindly provided by Tom Taranto of CSIRO,

Cleveland Marine Laboratories, Australia.

Figure 4. Southwestern Milne Bay showing Ware and Brooker islands,and the very large reef complex stretching between these two islands,

which is claimed and fished by people from them. The exact location ofthe territorial boundary bisecting Brooker and Ware marine territories is

still under dispute. The reef layer in this map was kindly provided byTom Taranto of CSIRO, Cleveland Marine Laboratories, Australia.

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 20068fisheries in Milne Bay, which we will briefly sum-marise and discuss below.

Over the past five to ten years, the beche-de-merfishery in Milne Bay has undergone rapid moderni-sation. When Kinch (1999, 2002) measured theCPUE of beche-de-mer fishers from BrookerIslander in 1999 (see also Allen et al. 2003), divingdone from traditional sailing vessels, sailaus, (Fig.5), using cheap plastic Chinese goggles and littleelse apart from the weighted spike that is droppedon the slugs from above. Now the same fishers arediving from far more manoeuvrable outboard-powered fibreglass dinghies (Fig. 6), using moderndiving masks, fins, wetsuits, and in some cases(even though it is illegal) hookah gear. Pressure onthe remaining high-grade species (mainly whiteteatfish, Holothuria fuscogilva, and prickly redfish,Thelenota ananas) has escalated to the point whereterritorial clashes between Brooker and Ware fish-ers have become increasingly common, often withviolent altercations.

The greater depth range of white teatfish (down to40 m) has afforded it a significant refuge from fish-ing pressure, as it is difficult for even the bestdivers on breath-hold to catch animals at thesedepths, even in calm conditions with no current.This means that white teatfish stocks will probablytake longer to deplete than species with shallowerdepth ranges, such as sandfish and black teatfish,which are already commercially extinct throughoutmost of Milne Bay (Skewes et al. 2002). Indeed thisis likely to be one of the main reasons (along with

the government-enforced six-month closed season)that there are still fishable stocks of white teatfish inMilne Bay. Based on data from 58 diver-days in thefirst half of 2006, CPUE for Ware Island fishermenwas 0.37 white teatfish slugs per diver-hour, withstandard deviation of 0.40. The average CPUEobtained by Kinch for Brooker divers in 1999 (Allenet al. 2003, pp. 67–69) was 0.2 white teatfish slugsper diver-hour.

It is worth observing that current levels of beche-de-mer fishing have resulted in the deforestation ofseveral cays along the Long-Kosman Reef complexfor firewood. Beche-de-mer are cooked on thesesmall uninhabited islands, which are used as campsfor one to two-week-long fishing trips, mademainly by Ware and Brooker Islanders (Geoff Cal-lister, pers. comm.). Apart from the six-monthclosed season, and what appear to be increasinglyfrequent and acrimonious territorial disputesbetween Brooker and Ware Island fishers, the fish-ery is essentially unregulated. There is very little inthe way of local level management initiatives, andone of the reasons for this is an apparent lack ofawareness of the limits of stocks. Foale (2005) pre-sents interview data from islands in the Bwanab-wana language group (which includes WareIsland) on the topic of perceived limits to fishedstocks (reproduced in Table 1 below). Foalesdemonstrates that there is relatively low awarenessof limits to beche-de-mer, even despite the commonknowledge of sandfish and black teat overfishing,and an almost total disbelief that there might belimits to finfish populations.

We believe the apparent lack of awareness ofthe limits to fished populations is largely(though not entirely) related to a lack ofknowledge about the ways in which popula-tions of marine organisms replace them-selves, particularly the process of broadcastspawning, larval dispersal and settlement.Table 2 below (also from Foale 2005) showsanswers to interview questions about modes

Figure 5. Milne Bay sailau.

Figure 6. Modern fibreglass dinghy with beche-de-mer divers from Ware Island on board.

Photo kindly provided by Geoff Callister.

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 2006 9of reproduction in fished organisms such asbeche-de-mer and fish.

Given the high variance in our CPUE data,it is unlikely that the current averageCPUE is significantly different fromKinch’s data, and without other contempo-raneous fishery-independent data on stockdensities3, we cannot quantify fishing effi-ciency of the more recent, dinghy-baseddiving system relative to the older sailau-based one. However we can at least specu-late that since fishing efficiency is almostcertainly significantly higher, and CPUEnot significantly different, that white teat-fish stocks are likely to have declined indensity since the late 1990s. This is hardlya surprising conclusion given the recentcomplete closure of the beche-de-mer fish-ery in Solomon Islands due to massive andwidespread overfishing.

Shark fin

The artisanal shark fin fishery is expandingrapidly in Milne Bay, and is presently beingpushed along by unscrupulous Asian busi-nessmen who are quickly establishingpatron-client relationships with local fish-ers, with striking parallels to the Indone-sian model (Fox and Sen 2002). Thisinvolves providing vessels, fishing equip-ment and fuel on loan, and requiring thatthe debt is repaid in shark fins — this sys-tem helps to ensure that the fisher does notsell his product elsewhere, and also generates pres-sure to continue fishing even after the CPUE dropsbelow a level at which most fishermen might beinclined to earn cash via another activity. It effec-tively locks fishers into a system that is inevitablydestructive of the fishery, and in most cases isunlikely to be of lasting benefit to the fishers.

At the time of writing, it has been impossible toobtain information on the relative impacts of theartisanal shark fishery and the industrial longlineshark fleet in Papua New Guinea. Although thereare only around nine licensed shark longline ves-sels on the National Fisheries Authority’s records,there is considerable anecdotal evidence from resi-dents of small islands in Milne Bay that many tunalongliners may still be using shark gear and fishingin close to reefs to target sharks at night. Many peo-ple comment on the common sighting of longlinersclosely approaching reefs such as the Long-Kosmanreef complex and the Conflicts reefs at night in

Milne Bay. While a number of the artisanal sharkfishers in the Bwanabwana group have obtainedtheir shark lines, hooks and floats from traders inAlotau, a surprisingly large number obtained theirgear from an Asian longline vessel that ranaground on one of the reefs in the area and wasabandoned by the crew. The vessel also had a largequantity of shark fin on board, hidden underneaththe tuna catch.

Discussion

Pressure on Melanesian reef fisheries has beenextremely low until very recently, and this can beattributed in the main to the unusually low humanpopulation density of the region, combined withthe relatively weak penetration of Asian marinecommodity markets. Some commodity markets,such as trochus, beche-de-mer and pearl-shell, havebeen around for a very long time, but since theembrace of capitalism by mainland China over the

Island, and Limits Limits no. of interviews to BDM? to fish/sharks?

No Qual Yes No Qual Yes

Tubetube 15 10 3 2 15 0 0Kwaraiwa 7 5 2 1 17 0 0Skelton 5 1 4 0 5 0 0Ware 21 14 2 5 21 0 0Anagusa 11 5 2 4 9 1 1Dawson 5 0 5 0 5 0 0Totals (%) 54 28 18 97 <2 <2

Table 1. Responses to the question: “Are there limits to beche-de-mer (or fish/sharks)?” “Qual” means that theanswer was a qualified yes or no (from Foale 2005).

Island, and How do fish/BDM reproduce?no. of interviews No idea Partial Scientific

explanation explanation

Tubetube 15 15 0 0Kwaraiwa 7 7 0 0Naluwaluwali 5 5 0 0Ware 21 20 1 0Anagusa 11 7 4 0Dawson 5 2 3 0Totals (%) 87.5 12.5 0

Table 2. Answers to the question: “How do fish and beche-de-mer reproduce?”

3. Skewes et al. 2002 provide the best available data from surveys conducted in late 2001, but there is no subsequent or earlier datato provide a time-series comparison.

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 200610last decade, these markets have accelerated rapidly,and the shockwaves of this titanic increase in con-sumption is now being felt throughout the region.Melanesian aspirations for development, combinedwith a widespread lack of awareness of the limits ofcoastal fisheries, are willing but disastrous bedfel-lows of the increased Asian demand for marineproducts. A sobering aspect of this global marketsystem is that as the supply of each commoditydeclines with dwindling stock densities, thedemand drives the price up, providing greaterincentive for fishers to wipe out the remaining ves-tiges of each fishery. When the sandfish fishery wasdestroyed by overharvesting in Milne Bay in thelate 1980s, the price was a paltry 12 kina (PGK)4 perkg. Now it is over PGK 150 per kg, but there arevery few sandfish to be found any more.

The past decade has also seen the rapid uptake ofvarious forms of technology that make fishingmore efficient, and inevitably increase pressure onstocks. In the absence of any form of routine stockassessment and management (compare the level ofinshore fishery management in Melanesia with theAitutaki trochus fishery: Nash et al. 1995) suchdevelopments do not bode well, and in the absenceof widespread and systematic intervention, theonly uncertainty at present is how long it will takefor each fishery to collapse.

References

Adams T., Dalzell P. and Farman R. 1996. Status ofPacific Island coral reef fisheries. Paper pre-sented at the 8th International Coral Reef Sym-posium, Panama, 1996. 6 p.

Alison E. H. and Ellis F. 2001. The livelihoodapproach and management of small-scale fish-eries. Marine Policy 23:377–388.

Allen M., Kinch J. and Werner T. 2003. Living coralreef resources of Milne Bay Province, PapuaNew Guinea. A rapid marine biodiversityassessment of Milne Bay Province, Papua NewGuinea—Survey II (2000). p. 56–74. In: AllenG.R., Kinch J., McKenna S.A. and Seeto P.(eds). Washington, DC, Conservation Interna-tional.

Foale S.J. 2005. Sharks, sea slugs and skirmishes:Managing marine and agricultural resourceson small, overpopulated islands in Milne Bay,PNG. Canberra, Resource Management in AsiaPacific Program, the Australian National Uni-versity. 58 p.

Foale S.J. 2006. Is coral reef conservation possiblewithout science education in Melanesia? Is sci-ence education possible without development?Proceedings, 10th International Coral ReefSymposium, Okinawa.

Fox J. and Sen S. 2002. A study of socio-economicissues facing traditional Indonesian fisherswho access the MOU Box. Canberra, Environ-ment Australia. 64 p.

Hawkins J.P. and Roberts C.M. 2004. Effects of arti-sanal fishing on Caribbean coral reefs. Conser-vation Biology 18(1):215–226.

Jennings S., Reynolds J.D. and Polunin N.V.C. 1999.Predicting the vulnerability of tropical reeffisheries to exploitation with phylogenies andlife histories. Conservation Biology 13(6):1466–1475.

Kabui F. 1997. Crown ownership of foreshores andseabed in Solomon Islands. Journal of PacificStudies 21:123–144.

Kinch J. 1999. Economics and environment inIsland Melanesia: A general overview ofresource use and livelihoods on Brooker Islandin the Calvados Chain of the Louisiade Archi-pelago, Milne Bay Province, Papua NewGuinea. Washington D.C., Conservation Inter-national: 115 p.

Kinch J. 2002. Overview of the beche-de-mer fish-ery in Milne Bay Province, Papua New Guinea.SPC Beche-de-mer Information Bulletin 17:2–16.

Nash W., Adams T., Tuara P., Terekia O., MunroD., Amos M., Leqata J., Mataiti N., TeopengaM. and Whitford J. 1995. The Aitutaki trochusfishery: A case study. Noumea, New Caledo-nia: South Pacific Commission. 68 p.

NOAA 2002. Coral reef fisheries uses in Puerto Ricoand USVI. NOAA Fisheries: Ecosystem Assess-ment Division. Caribbean Coral Reef FisheriesWorkshop. 12 p.

Otter M. 2002. Human development report: Build-ing a nation, Main Report Vol 1, Commis-sioned by UNDP for the Government ofSolomon Islands. 111 p.

Sadovy Y. 2005. Trouble on the reef: the imperativefor managing vulnerable and valuable fish-eries. Fish and Fisheries 6:167–185.

Skewes T., Kinch J., Polon P., Dennis D., Seeto P.,Taranto T., Lokani P., Wassenberg T., Kout-soukos A. and Sarke J. 2002. Research for sus-tainable use of beche-de-mer resources inMilne Bay Province, Papua New Guinea.Cleveland, CSIRO Division of MarineResearch. 40 p.

Tuya, F., Ortega-Borges L., Sanchez-Jerez P. andHaroun R.J. 2006. Effect of fishing pressure onthe spatio-temoral variability of the parrotfish,Sparisoma cretense (Pisces: Scaridae) across theCanarian Archipelago (eastern Atlantic). Fish-eries Research 77:24–33.

Wilkinson C. 2004. Status of coral reefs of theworld. Global Coral Reef Monitoring Network.

4. PGK 1.00 = USD 0.33 (December 2006)


Abstract

Much of the marine related traditional knowledge held by fishers in Vanuatu relates to increasing catcheswhile managing resources of cultural, social and subsistence value. Traditional beliefs and practices asso-ciated with fisheries and their management follow natural cycles of resource abundance, accessibility, andrespect for customary rules enshrined in oral traditions. Many management related rules that control fish-ers’ behaviours are associated with the fabrication and deployment of traditional fishing gear. A numberof traditional beliefs, including totemic affiliations and the temporal separation of agricultural and fishingpractices, serve to manage marine resources. Spatial-temporal refugia and areas of symbolic significancecreate extensive networks of protected freshwater, terrestrial and marine areas.

The arrival of Europeans initiated a process of erosion and transformation of traditional cosmologies andpractices related to marine resource management. More recently, the forces of development and globali-sation have emerged to continue this process. The trend from a primarily culturally motivated regime ofmarine resource management to a more commercially motivated system is apparent, with the implemen-tation and sanctioning of taboos becoming increasingly less reliant on traditional beliefs and practices. Thispaper reviews a number of traditional marine resource management beliefs and practices formerly foundin Vanuatu, many of which remain extant today, and documents the transformation of these systems inadapting to contemporary circumstances. By documenting and promoting traditional management sys-tems and their merits, it is hoped to advocate for a greater recognition, strengthening and support for theseindigenous systems in Vanuatu and the region.

Traditional marine resource management in Vanuatu:Acknowledging, supporting and strengthening indigenousmanagement systems

Francis R. Hickey1

1. Vanuatu Cultural Centre, PO Box 184, Port Vila, Vanuatu

Introduction

Vanuatu is a Y-shaped archipelago, roughly1000 km long, located in the western South Pacific(Fig. 1). There are 82 islands, mostly volcanic in ori-gin, 70 of which are inhabited. Most are sur-rounded by narrow, highly productive fringingreefs, which are relatively small due to the steepnature of volcanic islands. There are only a limitednumber of other highly productive aquatic ecosys-tems such as mangroves, estuaries and lagoons(Cillaurren et al. 2001).

There is great linguistic and cultural diversityamong Vanuatu’s lush tropical high islands, withapproximately 113 Austronesian languages spokenby a predominantly Melanesian population (Tryon1996). There are also a number of Polynesian out-lier islands and villages throughout the group andmany other islands exhibit varying degrees ofPolynesian influences (Spriggs 1997).

A number of factors affect food security on theislands. Volcanic eruptions, cyclones, tsunamis,

earthquakes, landslides, storm surges, floods anddroughts all affect crops and reefs. Various miti-gating strategies were traditionally employed,including the creation of the complex network ofrefugia and other fishery management strategiesdescribed in this paper.

To ensure a successful communal harvest of fish, ataboo was placed on the area to be fished prior toharvesting. Such taboos could forbid anyone toswim or even walk by on the shore. This wouldboth maintain the sanctity of the taboo and makethe fish less wary of entering the area, an importantconsideration when harvesting resumed.

While the season for a communal harvest wasclearly prescribed by local custom (which in turnwas based on seasonal resource abundance and/orannual tidal cycles and therefore accessibility), spe-cialists determined the actual timing of the harvest.Optimal tidal conditions, clearly recognized tocoincide with lunar phases, were carefully chosenfor fish to migrate shoreward over the tidal reefflats from the deeper waters beyond the reef edge.

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 200612The optimal reef-glean-ing season was alsodetermined by annualtidal cycles wherebyreefs were fully exposedduring daylight hours.

Methods of overcomingfood shortages includedstoring fermented fruitsand utilizing alternativefoods (such as wildyams and cycad fruits)not normally eaten.Another strategy was tocreate “giant-clam gar-dens”, with fishers gathering giant clams (Tridac-nidae) into discrete areas on reef flats for theirexclusive use in times of need. This increasedreproductive success by maintaining a close prox-imity of a breeding population dependant on exter-nal fertilization. Thus, it may also be considered amanagement strategy.

Starting in the early 1800s, diseases introduced byEuropeans reduced the population from an esti-mated half million or more in the pre-contactperiod to 45,000 by the 1940s (Bedford 1989). By1999, the population had rebounded to 189,000(National Statistics Office 2000). Christianity, pri-marily the Presbyterian, Anglican and Catholicfaiths, was introduced some 150 years ago andoverlaid and influenced island traditions to varyingdegrees. The diversity of traditions, coupled withextensive migration from inland to coastal areas,the introduction of modern fishing gear, and thecommercialization of resources, often makes it dif-ficult to generalize about customary fishing beliefsand practices. Clearly though, despite the impactsof the colonial period, Vanuatu has maintained astrong cultural heritage of traditional resourcemanagement.2 While some traditions have beenseverely undermined and transformed by contactwith Europeans, others are still extant and muchcultural knowledge remains in living memory.

The Vanuatu Fisheries Department emphasizes thefundamental role of traditional management prac-tices, while also introducing some national regula-tions; these include measures such as setting sizelimits for some commercialized invertebrates, pro-tecting turtle nests and eggs, and banning the har-vesting of berried spiny lobsters. However, themonitoring and enforcement of these regulations inrural areas remains extremely difficult and costprohibitive, and the regulations are rarely enforcedoutside urban areas due to logistical and financial

constraints. Their main value is to control theexport of commercial fisheries products such astrochus from the two urban centres.

The increasing population, concentrated in coastalregions, and the global market pressure for Western-style economic development make the strengtheningof traditional management of marine resources criti-cally important to ensure sustainability.

Traditional fisheries

Traditional fishing methods vary somewhat amongislands and cultural groups. Most traditional har-vesting, however, is focused on nearshore reefs.Reef gleaning for various fish and shellfish, crab,octopus, sea urchins, spiny lobsters and numerousother invertebrates provides a significant portion ofthe catch. Women and children’s contribution inproviding sustenance through reef gleaning is sig-nificant and often under-acknowledged. Othermethods, including fish poisoning, spearing andshooting fish with bow and arrow from reef edges,hook and line fishing, netting and fish trapping,and communal harvesting methods like coconutleaf-sweeping, fish driving, and weir fishing arecommonly used in different areas. However, hooksand lines were apparently not used everywhere informer times.

Tanna

Port Vila

Torres Islands

Banks Islands

MaewoAmbae

Pentecost

EspirituSanto

AmbrymMalakula

Epi

Efate

Erromango

Aneityum

Luganville

Malo

20°S ––

18°S ––

16°S ––

14°S ––

168°E166°E 170°E

Shepherd Group

Australia

Hawaii

Vanuatu

0°

New Zealand

Figure 1. Vanuatu

2. The term traditional here is meant to refer to practices, beliefs and knowledge considered to have a foundation in the past, par-ticularly before European arrival.

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 2006 13There are also fisheries for marine turtles and, inthe past, for dugongs (Dugong dugon), as well as theannual harvesting of the palolo seaworm (Poly-cheata). In some areas, there are traditional offshorefisheries for deepwater Eteline snappers, breams(Lethrinidae) and groupers (Serranidae), as well asfor flying fish, tuna and tuna-like species, althoughthe latter were fished mainly in areas of Polynesianinfluence. All of these fishing methods are based onextensive traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) ofthe various resources so as to optimize catches, andencompass a significant corpus of traditional beliefsand practices, including numerous prohibitionscontrolling fisher behaviour.

Most of these fishing practices are still in use today.However, their modern counterparts have largelyreplaced traditional nets and hook and lines.Newer methods, such as the use of snorkellinggear, spearguns, underwater torches and long gill-nets have become increasingly common. Outboardmotor boats are now widely used for pelagic anddeepwater fishing and interisland transport. How-ever, the outrigger canoe, with styles varyingamong islands, still serves most coastal villages fornearshore fishing and transport (Hickey 1999).

Traditional resource management

Cosmology

Marine resource management was never formerlycompartmentalized. The knowledge, beliefs andpractices that contributed to the management ofresources pervaded all facets of life. Numerousbeliefs, practices and protocols governed much ofthe activities and behaviours, not only of fishers butof all clan members engaged in any of the tradi-tional activities of life. Arts such as weaving basketsand mats, making ceremonial carvings and head-dresses, preparing traditional medicines or makingcanoes, all involved following strictly prescribedprotocols based on area-specific cosmologies.

These protocols, encoded and enshrined in oral tra-ditions, were often derived from island deities/cul-tural heroes and sanctioned by the ancestors as “theway”. The way was orally transmitted to subse-quent generations as a holistic approach to life onthe islands, including the synergistic managementof resources. Following the way specified by islanddeities led to a fruitful life on the islands, wherepeople were also ritually part of that sanctifiedworld and were symbolically one with the godsand ancestral spirits (Eliade 1957).

Consequently, it is important to consider the con-text in which management measures, as well asharvesting techniques, were practised: that is,within the framework of the cosmology or belief

system held in ancient times. Life in the islands ofVanuatu had, and still largely has, an inherentsanctity stemming from the animistic cosmologicalbelief that “all things have a spirit” and that allthings and events, are inherently connectedthrough this spiritual medium. By extension of thatbelief, people may hope to influence natural forcesotherwise beyond their control by the use of sancti-fied rituals, and so mitigate against various threatsto food security.

Many practices stemming from this underlying cos-mology are highly ritualized and are undertaken byspecialists who received this knowledge fromelders. Most involve the use of sacred stones andleaves often used synergistically, along with otherrituals whose secrets are closely guarded as reveal-ing them undermines their power. In many cases,the power of the omnipresent ancestral spirits thatlive “on the other side” is evoked to achieve thedesired influence over nature and worldly events.Communication with these spirits was often ritu-ally enhanced through the use of a narcotic drinkprepared from kava (Piper methysticum) (Lebot et al.1992).

Evoking the power of the ancestral spirits or islanddeities to intervene and increase resource abun-dance was an integral part of traditional taboosplaced on resources. Reef taboos were never for-merly static, but were always accompanied by ritu-alized practices underpinned by cosmologicalbeliefs invoking ancestors/deities to increaseresources. Today the abandonment of these prac-tices is sometimes cited as the reason for resourcedepletion.

Environmental knowledge and indicators

Tidal patterns are important, since much of thenearshore marine resources come from reef glean-ing or communal fishing activities requiring goodlow tides. The overall maximum tidal amplitude inVanuatu is roughly 1.5 m. The annual lows, oftenzero or negative tides, generally occur during theaustral winter months of June and July. Extremelow water of the winter spring tides occurs at mid-day, so reefs are optimally exposed for gleaningduring daylight hours around the new and fullmoons. During the summer months, extreme lowwater occurs at midnight during the new and fullmoons, but these low tides rarely get as low asthose of the winter months.

Winter is also the optimal season for communal fishharvesting methods such as the traditional leafsweep, fish drives, use of fish weirs and fish poi-sons in tide pools. These techniques all depend onspring tides that are high enough to allow fish tocome inshore over reef flats to feed, yet low enough

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 200614to strand fish in pools behind natural barriers orthose created by these methods. The winter seasonalso coincides with the period when manynearshore resources are not reproducing but arefattening up.

The flowering of waelken (Miscanthus sp.) in latesummer is the environmental cue that indicates theseasonal spawning of many reef fish in the southernislands of Vanuatu (where seasonal temperaturevariations are more pronounced). As the flowersswell up in maturation, the fish also swell up witheggs. When the flowers burst in late February andMarch, the fish release their eggs. The post-spawn-ing period is considered good for hook-and-line fish-ing, as reef fish feed hungrily to recharge fat reservesdepleted through egg production, and are quick totake bait. Other species, such as Siganids, havespawning peaks earlier in summer, from October toJanuary, and are indicated by the onset of floweringof the coastal tree Excoecaria agallocha.

In the “colder” winter months, when the reefs areoptimally exposed for harvesting through gleaning,many of the nearshore resources charge their fatreserves, and are thus preferred for their taste. Acommonly cited environmental cue is the floweringof narara (Erythrina variegata), when reef fish, craband lobster are said to be full of fat. This time is alsoknown to be best for catching octopus, which aresaid to come out of their holes to see the bright rednarara flowers. The appearance of the constellationPleiades on the western horizon after sunset (inApril) is used on many islands to herald the NewYam season, and the return of the seasonal low tides.

Some islands (such as Ambrym) cite Orion’s Belt,which follows about a month later in the same posi-tion, as symbolic of a fisher returning from theexposed reefs with baskets of shellfish to be pre-pared with yam puddings of this season, while forother islands it is symbolic of people returningfrom the gardens with baskets full of yams. Theannual cycle of tidal patterns that determine opti-mal reef gleaning and communal fishing methodsis thus synchronized with the annual agriculturalcycle of yam production.3

Communal fish harvests in the winter monthscapable of producing large catches were thus partof an annual cycle of ceremonial feasts or ritualizedexchanges with inland villages in return forresources such as yams or fruits from island interi-ors. These practices served to redistribute a sea-sonal abundance of resources between different

island biomes while strengthening alliances andmaintaining peaceful trade relations between kin-ship groups.

Seasonal cycles

Seasonal abundance — the occurrence of spawningmigrations and aggregations — in addition to har-vesting method constraints such as tidal patterns,also determined which species were targeted atparticular times. Nearly every marine resource hada discrete season when it was targeted, oftenencoded by an environmental cue such as a flower-ing plant or other cue. This is expressed by villageelders who say: “Everything has its own time.”Many species would, for example, primarily be tar-geted when their fat reserves were at a maximumand thus, when they tasted better. As this was alsogenerally the time preceding spawning peaks, thiscycle minimized fishing pressure during reproduc-tive periods and assisted significantly with theirmanagement.

Nearly every month of the year, different resourceswould be considered ripe or become abundant; anexample is the annual seasonal appearance of themarine Palolo worm. In later months, sharkswould come ashore to bear live young. Shark pupsremain inshore for some time and are easily har-vested using hand spears. In the early summermonths, with the return of the rains, terrestrialcrabs (Cardisoma spp.) would intensify their forag-ing activity near the coast, fattening up prior toaggregating to specific coastal areas to release theireggs in the sea, making them easily harvestable.Summer months would also see flying fish (Exo-coetidae) and their predators, the tunas, comeinshore where they could be harvested. Later, thepelagic scads (Selar spp.) and small mackerel (Ras-trelliger and Scombrus spp.) would mature, forminglarge schools in inshore lagoons and bays. Sardines(Sardinella spp.) would also form large shoalsinshore where they could be easily harvested, andrabbit fish (Siganidae) would migrate to a knownlocation to aggregate for spawning purposes. Allof these smaller species would, in turn, attractlarger predators such as jacks and trevallies(Carangidae) and barracuda (Sphyraenidae) thatcould also be harvested.

This annual cycle of different resources becomingplentiful at different times clearly indicated the sea-son to target them. In this way, fishing pressure onvarious resources was concentrated on a givenresource for only a brief period of the year on a

3. Communal fishing methods such as the coconut leaf sweep is still ritually practised on some islands, but the introduction of longmonofilament gillnets now allows for large catches with much less communal effort. However, the optimal tidal pattern for largecatches of reef fish on diurnal migrations from drop-offs to reef flats using modern nets largely remains as described for com-munal harvesting methods.

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 2006 15rotational basis. Even if some were harvested dur-ing a spawning migration or aggregation, therewould be only minimal pressure on the populationin the remainder of the year.

Traditional management in transition

Except for a few high-value benthic species, tropi-cal, small-scale, multi-species fisheries in placessuch as Vanuatu are prohibitively expensive andnotoriously difficult to manage using Westernmodels that require extensive data collection(Johannes 1998a). Johannes (1998b) suggested thatunrealistic emphasis on quantitative managementideals, such as optimum or maximum sustainableyields for these fisheries, could justifiably give wayto a new paradigm that he called “data-less marineresource management”, emphasizing that it is notmanagement in the absence of information. The useof reproductive and lifecycle information, coupledwith TEK of resources and traditional marinetenure, is invaluable for achieving managementobjectives. The qualitative monitoring of resourcesby communities through direct observation hasalways been part of Pacific fisheries and serves toincrease the TEK held by fishers.

Traditional marine tenure

The fundamental management strategy fornearshore reefs in many parts of the Pacific, partic-ularly in Melanesia, is based on traditional marinetenure (TMT) and the accompanying traditionalbeliefs and practices that prohibit or restrict the har-vest and consumption of marine resources. Theprinciple underlying TMT is the ability of families,clans, chiefs and/or communities to claim exclusiverights to fishing areas, exclude outsiders, and regu-late activities in these areas. The benefits of theirrestraint may then be realized at a later date, thusproviding the motivation to protect resources. Thesystems of TMT in the Pacific have been relativelywell documented by Johannes and MacFarlane(1991), Ruddle (1994, 1996) and Hviding (1996)among others. The well-entrenched heritage ofTMT is legally recognized in Vanuatu and contin-ues to provide an ideal framework for a decentral-ized system of village-based management ofmarine resources.

TMT effectively devolves responsibility for marineresource management to traditional leaders, com-munities, clans or families; that is, to those with themost intimate knowledge of the resources and thegreatest motivation to manage well. Devolution of

management responsibility is possible, as the gov-ernment of Vanuatu recognizes and supports TMT4

in the constitution of the republic, and traditionalleaders and resource custodians continue to see theintroduction of village-based prohibitions as theirtraditional right and responsibility.

However, a growing concern is that contemporarytaboos tend to be less firmly rooted in tradition, andconsequently command less respect than tradi-tional ones. The ancient traditional taboos, as out-lined below, were associated with elaborate tradi-tional practices and ritual underpinned by tradi-tional cosmology’s and sanctioned through super-natural forces. Contemporary taboos tend to be lessritualized and therefore less steeped in tradition,with a consequent decrease in reliance on supernat-ural sanctioning. The influence of the church, par-ticularly the notion that traditional beliefs are “hea-then and uncivilized”, makes this ritualization andreliance on supernatural sanctioning less accept-able in some communities.

Bans and taboos

The earliest transformations of traditional marinemanagement systems stemmed from the introduc-tion in the late-1800s of an export trade in nearshoreresources for dried sea cucumbers (Holothuroidea)and later included trochus (Trochus niloticus) andgreen snail (Turbo marmoratus). Traditionallyderived taboos began to be regularly placed onthese resources in response to commercial pressure.This trend in protecting commercially harvestedresources through the use of taboos has continuedinto the present, as more resources are targeted forcommercial purposes for export to urban centresand overseas.

Contemporary village-based management prohibi-tions, often referred to by villagers today as “bans”to distinguish them from ancient traditional taboos,continue to be locally monitored and enforced byvillage leaders. These bans are enforced throughthe traditional institution of the village court which,although not legally recognized, continues to effec-tively adjudicate on most offences occurring inrural areas, as it has for centuries.

Fishers recognize that fish often retreat into areasunder taboo when being pursued. Taboo areas,even when they are not particularly large, if widelydistributed act as a mosaic of refugia or sanctuariesfor mobile marine life. Turtles are found to becomeaccustomed to the presence of divers observing

4. More recently, the forces of development and globalization are increasingly eroding government recognition and support for TMTas new legislation is introduced affecting land tenure and more land titles (which affect reef accessibility) are transferred to for-eigners for development purposes.

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 200616them in areas where hunting is taboo for sufficientlylong periods (pers. observ.). Dugongs (Dugongdugon), protected from hunting for some years now,have even been tamed to swim with humans, andalong with unwary turtles are used to attracttourists to generate revenue. The knowledge thatfish and other marine life increase in abundance andlose their wariness in areas under taboo is put togood use by the regular placement of closures for avariety of resources in most coastal villages of Van-uatu today (Hickey and Johannes 2002).

Traditional marine resource managementpractices of Vanuatu

The categories of traditional marine resource man-agement practices vary significantly among culturalgroups in the archipelago, reflecting their culturaldiversity. Some of these practices are extant today,while others survive only through oral histories.Many of the marine management strategiesdescribed are also applied to freshwater and terres-trial resources. Reefs were viewed as extensions tothe land, and their custodianship was generally, butnot always, the responsibility of the adjacent landcustodians. The information below summarizesresearch conducted by the author in collaborationwith the Vanuatu Department of Fisheries and Van-uatu Cultural Centre over the preceding decade. Vir-tually all of the traditional strategies described belowhave direct parallels in modern resource manage-ment strategies founded on Western scientific princi-ples, but long predate them. The Western classifica-tion terms are used below to highlight these parallels.

Privileged-user rights

The right of reef custodians to control and restrictfishing and other activities is fundamental to theprinciple of TMT and is reflected in the modernmanagement strategy of limited access. UnderTMT, there may also be complex tiers of user rightsfor different groups, based on historical connec-tions with reef areas. Groups arriving later in anarea may be accepted, but only with secondaryrights by the original founding group who retainprimary rights. Also, neighbouring, often inland,groups may retain tenure over original canoe-land-ing sites or may in the past have bartered for userrights to defined reef areas, and these rights mayremain in effect for ensuing generations.

Respect for TMT is said to have been universallyvery high in the past, and transgressions would bedealt with harshly, as well as through supernaturalintervention. While remaining flexible throughconsultation among allied groups, the system thus

controlled and limited fishing effort withinnearshore areas.

Species-specific prohibitions

In most areas it was taboo to eat turtle or turtle eggsif one planned to go to the yam garden in the nextcouple of days. It is said that to do so would resultin one’s yams being stunted like the fins or eggs ofa turtle. In some areas, equivalent prohibitionsapplied to octopus, lobsters, giant clams, certainspecies of fish and other foods, including oily fruitsand nuts. These prohibitions also applied to work-ing in water taro (Colocasia esculenta) and othertypes of gardens, such as those for bananas. Insome areas, it was taboo to go to gardens if one’sleg had made contact with the sea, as doing sowould risk damaging crops.

Food prohibitions could sometimes be overcome bymaking a small “devil’s garden”, distant from themain one, after consuming one of the prohibitedfoods5. Yams from the devil’s garden would then beoffered to the spirit responsible for stunting theyams, and the yams from the main garden wouldthus be spared.

Various informants suggest that these prohibitionsmay relate to the negative effect of introducing oilysubstances from turtles and other foods to gardens,as these could attract wild pigs or insects to foodgardens. Making small devil’s gardens prior toworking in the main yam gardens would result inmost of the oils being deposited in the devil’s gar-den, though it would require additional time andenergy. Salt also harms many garden crops, whichmay explain the negative association between sea-water exposure and gardening. These effects appar-ently led to a temporal separation of gardening andfishing activities throughout many areas of Vanu-atu and are elaborated on below in the section onseasonal closures.

Another species-specific prohibition is the practiceof showing respect to the memory of recentlydeceased clan members by placing a taboo on theirfavourite food or the last food items they ate. Forexample, a taboo may be placed on a certain type offish, spiny lobster, octopus, shellfish or fruit in hon-our of a deceased clan member for a year or more.The time period is generally commensurate withthe respect shown to their memory. This relievesfishing pressure on that resource within the clan’sarea during that period.

Additional species-specific restrictions include pro-hibitions against children and pregnant women

5. The term “devil”, introduced by early missionaries, is commonly used today to refer to various manifestations from the spirit world.

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 2006 17eating turtles, as this was found to result in childrendeveloping sores. In some areas, those with asthmawere also prohibited from eating turtle as it aggra-vated their condition. In other areas it was taboo foryoung girls to consume giant clams (Tridacnidae)until after their first menstruation, while youngboys were forbidden to consume many species oflarge angelfish (Pomacanthus spp.) until they werecircumcised. These prohibitions stemmed fromarea-specific cosmological beliefs and resulted inreduced fishing pressure on these resources.

In some areas, size limits were imposed on certainspecies, as it was taboo to collect small gastropods(e.g. Turbo spp.) that had no encrusting growth onthem to avoid taking immature ones.

Seasonal closures

During the summer months when yams were beingcultivated and many reef resources were restrictedby gardening taboos, as well as by the tidal cyclesoutlined above, a wide range of fruit and nut treesripened to provide alternative sources of nutrition.When new yam gardens were prepared, there wasconsiderable labour involved in clearing gardenplots and planting tubers. With the coming of thespring rains, weeding and training the vinesrequired frequent trips to the garden. The produc-tion of yams was a central aspect of food produc-tion and featured prominently in the customs ofmost areas of Vanuatu. Cultivating yams was thustreated as a serious endeavour. Given the impor-tance of agricultural production in Vanuatu(Weightman 1989), it is apparent that gardeningrestrictions that limited fishing activities alsoserved to reduce fishing pressure on nearshorereefs during the months of yam production. Asnoted above, the tides of this season are also lesssuitable for reef-gleaning activities, and thus reefgleaning and communal harvesting methods werefurther separated temporally from gardening activ-ities by tidal cycles.

The yam production period, starting as early asAugust/September, and extending untilApril/May, covers the entire hot season. Thisperiod includes the nesting season for turtles, thetime when they are most vulnerable to exploitationby humans. It is also thought to be the season whenmany nearshore reef species are at their spawningpeaks. Fishing prohibitions during the main agri-cultural season thus have highly significant man-agement value because they reduce fishing pres-sure during peak reproductive periods. The yamproduction season also encompasses the periodwhen trade winds collapse and winds become lightand variable. Johannes (1978) highlights the advan-tage for fish of spawning during periods when pre-vailing winds and currents are at their weakest,

which will reduce the transport of larvae far fromtheir point of origin.

In areas such as Futuna, Tanna, Aniwa, Paama andAmbrym Islands, the consumption of nearshoreresources is considered to be taboo from the timeyam gardens are initiated until the New Yam Cere-mony some six months later. This would ensure agood harvest of seafood for New Yam celebrationsas well as during the subsequent months of ongo-ing yam harvesting. As this summer closure coin-cides with the time when most nearshore fish andinvertebrates are believed to be at their spawningpeaks, the annual half-year taboo serves to protectresources during this vulnerable period.

However, the hot months are the best season forfishing offshore for flying fish, tunas and otherpelagic species. Deepwater snappers found farfrom nearshore waters may also be fished duringthese months. The seasonal abundance of pelagicfish and lighter winds during summer monthsallowing easier offshore fishing thus compensatedfor the restricted fishing of the nearshore duringsummer months.

An additional incentive to limit consumption ofnearshore reef fish during summer months is thatoral traditions record that they are more frequentlyfound to be ciguatoxic during this period whennew coral growth is observed to be highest.

Food avoidance

Many cultural groups in Vanuatu are associatedwith different totems that include specific types offish, octopus, giant clams, turtles, sharks andmoray eels as well as various terrestrial resources.The practice of not consuming one’s ancestraltotems out of respect and reverence for them servesas a management strategy by reducing or control-ling fishing pressure on those resources. In someareas, highly controlled, ritualized harvests oftotemic species are undertaken for exchange toother areas, thereby limiting fishing pressure.

“Protected areas”

In virtually all parts of Vanuatu there were for-merly numerous coastal protected areas, knownlocally as “taboo places”, that had spiritual signifi-cance and which people had the greatest reverenceand would respectfully avoid. These taboo placeswere also common in terrestrial and freshwaterareas and were often associated with areas of highbiodiversity. Examples of such areas include burialplaces, and places where spirits resided or islanddeities were based. Volcanic lakes on Ambae andGaua Islands are two such large inland freshwaterareas high in biodiversity. Many rivers and creeks

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 200618were also considered taboo areas and were thusprotected, as they were considered to be paths ofspirits travelling between the sea and inland areas.

These permanently taboo areas, or areas with veryrestricted access, were commonly found alongcoasts, as well as at offshore islands and reefs.Access to them was restricted or controlled at alltimes, unlike spatial-temporal refugia. The tabooareas formed a network of marine and terrestrialprotected areas whose management benefitsincluded the production of larger, more abundantmarine organisms that export larvae (and marineplant propagules) as well as spillover effects. Byprotecting a number of different habitat types colo-nized by species unique to them, taboos also pre-served and enhanced biodiversity.

These areas were, by their very nature, protectedand sanctioned by the spirits residing there. Com-pliance was thus very high, as the enforcement ofthese areas was endogenously based on the beliefsystem of supernatural sanctioning. This is unlikethe Western counterpart of marine protected areasthat is sometimes promoted in Vanuatu, whichrelies increasingly on state sanctioning. Whilemany taboo places are no longer respected by theyounger generation, primarily due to the influenceof Christianity, Western education and develop-ment pressure, many others continue to protectresources in areas where respect for them remains.

Behavioural prohibitions

The numerous customary protocols associated withthe fabrication and deployment of traditional fish-ing gear and techniques were integral to the tradi-tional resource management regime. Once certainfisheries were initiated with the fabrication of, forexample, a spiny lobster trap, a fisher’s behaviourbecame regulated by protocols associated with thatfishery. Taboos could vary among cultural groupsand depended on the fishery type.

A widely known example of a behavioural prohibi-tion is the requirement for sexual abstinence beforeengaging in fishing activities as well as during thefabrication of fishing devices. This reduces fishingpressure within a clan’s area while providing addi-tional benefits relating to birth control. Other exam-ples of behavioural prohibitions that reduce fishingpressure follow:

• In some areas, it is taboo to swim or remain onthe shore during sunset, as certain spirits areknown to be active then. As spawning aggrega-tions are known to occur at sunset, this prohibi-tion protects them (Johannes 1978).

• Fishers cannot be seen departing, or at least oth-ers must not know they are joining a fishing

expedition, as this brings “bad luck” and so thetrip may be aborted. Also, it is taboo to call outor make noise when embarking on a fishing trip.

• If a visitor arrives and spends the night, then itis taboo to go fishing the next day.

• It is taboo to eat certain foods or drink kava orgo to certain places when one is involved in thefabrication or deployment of certain fishingdevices.

• Pregnant or menstruating women, and menwith pregnant wives, are automaticallyexcluded from most fishing activities. Thistaboo relates to the belief that the spirit of anunborn child has a negative effect on fishingactivity.

Thus, there is an extensive and complex web oftaboos associated with fishing that act synergisti-cally with other traditional management measuresto reduce fishing effort. A fisher who is unable torespect any behavioural taboos must refrain fromfishing for the following day or two, thereby reduc-ing fishing effort in a given area. As there are waysto find out who has not followed the rules, this putsshame on offenders, affecting their reputations asfishers, and is thus avoided.

Spatial-temporal refugia

Some of the cultural practices that created spatial-temporal refugia throughout Vanuatu are outlinedbelow. These refugia allowed for an increase inabundance and diversity and provided spilloverbenefits, decreasing the wariness of resource specieswhile also protecting spawning activities andincreasing biodiversity. Events associated with suchspatial-temporal refugia are described below. Theseareas would be open to fishing once the taboo hasbeen removed so as to make use of resource abun-dance in line with Pacific peoples’ strong social, cul-tural and subsistence links with resources (Fig. 2).

Death of a traditional leader

In some areas, such as the Banks Islands, the deathof a traditional leader (“chief” or highly rankedmember of a hierarchical society) would be hon-oured by the placement of a taboo on the reef of theleader’s clan. Depending on the degree of respect,this total closure could last for many years. Thistaboo is associated with the enactment of many rit-uals. When the reef is re-opened, a final communalfeast is held to honour the deceased, using in partthe resources harvested from the closed area.

Death of any clan member

The death of any individual of a clan — man,woman or child — may mean that the clan’s area ofreef is put under taboo, or closed to all harvestingfor one to three years, as is the case on northern Epi.


Grade-taking

In areas of north and central Vanuatu, the all-important rituals of grade-taking by men, and insome areas women, as part of ascending a socialand spiritual hierarchy (Layard 1942; Bonnemaison1996) are accompanied by taboos placed on terres-trial, freshwater or reef resources from one to fouryears, and often for as long as six years in the caseof marine taboos. These practices include multiplepig killings, kava drinking, dancing, singing, feast-ing and other rituals.

Passing on of a hereditary chief’s title

In the Shepherd Islands of central Vanuatu, thepractice of hereditary chiefs’ passing title to theirprogeny is associated with a reef taboo. The tabooduration may be the time taken for a young pig todevelop a full circle tusk, some six to seven years.Offerings to ancestors are also traditionally made toevoke their assistance in monitoring and enforce-ment. The tusked pig will be sacrificed to removethe taboo, and marine resources harvested from thetaboo area are used as part of the ordination feast.

Yam season

As outlined above, in some areas of Vanuatu, mostnearshore reef resources are annually closed to har-vesting during the summer months from aroundthe time of yam planting until the New Yam cele-brations approximately six months later. In otherareas the taboos are species specific, but nearly allareas protect turtles. These agricultural relatedtaboos are now less commonly respected, whilesome areas continue to limit fishing during this

period because of the management value of doingso during spawning periods. It is also generallyacknowledged that yams produced these days aremuch smaller than in former times due to the loss ofrespect for traditional practices and knowledge.

Circumcision

Cleansing rites that are part of circumcision ritualsare sometimes associated with reef taboos, whichare generally of a short duration, sometimes onemonth. These short closures are particularly effec-tive in conserving resources if their timing coin-cides with spawning migrations or aggregations.

In preparation for specific feasts or other traditions

In most areas, specific feasts or other traditions,such as the harvest and exchange of marineresources to inland villages, are preceded by a reeftaboo. Ritual specialists then evoke the ancestorsto increase resources and ensure a good catch.Inland villages would later reciprocate with food-stuffs from their areas. This highly ritualized sys-tem of exchange effectively controlled fishingpressure on resources both spatially and tempo-rally while redistributing resources during peri-ods of seasonal abundance and strengtheningtrade and peaceful relations. These taboos are stillfound in some areas and are sometimes integratedinto Christian rituals, for example, celebrations ofa saint’s day.

Marine resource management through a mosaic ofspatial-temporal refugia

The variety of traditional area closures ensured anumber of areas were closed at any one time. Whenvisiting north Pentecost in northern central Vanu-atu in 1998, the author was informed of 11 marineclosures associated with grade-taking ceremonies.These closures formed a mosaic of spatial-temporalrefugia across the top end of this relatively smallarea, protecting various marine habitats. In 2005,the number of areas closed due to these rituals hadincreased due to the strong adherence to traditionalgrade taking practices in this area.

Consequences of violating traditional taboos

The consequences of taboo violation includedsupernatural retribution from island deities andancestors. This curse could also be ritually removedonce the offender revealed their transgression. Indi-viduals who repeatedly broke these taboos couldbe set adrift or given a sign that their leader hadsanctioned their death, giving them a brief periodto escape.

Traditional leaders, under the auspices of the naka-mal, or village court, also imposed fines of pigs,

Figure 2. A namele leaf recently placed after a pig

killing ceremony used to indicate a reef tabu at Mangaliliu village on Efate.

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 200620kava, woven mats and other traditional wealthitems as an additional deterrent and means ofremoving the “wrong” in the eyes of ancestors andother clan members. Typically, ancestral spiritswould punish transgressors, or their family mem-bers, by making them ill, sometimes terminally so.Some were capable of assuming various forms,including sharks or barracuda that could directlyenforce a marine taboo. Practices to ensure the par-ticipation of ancestors in enforcement includedplacing culturally specific taboo leaves in the areato symbolically monitor and enforce the taboo(Fig. 3). Communication with the spirit world wasoften enhanced by ritualized kava drinking.

under taboo for varying periods of time (Johannes1998a; Hickey and Johannes 2002; Johannes andHickey 2004). Some of these taboos are extant ver-sions of ancient traditional practices. Through theVanuatu Cultural Centres’ network of over 120fieldworkers working voluntarily throughout thearchipelago, these traditional practices arestrengthened by the fieldworkers reviving, encour-aging and supporting their communities in contin-uing to practice their traditional taboos.

Many taboos imposed today, however, are morecontemporary expressions of earlier ones that haveintegrated modern issues and concerns including

introduced gear and the cash econ-omy. The Fisheries Department, Envi-ronment Unit, and Vanuatu CulturalCentre have supported these tradition-ally derived contemporary taboosthrough a programme of cooperativemanagement. Cooperative manage-ment of marine resources was initiatedby the Fisheries Department ResearchSection in the early 1990s, initially tar-geting trochus resources (Amos 1993).It provides relevant biological knowl-edge and awareness to communitiesfor use in conjunction with traditionalknowledge in the management ofnearshore reef resources. These coop-erative management efforts quicklyspread to include other commerciallyimportant resources as well as thoseimportant for subsistence. This pro-gramme was later introduced to theDepartment’s Extension Services byproviding appropriate training torural-based Extension Officers.

Part of this process included raising awarenessamong rural communities of Department regula-tions about size limits and other state prohibitionson resources. Once villagers were aware of the reg-ulations and understood the rationale behind them,they generally adopted the regulations as part oftheir village-based management regime (Johannes1998a). Village leaders and villagers then took overmonitoring and informally enforcing these regula-tions on behalf of the government.

The knowledge gained of the management value oftraditional practices, including area and species clo-sures and other prohibitions on harvesting marineresources, has thus been adapted and applied in theexpression of contemporary taboos. If the taboowas of sufficient duration, resources were observedto become larger, more abundant and less wary,leading to increased catches after the taboo is lifted.Also, taboos placed during periods of spawningactivities assisted recruitment processes.

Figure 3. A traditional leader in the Banks Islands placing the taboo leaves unique to

his cultural group to indicate a reef taboo.

Ancestral icons may also be concealed in the area tosymbolically invoke their participation. The killingof pigs at the initiation of the taboo also serves as asymbolic sacrifice to ancestors for their part inmonitoring and enforcing the taboo. The killing ofanother pig is thus required within some culturalgroups to remove the taboo and make it safe to har-vest again in the area. In other areas, additional cul-turally significant gifts (such as pigs, kava, yams orwhite fowl) were offered, sometimes set adrift on araft, to ensure the ancestor’s role in monitoring andenforcing the taboo. This system of sanctioning wasconsidered highly effective in the past, and remainsso in numerous areas where traditional belief sys-tems remain strong.

Discussion

Traditional leaders and reef custodians in Vanuatuincreasingly use their rights under TMT to putresources, fishing areas, seasons or fishing methods

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 2006 21Another aspect influencing respect for closures isthat the benefits of traditional taboos were generallydistributed to the entire community through com-munal feasts and distribution of resources. Today,however, individual reef custodians often expect toprosper from the sale of trochus and otherresources. Thus, there is often less incentive for theentire community to respect the taboo. In formertimes, the paramount traditional leader of an areawould have the right, through consensus, to putlarge reef areas controlled through different clans’tenure under taboo for traditional purposes. In thisway, management of large areas was harmonizedfor communal benefit. Many reef custodians recog-nize the relationship between respect for taboos andcommunal benefit sharing, and allow reef access tothe entire community to promote widespreadrespect for taboos placed on individual clans’ reefs.

Many communities recognize that the decrease inrespect for contemporary taboos is exacerbated bya general decline in respect for traditional authorityby youth influenced by Western education or indi-vidualistic ideals learned in urban centres. Disputesover land or reef tenure as well as village leader-ship are also found to weaken respect for village-based taboos (Hickey and Johannes 2002; Johannesand Hickey 2004). In response to these factors,some communities endeavour to strengthen andrevitalize traditional beliefs regarding resourcemanagement by emphasizing the inclusion of moretraditional practices in their implementation. Oth-ers, in areas where traditional beliefs are moreinfluenced by introduced cosmologies, choose alsoto integrate Christian beliefs and practices in imple-mentation, and this is often effective in assistingwith management; still others look increasinglytoward the state for assistance in sanctioning vil-lage-based taboos.

The trend towards greater state sanctioning, as wellas Western notions of conservation that may ignoretraditional links to resources, have been assisted byaid donors, regional and volunteer organizationsand NGOs. These groups often have limited appre-ciation of ancient traditional resource managementsystems, and are primarily familiar with Westernmodels from their own countries. Some outsidegroups take village-based taboos and repackagethem in Western forms such as “conservation areasand MPAs”, but these models are poorly understoodand are largely viewed with suspicion by rural com-munities (Bleakley 2004). In most cases, Westernmodels are unsustainable once outside assistance isfinished. A traditional village leader sums it up bysaying: “European conservation approaches alwaysseems to cost a lot of money, whereas our traditionalsystem of sustainable management is within ourown means.” However, government policy makersand bureaucrats, often educated in industrialized

countries and increasingly isolated from rural com-munities, often acquiesce to the introduction ofWestern models, following the locally entrenchednotion that “the West knows best”.

This recent trend towards Western repackaging oftraditional practices is of concern as it implies thatWestern models are superior, when in fact parallelsto Western science-based resource managementstrategies already exist in Vanuatu’s traditional sys-tems, as documented above. Reliance on state sanc-tioning of village-based resource management alsohas significant limitations, as government capacityto perform this role is severely limited in an archi-pelago with so many coastal villages. It also raisescommunity expectations and fosters a mentality ofdepending on the state to solve rural communityproblems, which rarely respond well to legislation.The application of Western law in villages is seen asdivisive, with a win/lose outcome that furthererodes social cohesion necessary for cooperation invillage-based management (Johannes and Hickey2004). Recognising and supporting the existingstrong cultural heritage of decentralized village-based resource management and strengtheningefforts to adapt it to contemporary needs would bemuch more effective. This could be facilitated bycontinuing to build the capacity of traditional lead-ers and communities to manage resources undertheir tenure by promoting consultation with allstakeholder groups to increase understanding, con-sensus and compliance prior to implementation oftaboos. In many cases, it is simply a matter ofstrengthening traditional leadership and gover-nance systems and facilitating traditional conflictresolution options to settle existing communitydivisions.

In cases where enforcement remains problematic,legal recognition of traditional village court sys-tems, where village-based transgressions includingthose related to resource management are adjudi-cated, would be an effective means to assist withenforcement. Legislation to empower traditionalleaders and communities to manage resourcesunder traditional tenure would be more effectiveand economical than creating a parallel system thattransfers that power to the state and serves toundermine traditional authority. Fa’asili andKelokolo (1999) report that legal empowerment ofthe Chief’s Council in Samoa has been successful insupporting the community-based management ofresources while reinforcing traditional authority.

Conclusion

Vanuatu has a strong cultural heritage of tradi-tional resource management, and a well-entrenched and legally recognized system of TMTto draw upon in continuing to adapt its indigenous

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 200622system of resource management to contemporaryneeds. Many elements of traditional systems andauthority remain extant and are well respected bythe majority of the rural population. Some commu-nity elders still retain a large corpus of TEK that isuseful for resource management, but this number isnow dwindling rapidly. Culturally appropriateawareness and education programmes, includingthe use of popular theatre directed towards tradi-tional leaders, fishers and communities have beenshown to be highly effective in facilitating theadaptation of traditional systems to contemporaryneeds (Amos 1993; Johannes 1998a; Hickey andJohannes 2002; Johannes and Hickey 2004).

Further support is needed to continue to developthe capacity of traditional leaders and communitiesin the decentralized management of resourcesunder their tenure through the strengthening of tra-ditional leadership and governance, village-basedconsultation, consensus building and conflict reso-lution mechanisms. It is also particularly importantthat young people are made more aware of thepractical value and modern-day relevance of tradi-tional management systems and TEK held byelders, as the value of this knowledge is rarely pro-moted in the western educational system they arenow primarily exposed to. This can best beachieved by the active involvement of elders in cur-riculum development and formal education andthe inclusion of traditional activities as part of theschool curriculum as well as through informal edu-cational channels. This will enhance the intergener-ational transfer of knowledge and promote greaterappreciation, pride, self-reliance and transmissionof such knowledge and practices. Mobilising localTEK for use in resource management also assists toempower communities with the use of their ownknowledge while fostering a stronger sense of own-ership of a resource management initiative. TEK isoften much better understood and trusted than sci-ence-based knowledge in many communities.These factors have been observed to enhance thelong-term sustainability of village-based resourcemanagement initiatives in Vanuatu.

Government policy makers, foreign donors, NGOs,volunteer and regional organizations working inthe environment sector could all benefit fromgreater awareness of the value and efficacy of sup-porting and strengthening traditional managementsystems and the risks of blindly introducing foreignconservation methods originating in industrializedcountries without TMT or a strong cultural heritageof traditional resource management. The trendaway from working to strengthen TMT and exist-ing traditional resource management systems bylimiting marine resource management efforts toprimarily promoting MPAs, as seen in the Pacific inrecent years, ignores the value of a wide range of

existing traditional resource management systemsavailable that operates synergistically. The widelypromoted and donor-supported uni-dimensionalMPA approach driven by the Western ideal of opti-mizing biological conservation is likely to remainan object of suspicion by rural communities whorely on their resources for food security and otherneeds on a daily basis. In contrast, traditionallymanaged areas (TMAs), as widely seen in Vanuatu,provides the sustainable management of nearshoreareas through a balance of various restrictionsplaced on fishing areas, seasons and gear but withthe option to harvest resources to satisfy socioeco-nomic requirements (such as payment of schoolfees and other community needs).

Harvest openings are also possible when resourcesare perceived as over-abundant and benefits maynot be realized due to the impacts of cyclones andother threats that periodically destroy nearshoreareas. Living with such devastating threats ascyclones, tsunamis, storm surges and coral bleach-ing have taught people not to let their resources goto waste. Instead, an ethic of sustainably managingresources to maintain ecosystem integrity with peo-ple as an integral component, is a primary feature ofthe Pacific approach to resource management.TMAs are not only flexible in dealing with, andintegrated into rural socio-cultural-economicnorms but also are based on natural cycles ofresource abundance, tidal influences, agriculturaland resource reproductive cycles and is under-pinned by locally based corpus of TEK of the envi-ronment and resources.

The current trend seen in the promotion of MPAs inthe Pacific is also moving increasingly towardsdevolving resource management authority fromcommunity leaders under TMT to the state throughlegislation. This trend risks raising communityexpectations, while fostering dependency on gov-ernments that often lack the capacity (both humanand financial) to deliver. The repackaging of exist-ing village-based taboos as Western conservationmodels, often for the edification of tourists anddevelopment agencies, is likely to tacitly eroderemaining traditional resource management prac-tices found in the Pacific. Attempts at introducingthe Western ethos of conservation inherent inMPAs is perceived as ignoring the strong social andcultural links of Pacific Islanders with theirresources and the efficacy of existing traditionalsystems of management. Eroding traditional rightsof communities of autonomy over land/reefs andresources is not likely to solve problems in Melane-sia, but is more likely to create them. Strengtheningexisting traditional systems not only reduces theburden on governments (and aid donors) but alsooffers other spill-over benefits such as strongercommunity governance systems, increased long-

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 2006 23term community capacity and self-reliance andmore sustainable marine resource management.

Acknowledgements

The author gratefully acknowledges the coopera-tion and support of friends and colleagues at theVanuatu Cultural Centre, Department of Fisheriesand the Vanuatu Environment Unit, particularlymembers of the Cultural Centre fieldworker net-work who provide endless hours of discussion anddemonstrations on their traditions. May yourknowledge and wisdom continue to guide yourchildren’s children’s futures. I would also like tohumbly dedicate this chapter to the memory of BobJohannes, who took the time to provide muchencouragement and inspiration. An earlier versionof this paper was presented at the “Putting Fishers’Knowledge to Work” Conference held at the Uni-versity of British Colombia in 2001. Another versionwill be published next year by UNESCO-LINKS.

References

Amos M. 1993. Traditionally based managementsystems in Vanuatu. SPC Traditional MarineResource Management and Knowledge Infor-mation Bulletin 2:14–17. Available online atwww.spc.int/coastfish/News/Trad/trad.htm(last accessed on 27 June 2005).

Bedford R. (ed.) 1989. The population of Vanuatu.Population Monograph 2. Noumea, New Cale-donia, South Pacific Commission.

Bleakley C. 2004. Review of critical habitats andspecies in the Pacific Region, IWP, SPREP.

Bonnemaison J. 1996. Graded societies and societiesbased on title: forms and rites of traditionalpower in Vanuatu. p. 200–216. In: Bonnemai-son J., Kaufmann C., Huffman K. and Tryon D.(eds.). Arts of Vanuatu. NSW, Australia: Craw-ford House Publishing.

Cillaurren E., David G. and Grandperin R. 2001.Coastal fisheries atlas of Vanuatu: A 10-yeardevelopment assessment. Paris, IRD editions.

Eliade M. 1957. The sacred and the profane: thenature of religion. New York and London:Harcourt Brace.

Fa’asili U. and Kelokolo I. 1999. The use of villageby-laws in marine conservation and fisheriesmanagement. SPC Traditional MarineResource Management and Knowledge Infor-mation Bulletin 11:7–10. Available online atwww.spc.int/coastfish/News/Trad/trad.htm(last accessed 3 September 2004).

Hickey F.R. 1999. Canoes of Vanuatu. In: DeiterBader H. and McCurdy P. (eds). Proceedings ofthe Waka Symposium. Auckland NewZealand Maritime Museum/Te Huiteananui-a-Tangaroa.

Hickey F.R. and Johannes R.E. 2002. Recent evolu-tion of village-based marine resource manage-ment in Vanuatu. SPC Traditional MarineResource Management and Knowledge Infor-mation Bulletin 14:8–21. Available online atwww.spc.int/coastfish/News/Trad/trad.htm(last accessed 30 June 2005).

Hviding E. 1996. Guardians of Morovo Lagoon.Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press.

Johannes R.E. 1978. Reproductive strategies ofcoastal marine fishes in the tropics. Environ-mental Biology of Fishes 3(1):65–84.

Johannes R.E. 1998a. Government supported, vil-lage-based management of marine resources inVanuatu. Ocean and Coastal ManagementJournal 40:165–86.

Johannes R.E. 1998b. The case for data-less marineresources management: examples from tropi-cal nearshore fisheries. Trends in Ecology andEvolution 13(6):243–246.

Johannes R.E. and Hickey F.R. 2004. Evolution ofvillage-based marine resource management inVanuatu between 1993 and 2001. Coastalregion and small island papers 15. Paris,UNESCO, 48 p. Available online at http://www.unesco.org/csi/wise/indigenous/vanuatu1.htm (last accessed 27 June 2005).

Johannes R.E. and MacFarlane J.W. 1991. Tradi-tional fishing in the Torres Strait Islands.Hobart, Tasmania CSIRO.

Layard J. 1942. Stone men of Malekula. London,Chattus and Windus.

Lebot V., Merlin M. and Lindstrom L. 1992. Kava:The Pacific drug. New Haven: Yale UniversityPress.

National Statistics Office 2000. The 1999 Vanuatunational population and housing census, mainreport. Government of the Republic of Vanuatu.

Ruddle K. 1994. A guide to the literature on tradi-tional community-based fishery managementin the Asia-Pacific tropics. Fisheries CircularNo. 869, FIPP/C869. Rome, FAO.

Ruddle K. 1996. Traditional management of reeffishing, in reef fisheries. p. 315–335. In: PoluninN.V.C. and Roberts C. (eds). London, Chap-man and Hall.

Spriggs M. 1997. The island Melanesians. Oxford,UK: Blackwell.

Tryon D. 1996. Dialect chaining and the use of geo-graphical space. p. 170–81. In: Bonnemaison J.,Kaufmann C., Huffman K. and Tryon D. (eds).Arts of Vanuatu. Bathhurst, Australia: Craw-ford House Publishing.

Weightman B. 1989. Agriculture in Vanuatu, a his-torical review. Portsmouth, UK: GrosvenorPress.

http://www.unesco.org/csi/wise/indigenous/vanuatu1.htm

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 200624

Abstract

Catch rates and access to fishing locations have changed in contemporary Pacific fishing owing to newlyintroduced technologies such as speedboats and dive gear. At the same time, fishermen have also acquirednew ecological knowledge of the marine environment and have developed new fishing skills. In this arti-cle I provide ethnographic examples from the Republic of Palau, Micronesia on the emergence of marineenvironmental knowledge and the use of new fishing practices in three key fishing methods: speargunfishing, hand-held trolling, and trapping. Fishermen develop different knowledge and skills through theirindividual experiences of the sea, as well as through the collective and traditional understanding of themarine environment by elder fishermen. The transmission of this knowledge and the use of new skills areenacted through kinship, and fishermen are often motivated to acquire this knowledge and skill in orderto achieve status and prestige, rather than to simply increase their catch. Thus, technological change in con-temporary Pacific fishing does not always undermine the social and cultural elements of fishing; ratherthese elements may be reinforced or even augmented.

Socialisation of fishing knowledge: The emergence andtransmission of new fishing technology and marine ecologicalknowledge in the Republic of Palau, Western Micronesia

Yoshitaka Ota1

1. Dr Yoshitaka Ota, Research Associate, Department of Anthropology/DICE (Durrell Institute of Conservation and Ecology), Uni-versity of Kent, Canterbury, Kent CT2 7NS, UK. Email: [email protected]

Introduction

To understand the marine ecological knowledge offishermen in the contemporary Pacific, it is impor-tant to account for the effect of new technology oncurrent fishing practices, however modest theymay be in comparison with industrial fisheries. Afew examples from my recent study on fishing inPalau, demonstrate the extent to which moderntechnological inputs in small-scale fishing in thePacific region are used outside of the “traditionalmanagement system”. In turn, they may havereduced the sustainable use of marine resources,although some knowledge is transmitted throughspecific social networks of fishermen, which aregoverned by chieftainship and kinship structure.

In Words of the Lagoon, the landmark ethnographicaccount of Palauan fishing, Johannes (1981)showed that fishermen in Palau possesseddetailed ecological knowledge of the marine envi-ronment, accumulated through generations offishermen; but that this knowledge was fadingaway because the youth no longer fished as fre-quently as the elders. Johannes also found thatsome types of marine ecological knowledge wereincreasing because of new technologies. For exam-ple, fishermen had gained a greater understandingabout fish behaviour by using dive masks, and

learned more about the various marine environ-ments because of speedboats, which allowedaccess to more fishing areas.

Similarly, significant changes in the amount anddepth of fishermen’s marine ecological knowledgehave been reported from elsewhere in the Pacific.Some authors refer to these changes as simply the“erosion” of traditional fishing skills (Donner1995), whereas other researchers take the view thatfishermen are collecting new kinds of knowledgein order to fulfil the “wealth of ideas” (Carucci1995). Overall, the scientific literature suggests thateither the possession or the process of acquiringfishing knowledge continues to add important ele-ments to people’s social lives and identity, despitechanges in the form and depth of the knowledge.Nonetheless, many ethnographic details remain tobe investigated about the use and transmission ofthis knowledge, particularly knowledge that ishighly specialised and has emerged from the adop-tion of new technologies (Hviding 1995; Feinberg1995; Howard 1995).

Focusing on the ethnographic details of newlyemerged knowledge and skills, this article pro-vides some of those details by describing three dif-ferent types of marine ecological knowledgeattached to three different fishing methods. These

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 2006 25are speargun fishing, fish trapping, and hand-heldtrolling from a boat with large outboard engines.Understanding the details of new fishing technol-ogy and fishermen’s knowledge of the sea con-tributes significantly to the discussion of marineconservation, because the transmission of suchknowledge is an indicator of the social control overfishing grounds. Hence, in this the article I empha-size the importance of comprehending the sociali-sation of new fishing technology — which takesplace in the process of fishers’ acquisition of marineecological knowledge — and the application of thisknowledge to actual fishing practices.

Contemporary practices of different fishingmethods in Palau

Palau (Fig. 1) is known for its rich marine-basedculture and the intricate ecological knowledge oftraditional fishermen (Masse 1989; Kubary Kramer1927; Johannes 1981; Parmentier 1987. In the late1970s, however, Johannes (1981) pointed out thatmany youth had abandoned village life, and sofishing knowledge was no longer being transmit-ted by “traditional means”, namely through directexperience and through the collective knowledgeprovided by elder fishermen. At the same time, healso reported (Johannes 1981:15) that some fishingknowledge was expanding because of the arrivalof “modern technology”, including speedboatswith outboard engines, and underwater divingequipment. Johannes (1981) observed that eightfishing methods were in regular use at the time ofhis research: daytime and night-time speargunfishing, hand-spear fishing, barrier net fishing, linefishing, trolling, portable trap fishing and dyna-mite fishing. Except for the use of dynamite, whichis legally banned, the other seven methods werestill widely used at the time of my fieldwork in2001. I examined the extent to which each of thesefishing methods were used, along with the social

and cultural occasions for which each method waspracticed. I also recorded the catch size from eachmethod (Ota 2006a, b).

Between the 1970s and 2001 the most significanttechnological change in Palauan fishing practiceswas reportedly the increased use of “speedboats”for inshore fishing; the approximate number regis-tered in 2001 was 1450, of which more than 300were considered to be used for inshore fishing(JICA 2001). During my interviews, fishermen saidspecifically that boat numbers increased rapidly inthe late 1990s — several years after the country’sindependence in 1994 — because of increased cashflow into the country.

Johannes (1981) pointed out that the increased useof speedboats increased fishermen’s access to hith-erto unknown fishing grounds, which enabledthem to expand their ecological marine knowledge.However, my ethnographic data suggest that theprocess of knowledge acquisition and the applica-tion of this knowledge to actual fishing practicesinvolves more than a simple mechanistic responseto technological advancement. Hviding (1995)points out the importance of understanding thedepth of this knowledge, as it can be either general

AngaurPeleliu

Ngemelis Is. Eil Malk

Urukthapel

Kayangel Is.

HelenTobi

Merir

Pulo Anna

Sonsorol

8° N–

6° N –

4° N –

134° E132° E

Babeldaob

Koror

Figure 1. Palau

Australia

Hawaii

0°

New Zealand

Palau

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 200626or specialised, and that this difference determinesthe emergence and transmission of knowledge inthe Marovo communities of the Solomon Islands.Differences in knowledge regarding the Palauanmarine ecosystem is apparent; some aspects ofmarine knowledge are known to many fishermen,while other aspects are known to only a few fisher-men, and even fewer can successfully use thisknowledge for fishing. It is this specialist knowl-edge that is my concern. In my view, the specialistknowledge that emerges from the application ofnewly introduced technology often requires appro-priate social and cultural contexts, such as kinshipstructure or hereditary status.

Underwater speargun fishing and the divisionbetween reefs

In Palau, spearguns are locally made using mainlyforeign materials, and they are used in conjunctionwith imported dive masks and flippers. Fishermenwho practise speargun fishing collect their oceano-graphic knowledge by both individual quests tonew areas, and by repeated visits to familiar reefs.In Koror, the capital of Palau (2002)2 where morethan half of the population lives, most fishermenuse speedboats to access their fishing grounds.They travel some 10–30 minutes each day to reachreefs appropriate for daylong diving. Speagun fish-ing is done exclusively by men, and is currently themost popular method of providing fish for house-hold consumption, even though the community’slifestyle is no longer based on subsistence. How-ever, fishing is essential for the maintenance of tra-dition because fish is still used for customary giftexchanges and served at feasts and ritual gather-ings. Moreover, the practice itself contributes to theformation of a strong sense of masculine identity,since it is the traditional obligation of men to pro-vide female kin with the catch (Ota 2003, 2006c).

In the Palauan language, the sea is generally calleddaob and is in opposition to beluu, the land. Thesetwo structurally opposed foci are often depicted asconstituting the balanced cosmos of the Palauanworld conception (Ferreira 1987; Force 1960; Barnett1960). These two geographic terms, however, do notapply when one refers to going to the ocean in orderto fish. Then the word chei is used instead of daob. Akmora chei, the general expression in Palauan “to gofishing”, refers to the first person singular, “I”, and“mora” means to go. Chei is often translated as thearea between the shore and the edge of the reef, thecommon area for local fishing (Josephs 1990).Johannes (1981) explains that the word chei probablysuggests a specifically located area of the sea (i.e. thelagoon), as opposed to daob, which refers to the sea

in general. However, this distinction was not explic-itly explained by fishermen during my fieldwork,because they rarely use the word chei on its own.Rather, the word was always used as part of the sen-tence, Ak mora chei: I am going fishing. If one goesfishing in the area near the shore, a person wouldsay, Ak mora kmeed, referring to the nearshore. If onegoes farther away from the reef, then a person says,Ak mora chei cheroid. The word, cheroid means far, andcan be used outside the context of fishing. Moreover,the term chei, which is used to describe lagoon,should be understood as “the place they can go fish-ing” as opposed to daob, which refers to the sea, sincefishermen say that “wherever you go to fish is theplace called chei. Because chei is used by a Palauanfisherman to announce his will to go out fishing, say-ing A mora chei, other fishermen would then askwhere the fisherman is heading to, Komo ra? Inresponse to this question, the fisherman may pro-vide an anonymous answer, (Ak mora) basho: I’mgoing to the place. In the context of fishing, bashorefers to an anonymous fishing spot, known only bya limited number of fishermen. Using basho requiresmore detailed comprehension about the oceano-graphic settings of the reef, because fishing practicesinvolve learning about winds, current directions,and other weather conditions and combinations ofgeographical variations.

For underwater speargun fishing, two types ofbasho are selected for diving: the lagoon edge andinside the lagoon. Fishing near the edge of thelagoon, near the reef dropoff, increases the risk anddifficulty because of the relatively deep water (forskindiving: between 10 m and 25 m) and strongcurrents. Access can be further limited by weatherconditions. Nevertheless, fishermen prefer to divein such areas, which yield larger fish and a greatertotal catch. In contrast, fishing areas inside thelagoon and in saltwater lakes created by the exten-sive protected lagoon — which contains a greatnumber of limestone islands (locally called RockIslands) — are relatively safe. This is partly becausecurrents within the area circulate inwardly,whereas in areas near the lagoon edge the strongcurrent could easily carry a fisherman out to sea.But within the reef, the water is calm because thelimestone islands and reefs shelter the area fromexternal climatic influences. These nearshore areasare used mostly for short fishing periods, say anhour or two in the evening (nonetheless fishermenstill use a speedboat to reach their basho). The onlydisadvantage is that catches tend to be smaller, dueto the shallower water depth.

Besides of these oceanographic differences, the twoareas are also distinguished from one another by

2. The capital was changed from Koror to Melekeok in October 2006.

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 2006 27the level of skill and knowledge required to diveand catch fish successfully. In the first location inparticular, which is near the edge of the lagoon,fishing is restricted because of the strong currents;fishermen diving here must have a good under-standing of the complex water flow. Therefore fish-ing here demands specialised knowledge of seaconditions, particularly currents, in order to care-fully plan a diving route3.

the lagoon structure and, more specifically, aboutdive routes through areas with strong currents.Such practical knowledge is acquired not simply byvisually observing target fish and the underwatertopography of the reef while diving, but is alsotransmitted between individual fishermen as theyfish together. Hence, at the beginning of their fish-ing experience, younger unskilled fishermen aretaken only to the Rock Islands (limestone islands

near the shore), which are surroundedby patch reefs. As the young fisher-men’s skill levels and physicalstrength increase, they are taken to thearea near ngeaol (outside the reef) to betaught current movements. Knowingthe basic seascape of the fishing areahas no practical application to actualfishing, because the direction of thecurrent and the routes to avoid mustbe learned from other fishermen.

This ethnographic observation onunderwater speargun fishing presentsa different view from Johannes (1981),who describes the expansion ofmarine ecological knowledge throughthe use of dive gear; having an ecolog-ical comprehension of fish habitatderived from direct visual observationof the underwater world. The intricateknowledge of underwater currentsthat is required for successful and safediving is acquired through bothlessons from other fishermen and

through the direct experience of diving and swim-ming through the complex water flows.

Since the introduction of speedboats, however, thedistinction between these two fishing areas hasbeen slightly obscured. Some fishermen are nowaccompanied by another person who controls theboat while the fisherman fishes underwater. A fish-erman no longer has to swim against a currentgoing back to the boat after diving for fish; he cannow let the current take him as he continues fishingand then the waiting boat will pick him up.Nonetheless, fishermen do not neglect learning thedirection of the current and the condition of thereef, because they must carefully design the routefor fishing, knowing the distance between the start-ing and ending points, since it is difficult for theboat operator to follow the underwater movementof a fishermen when there are strong waves accom-panied by wind. In other words, using speedboatshas not rendered obsolete fishermen’s skills andknowledge. The difficulty of diving through thearea near the outside reef still conveys the cachet of

Beluu / land

Tewahel / blue water

Ngeraolbeginning of reef

Elemoll reef break water

Ngeaol / outside reef

Reef

3. However, wind direction is not considered because it does not affect underwater conditions in such small-scale environments(This is quite unlike other fishing methods, such as handheld trolling).

Because of the need for specific marine knowledgeabout currents and appropriate diving routes,speargun fishermen have an understanding of reefgradation, from the shore to the deep water, includ-ing the seabed and fish distribution. To explain thegeneral structure of the lagoon, a fisherman drawsa map of the lagoon water emphasizing the linewhere the reef starts and ends (Fig. 2). In this map,waves are considered only as an indicator for thefishing point between the reefs, since the wave-break is an obvious visible seamark in the lagoon.Fishermen stress that those lines indicate thechange of the seabed as the division imposedbetween reefs and the outside reef, which fisher-men divide into three areas: ngeraol/beginning ofthe reef, elemoll/reef break water, and ngeaol/out-side reef. However, this general map of the lagoondoes not contain enough practical knowledge forsuccessful fishing in the area known as elemoll —the reef break near the outside reef.

More intricate knowledge is required for diving.Fishermen must have a general understanding of

Figure 2. Sea map for underwater speargun fishing

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 200628being a “skilled fisherman” and it subsequentlybrings a limitation of access to such areas. Thus, inthe practice of underwater speargun fishing, bothindividual skill and knowledge socially institution-alises the distribution of fishing grounds.

Trap fishing and underwater oceanographicsetting

The combination of individual input and givenknowledge is also seen in more passive fishingmethods, which do not come with direct physicalrisks and challenges. Contemporary fishermenhave modified the design of fishing traps to make itmore suitable for the oceanographic conditions oftheir local fishing grounds. In this case, knowledgecomes more from the individual fisherman, ratherthan to the development of personal skills and arelationship with more experienced fishermen.However, the ability to use the newly inventeddesign — in terms of fishing rights — is consideredthrough the fisherman’s social status, namely chief-tainship and kinship relationships.

The practice of trap fishing depends directly on afisherman’s knowledge about the habitat andmigratory movement of fish. Therefore, knowledgeabout the fishing spot and the way the fishermansets the trap is considered as an essential and intri-cate skill. This intricacy is also transferred to thetechnological modification of fishing gear, particu-larly for the design of trap entrances. The design isadapted to the specific environmental settings of aparticular area, taking into account oceanographicconditions and fish behaviour because the successof trap fishing depends largely on how much fishare led towards the entrance of the trap, followingtheir usual movements through the water.

The significance of the correlationbetween profound oceanographicknowledge and the design of the fish-ing trap is observed in the use and set-ting of beng, which is made of ironwire mesh, is about 30–50 cm long,and is attached to the entrance of thetrap as a kind of wing device. Thisdevice is employed mainly on the eastcoast of Babeldoab Island, in trapsused for catching mid-sized reef fish.As a fisherman explained to me, bengworks as the “arms” to the trapentrance, which leads fish inside onlywhen the curved shape is set appro-priately. In other words, the openingdirection of beng needs to be arrangedin accordance with the direction ofwater flow, calculating the swimmingroute of fish that is determined largelyby the current movement.

An area in Melekeok district provides an example(Fig. 3). At a point near the channel, parallel to thedistrict’s shoreline, there is a strong surface currentthat runs from the south side to a point slightlynorth. Between the southern and northern pointsthere is a steep dropoff as the shallow seaweed bedat the south point inclines to a deep reef. This resultsin a strong surface current in that direction(current A). There are also tidal currents comingfrom the direction of the shore, which is east of thesouth point, to the deeper water, which is west ofthe south point (current B). The current simplymoves from deep water to the shallows as the tidefloods, and runs in the opposite direction as the tideebbs. Taking both current movements and fish fol-lowing those movements into account, the fisher-man sets the fish trap at the position near thedropoff between the south and north point, andfaces the trap entrance slightly towards the shore. Inthis way the entrance faces the south point so that itopens to the fish following the current from thesouth point to the deeper north point. To maximisethe catch, the fisherman attaches two beng to theentrance of the trap, luring not only the fish comingfrom the direction of the shore, but also those fol-lowing the tidal currents from the deeper water.

Most other fishermen share his same knowledge ofcurrent movements and seabed conditions, includ-ing the location of the steep dropoff. One fishermensaid to me, however, that his father set the specificposition of the trap, but that he then continuallymodifies new traps for the same location, althoughthe specific design was passed on to him from hisfather. As a result, he realised that by attaching thebeng, the trap enabled him to attract fish that movedfrom both current directions. The fisherman creditshis oceanographic knowledge to his father, but

dropoff

ben

g

beng

trap

current A

curr

ent

Bpier

land

Figure 3. Beng setting in relation to current movements.

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 2006 29attributes the success of his trap with the attach-ment of beng to his continuous trials and modifica-tions, readjusting both the length and the curve ofthe beng until it worked successfully.

Although the use of traps has declined, owing to adecline of traditional practices or the weakening ofgeneral community ethics, trap fishing for man-grove crabs has developed in recent years. This hasbeen stimulated in part by the increased commer-cial value of crabs (by the tourist sector), and alsoby modifications to the trap design, which hasimproved its efficiency and has increased catches.The change resulted from altering the design of afishing trap used elsewhere, and which did notoriginally target mangrove crabs.

Mangrove crabs are predominantly found aroundthe large mangrove tracts in Ngatpang district,located on the south part of the east coast of Babel-daob Island. At the time of my fieldwork, sevengroups of fishermen specialised in this trap fishing.Among them, an elderly fisherman worked aloneby setting about 100 traps; the chief of the nearbyvillage set more than 30, and each of the rest of thefive groups, local youth trying to earn pocketmoney, set 20 traps.

Fishing changed recently because the chief of the dis-trict began using a new box type fishing trap with asmall square fish net, instead of the circular crab netthat needs to be constantly pulled out of the water.The chief, the inventor of the method, explained thatthe idea of using the small box type fish trap evolvedfrom the fishing he did near Melekeok district,where these traps were quite common. After hemoved to the N district he applied this standard fishtrap to catch mangrove crabs, by modifying the sizeof the trap and other details. He explained that themost significant difference between the previoustrap and his is the reduced effort required to checkthe catch, since it is no longer necessary to check thetraps as frequently as every half day or more,because crabs can be kept for a day in the new trap.However, although the newly “invented” trapreduces fishing effort, only the chief and the elderlyfisherman, the chief’s brother-in-law use the newtype. This has enabled the chief’s family to capitaliseon the regional stock of mangrove crabs, while hisright to conduct this fishing was provided by his titleand his generous attitude toward the community.(For example, he always supports both materiallyand financially to ritual gatherings from the regionheld within the family residence.) Several residentsfrom the region clarify this link between the chieflytitle and the use of the new device by saying that thischief circumvents complaints about his family’smonopoly over the skill and the catch of crabsbecause he uses the money gained for the district.Thus, although the fishing knowledge is not “tradi-

tional”, the way the chief exercises his social institu-tion to access the fishing ground and evade other’sconcern and blame over the monopoly of this fishingis traditional to the extent that he uses his position tomake it possible to do so.

Handheld trolling and wave movements

This example shows that a combination of previ-ously collected knowledge given to a fishermanand the fisherman’s own modification andimprovement of it with new technology has pro-duced not only a profound understanding of acomplex oceanographic setting, but also the skilland knowledge to handle new equipment effi-ciently. However, the fisherman’s motive for thislearning and knowing is not simply economical,based on catching fish or simply exploring newfishing locations, but also satisfies his pride to pos-sess the highly specialised knowledge.

In general, except sports fishing for tourists, only afew elderly fishermen are known to be skilful andknowledgeable at handheld trolling. This is indirect contrast to those who conduct sports fishingand who are technologically well-endowed withvarious types of equipment and who spend exces-sive amounts on fuel. Instead, these knowledgeablefishermen had a propensity for economising theirfishing cost as well as for seeking new fishing loca-tions. Their knowledge about exact wave move-ments serves a dual purpose: using oceanographicdynamics to move their boat and gaining access tolocations without using a powerful outboardengine. My fishing experience with an elderly fish-erman and an anecdote from him reveal his abilityto observe and develop oceanographic knowledgeabout particularly perplexing fishing locations.

The purpose of the trip with the elderly fishermanwas to troll for barracuda. The location of the fish-ing spot was only about 70 m offshore, on the eastcoast of Babeldaob Island. He drove his boat alongthe line of the dropoff, the point where the shallowreef drops down and the deepwater begins. Wereached the point slightly before sunset, so the sur-face of the water was still visible. The fishermanpointed to the water surface closer to the shore andexplained that there were three different currentsand waves moving in different directions. He toldme that he could see the change in the current andwaves, as they reflect light differently on the sur-face of the seawater. At the fishing location, thewaves and wind were moving towards the shorenear the coastline, while they changed directionslightly diagonally towards the coast a little fartherfrom the coastline. At the place where he situatedhis boat, the directions of wave and current alteredcompletely from the area near the coastline; theystopped facing against the coastal line and instead

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 200630ran parallel to it. The fishermanexplained that he knew from long expe-rience that it was in this current that thebarracuda would be found (Fig. 4).

This same fisherman explained to me hismore profound knowledge of the seaenvironment concerning the reefbetween Angaur and Peleliu, the twosouthern islands of the Palau Archipel-ago. The narrative of his fishing experi-ence and his knowledge of the reefbegins with the general rule that thewave movement changes as a result ofhitting the shore; as it hits land, a wavemade by strong wind would createanother smaller wave moving in a 45-degree angle (Fig. 5). He then explainedthat it is commonly known that the areaaround Angaur Island has no extensivelagoon as in other areas in Palau, and thisoceanographic setting causes high wavesin the area. Hence, any fishing activitiesin the area with a small boat and out-board engine with limited horsepowerare considered a high-risk activity.

According to the fisherman, two differ-ent winds blow from the direction ofPeleliu Island. One blows from east towest, striking the bottom end of PeleliuIsland; then as it hits the island it curvesand blows in the direction of AngaurIsland. Another wind comes from thesouthern end of Peleliu directly to thenorth of Angaur Island. The first wind isnot powerful enough to create strongwaves, whereas the second can moveboats in the direction of the shore ofAngaur. As he trolled in the area, thefisherman let his boat be taken by thesecond wind to reach a point a couple ofhundred metres from the shore, a similardistance from the shore to the fishingpoint where he fished for barracuda onthe east coast of Babeldaob Island. Thehigh waves and strong wind made itrisky to be at the point so close to thecliff. But redirecting the boat is easilydone by riding on the reflected wave,which goes slightly west in the opposite directionto the strong wave at this particular point. Heexplained that he was required to move the posi-tion of the boat slightly west across the strongwave, using minimum engine power (since itwould have been impossible to move against thewave with that size of engine). Then, as the boatmoved towards the west, the returning wave sup-ported it in reaching the middle of the area betweenthe two islands, where two waves — one produced

as it is returned from the shore of Angaur and theother from Peleliu — crashed into each other, creat-ing a high and rough ocean surface. At this middlepoint, the peculiar wave movement is not difficultto avoid since the meeting of the waves is based ononly a moderate current running under the sea sur-face (Fig. 6).

The elderly fisherman told me that he was givensome basic knowledge about this complex oceano-

boatboat’s routecurrentwaves

land

Figure 4. Currents and waves for handheld trolling.

currentwavesreflected waves

Island

Figure 5. Current and wave reflection in relation to an island.


graphic setting by his wife’s “uncle” (she has hergenealogical association with the region). As herelayed the initial source of this information, heproudly noted that it was only possible to ask thisuncle about the fishing location because he wasrelated to him and knew what he needed to askspecifically about the reef. Then he emphasizedthat the complexity of the location and the intricacyof the oceanographic setting were known to himultimately through his own challenging trials dur-ing his own fishing activities.

Conclusion

Four main ethnographic findings emerge fromthese three ethnographic examples about marineecological knowledge of Palauan fishermen.

1. A profound understanding of marine environ-ments is not enhanced simply by the use of newtechnologies, such as speedboats or divingequipment or newly designed fishing traps;

2. The knowledge and skills used in contemporaryPacific fishing are partly acquired through thetransmission from other fishermen, but are alsolargely supported by fishermen’s actual experi-ences;

3. What fishermen understand and know aboutcomplex marine environments, including themovement of currents, reefs and waves, isattained through their active and individualinvestigation and contrivance of fishing skillsand equipment, but the use of this knowledgecan be socially limited; and

4. Some knowledge emerges from extremely chal-lenging experiences, which can cause seriousphysical harm to fishermen; nonetheless, thechallenge does not directly result in increasedcatch. Fishing remains difficult but the knowl-edge becomes a symbol of the fisherman’s pres-tigious skill.

These findings offer new perspectives for thestudy of the emergence and transmission of con-temporary marine environmental knowledge inPacific Island small-scale fishing communities.These findings suggest that all fishermen do noteasily apply the acquisition of the knowledge;hence, the use of their skills and knowledge is lim-ited. Moreover, in practice, the use of this knowl-edge and these skills is restricted by the fisher-men’s social network and therefore, the acquisi-tion of this body of knowledge does not necessar-ily lead to an increase in catch, but it may relatemore to the socioeconomic elements of fishing,such as the social prestige of a fisherman.Although it is true that a fisherman’s profoundunderstanding of the oceanographic settings iscoupled with his versatile attitude in searching forapplications of new technology in contemporaryPacific Island fishing, nonetheless the emergenceof new knowledge and skill does not alwaysundermine either social and cultural elements offishing, nor their relevance in conservation anduse of marine resources, particularly when theknowledge is specialised. And the knowledgemust always be specialised if a fisherman wants toapply it beneficially.

Peleliu Island

Angaur Island

waves

where twowaves meet

S‘s boat

boat’s route

current

Figure 6. Sea map of different current and wave directions between Angaur and Peleliu islands.

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 200632Acknowledgements

I wish to acknowledge the Palau Community Col-lege, and Mr Soyo Isidoro and Mr JoshuaNgirngebedangel for their assistance in the fieldand for having generously shared their profoundfishing knowledge with me. I would also like tothank Dr Corinne Martin.

References

Barnett H. 1960. Being Palauan. New York: Holt,Rinehart and Winston.

Carucci L. 1995. Symbolic imagery of Enewetaksailing canoes. In: Feinberg R. (ed). Seafaring incontemporary Pacific Islands. Northern IllinoisUniversity Press. 260 p.

Donner W H. 1995. From Outrigger to Jet: FourCenturies of Sikaiana Voyaging In: Feinberg R.(ed). Seafaring in contemporary Pacific Islands.Northern Illinois University Press. 260 p.

Feinberg R. 1995. Continuity and change in Nuku-manu maritime technology and practice. In:Feinberg R. (ed). Seafaring in contemporaryPacific Islands. Northern Illinois UniversityPress. 260 p.

Ferreira C. 1987. Palauan cosmology: Dominance ina traditional Micronesian society. Goteborg:Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis.

Force R. 1960. Leadership and cultural change inPalau. Fieldiana Anthropology, A continuationof the anthropological series of Field Museumof Natural History.

Hviding, E. 1995. Maritime travel, present and past,in Marovo, Western Solomon Islands. In: Fein-berg R. (ed). Seafaring in contemporary PacificIslands. Northern Illinois University Press.260 p.

Howard A. 1995. Rotuman seafaring in historicalperspective. In: Feinberg R. (ed). Seafaring incontemporary Pacific Islands. Northern IllinoisUniversity Press. 260 p.

JICA (Japan International Corporation Agency).2001. Study for the promotion of economicdevelopment in Republic of Palau. Republic ofPalau: Office of Planning and Statistics.

Johannes R.E. 1981. Words of the Lagoon: Fishingand marine lore in the Palau district ofMicronesia. Los Angeles, CA: University ofCalifornia Press. 320 p.

Josephs L. 1990. New Palauan and English Dictio-nary. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Kramer A. 1927. Palau. In: Thilenius G. (ed). Ergob-nisso dor Sudsoo – Expedition 1908–1910.Hamburg: L. Friderchesen & Co.

Kubary J. 1885. Ethnographische Beitrage zur ken-ntnis der Karolinischen Iselgruppe und Nach-barschaft. Part 1 Die sozianlen Einrichtungender Pealuer, (trans. In Cross-Cultural Surveyfiles). Berlin: Asher.

Masse B. 1989. The archaeology and ecology of fish-ing in the Belau Islands, Micronesia. PhD dis-sertation, Southern Illinois University.

Ota Y. 2003. Becoming a traditional fisherman?Reasons for selecting a fishing method: Ethno-graphic approach to underwater spear-gunfishing, Republic of Palau, Micronesia. SouthPacific Study Vol.24, No.1, Kagoshima Univer-sity Research Centre for the Pacific Islands.

Ota Y. 2006a. Custom and fishing: Cultural mean-ings and social relations of Pacific fishing,Republic of Palau, Micronesia. PhD disserta-tion, University College, University of London.

Ota Y. 2006b. An anthropologist in Palau. SeaAround Us Project Newsletter, Fisheries Cen-tre, University of British Columbia.

Ota Y. 2006c. Fluid body in underwater: The sen-sory modality of fishing. Worldviews: Envi-ronment, Culture, Religion 10(2):205–219.

Parmentier R. 1987. The sacred remains: Myth his-tory and polity in Belau. Chicago, Illinois: Uni-versity of Chicago Press.


Abstract

In this paper we report on the occurrence of Goliath grouper Epinephelus itajara, spawning aggregations inthe South Atlantic Ocean (south Brazil), as indicated by surveys of fishermen’s local ecological knowledge.Insights on Goliath grouper behaviour within aggregations and prospects for species conservation andresearch in Brazil are also provided.

Local ecological knowledge and Goliath grouper spawningaggregations in the South Atlantic Ocean: Goliath grouperspawning aggregations in Brazil

Leopoldo C. Gerhardinger1,2*, Athila. A. Bertoncini2,3, Mauricio Hostim-Silva4

1. Associacao de Estudos Costeiros e Marinhos dos Abrolhos, Rua das Palmeiras, 451, Centro, Caravelas, Bahia, 88302-202, Brazil2. Instituto Vidamar, Rua Curitiba, 91, Enseada, Sao Francisco do Sul, SC, 89242 000, Brazil3. UFSCar - Universidade Federal de São Carlos – PPGERN - Rod. Washington Luiz, km 235 Monjolinho CxP.676 São Carlos SP

13.565-905, Brazil4. Universidade do Vale do Itajaí (UNIVALI/CTTMar) Lab. Ictiologia, Rua Uruguai 458, Caixa Postal 360, Itajaí, SC, 88302 202, Brazil* Email: [email protected]

Goliath groupers Epinephelus itajara (Lichtenstein1822) occur throughout tropical and subtropicalwaters in the Atlantic Ocean (Fig. 1). This largegrouper can attain a weight of more than 400 kg,and has an estimated lifespan of over 38 years,strong site fidelity, passive behaviour towardsspearfishers, late sexual maturity (five years), andaggregates to spawn (Bullock et al. 1992; Sadovyand Eklund 1999). Though all of these life historytraits represent serious conservation concerns,identifying and protecting spawning aggrega-tions is considered one of the key targets for fishspecies conservation (Colin et al. 2003). FewGoliath grouper spawning sites have beenmapped in the Northern Hemisphere, includingthe coast of Florida (still requiring spawningobservation), Hobe Sound and Palm Beach, offBelize (extirpated), and Colombia (Sadovy andEklund 1999; Frias Torres pers. observ.).Although Goliath grouper spawning aggrega-tions have been reported by fishermen in the Gulfof California, no individuals have been observedor caught since 1995.

Here we provide the first evidence of E. itajaraspawning aggregations in the South Atlantic. Pre-liminary outcomes of a current local ecologicalknowledge survey for Goliath grouper bioecologi-cal and conservation aspects (Gerhardinger et al.2004), indicate that these large schools of fish (up to60 individuals) aggregate for spawning purposes,as fish caught on these occasions had well devel-oped gonads (in advanced maturity phases). Thesetransient spawning aggregations are usuallyobserved in December, although they were already

seen in January and February, and are always asso-ciated with a full moon, according to our infor-mants in the State of Santa Catarina.

The following intriguing observation was made bythe elderly informant (83 years old):

“…the male, he would stay taking care ofthe females, and when we dived the malewould come after us to see what was goingon. We already knew, the female wouldstay down there, quiet. There were alwaysmore females than males. The male had noeggs, the females had eggs, and when wecaught them, we saw their large bellieswith eggs, already knowing that it was afemale, the male was thinner.”

This interesting observation of how different sexesbehave within a spawning aggregation indicates afemale biased sex-ratio in these events. Unfortu-nately, only this particular fisherman had acquiredsuch detailed knowledge of this subject. Althoughthis is considered preliminary information (whichgave rise to an interesting hypothesis for ourGoliath grouper conventional ichthyologic stud-ies), it builds on Hamilton’s (2005) point about howthe knowledge and experience of only one fisher-man can reveal original and extremely detailedinformation on a given species.

Nowadays, a network of government and non-governmental institutions is consolidating anationwide Goliath Grouper Conservation Cam-paign (http://www.merosdobrasil.org), which

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 200634includes research, policy and environmental educa-tion issues (Hostim-Silva et al. 2005; Ferreira et al.2006). Within the core of this partnership lies theconservation of the species as well as its essentialhabitats, such as mangroves, rocky and coral reefs.

By recognizing that conventional ichthyological sci-ence alone cannot satisfy the demand for ecologicalinformation on the vast Brazilian coast, and thatfishermen possess intrinsic knowledge about theirown local marine environment, ethnoecologicalmethods will be utilized as a major component ofthis partnership. Because groupers have been tar-geted by Brazilian communities for generations,they are likely to be an integral part of fishermen’straditional knowledge.

In addition to the scientific study of fishermen’sknowledge, we will also engage expert fishermenin our workshops and discussion forums, in a clearattempt to create a good atmosphere for construc-tive cooperation among scientific experts and hold-ers of traditional ecological knowledge.

Acknowledgements

We are sincerely thankful to all fishermen partici-pating in the “Meros do Brasil” project(www.merosdobrasil.org), for sharing their timeand knowledge with us, and to all those fishermenand divers who are increasingly supporting theproject with relevant information on Goliathgroupers and other marine species. We areindebted to the professional underwater photogra-pher Marcelo Krause (http://www.marcelokrause.com.br), who kindly offered us this important pic-ture of a Goliath grouper aggregation. We alsothank Ravi Sachdev for his English review of themanuscript.

References

Bullock L.H., Murphy M.D., Godcharles M.F.,Mitchell M.E. 1992. Age, growth, and repro-duction of jewfish, Epinephelus itajara, in theeastern Gulf of Mexico. Fisheries Bulletin90:243–249.

Colin P.L., Sadovy Y.J., Domeier M.L. 2003. Manualfor the study and conservation of reef fishspawning aggregations. Society for the Conser-vation of Reef Fish Aggregations Special Pub-lication No. 1 (Version 1.0), 1–98 + iii.

Ferreira B.P., Hostim-Silva M., Gerhardinger L.C.,Bertoncini A.A. 2006. Research and conserva-tion of groupers in Brazil. Boletín EspeciesAmenazadas, IUCN, v. 11.

Gerhardinger L.C., Freitas M.O., Medeiros R.P.,Godoy E.A., Marenzi R.C., Hostim-Silva M.2004. Local ecological knowledge and marinebiodiversity in the planning process of marineprotected areas: A critical analysis. p. 500–510In: Proceedings of the IV Congresso Brasileirode Unidades de Conservação, Curitiba.

Hamilton R.J. 2005. Indigenous ecological knowl-edge (IEK) of the aggregating and nocturnalspawning behaviour of the longfin emperor,Lethrinus erythropterus. SPC Traditional MarineResource Management and Knowledge Infor-mation Bulletin 18:9–17.

Hostim-Silva M., Bertoncini A.A., GerhardingerL.C., Machado L.F. 2005. The Lord of the Rocksconservation program in Brazil: the need for anew perception of marine fishes. Coral Reefs24:74.

Sadovy Y. and Eklund A.M. 1999. Synopsis of bio-logical information on the Nassau grouper,Epinephelus striatus (Bloch 1792) and the jew-fish, E. itajara (Lichtenstein 1822). NOAA Tech-nical Report NMFS 146.

Figure 1. An Epinephelus itajara aggregation in south Brazil. Eleven large-sized fish can be seen in the photo (by Marcelo Krause).

traditional marine resource management and knowledge


Pre-publication announcement

The collected works of R.E. Johannes: Publications on traditional marine knowledge and management

The International Resources Management Instiute (IRMI), located in Hong Hong, announces that this pub-lication will be available for download beginning in February 2007. This book consists of 25 familiar andnot-so-well-known articles by the late Robert Johannes. It has been arranged and introduced by KennethRuddle.

The contents include:

Introductory works

1977 Traditional law of the sea in Micronesia

1978 Traditional marine conservation methods in Oceania and their demise

1982 Implications of traditional marine resources use for coastal fisheries development in Papua NewGuinea

2002 The renaissance of community-based marine resource management in Oceania

Knowledge

1978 Reproductive strategies of coastal marine fishes in the tropics

1980 Using knowledge of the reproductive behaviour of reef and lagoon fishes to improve yields

1981 Working with fishermen to improve coastal tropical fisheries and resource management

1987 Knowledge possessed by native Australian fishermen could aid seafood technologists

1989 Spawning aggregations of the grouper

1990 Contribution of traditional knowledge to environmental science

1990 Fishing for traditional knowledge

1993 Integrating traditional ecological knowledge and management with environmental impactassessment

2000 Ignore fishers’ knowledge and miss the boat

2000 I-Kiribati knowledge and management of Tarawa’s lagoon resources

2003 Fishers’ knowledge and management: Differing fundamentals in artisanal and industrial fisheries

2003 Use and misuse of traditional ecological knowledge and management practices

Noteworthy publicationsNoteworthy publicationstraditional marine resource management and knowledge

SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin #20 – December 200636Management

1982 Traditional conservation methods and protected marine areas in Oceania

1984 Marine conservation in relation to traditional lifestyles of tropical artisanal fishermen

1989 Managing smallscale fisheries in Oceania: Unusual constraints and opportunities

1993 The plight of the osfish, or why quantitative sophistication is no substitute for asking the rightsquestions

1994 Cooperative fisheries management: Major changes in training required for government fisheriespersonnel

1994 Design of tropical nearshore fisheries extension work beyond the 1990s

1997 Grouper spawning aggregations need protection

1998 The case for dataless marine resource management: Examples from tropical nearshore finfisheries

1998 Government-supported, village-based management of marine resources in Vanuatu

The book can be purchased and prepublication orders can be placed by going to: www.intresmanins.com

Prepublication orders may be placed by using the “feedback page” on that website.

Prices will be: Download USD 5.99; CD only USD 30.00 (including postage); CD + print copy for librariesUSD 100 (including postage).

IRMI is a research and consulting organisation based in Hong Kong. IRMI focuses on the Asia-Pacificregion, and on development problems in coastal marine communities and environments. This particularwebsite has been established to make available online publications at low cost, so that they are within reachof any user.

© Copyright Secretariat of the Pacific Community, 2006

All rights for commercial / for profit reproduction or translation, in any form, reserved. SPC authorises thepartial reproduction or translation of this material for scientific, educational or research purposes, provided that

SPC and the source document are properly acknowledged. Permission to reproduce the document and/ortranslate in whole, in any form, whether for commercial / for profit or non-profit purposes, must be requested in

writing. Original SPC artwork may not be altered or separately published without permission. The views expressed in this Bulletin are those of the authors and are not necessarily shared by the Secretariat of the Pacific Community.

Original text: English

Secretariat of the Pacific Community, Marine Resources Division, Information SectionBP D5, 98848 Noumea Cedex, New Caledonia

Telephone: +687 262000; Fax: +687 263818; [email protected]; http://www.spc.int/coastfish

Issue 20 - December 2006

Documents

Transcript of Issue 20 - December 2006