Introduction

'Globalisation' has become the buzzword. It has been recognised as a

term that describes a variety of changing economic, political, cultural,

ideological and environmental processes that are alleged to have

accelerated and intensified in the last decades. David Held calls

globalisation as the most talked about phenomenon of last 20 years. 1 As

a term and concept it occupies a central role in many debates today.

Giddens says, globalisation can be defined as 'the intensification of

worldwide social relations which link distant localities in such a way that

local happenings are shaped by events many miles away and vice versa'. 2

Scholte argues that globalisation 'is linked to the growth of

'supraterritorial' relations between people, a reconfiguration of social

space in which territory matters less because an increasing range of

connections have a 'transworld' or 'transborder' character'.3 In a similar

view Tomlinson describes globalisation as 'the rapidly developing process

of complex interconnections between societies, cultures, institutions and

individuals worldwide. It is a social process which involves a compression

of time and space, shrinking distances through a dramatic reduction in

the time taken either physically a representational, so marking the world

seen smaller and in a certain sense bringing human beings closer to one

another'.4 However, different scholars use the term in different ways with

their worldviews, ideologies, social strand and analyses. All of them

however, admit that it is a multi-dimensional phenomenon, involving

diverse activities and interactions including the economic, political,

technological, cultural and environmental. It refers to the rapidly

J Held, David., 1995: Democracy and the Global Order: From the Modern State to Global Governance, Cambridge: Polity Press, p.2.

2 Giddens, Anthony, 1990: The Consequences of Modernity, Cambridge: Polity Press, p. 64.

3 Scholte Jan Aart, 2001: Globalisation: A Critical Introduction, Palgrave, London, p. 2.

4 Tomlinson, John. 1991: Cultural Imperialism, London: Pointer, pp. 22-23.

developing process of complex interconnections between societies,

institutions and individuals worldwide. This is a dialectical process

because such happenings may move in an obverse direction from the

very distanciated relations that shape them. Local transformation is as

much a part of globalisation as the lateral extension of social connections

across time and space.

Globalisation, indicates a rapid and unprecedented spread across

national borders of capital (investment), of markets and of production. It

is integrating economy, culture and governance, but fragmenting

societies. Driven by commercial market forces, globalisation in this era

seeks to promote economic efficiency, generate growth and yield profits.

It refers to the increased integration of the national economy into the

international economic system to create a New World Order, depending

upon the various processes of economic and political reforms. While the

regional focus of the economy is kept intact, there are, at the same time,

attempts to forge agreements on a wider sphere of economic exchange.

The most important attempt in this regard was the one to constitute the

World Trade Organisation (WTO) in 1995, which has became a major

pillar of globalisation. A whole range of items which were earlier an

integral part of the national decision-making are brought before WTO,

such as agriculture and related activities, trade related investment

measures (TRIMS), trade related intellectual property rights (TRIPS),

trade in services and movement of persons, the prevention of foreign

competition through duties and quantitative restrictions such as quotas,

exchange controls and regulation. 5 These agreements do not favour

subsidies. In the process of globalisation, liberalisation primarily means

removal of controls and regulations at various levels of the economy

s Bacchetta, Marc and Jansen, Marion, 2003: Adjusting Trade liberalisation: The Role of Policy, Institutions and WTO Disciplines, Geneva: World Trade Organisation publications, April, p.l5.

2

facilitating market forces to determine its course and optimum pursuits

driven by market expansion. 6

Shift from State to Market

In 1980s, there was a shift away from the State to the market m the

allocation of resources in large parts of the world. Driving global

integration are policy shifts to promote economic efficiency through the

liberalisation and deregulation of national markets and the retreat of the

State from many economic activities. 7 Deregulation rather than State

control, liberalisation of trade and capital movements, privatisation of

public enterprises, these are the significant features of governments that

place their trust in the ideology of the market, and of international

economic organisations under its sway. 8 Liberalising trade, policy,

removing capital controls, opening financial markets to foreign investor

and downsizing the role of State in the economy are the generic policy

prescriptions for effective participation in a global economy. The primacy

of the market upheld by liberalisation came to be supported by global

capital. The transnational enterprises and multilateral agencies such as

the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank too brought

enormous pressures on States to pursue a policy of liberalisation. On

this account, the dominance of economic forces was regarded as both

necessary and beneficial, with State and interstate systems serving

mainly to ensure the experience of the market logic. 9

Competitive markets may be the best guarantee of efficiency, but

not necessarily of equity. Liberalisation and privatisation can be a step to

6 Wallerstein, Immanuel Maurice. 1990: Culture as the Ideological Battleground of the Modem World-System. In: Mike Featherstone, ed., Global Culture (31-56). London: Sage, p. 36.

7 UNDP (United Nations Development Programme). 1999: Human Development Report 1 999. New York: Oxford University Press, p. 25.

B Martin, Hans-Peter, and Schumann, Harald. 1997: The Global Trap: Globalisation and the Assault on Prosperity and Democracy (Translated by Patrick Camiller). London: Zed Books, p. 8.

9 Cox, Robert W. 1996: A Perspective on Globalisation. In: James H. Mittelman, ed., Globalisation: Critical Reflections (21-30). Boulder Colorado: Lynne Rienner, p. 23.

3

competitive markets, but not a guarantee of them. Many activities and

goods that are critical to human development are provided outside the

market, but these are being suppressed by the pressures of global

competition. When the market goes too far in dominating social and

political outcomes, the opportunities and rewards of globalisation spread

unequally and inequitably concentrating power and wealth in a select

group of people, nations and corporations and marginalising the others.

India's option to liberalisation and its consequences

India's economic regime has experienced two radical transformations.

First, with the establishment of the Planning Commission in March

1950, India launched upon a unique experiment in state-led 'growth with

social justice' within the constitutional framework of parliamentary

democracy. However, this policy matrix came under significant pressure

in the 1980s, culminating in the unprecendented balance of payments

crisis in 1990-91. The Indian government responded to this crisis with

an equally forthright policy regime grounded in a reform trinity popularly

referred to as 'Liberalisation, Privatisation and Globalisation' (LPG).

These three economic concepts have necessitated a series of ongoing

policy reforms by the Union and State governments.

Since June 1991, an economic reform launched m India by the

national government headed by Sri P.V. Narasimha Rao, India has

remained firmly committed to liberalisation of its economy. India has

steered its new economic policies (NEP) towards increased participation

in the global economy, a range of political, ideological and economic

parameters have been modified. The pursuance and compulsions of

international institutions (International Monetary Fund and the World

Bank) and agreements has changed the Indian government to introduce

several new economic measures, both in spheres of liberalisation of

international trade and structural change in its own economy. The

4

government has introduced NEP comprising of 'stabilisation' and

'structural adjustment programme'.

The stabilisation programme has the mam objectives of reducing

deficit on current account in the short-run and curb inflation to

maintain balance of payment crisis. The significant instruments of

stabilisation programme are fiscal policy and monetary policy that

applied to reduce the level of aggregate demand. In addition, devaluation

of domestic currency is used to improve balance of payment. The

stabilisation programme was accompanied by structural adjustment

programme (SAP). Bhaduri and Nayyar observed that the main elements

of SAP are to shift resources:

1. From non-traded goods to traded goods and within latter from

import substituting activities to export activities.

2. From government sector to private sector.

3. Reallocation of resources as SAP seeks to improve resource

utilisation by,

(a) Increasing the degree of openness of economy, and

(b) Changing the structure of incentives and institutions m

favour of private initiative and against states. lO

The approach to liberalisation in India has been cautious and

gradual, progress along the globalisation path has been steady, import

tariffs and non-tariffs barriers have been substantially lowered, import

licensing nearly abolished and export controls have been reduced. The

exchange rate has been increasingly market determined and current

account convertibility has been established. Ownership caps on foreign

direct investment have been eased, making it possible to have 100

percent foreign ownership in manufacturing and infrastructure. India is

an active participant in the WTO negotiations. The results of these

policies can be seen in the key parameters of the external sector. These

IO Thorat, Sukhdeo, 1997: New Economic Policy and Its Impact on Employment and Poverty of the Dalits, Occasional Paper Series 2, Pune: Department of Sociology, University of Pune, p. 3-4.

5

include doubling of India's trade-Gross Domestic Product (GDP) ratios,

rising foreign investment flows and the growing number of international

firms operating in India. India's long standing global linkages have been

deepened further through the presence of substantial Indian diaspora

throughout the world.

With the introduction of NEP and arrival of the Multinational

Corporations (MNCs) along with the open market of liberalisation

resulting in industrial competition have forced induction of more

sophisticated and modern technologies which are knowq to employ

greater automation and lesser manpower. Further, the widespread and

rapidly increasing use of computers is also bound to offset the manpower

requirements.

Liberalisation in Karnataka

Karnataka has been responsive to changing local, regional, national and

global economic scenario by making sequential policy initiatives. The

growth path of the Karnataka economy has been strongly influenced by

the change in policy climate brought about by the economic reforms

introduced in 1991. Three features characterise Karnataka's economic

structure. First, Karnataka is a part of Indian federation. Second,

Karnataka has a mixed economic system. Third, Karnataka is open to

trade in goods and services and factor mobility with rest of India and the

World. 11 These features imply that the policies and programmes of the

Union, State and local governments, role of private sector in product and

factor markets and international arrangements for trade and investment.

Karnataka is at the centre-stage of this process of global (and national)

economic integration. With the economic reforms and decontrol, the

importance of state-level policy framework has increased with

11 Karnataka Human Development Report-2005, Planning Commission, New Delhi: Academic Foundation Council, 2007, p. 43.

6

multilateral assistance. The significant measures 12 taken by the

Karnataka State were:

1. Liberalisation of control and regulations through broader, faster

and continuous economic reforms to create investor-friendly

environment.

2. Promotion of private Indian and foreign investment and public­

private partnership, in owning, managing and financing of

social and economic infrastructure sectors.

3. Further promotion of private sector in state-building activities,

based on the historical experience of private sector's

contributions to banking and finance, education, health,

industry, agriculture and service sectors.

4. Professionalisation of policy-making through setting up task

forces, Administrative Reforms Commission, Tax Reforms

Commission and High Power Committee for Redressal of

Regional Disparities.

5. Enhancement and strengthening of global competitiveness of

economic activities under the WTO regime with special

reference to small scale and size operations and activities

through technology upgradation and market assistance

programmes.

6. Special promotional policies (including for attraction of foreign

investment and for increasing exports) for key sectors, such as,

information and communication (including electrionics),

biotechnology, automobilies, general engineering and agro-food

processing industries.

The· combined impact of these policies has resulted in

strengthening of economic and social infrastructure and creation of

congenial business and investment climate in the State. As mixed and

12 Ibid., p. 44.

7

open economy, Karnataka is open for private domestic and foreign

investment, as well as for public investment in all state-building

activities. The impact is rooted in the unequal preparedness of different

sectors and segments of society to respond to the opportunities provided

by liberalisation and globalisation. Within the sectoral framework tertiary

sector has emerged as a major contributor of State income. Growth of

transport and communication, and banking and finance are contributory

for tertiary sector's growth. The contribution of recent and fast growing

activities of 'new economy' such as Information T€Ghnology (including IT

enabled services), private social infrastructure sectors (private

educational institutions in higher education) and export performance

have prospered, whereas the 'old economy' sectors such as agriculture,

infrastructure and some manufacturing areas have been economically

constrained.

Impact on Dalits in general

In the era of globalisation and liberalisation, the role of the State tends to

lessen its role in the economy leaving market forces to regulate their own

affairs. It is only the public sector, which has provided credible

employment opportunities to Dalits in the organised sector through

protective discrimination. There is no obligation on the part of the private

sector to implement reservation policy. Increasingly privatisation is also

being extended to social services like education and employment

opportunities. Education, employment and land have become

commodities in the market and it is widely held, that they have affected

the weaker sections deleteriously.

The decline in the economic role and social protection has mainly

been due to the withdrawal of the State from many public economic

activities and a shift towards the private sector. SAP have led to handing

over of economic activities from the public sector into the hands of the

8

private sector. In its wake the State has moved away from economic

planning leaving the economic decisions largely to the market. There has

been a slowing down of employment opportunities, increase in open

unemployment as well as underemployment, fall in real wages, withdraw!

of food subsidies, rise in the prices of public services, contraction of

social expenditure by the government and a decline in capital

expenditure.I3 The consequence of reduction in social sector investment,

the price rise of basic necessities and its replacement by the private

sector have:>bad. profound impact on the poor in general and Dalits in

particular.

There are two trends of opinion about the impact of liberalisation

policies on Dalits. One group of scholar argues that, in the Indian

Democratic polity, globalisation will not liberate people from the

oppression and exploitation of the dominant power structure; rather the

forces of subjugation will reassert more vigorou'sly. They fear that the

economic deprivation of the poor will aggravate their political alienation

at a time when such groups are trying to establish themselves in the

power structure with state patronage. They argue that the Dalits who are

landless labourers and small peasants will suffer under liberalisation

due to "Jobless economic Growth". This will deteriorate further the

condition of Dalits. Only a miniscule section of the Dalit population may

be able to get the benefits of globalisation, but the vast majority of Dalits

will be in drastically marginalised conditions.

Another view is that globalisation will boost development which will

result in the growth of the service sectors, generating employment

opportunities for the lower rungs of the society who are jobless.

Globalisation will also succeed it is argued in generating surplus income

to provide greater social security measures like employment and income

generation sponsored by the public sector in the spheres of rural

13 Jogdand, P. G., 2000: New Economic Policy and Dalits, New Delhi: Rawat Publications, p-1-16.

9

development, poverty alleviation and protection and lead to the

promotion of interests of Dalits and other deprived sections of the

population.

Impact on Dalits in Karnataka

Under the constitutional provisions and various laws, the State grants

Dalits a certain number of privileges, including reservations (quotas) in

education, government jobs and government bodies. It has been applied

in the fields of government employment and 1n.~ducation, where it forms

one part of a much more extensive range of provisions. With the

exceptions of the military and the judiciary, reservation in posts for

Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (SC/STs) applicants has long

been applied in all the grades of government employment. The intention

is to give weaker section of population a fair share of the advantages of

employment, to ensure that they are represented in the government

machinery of the Karnataka State itself and in various public positions.

The SCjSTs have a reasonable proportion of government jobs and enjoy

a roster system and preference in promotions. The search has been to

achieve the maximum constitutional percentage share of jobs in each

and every government department. However, these provisions have

benefited very few and due to lack of political will, development

programmes and welfare projects designed to 1mprove economic

conditions of Dalits have had little effect.

In Karnataka Dalits, are a very distinct social category, belonging

to a broad class of have-nots; they suffer from an additional disability of

social oppression as elsewhere in the country. Economically, most of

them are still the poorest of the poor. In social terms, however, all Dalits,

irrespective of their economic standing, still suffer oppression, which

varies from the crudest variety of untouchability practices in rural areas

of Karnataka to the sophisticated forms of discrimination encountered in

10

modern sectors of urban areas. The main factor that has catalysed the

transition is the reservation policy, which has provided some of them a

basic opportunity to enter the modern sectors of economy. But now with

the retreat of the State, the guarantee of employment opportunities in

Government as was available in pre-globalisation period in Karnataka, no

longer exists.

The aim of the State policy was to protect the hitherto deprived and

'excluded' populations and safeguard their interests, in tandem with the

natural-growth of secular forces through the expansion of the national

economy, the market and the elaboration of competitive politics.

Preferential policy for Dalits in Karnataka in the post-independent period

in terms of education, employment opportunities and other welfare

programmes, has not been implemented properly. Privatisation in

Karnataka, which is the pivotal component of the economic reforms, will

eliminate the very basis of the preferential policy in its present form. As

the public sector shrinks due to privatisation, the reservations model is

affected and able to assist fewer people, inasmuch as government related

jobs are being drastically reduced. Executive action on the policy of the

reservation is also a controversial issue susceptible to different judicial

interpretations. In the era of globalisation and liberalisation, the State is

absent from all economic activities leaving market forces to regulate their

own affairs. The increasing tendency of privatisation is in built in the

NEP, threatening the very existence of Dalit masses. Dalits, who

constitute significant proportion of workforce, suffer more due to

unemployment problem.

Liberalisation in Karnataka has generated an intricate interplay of

continuity and change in the social order. The present trend of

liberalisation has involved directing land-use policy and State

intervention in the agrarian structure. They have had their impact on

State policies towards Dalits, who constitute a large section of

disadvantaged and landless agricultural labourers. The root cause of

II

almost all rural conflicts is land and caste relations. Though there are

constitutional guarantees, protective legislations and numerous

developmental programmes the vast majority of Dalits still continue to be

impoverished. The impact of liberalisation on the social mobility of Dalits,

poverty alleviation programmes or empowering the community through

micro-loans have also led to disunity in the Dalit movement in

Karnataka.

Preferential Policy Regime and Welfa.-e Schemes/Programmes

With the State re-organisation in 1956, Karnataka, which was earlier

known as Mysore State, came into being. In Karnataka region, there were

variations in the identification of Dalits, in different districts and taluks

of State. Earlier Karnataka was divided into five main sub-regions,

namely Old Mysore, North Karnataka, Hyderabad Karnataka, Madras

Karnataka and Coorg. The people living in these sub-regions not only

share similar socio-cultural traits, but also seek identification with the

sub-region. In each region there are a few castes, which have come to

dominate the social, political and economic life of the region. In the

princely State of Mysore, there was unequal distribution of wealth,

income, literacy, power, etc., between castes and within each caste. The

benefits of preferential policy were initially appropriated by the upper

castes like Lingayats and Vokkaligas who are dominant among the

backward castes and by the better-off sections in each caste. The

situation continues to be so even today. There has been no marked

improvement in the social conditions of a vast majority of Dalits even

after five decades of implementation of reservation policies. The process

of internal differentiation in each caste has accelerated after

independence due to various developments such as agricultural changes,

land reforms, commercialisation, urbanisation, bureaucratisation and

political mobilisation.

12

:.· ..

Reservation as a policy was first introduced in the princely State of

Mysore, Baroda and Kolhapur for promotion of education in the last

decades of the 19th century signaling that assertion of caste identity was

moving in tandem with Indian nationalism. Reservation as a principal

mode of affirmative action is intended to give a share in the collective

resources to the members of the society who have been denied such

opportunities in the past. It has antagonised those sections of the

society, which were traditionally privileged as per the caste and

c:ommunity hierarchies. The reservation policy is intended to provide

certain guaranteed opportunities for the weaker sections of society, for

access to modern education and for job opportunities in government

service. The reservation policy is intended to reduce the status gap

between the forward and backward caste groups. However, it has

benefited a few people disproportionately leading to the widening of the

inequalities between persons within each caste group.

Karnataka has taken many initiatives to uplift the socially and

politically backward sections of the population of the State. The

incorporation of the safeguards/ special provisions relating to the cause

of doing justice to these disadvantaged sections constitute an important

action on the part of the State to remove the disparities and bring them

at par with others. Under the Constitutional provisions and various laws,

the State grants Dalits a certain number of privileges, including

reservations (quotas) in education, government jobs and government

bodies.

Although the constitutional guarantees have imposed legal

obligations on the State, the State government has not been favourably

disposed towards Dalits. The measures of protection including

reservations in education and posts in the government services

sanctioned by the Constitution, as integral to the general principles of

equality and non-discrimination embodied in Articles 14, 15(1). 16(1) and

16(2) require:

13

1. Reservation of seats in the Lok Sabha (House of People) and in

the Legislative Assemblies of the States (Articles 330 and 332).

2. Reservations of posts in government jobs (Articles 16(4) and

335).

3. Reservations of seats m higher, technical and professional

institutions and other facilities like stipend, scholarships, free

ships, etc., especially at the post-matriculation level of

education (Articles 15(4) and 46).

In accordance with the prov1swns contained in Article 46 of the

Constitution of India, the Central and State Governments are committed

to promote the educational and economic interests of the Dalits. A

number of schemes have been introduced to raise the educational level

among the Dalits in the country. The basic provisions have been backed

by many particular schemes, though none should be thought of as

universally available. In Karnataka, some of these schemes are

'Anganwadi cum Women Welfare Centers', which provides pre-primary

education, a meal at mid-day and two sets of clothes annually for the

children; for children of 'those engaged in unclean occupations' such as

flaying and tanning leather and scavenging; priority of berth in

government hostels; the high cost of books for students in engineering

and medical colleges is met by a scheme where books are provided freely;

private hostels supported by Central and State grants for meritorious

students from Dalit communities etc.

Some of the schemes offer mainly financial assistance (Pre­

matriculation, Post-matriculation and overseas scholarships). There are

other schemes offering reservation of seats in various higher, technical

and professional institutions and facilities of special hostels to pursue

studies. Reservations in the educational institutions and the financial

assistance in the form of scholarships and freeships reach a large section

of Dalits. The state also runs various training and coaching centers for

14

preparing them for government jobs. Under this scheme the Dalit

students whose parental income is below a specified level, get freeships,

reservation in admissions to all the colleges getting grants-in-aid and

scholarships. The array is impressive, but in practice, supply is rarely

adequate to meet the demand and inflation makes a mockery of the

levels of financial support.

Land Reforms and Policy in Karnataka

Land reform in Karnataka is considered as better implemented as

compared with many other States in the country. Land reforms is an

integrated package of measures designed to eliminate obstacles to

economic and social development arising out of defects in the agrarian

structure. Land being the major economic resource in a developing

country like India, in particular Karnataka inevitably draws applause for

such an intervention.

Karnataka Land Revenue Manual, Land Acquistion Act of

Karnataka, Land Reforms Acts and Karnataka State Land Use Board are

the major legal institutional instruments governing land-use pattern in

the State. The non-state informal village institutions are caste

panchayats, village panchayats (non-PRis), and traditional village

administrative structures. These institutions have direct as well as

indirect influences on land-use pattern that includes formal, informal,

state initiated and locally generated institutions. The main objectives of

land reforms are to achieve greater equality and efficiency in use of

resources. It is a means of redistributing agricultural land and of

improving the terms and conditions on which land is held for cultivation

by the actual tillers, with a view to ending exploitation.

The reforms in Karnataka are certainly pragmatic in their content

but the process of implementation leaves a large section of Dalits

unattended, who constitute a large section of disadvantaged and landless

15

agricultural labourers. The main failures in the context of Land Reforms

are the distribution of surplus land, the quality of the surplus land,

economic viability of the distributed land and unearthing concealed

tenancy. Marginalisation of land holdings is occurring very fast bringing

down the viability of small and marginal farms. The government's

developmental policies arising out of liberalisation with regard to the

distribution of surplus land and government revenue land have also

affected Dalits. Agricultural and coastal lands have increasingly been

acquired by big industries for aquaculture and other projects. These

developments have their bearing on Dalits.

Review of the Literature

There is a great deal of academic literature on Globalisation, which is

deeply contested and debated today. A broad view is provided in Ulrich

Beck (2000). It focuses on the ambivalence and paradoxes of globality

and globalisation with regard to society, economics, politics and culture.

It also sets the rival perspectives in the globalisation debate and assess

the prospects for a transnational state. Anthony Giddens., ( 1990) and

McGrew A. and Lewis P. (1992) see globalisation, as the intensification of

world-wide social relations which link distant localities in such a way

that local happenings are shaped by events occurring many miles away

and vice-versa.

Globalisation 1s a highly controversial set of processes. There is

debate both about whether it is happening and about the forces fuelling

it. P.G. Jogdand (2000) discusses the Structural Adjustment Programme

(SAP), propounded by the World Bank and the IMF, introduced in India

in the 1990's in this context. The package of macro-economic policies

advocates the withdrawal of State involvement in the social sectors. This

volume constitutes the first critical appraisal of the likely impact of the

NEP on marginal segments in general and Dalits in particular. It gives a

16

comprehensive coverage to all the issues arising out of the present

process of globalisation in India and the manner in which it affects the

day-to-day life of the Dalits. Sukhdeo Thorat ( 1997) review the negative

impact of NEP on Dalits. According to him within the given socio­

economic structure of India, the NEP will definitely aggravate the

hardships of the Dalits. Dalits have suffered in the private employment

market specifically due to the discrimination based on caste and

untouchability. The authors of the volume argue that an appropriate

perspective of evaluating this policy be based on three important aspects:

(a) employment/unemployment, (b) poverty and (c) trends in employment

and reservation.

The writings of Anand Teltumbde (2001) and Sheela Rai (2002),

give a detailed account, theoretical and empirical, of the implementation

of structural reforms drawing their evidence from the international as

well as Indian experiences. The authors argue that Indian reforms were

essentially 'crisis driven' and not 'strategy driven' when they were

adopted. These studies conclude that the reforms will hit the Dalits in a

very crude manner and their deprivations will be accentuated with these

policies. Dr.B.L. Mungekar (200 1) also views these reforms as a

progressive withdrawal of the State from economic activity and doubts

that the benefits of prospective economic growth would be trickling down

to the poorer Dalits in the process of economic growth.

S.M. Michael (1999) explores the impact of the economic reforms

on Dalits and its implications for the nation. He analyses the impact of

the recent trends towards liberalisation and privatisation and the

consequent withdraw! of the State on Dalits, particularly in the context of

employment opportunities and the policy of reservation. Ghanshyam

Shah (2002) feels the Indian State under the directives of the

constitution is expected to play the role of the interventionist to bring

about social transformation. Dalits, socially and economically the most

oppressed of Indian society look upon the State not only to provide equal

17

opportunities but also to create positive conditions for improving their

socio-economic condition. He suggests that after five decades of

independence a question needs to be examined: what changes have

taken place in socio-economic status of Dalits and what role the State

has played in the process? This is the central concern of this volume.

The protective discrimination policy is intended to provide certain

guaranteed opportunities for the weaker sections of society, for access to

modern preferential education and for job opportunities in government

service. Galanter ( 1984) provides analysis of the methods by which India

has addressed the problems of subordinated peoples. It contains an

incisive examination of the interaction of legislature, administration and

judiciary in carrymg out national policy. He examines the

implementation of the formal processes for improving the substantive

condition of suppressed peoples. Lelah Dushkin's ( 1972) study attempts

a review of the rationale, history and features of the protective

discrimination system itself as the official policy toward the

'Untouchables' and other minorities. The operation of a crucial·part of

the system guaranteed political representation and she examines some

implications, consequences of the system in terms of leadership roles,

public opinion and prospects for the future.

Andre Beteille ( 1987) argues that preferential policy should be

implemented in a way that does not undermine institutional well being.

Dr. Mumtaz Ali Khan ( 1994) attempts to find out the gap between policy

and implementation, constraints involved m implementation, its

implications and the bearing of certain changes in society on preferential

considerations. D.L. Sheth (1987) argues that the polarisation of the

electorate along caste lines and the accompanying threat of violence have

led to the questioning of positive discrimination programme. The critics

favour use of economic criteria for identifying the beneficiaries of the

programme and maintain that the present strategy has strengthened

caste identities and conflicts.

18

Shankar L. Gaikwad (1999) and Subrata Kumar Mitra, (1990)

argue that, whatever changes have taken place among the Dalits in the

sphere of education and occupation are due to the reservation policy. The

policy is not implemented in spirit and its benefits have not percolated

into the poorer strata of the Dalits. Differential reservations are provided

for different categories of the beneficiaries. Reservations for Dalits have

four components, 1.e., educational, governmental jobs, legislative and

economic. Mishra and Kaur ( 1990) feel that the objective of the policy

was a more equitable distribution of economic resources and worthwhile

sharing of power at different levels in the running of the state affairs.

According to them, the policy has failed to realise its objectives and has

resulted in the formation of an elite class with vested interests in this

section.

Masani ( 1990) argues that reservations increase inefficiency and

debilitate merit. Regarding the utilisation of the scholarships provided for

the SC students, Oommen ( 1977) found that the actual beneficiaries

were not the poorest or the most deserving among the SCs but those who

were already economically better off among them. Sachchidananda

(1974), Chitnis (1977) Kirpal (1978) and Rekha Kaul (1993) came to

similar conclusion. They argue that the economically better off among

the SCs had been able to avail (themselves) of the new opportunities that

came in the wake of reservations, but few managed to gain advantage of

higher education or even professional education. Similarly economic

benefits had failed to percolate down to the poor SCs. It is the better off

from among them who had mainly benefited from the various

programmes like IRDP (Bandopadhyay: 1984; Aiyar: 1985). Public Report

on Basic Education in India (PROBE, 1999), Geetha Nambissan ( 1996)

and Harsh Sharma ( 1992) examine the distinct historical experiences of

Dalit communities in the context of education and assert that equity in

education was not consciously practised in formal schooling system. In

the overall context of inadequate public resources for schooling, greater

19

privatisation of 'quality' education for the elite, and the search for non­

formal alternatives for the educationally -backward they observe, it is

likely that socially and economically vulnerable groups will suffer greater

neglect.

One of the profound changes in contemporary Indian society has

been the emergence of a new sense of identity among the Dalits. A

holistic approach is offered by Gail Omvedt ( 1994) who locates the Dalit

movement in the frame work of Immanuel Wallerstein as 'anti-systemic',

which in the language of functionalist sociological theory indicates a

'value-oriented movement' as opposed to 'norm-oriented movement'.

There is a 'liberal' trend among a group of scholars who believe that it is

the ancient Hindu reactionary traditions with their deep-rooted prejudice

against Dalits that has led to the protest from the Dalits. This ideological

position has generated concepts like, 'social mobility', 'reference group'

and 'relative deprivation', as a major frame of reference for studying Dalit

movement.

Simon R. Charsley and G.K. Karanath's (1998) study is the first

comprehensive work on the social status of the Dalits in Karnataka. The

authors discuss the status of rural 'Untouchable' castes and study their

effort to challenge the humiliations they face. It reveals the vitality of

Dalit movements and the contribution made to reshape the Indian

society. The Dalit movement is forging a new vision for Indian society,

which is different from that espoused by the higher castes. D.R.Nagraj

(1993) is essentially a work on the Dalit Movement in Karnataka, but he

contends that Dalit movements all over the country have engaged

themselves with a great deal of common themes and issues.

Parvathamma (1989) argues that the Dalits, socially and economically

the most oppressed section of Indian society, look upon the State not

only to provide equal opportunities but also to create positive conditions

for improving their socio-economic conditions.

20

There are very few books in Kannada literature on Dalits in the

context of globalisation. They are largely the works of the DSS activists.

Siddalingaiah (1975), Devanooru Mahadeva (1973) and Aravind Malagatti

( 1982) narrates incidents related to Dalit individuals and highlight their

collective experience. They speak of the pangs of Dalits in modern spaces

against the odds that caste society places before them. Prof. B.K.

Krishnappa (1991), edited volume includes various articles by Dalit

activists, which helps in understanding the emergence of Dalit

movement. Latha Munivenkatappa (1998) and Prof. Lakshman Telagavi

( 1999) feel that caste has become an obstacle in the development of the

nation in general. They provide an overview of Dalit movement in

Karnataka under the auspices of Dalit Sangarash Samiti (D.S.S).

Mogalli Ganesh ( 1999) and C.K. Mahesh (2000) focus on Dalit

movement and feel that under globalisation there will be a frontal assault

on pollution, impurity and Untouchability. They feel that globalisation

has set into motion an intricate interplay of continuity and change in the

social order. At the same time they feel that globalisation has increased

insecurity, inequity, displacement, and brought about a situation of 'end

of employment', while widening the gap between the rich and poor.

However, no empirical study has been conducted to examine the impact

of liberalisation on Dalits in Karnataka so far taking into account such

variables as education, employment, land and welfare schemes/

programmes.

Hypothesis

1. Liberalisation has led to the retreat of the state leading to shrinking of

opportunities and resources held out to Dalits under the preferential

treatment regime.

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21

2. Dalit public opinion largely shaped by poets, writers, the intelligentsia

and social activists subscribes to the ..,~;ew that liberalisation in the

context of globalisation has proved harmful to Dalits.

Objectives

1. To make a critical assessment of the impact of the reservation regime

on the Dalits in Karnataka in the post-independent period in terms of

education and employment opportunities.

2. To explore the impact of the Karnataka Government's policies on the

socio-economic advancement of Dalits?

3. To examine the impact of changing State policies on the Dalit

movement in Karnataka.

4. To assess the response of Dalits towards the State in the context of

globalisation.

5. To critically assess Dalit public opinion on liberalisation.

Methodology

Initially a thorough review of the literature pertaining to the history of the

region existing literature on Dalits and preferential policy regime was

undertaken as an integral part of the study. Various sources were

utilised, historical works related to the Karnataka region were read in

order to understand the position of the Dalit community with regard to

job opportunities and their participation in the movement on one hand

and their struggle for emancipation of oppression and untouchability on

other hand. This literature both in English and Kannada, involves

writings of Marc Galanter, Lelah Dushkin, Gail Omvedt, Simon R.

Charsley and G.K. Karanath's, D. N. Nagaraj, Parvathamma, Prof. B.

Krishnappa and Laxman Telgavi formed an important entry point for the

thesis.

22

The study involves both a descriptive and analytical method. It is

based on both primary and secondary sources. The primary sources of

information include the review of government reports and documents

available at various departments in Karnataka. The Annual Reports like

Statistical Abstract from the Directorate of Economics and Statistics,

helped to examine the position of Dalits vis-a-vis the general population

with regard to government job opportunities and the achievement of

preferential policy. Reports from the Department of Social Welfare, Office

of Commissioner of Public Instruction, and Department of Education was

used to assess the disparities in enrolment, retention, drop out and

achievements in schooling over a time period. The analysis highlights

differentials and determinants of schooling. The study tried to assess the

efficacy of the schemes designed to improve schooling in the state such

as scholarships, etc and see whether they had any impact on enrolment,

retention and achievement in schooling. It also examined the process and

attainment of education which depended on several factors including the

financial resources and infrastructural facilities available for the

purpose. Department of Agriculture and Department of Revenue reports

were useful to review and analyse the distribution of land and the

bearing that land reforms have had on SCjSTs and general population.

Reports of the Department of Industries and Commerce, Karnataka

Human Development Report and Approach Papers to the Five-year Plans

-from Planning Commission, Documents of the World Bank on education

and land, and various Occasional and Working papers were processed to

assess the impact of State policies on Dalits during pre-liberalisation and

post-liberalisation period.

The secondary sources include various books, articles and journals

that are available in both English and Kannada literature. These

secondary readings helped to understand the question relating to the

status of Dalits, such as what changes have occurred in their socio­

economic status during the past five decades and what role has the state

23

played in this process? The review was useful to understand the whole

process of the Dalit movement as it stands for the establishment of a new

social order that necessitated rejection of the Hindu social order which

sanctioned socio-economic inequalities, untouchability, irrational

religious beliefs, servitude and fought to reconstruct their own 'self­

identity' in the process of the liberalisation era.

The study is also based on fieldwork conducted from August to

December 2006 to collect data and study Dalit organisations like, Dalit

Sangarash Samiti (DSS), their literature and movements. During the

field-work interviews were held with many Dalit writers, intellectuals,

leaders, and sympathisers of the Dalit cause who were living in different

parts of Karnataka. There were open-ended, structured interviews as well

as informal discussions. One interesting issue that came up in the

course of interviews and interaction with Dalits was the issue of identity

in the liberalisation context. Dalits defined themselves in a particular

way and attempted to projected a specific image, which was visible

across the conversation of interview, as the case may be. The interview

schedule also sought the reaction of the interviewed towards State

government policies towards liberalisation that have reduced

opportunities for the socio-economic advancement of Dalits and how

effectively Dalits writers/intellectuals and activists have responded to the

development.

Chapterisation

The first chapter is on 'Preferential Policy Regime', provides sketch of the

rationale, history and features of preferential policy system that evolved

in Karnataka over the years. The study compares the pre-independent

and post-independent periods and provides outlines of the

recommendations of various commission/ committees appointed under

the different governments in Karnataka.

24

The second chapter 'Liberalisation and Employment Opportunities:

Its Impact on Dalits in Karnataka', examines the context of liberalisation

process in Karnataka and its impact on employment opportunities of

Dalits. It provides a review of the condition prior to liberalisation and

following liberalisation and their respective bearing on the employment

opportunities in the public sectors. It focuses on Dalit employment

prospects in the context of the new industry, Information Technology and

Biotechnology (IT /BT).

The third chapter 'Liberalisation and Dalits Education' traces the

primary and secondary and higher education (General and Technical)

profile in Karnataka and the resources available to Dalits in the

liberalisation process. During the past two decades, issues related to

'relevance', 'appropriateness' and demand based education have come up

for consideration in education policy and practice. It also tries to analyse

the impact of liberalisation, exclusion of Dalits and the initiative took by

the various civil society organisations for augmenting the educational

prospects of Dalits in the State of Karnataka.

The fourth chapter 'Liberalisation and Land Reforms among Dalits

in Karnataka' examines some important aspects of land holdings among

Dalits and land reforms as a redistributive policy in Karnataka. It

highlights the internal differentiation with regard to holdings that has

occured in each caste accelerated by various forces such as agricultural

development, commercialisation and allocation of land to Dalits by the

State. The last section discusses the impact of liberalisation on land

holdings among Dalits.

The fifth chapter 'Dalits Discourse on Liberalisation: Helplessnes

and Ineffectivity' is based on field-work identifies five major developments

of last fifteen years which have had profound impact on Dalits in

Karnataka. It discusses the impact of Information Technology (IT) on

Dalits, the changing pattern of migration of Dalits from rural to urban

25

areas, the nse of informal sector and persistence of caste-violence

against Dalits in rural areas. It identifies important leaders of Dalit

movement in Karnataka who have made a difference to the lives of Dalits

in the State. It also reviews the legacy of the organisational consolidation

and fragmentation of Dalits and relates this process to the consolidation

of liberalisation process in the State.

26