Dhola A North Indian Folk Genre

By

Susan S. W adley

Syracuse UniversitySyracuse N Y

And oh brother, all the chiefs are sitting Give the order, only then will Phola commence,And swords will clash with the enemy, brothers. . . n

Throughout northern India, from the deserts of western Rajasthan

eastward to the hills of Chhattisgarh is found phola-maru, or more

simply Dhola, a genre viewed both as folk literature and as literature

in the more classic sense.1 Authors have variously called it a love

lyric (Bedi 1971);a ballad (Bailey 1938); a legend (Temple 1963); a

romantic lay (Kothari personal communication); a folk opera (Gargi

1966); or an epic. None is completely inaccurate, for it is most often

sung or told in meter; it has Active historical overtones; it is romance;

it is sometimes performed as a folk opera; it has epical proportions.

Thus, although there is a common attribution of the term dhola

to a diverse set of texts found in a number of pertormance settings

and in a variety of linguistic styles or textures, the nature of the genre

itself remains unclear. Hence, the first task in understanding phola-

maru is to systematically define the genre itself: what is phola-

maru?

The format for comprehending the genre that I will propose in

this paper emphasizes the importance of performance. The critical

role of the performance event to any understanding of folk literature

has been recognized in recent folklore studies (see Bauman 1977; and

for South Asia, Blackburn 1981). Likewise, phola-maru cannot be

understood as a genre of north Indian literature, folk or classic, without

a clear explication of the performance contexts in which it occurs. As

Asian Folklore Studies, V o l.42,1983: 3-25.

4 SUSAN S. WADLEY

I shall demonstrate, variations in the text (content) and linguistic textures

of Dhola-maru occur with the types of performance events in which

it is found.2 These performance events range from 16th century

literary texts written by Jain poets attached to the courts of Rajput

kingdoms to folk dramas performed by professional troupes in modern

Rajasthan and Utter Pradesh.3 After surveying the main variants of

Dhola-maru, I proceed to show the relationship of these to both the

linguistic textures in which they are manifested and the performance

events in which they are enacted.

D h o l a ~ F o u r T ext u al V ar ia n t s

In scanning the various items called Dhola or Dhola-maru, we find a

wide range of characters, actions, and moods. Yet these form a con

tinuum, ranging from simple to complex, a continuum that corresponds

to changes in the performance contexts of each item. In its simplest

form, Dhola is a song of an absent lover, sung to several distinct melodies

and metrical forms (Bedi 1971:107-108). Sung in the villages of

western Punjab (now Pakistan), these songs are apparently unrelated

to a more complex narrative tradition. Bedi classifies these songs of

phola with other genres that are lyrical, sentimental, and full of the

torments of separation. Here is one example:

I. Hing4 sells in the bazar,My love revolves round you alone,Stay before my eyes, and live long, my loveb Oh my lovemy light,What need of a lamp when you are here.

(Bedi 1971:103emphasis added)

In this example, the term dhola (dhol) translates as loverwith a

concern for the presence or absence of the lover. No doubt the con

nections of the songs known as Dhola to the theme of forlorn love

derives from the strong association in Rajasthan and U.P., as in Punjab,

of the term dhola with the absent lover or vagabond (Vaudeville 1962b).

In fact, Vaudeville suggests that the essential meaning of the term

dhola is that of wanderer or absent husband. This Punjabi song tradi

tion confirms her hypothesis.

In Rajasthan and eastern Punjab, we find a related but more com

plex form of phola. (See Vaudeville 1962a; Williams 1976; Temple

19o3.) Here Dhola-maru is the narrative of the marriage, separation

and ultimate union of Dhola, son of Raja Nal of Navargarh and Maru,

daughter of the Raja of Pingal/Pugal. The essence of the story is this: Phola and Maru are married when both are very young (she only a week in some versions). They each grow to adulthood in their natal

PHOLA: A NORTH INDIAN FOLK GENRE 5

family and Phola, forgetting his youthful marriage to Maru, marries again. Maru meanwhile begins to pine for her absent husband. She resorts to sending messages to him, across the deserts separating their homelands; unfortunately, Phola's second wife, Malavani, intercepts them. After much torment and more effort, a message reaches Phola who vows to join Maru, only to have Malavani try physically to restrain him. Finally, many adventures later, he reaches Maru in Pingal and they are reunited.6

Although this love story is considerably different from the Punjabi

lost-love song, the connections between the traditions are clear.

The third variant of Dhola-maru is found in Punjab, modern

Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh. (See Elwin 1946; Temple 1963; Duggal

1979. )1 his variant, while focusing on the separation and union of

Dhola and Maru, provides introductory episodes that concern Dholes

father, Raja Nal. In these versions, some or all of the Nal(a)-Dama-

yanti story, derived from the Mahabharata, is provided as background

to the birth of Dhola and his marriage to Maru. In these cases, Dhola

is born when Raja Nal has been banished from his kingdom and has

sought refuge in the kingdom of Pingal. There his son phola is mar

ried to the Raja's daughter, Maru. Dhola and Maru are then separated

and the story of their reunion follows.

The history of the association of Nal-Dhola and Nal-DamayantI

remains dim, but some speculation is possible. Ku^alalabh, a Jain

poet who authored a version of phola-maru in the 16th century in

Rajasthan, notes in his prologue that pholSs fathers name is Nal

and alludes to the Nal-Damayantl story from the Mahabharata (Wil

liams 1976: 68). Temple (1963) also remarks on this coincidence in

Legends of the Punjab. Farther, in modern RajasthanDhola-maru and Nal-Damayanti both form parts of the repetoires of khyal (a form

of folk opera) troupes, with Dhola-maru being considered romantic

and Nal-DamayantI religious (Gargi 1966). At some point, the as

sociation of Nal-Dhola and Nal-Damayanti became firmer, "lhis

should not be surprising, for as Temple himself aptly stated in 1885:

The tendency of bards is to make their stories run in cycles. They love to connect all their heroes in some way or other . . . Stories are indiscriminately told of several heroes, and if one calls to mind the names of the most celebrated, they are sure to be found to belong to a group all geneologically connected with each other (1936: ix).

Thus a chance association of Nal as father of Dhola and Nal as husband

of DamayantI allows two apparently distinct tales to be merged into

one, with the appropriate geneologies constructed. (See figure 1)

SUSAN S. WADLEY

Hundred=pRATHAM = MANJHA Queens ( 0f Navargarh)Queens

GHUMASUR(Demon)

BHIMA ,(Raja of Samad Sikal)

MOTINI = NAL ! = DAMAYANTI: i

RAJA SULTAN

BUDH SINH (Raja of Pingal)

DHOLA = MARU KISANLALDaughter of Mukat Sinh

Figure 1 . GENEALOGY OF DHOLA

All characters included in this genealogy are found in some modern Rajasthan,

Uttar Pradesh, and Punjab versionsdiscussed as Variant 4.

............. includes those persons found in some Punjab, Chattisgarh and modern

Rajasthan versions, discussed as Variant 3.

--- includes those persons found in medieval Rajasthan and Punjab ver

sions, discussed as Variant 2.

It is the fourth variant of Dhola, found primarily in Punjab and

Uttar Pradesh, that appears to be the most recent and complex. This

variant is a three-generational epic of the family of Navargarh, headed

by Raja Pratham, his son Raja Nal, and his son, phola. Moreover,

the focus shifts from Dhola and Maru to the father, Raja Nal, and

his many adventures.

Let me provide a summary of this longer narrative.7

Raja Pratham was the wise and just king of Narvargarh. But he had one sorrow: he had no offspring, despite his 101 queens. After many penances, a guru awarded him one grain of rice which he gave to his queen Manjha. Manjha was soon pregnant, and the other 100 queens fiercely jealous.

The jealous queens turned to Pandit Gangadhar, whom they enticed with great offers of wealth into approaching Raja Pratham and getting him to do away with Manjha. The Pandit told Raja Pratham that the son that would be born from Manjha would kill him: that to protect himself, he should kill them both. So Raja Pratham, with great sorrow, called his bhangiChinta- man, and told him to take Manjha to the forest (Santivan) and kill her there. Chintaman did as he was told, while the people of Narvargarh lined the streets

PHOLA\ A NORTH INDIAN FOLK GENRE 7

in sorrow. But in Santivan, as Chintaman went to kill Manjha, the gods interceded in the form of a deer. Killing the deer and taking its eyes, Chintaman returned to Narvargarh. Meanwhile, pregnant, Manjha is left alone in the forest, naked and quaking like a cowardly man at war. Finally Narad comes to her and enters her body and cuts the umbilical cord, allowing the child, Nal, to be born. Parvati and Bahmata both come and provide other services for the new child and its mother, acting as midwives and km. Then Manjha and the child are left alone in the forest.

A wealthy merchant, LacchI Baniya, returning home from a trip, is enticed by the gods to change his path and finds Manjha and the chila in the forest. Having no daughter, he takes her home with him to Daksinpur. There she is eventually warmly welcomed. Lacchi has two sons, Panna and Phula. With them on a merchant venture, he finds a beautiful cowrie shell used for gambling. He decides to give the shell to Raja Pratham. Raja Pratham, however, wants the other fifteen shells of the set and throws Lacchi and ms sons in jail. iNal, growing up to be a mischievous child, goes to Narvargarh and says that he will obtain the other fifteen shells, if only ms grandfather is released. Lacchi is released and Nal, taking leave of his mother, goes with his maternal grandfather and two uncles to retrieve the other cowrie shells.

The original shell had been left on the beach of an island by a beautiful woman bathing there. Lacchi remembers the locale and they return by snip. Nal goes ashore, vowing to meet them again in two weeks. Shortly after his arrival onshore, he comes across an old woman, Bahmata, who instructs him on his future and tells him that he will find the cowrie shells with Motini, daughter of the demon (ddne), Ghumasur, who rules the island. Making his way through the forest, Nal reaches the castle, which has no entrance. Eventually Nal defeats Motini in cansar (a gambling game) and she agrees to marry him. When Ghumasur returns to the castle, Motini turns Nal into a fly and hides him in her hair. This occurs for several days, with Motini and Nal gambling and playing when Gumasur is absent. Finally Nal convinces Motini to find out how her father can be killed. Ghumasur^ life is dependent upon that of a heron Hidden in the innermost of seven rooms surrounded by snakes. If the heron dies, Ghumasur will die. Nal reaches the heron and brings it back to the castle. As Ghumasur returns, Nal breaks the herons leg, and Ghumasur^ leg is likewise broken. Ghumasur and Motini beg Nal not to kill him, but Nal persists and Ghumasur dies. Then Parvati and Bahmata arrive and conduct a marriage ceremony for Nal and Motini. Both return to the shore, where Lacchi waits in his ship. On ship, Panna and Phula are bewitched by Motinl's beauty. Scheming, they grab Nal while he sleeps and throw mm overboard.

Nal, however, does not drown in the ocean, but is protected by snake gems and eventually reaches the kingdom of Basik (Vasukldev), king of the snakes. At first scorned, he eventually wins acceptance from the snakes, but manages to avoid a marriage with Vasukfs daughter. Meanwhile, back

SUSAN S. WADLEY

in Daksinpur, Manjha is weeping over the absence of her son and Motini is avoiding the perils posed by her alleged kin, finally telling them that she is a true sister and they should leave her alone. Then as the six months allowed by Pratham endLacchi and the sons take Motini to Prathams court, offering her in place of the fifteen cowrie shells. Pratham too is entranced by Motini and sets out to marry her. But she refuses to marry anyone unless the Nal kaiha or Nal purdna is told. They search far and wide, sending messengers to Benaras and other holy spots, but are unable to find a Pandit who can tell the Nal purdna.

Nal, returning from Patal Lok (the underworld of the snakes), learns of these doings. In Patal Lok he had acquired a ring that turned him into an old man of 80 years when worn on his right hand and a youth of twelve years when worn on the left.

Dressed as an old man Pandit, Nal goes to the court of Raja Pratham and tells him the Nal purdna. The court realizes the true story and he is reunited with his wife Motini and his father Pratham. Pratham then sends a cart for Manjha and the family is reunited.

Then Pratham, Manjha and a large retinue proceed to Hardwar to bathe in the Ganges. There they meet Phul Sinh Panjabi, Raja of Kam- pilagarh. Phul Sinh had fought with ghosts and men since his birth. At the meldhe fights with Raja Pratham over who will bathe first, and ends up turning Prathams army into stone. Pratham and Manjha are jailed in Kampilagarh and forced to grind wheat.

Nal, back in Narvargarh, hears of his fathers troubles and sets out, aided by Mansukh and an army of snakes, to free his father. Arriving at the border, Motini turns herself into a kite (bird) and seeks out the locale of Pratham and Manjha. Then she and Nal dress as Nats (acrobats/dancers) and go into Phul Sinhs kingdom. Nal calls upon Durga and Phul Sinh calls upon Kali and the battle rages until Nal is victorious. The family returns to Narvargarh and Pratham gives his throne to Nal.

Meanwhile, in Samad Sikal, Raja Bhim realizes that it is time that his daughter DamayantI was married and sends a swan with a message to Indra seeking his hand in marriage. Instead, the swan falls into Nals kingdom where it is tended (fed pearls) and Nal decides to accept the invitation of marriage found on the swans neck. Many months later when the swan returns to Samad Sikal, Raja Bhim learns of the mislaid wedding invitation. He sends yet another message to Indra, who arrives to claim his bride. Nal too proceeds to Samad Sikal to marry Damayanl. DamayantI meets Nal and falls in love with him: through the aid of the gods, she is able to choose Nal as her groom. But Indra is angered.

Indras anger results in twelve years of trouble for Nal under the influence of Sanicar (Sanidev). As his kingdom whithers and dries, he is forced to depart, taking DamayantI with him. First they go to Mansukhs home where, under Sanicar*s influence, they are accused of taking a necklace. Various adventures befall them, and they arrive in Pingal. By now neither has

PHOLA: A NORTH INDIAN FOLK GENRE 9

any clothing and Nals body is covered with the pus sores of leprosy. In Pingal, they are given refuge in the home of a Tell named Ragghu. With Nal driving his press, Ragghu, renamed Raghunadan, prospers. One, two, three, four, five years pass, each bringing wealth to the Tell until he owns many villages, 1200 horses and men, elephants, houses, and mills. Raja Budh invites the whole of Pingal to his house to celebrate the birth of his child and includes a special invitation to the Tell. Nal refuses to go and says that instead he will take the bullocks to the tank to drink. Arriving at Bhamartal with the Telfs many bullocks, Nal comes across the Rljts men bringing horses to drink. His bullocks force their way to the pond and a battle ensues. Eventually the kings men return to the court to tell Raja Budh Sinh of the horrid behavior of the TeKs servant.

First Budh Sinh gambles with the Tell, winning all of his wealth. Then Nal and Raja Budh Sinh meet in Phul Bag. A gambling match, the winner gaining the others daughter, follows. Nal wins and Budh Sinh suddenly realizes that he cannot marry his daughter to a Telis servant. In order to prove his royal status, Nal is required to defeat the demons inhabiting Lak- hiyaban. He is successful, and his son phola is married to Maru, daughter of Budh Sinh. (Somehow phola and Maru are then separated: this varies considerably, as does of course all of the above!) Dholes brother/cousin, Kisanlal, joins him.

Maru is left in Pingal, separated from her husband phola. She is able to get a message to him reminding him of his forsaken wife. Phola is reunited with Maru.

Of particular interest in this variant is Raja Nals birth and early

history. No scholar has mentioned Nals earlier history and his father

Raja Pratham. However, we appear to have here a growing epic,

with episodes added as necessary. The story of a king without a son

is popular in western U.P., but I cannot begin to say when the king

was named and the story added to the growing phola. The Ghumasur-

Motim and Nal-Baslk episodes are also hazy in origin though features

of these are common to many north Indian folk tales. Let me give

one example: in Phola, Ghumasur, a demon and father of Motini,

dies when Nal finds a heron hidden in a cage in an inner room sur

rounded by snakes. As Nal slowly breaks the legs, and eventually

the neck of the bird, Ghumasur's legs and neck are likewise broken.

The Thompson-Roberts Types of the Indie Oral Tales lists 54 instances

of this tale type (302) for South Asia; and Mayedaworking with materials

collected by Norman Brown in Kashmir, finds another six versions of

it (Mayeda and Norman Brown 1974).

This fourth variant is best understood as a modern, twentieth

century epic, sharing many features with other Indian epics. Writing

on Indian epics, Claus (n.d.) states that the folk epic is a compilation

10 SUSAN S. WADLEY

of loosely knit parts or episodes, rather than a single extended narrative

or story line. Focusing on a popular hero or heroine, the epic contains

many episodes that can be performed separately. And these episodes

are most probably pieced together from independent sources. Further,

even when a single episode or fragment is performed, there is a con

ceptual reality to the epic as a whole that allows the audience to respond

to that piece in the context of the larger whole. It is only when epics

appear in literary traditions that a more fixed narrative series emerges.

South Asian epics also have similar components: most critically,

as they grow, they tend to cover three generations of family history,

often with the third generation being the most significant. Later

versions of epics give more importance to female characters (Beck 1978) and many Indian epics involve important pairs of brothers. Smith

(1980) contends that epics will follow a process of development that

goes from being hero-oriented, to mythological, to the hero becoming

deified. In this shift from romantic epics, morality assumes a greater

significance: the romantic heroes tend to be unconcerned with morality

and the deified heroes to represent the moral standards of the region.

This brief discussion of the Indian folk epic immediately high

lights the epic features of the modern U.P. versions of Dhola. I have

heard Dhola performed four times in lengthy renditions: while there

were common features of meter and raga (melody), each presented a

different episode in the family history of the rulers of Narvargarh.

I also have seven complete examples of modern printed versions of

Phola. The number of episodes given in these varies from two to

eighteen and internal evidence clearly shows that each episode can

be performed independently. And I have no doubt that the people

flocking to the tent of the Dhola-wala set up at district fairs in south

western U.P. know the outlines of the epicthat they are able to provide

the broader conceptual framework.

Aside from the loose linking of episodes, Dhola presents other

features found in South Asian epics. Dhola as an epic is three-genera

tional, but unlike most Indian epics (Beck 1978)it is the second genera

tion, that of Nal, which is most critical. Possibly this story, borrowed

from the Mahabharata and popular in clapbooks in the late 19th century

(Temple 1963: 204), provides more opportunities for creativity by

performers. Dhola-maru becomes decreasingly important as the epic

enlarges because the love-forsaken Maru provides little opportunity

for the excitement and drama that engages the attention of the audience

at a folk opera, the primary performance mode in U.P. and Punjab.

In fact, one printed version, called Nal-Purdnay clearly demarcates this

shift.

PHOLA: A NORTH INDIAN FOLK GENRE 11

Indian folk epics also often have important females, females who

act forcibly. In the epic of the Three Brothers from South India,

Draupadi is the sister of the heroes, not their wife as in the Mahabhdratay

thus allowing her to play a more active role (Beck 1982). In Dhola,

two of the four critical women are largely acted uponManjhamother

of Nal, and DamayantI, his second wife. Both are obedient and suf

fering, hardly ever questioning their husbands, though DamayantI does

outwit her father and the gods to obtain Nal as a husband. It is

Motini, daughter of the demon Ghumasur, who provides an image of

an active, forceful and imaginative woman. Motim protects herself

from the lust of Nals step-uncles and from her father-in-law. And

she finds and leads the rescue of Nals parents, Pratham and Manjha,

when they are captured by Phul Singh Punjabi. While forceful wives

are not unknown in Indian traditions, Motini as a wife appears able

to take such an active role because of her unique origins as Ghumasur^s

daughter.

Maru too acts, but it may be significant that she acts as a daughter

seeking her husband, and not as a wife. Folk traditions are very clear

that if father and husband are unable to properly nurture and protect

their women, the woman may act for herself.

Finally, we have the morality question. As a romantic epic, we

can expect from the Indian paradigm that the actors have little concern

for the propriety of their actions. This in fact is the case: to cite

one exampleMotini begs Nal not to kill her father for she will have

no place to return during the monsoon month of Savan. Ghumasur

likewise pleas for his life, but Nal persists and Ghumasur dies.

The fourth variant of Dhola, then, is a modern epic, quite possibly

a 20th century phenomenon. In factone 1970 printed version is

titled Dhola Nat Tarjy Dhola New Style. It is built on a variety

of themes and motifs from the common stock of North Indian folklore

which are loosely linked via their association with named heroesheroines

and locales. As such it provides us with an interesting on-going ex

ample of the epic process.

In terms of form, the genre of phola ranges from single stanza

songs of lost love to a three-generational, multi-episodic epic. The

most immediate and prominent feature of phola is its variability, the

fact that there is little consistency aside from the theme of lost love

and the ultimate union of Dhola and Maru, their home kingdoms,

and Dholes fathers name. Clearly genre distinctions, borrowed

from western traditions and based on textual style (e.g. song, ballad,

legend, epic), provide little insight into the genre named Dhola.

12 SUSAN S. WADLEY

D h o l a : T extu re a n d P e r f o r m a n c e

It is only when we recognize that Dhola continues to be a vital, living

tradition throughout much of northern India that this immense vari

ability can be understood. The bards of Rajasthan, the women in

Chhattisgarh, and the villagers of U.P. all know it as an oral tradition,

not as a written one. And because it remains an oral performed tra

dition, variability endures, with each region enacting it distinctively

and providing new interpretations.

I should note here that Dhola is never performed in a religious

or ritualistic context. Without the potential of religious constraint,

where there is concern for accurately reproducing sacred texts, Dhola

has more freedom to remain fluid and to pick up on new themes and

topics. Hence in one printed version from the 1970sRaja Pratham

reigns under the rule of Congress! And in an oral rendition from

1968Raja Nal seeks some of his adventures in the wars of Kashmir,

while a 1975 rendition has him fighting in Bengal/Bangladesh.

Two aspects of the performance of Dhola are critical: firstthe

type of performance event varies considerably, ranging from written

manuscripts to folk operas; and to the extent that we can factor out per

formance mode, we gain insight into the genre. Second, Dhola is

everywhere metrical:8 it is either sung or told/written in some poetic

meter. Moreover, all but the single stanza songs are constructed by

linking a series of songs: this string of songs, often in a variety of

meters and raga ^ allows for greater flexibility than does a genre fixed

by meter and content, e.g. Alhdkhand. The prevalent Rajashtani

association for Dhola is not unfounded, for it is linked to a centuries-

long Rajasthani metrical romance tradition.

In discussing the range of performance events in which Dhola is

found, let me begin with the earliest known versionsthe manuscripts

and textural styles of the Jain poets of the medieval Rajput courts.

These literary compositions, often illuminated, present the core (variant

2) of the Dhola-maru story. We can only speculate on the motivations

of these authors, but it is plausible to assume that they were composing

for their royal patrons, using themes and stories from the region, while

modifying them to adhere to accepted literary standards. Moreover,

in other parts of north India in the same period, other heroic stories

are being turned into literary masterpieces by yet other authors under

royal patronage. For example, in a process that appears remarkably

similar to that which must have occured for Dhola-maru, the eastern

U.P. epic of Loriki (Canaini) becomes a poem of love in the hands of

Sufi poets during the 14th to 17th centuries (see Pandey 1982).

Richard Williams, writing on the Rajasthani literary versions,

J^HOLA: A NORTH INDIAN FOLK GENRE 13

defines Dhola-maru as part of the medieval prabandha kdvya literature.

More specifically, it is a lok khandakavya, building on popular idioms

and vernacular lyrics (1976:104 ff). Williams notes also that folk songs

were vitally important in the khandakavya of the Hindi literary tradi

tion, for the khandakavya was a verse-bound story, generally of one

meter with interspersed folk songs. It is certainly not unusual for

Indian literary traditions to adopt and refine folk themes, songs, and

verses. And we must view the Rajasthani literary versions of Dhola-^

maru as original compilations by given authors of lyrics and verses

familiar to them or newly created following known metrical conventions.

The Rajasthani poems are composed primarily in the meters known

as dohay (duha)y sorathdy caupdty and gdthd,2 These meters are used

by the poet to mark aspects of his text. In the recension given by

Vaudeville (1962 a : 1)the first verse is in gatha (gdhd)10 and sets the

stage for the poem itself.II. In Pugal there lived Raja Pingal,

in Narwar town ruled Raja Nal.Their kingdoms distant, they had never met,

yet by fate a bond was established.(Williams 1976: 173)

The remainder is in dohdy a meter composed of 24 mdtrd's (short syl

lables) with a ceasura after 13.

Williams provides evidence of a more sophisticated use of meter

for cueing the reader. Here there are shifts to soratha meter, the inverse

of dohd with the caesura after 11 mdtrffs (the two feet of the doha line

are 13/11 matrffs; of soratha 11/13, with rhyme in the first and third

and second and fourth feet mandatory). These shifts occur at moments

of heightened feeling or to change the scene (Williams 1976: 183).

In the following example, Maru is tormented by her absent love and

speaks to the kumjha birds on the nearby lake.

III. Maru {doha) In the midst of the lake you build your twig nest

from water youre born, from water youre reared,What blemish, O kumjhay could color your life

and make you sing so sadly all night?

The kumjha flock so sweetly sang,and Maru heard the beat of their wings.

She who from her love is parted,falls never in peaceful nights sleep.

The kumjha flock so sweetly sang, on the far shore of the lake.

All night love thoughts haunted her,

14 SUSAN S. WADLEY

as tears fell from her eyes.

{soratha)Lost in desire only love could fulfill

MaravanT wandered out on the path,And she saw on the shore the kumjha flock,

huddled close as they walked the smooth sand.

(Maru {doha) His home is far and mountains rise high.

The regions not fit for traveling.Yet here for that meeting with my love,

my eager heart hopefully waits.(Williams 1976: 188-189)

In addition to drawing on appropriate metrical forms, the medieval

authors used folk song forms common to the region. The songs most

prevalent in phola-maru are virah-git, songs of separation, and barah

mast, songs using the twelve months of the year to develop a theme

or narrative. Here is a fragment of a barah mast, used by Maru to

describe her absent love.IV. In Phagun11 month, by start of spring

should I hear you have not come,Then as I step the cacari dance,

I shall leap into Holis fire!

If you do not come, O Phola, in Phagun or in Caitra,12

Then I will saddle and ride to you,when the Kartikka13 crops have ripened!

If, O master, you have not come by the clouds first burst of rain,

Dry beds will break into torrents,while the distance grows yet wider!

O husband, as the month of Savan14 comes the treasure house of earth is brought forth.

The flood of viraha surges on,who now will there be to contain itr

(Williams 1976: 206)

The literary phola-maru are then a series of loosely connected lyrics,

modeled largely on popular songs, bound by narrative verses that fluctu

ate and are easily replaced. The songs, the meters, and the themes

themselves are drawn from those current in the region, adapted for

the poets purposes.

PHOLA: A NORTH INDIAN FOLK GENRE 15

It is precisely this textural featureloosely connected lyrics based

on popular songs with some binding narratives adapted for a particular

performance~that describes the modern phola of U.P., Rajasthan,

and Punjab. Here phola is most often performed as a type of folk

opera, a sangitsvangy or khyal. Temples version of Nala-Damayanti

in Legends of the Punjabrecorded in the 1880sis from a svdng per

formance, and the printed versions of phola-maru available in north

Indian bazaars today are scripts for solo or group performances.15

It is noteworthy that no modern literary version of phola is available

in the marketplace: it remains an oral genre.

Dhola was performed regularly in the late 1960s and 1970s in western

U.P. where I was doing field work. The performance itself was termed

phola, and the performer, the dhola-vald ( the one who does dhola )

The troupe whose leader lived in Karimpur performed at the request

of local patrons in surrounding villages during the major festival and

marriage seasons and in addition made the rounds of nearby district

fairs, setting up a tent and performing daily for the two or three week

period of the fair. The performances followed the model described

by the Vatuks (1979) for svdng performances in districts to the north

of Mainpuri. However, unlike svdng troupes, the I )^hola troupes

perform only phola, using the many episodes of the epical phola for

variety. The performers were professionals, though they did not work

full time at Dhola, most often farming for additional income. The

performers were male, and the audiences, too, were dominantly male.

While some men and boys of Karimpur could sing a stanza or two

of Dhola, only the troupe leader (a Watercarrier, kaharby caste) and

one budding professional singer (a blind teenager of the Farmer, or

kachhty caste) could sing complete episodes. In addition to performances

of the troupe, the Dhola leader would sometimes give a solo performance

at the insistence of his village mates. One such performance occured

during the monsoon in July of 1968 when the men could not work in

the fields. Instead, they gathered one morning in the village Dhar-

masala to hear Dhola. Payment was made by individual donations

throughout the performance, and the solo singer was accompanied

by a drum (dholak)y cymbals (cimata) and a folk sarangi that he played

himself.

In Rajasthan too the performers of phola are professional or semi

professional singers: not everyone has the expertise to perform. In

Chhattisgarh, Dhola is not performed by troupes or by professionals,

yet not everyone knows it, indicating that some expertise is needed

to sing phola. I suggest that it is precisely the professionalism and

the folk opera performance context that have aided in the development,

16 SUSAN S. WADLEY

variability and durability of this genre. Professional singers generally

command a variety of song styles and in creating any one ballad/leg

end/epic are able to draw from this repetoire. phola performers in

various regions of modern India, like their medieval counterparts, the

Jain poets, draw from their respective regionally and socially defined

pools of melodies, meters, themes and motifs in creating afresh each

version of phola.

The skills demanded of the modern Dhola performer can be illus

trated through a brief examination of an actual performance. The

performers for this example were the troupe leader and blind teenager

mentioned above: they performed on my verandah during the Holi

season in April, 1975. Accompanying them were a darjl (Tailor)

playing the dholak and a kachht (Farmer) playing the cimata. A group

of men, primarily middle caste, provided the refrain, phola as per

formed is a loosely connected series of songs, speech and chants, tied

together by the thinnest of narrative threads, presenting us with a rich

tapestry of interwoven forms.

In the first 270 lines of this performance, there were 35 shifts in

texture, using 19 different styles of speech, song, or chant. There are

three speech styles: a declarative sentence, a question to the audience,

and a conversation between characters in the story. Seven song styles

are found, including dhold^ alha9 sdvanand lahar. Finally, there are

nine different modes of chanting, three with identifiable meters and/or

rhyme patterns. In addition, there are changes in pitch, speed, melody

and rhythm.16

The performance opens with eight lines in dohd meter. Lines

in dohd typically serve as invocations to a variety of North Indian tradi

tions and their use here is not at all surprising.

V. Dohd:

( 1 ) Aaah . . . Rejoice, rejoice, Devi, victory to the beL Give me boons.

I want to have four things: tdl (beat), throat, voice and knowledge!

May BhavanI always be to my right, and Ganes remain before me.

May the three gods protect me, Brahma, Visnu, Mahes.The name of Ram is uttered, Have patience.He himself will take care of things, the ocean of mercy,

Raghuvlr.Ram causes ones strength to grow, no one can grow on

his own.On his own Ravan gained power, (but) in a second he lost

everything.

PHOLA: A NORTH INDIAN FOLK GENRE 17

At line 9the style shifts to the song type dhola, a form marked

more by musical structures than by linguistic style, except for the em

phatic stanza marker, bhdL This song style is found only in Dhola

performances and is most characteristic of it. In the portion given

here, the singer continues to introduce the story itself.

VI. Song {dhola) :Oh the bell of Bhagavati is tolling, tolling,

(10) The Mothers bell is pealing.My Mother, oh, (is) in the temple,Puja is being performed, brothers . . . .

And Mother, your form is as beautiful as the moon,I have performed jobs of deceit, brother,In all such play there are obstacles,The grandfather examined the necklace,The form of the moon turned to stone.Then brother, all the chiefs are sitting, brothers . . . .

And oh Mother, we are remembering you,(20) My Mother of the Mountain,

Mother, there will be victory, victory, victory, victory.In your temple is Saraswati,Then Mother, the bells are pealing, brothers . . . .

And oh Giver of Life, remembering your beauty,Then I offer flowers of jasmine.Your mansion is made of a net,On it are spread the flowers of the gardener.Mother, rejoice, rejoice, rejoice, rejoice.The people will sing aratL

(30) And with it the ghosts of the mothers house will die, brothers . . . .

And, oh brother, all the chiefs are sitting.Give the order, only then will phola commence,And swords will clash with the enemy, brothers . And, oh, my Sarda Mother came,Give the order, for all are assembled.With that now (we) will go to war.

Spoken: One Two Three.

At the conclusion of the introductory verses, the singer states the actual

episode that he will be singing, followed by a section in heightened

speech that initiates the story.VII.

Spoken: The War of Bengal and the Engagement of Kisanlal.

18 SUSAN S. WADLEY

HeightenedSpeech: Aaah. . . In this I tell of phola Kumar

In the center of the Rangmahal: So, Mother, quickly dress me as a groom,

(40) Just make me a groom, If you dont prepare me as a groom, Mother, then Fll kill myself with a knife.At this Damayanti said, Son, listen carefully, Behind you my sons are thousands, but I am exhausted

by heavy breath.

Son my darling beloved, Listen, oh listen to this song: Today my eyes are over

flowing with tears.

He then returns to the dominant dhola song style, interspersed with

chants. Later in the performance, starting with line 183there are

ten lines in the alhd meter of 31 matras. Here is a sampling:

VIII. Song (alka):(183) Oh, dont go brother to Phulbag, I have told you the

state of affairs. Go quickly instead to Bengal, Why are you being so tarayr Why are you taking your time on the road? I have told

the complete truth.

And lines 244-49 are sung in the style known as sdvana womens

genre associated with the monsoon.

IX. Question:(243) And in what fashion did Nal leave there ?

Song {sdvan) :(244) Oh slowly, slowly Nal went from the garden.

Oh slowly, slowly Nal went from the garden.Oh brother, Nal was very sad at heart,The king of Narbar, brother, went from the garden.Oh seeing him come, oh brother, the Gujar said.Oh seeing him come, oh brother, the Gujar said.Oh listen to my request brother, listen to my request,

listen carefully.King of Narbar, oh brother, fix your mind on the forest.

Here is one last example of a clearly defined poetic form used in

phola. Called lahar wavyit contains a varied number of matrdsy

with the distinctive cadence of three long syllables concluding each line.

DHOLA: A NORTH INDIAN FOLK GENRE 19

X. Song Qdhar) :(334) Oh he said to the king, Brother this is the garden of

of the rich.He said to the king, Son, this is the garden of the rich. In it are ripening sweet and sour fruits,In the garden are ripening sweet and sour fruits.In the garden, the papiya and peacock cried out, the

bhamiri flew off. . . .

That these performers control a variety of metrical forms, melodies,

and themes and are able to combine them effectively is evident. But

they must not only be effective: they must produce an aesthetically

pleasing event, for if the audience is not retained by the performance,

the event will wither and die. So too would the genre. Thus each

performance, in response to its audienceis enacted distinctively:

some audiences desire humor, others laments. The astute performer,

attending to his audience, knows when an additional song will be re

warded, or when the narrative should be speeded up with long prose

passages.

Audiences in different regions of India apply varying aesthetic

criteria to performances of Dhola. Hence the Dhola of the medieval

Jain poet, the modern Rajasthani bard, the Karimpur troupe leader

and the men of Chhattisgarh all look and sound very different, for what

is acceptable to their audiences, in both content and textural style,

varies. Forlorn love is emphasized in one place, and battles engaging

thousands of soldiers in another. A performer may use one meter,

or many; one melody or many. And they do retain their audiences,

for the genre lives onsung today in villages throughout northern India.

C o n c l u s io n

From the earliest written Rajasthani versions of phola-maru to the

present day, the nucleus of iphola-maru has been the folk lyrics that

make up the major portion of any performance. Binding these lyrics

into a cohesive whole are a variety of narrative and descriptive elements.

Not surprisingly, Williams (1976), in the conclusion to his discussion

of the medieval literary Dhola-maru, refers to it as a textual drama,

for the dramatic element of the text cannot be obscured. Unfortu

nately, we know little of the interrelation of drama and poetry in the

medieval period, but it is not implausible to assume that the Dhola-

maru compositions of Ku^alalabh and other Jains were more closely

linked to performance than has been recognized. Medieval poetry,

like the genre Dhola, may be fully understood only in the context of

performance.

20 SUSAN S. WADLEY

Three interrelated factors allow us to comprehend this genre, and

its variability and durability. First there is a common textual associa

tion: the theme of the tormented lover allied with a chance content

similarityRaja Nalin two distinct narratives found in the same

regions of northern India. As folk poets merged the two traditions,

the text of the genre became enlarged and an epic was created. Second,

there is the textural tradition of Dholaa tradition based on the creative

linking of songs, literary and folk, with narrative threads to bind them.

Dhola is dominantly metrical and it does not appear in prose renditions.

Third, there is the oral performance mode, most particularly as a folk

opera, further contribuing to the importance of song. For Dhola is,

in terms of text, texture and performance, drama, and most critically,

a drama to be performed. But we still know little about this drama.

Questions that remain unexplored include: What is the manner in

which the parts are articulated? What function does each serve

in the context of the greater whole? How is performance created?

What are the significant regional differences and how are these related

to other folk genres in that region? To answer these requires a de

tailed analysis of form and content, one outside the bounds of this

paper. Unguided by the goddess, we lack the skills of the Dhola

performer, whose invocation begins:

. . Give me boons.

I want to have four things: ta ly throat, voice and knowledge.

N O T E S

Research for this paper was conducetd in Karimpur, Mainpuri District, Uttar Pradesh,

India during 1967-69 and 1974-75. I wish to thank the National Science Foundation

and the American Institute of Indian Studies for their support. Portions of this

paper were presented at the 4th Annual South Asian Linguistics Roundtable, Syracuse,

NY, May 1982 and at the Workshop, Oral Epics in South Asia, Madison, WI,

June 1982 under the sponsorsnip of the Joint Committee on South Asia of the Social

Science Research uouncil and the American Uouncil of Learned Societies. While

thanking all the participants in these, I must acknowledge the critical suggestions

of Komal Kothari, Joyce B. Flueckiger, and Bruce W, Derr. Finally, none of this

would have been possible without the performances of Ram Swarup kahar and Ram Swarup kachht.

1 . The term phola, or Dhola-maru, refers to a variety of actual folk items in

the North Indian context. Comparable to other native terms defining genres, such

as bhajan or kavvally it is a genre designator, though perhaps not of the sort most familiar to western scholars.

2. The use of the terms text texture and performance context in

the following pages is a variant of Dundes, use of these terms (1980). Seldom am

I dealing with a specific text, with one particular telling or version, but rather have

DHOLA: A NORTH INDIAN FOLK GENRE 21

analytically grouped various texts (a la Dundes) to seek patterns. Textural features

are, like Dundes, linguistic features, including rhythm, rhyme, pitch, etc. Unlike

Dundes, I feel that text and textural analysis must be merged and carried out simul

taneously. Finally, since I am seeking broad patterns ranging over time and space,

I am not referring to specific social contexts for these items, but to general trends

in performance contexts.

3. And most recently by Delhi puppeteers specializing in performances for the

urban elite.

4. Asfoetida.5. Bedis translation excludes this phrase, contained in the original. See Ap

pendix I for the Hindi original of this and other examples, when they are available.

(Williams does not provide Hindi originals for examples III-IV.) The translations

are all mine, unless otherwise indicated.

6. There is no such thing as the story of Dhola-maru, for no two versions

are alike. I have tried here to present a basic core, rather uke the tale-types of

Aarne and Thompson, that will allow the reader to recognize the genre in its various

garbs.

7. This summary is based on published performance scripts from western U.P.

as well as on orally performed renditions taking place in the village Karimpur.

8. Of the major translations readily available, only Elwins (1946) is manifestly

not metrical, but I suspect that the Chhattisgarhi original was. The Chhattisgarhi

version given by Kavyopadhaya in Grierson (1890) is metrical, with interspersed

prose narrative.

9. See Vatuk 1979 for a discussion of Hindi meters.

10. Gatha is an ancient meter used by medieval poets primarily for instructive passages.

1 1 . Phagun is the month falling in March-April. Holi, the primary spring

festival of northern India, occurs at the end of the month.

12. Caitra is the month following Phagun.

13. Kartikka comes in the fa ll(October-November).

14. Savan is the month of the beginning of the monsoon, July-August. It

is known too as the month of lovers, so that separation during Savan is especially

tormenting.

15. Temple (1963: 204) mentions clapbooks of the Nal story and the British re

cords of publications for the late 19th and early 20th centuries record numerous instances

of versions of this story under the category of play or drama. Appendix II contains

a listing of modern printed versions of Phola.

16. See also Wadley 1982.

APPENDIX I

I. Bazar vikendi hing ve

Meri tussan de butt vichch jind ve,

Butt rakh sahmne, jiven dhola,

Dhol chananna,

Sadi gali aven diva kahnu balnan.

(Bedi 1971: 130)

II. pugali pingal rau, nal raja narvare nayre

aditha duri^tha ye, sagai daly sanjoge

(Vaudeville 1962a:1)

22 SUSAN S. WADLEY

V . 1)

VI. 9)

20)

30)

H :40)

VIII . dlhd45)

jai jai devi jai lata mujhe diyo vardan

cari cij mange mile, tal kanth svar gyan

sada bhavani dahini sanmukh rahal ganes

tin dev raksa karen so brahma visnu maheram nam japte raho dhare raho mandhlr

karaj vei samhari ye kripa sindhu raghuvlr

ram barhaye te bafhe balu kari baj*he na kay

balu kari kai ravanu bafhe chin men daro khoy

aaa. . . are ghanta bhagavati ka ghanana ghanana

ghanta maiya ghanana ghananana

meri mata re mandir men

puje hai raha, b h a i . . .

aur maiya candra rup ayalabela

tose kary kapat ki bhaiya khelasar khilat jame pari gay! rori

dada parkho gale ko har

rup candra pathra kari qlaro

tau dada sab bai^he re sardar bhai

aur re maiya ham samirat hai toy

mat meri parvat var!

maiya jai jai jai jai hoy

tere mandir men sarasvatl

to maiya ghantan ki re ghanana Dhai..

aur re jannl sumirat main alebeli

to pai carhi rahe phul camel!

tero bhavan bano re jail ko

to pen phul carhat mail ke

maiya jai jai jai jai hoy

banda karienge arate re

aur jape Dhut marige matari nir bhai. . .

aur re bhaiya sab baithe sardar

hukum sunao tahi ko hoy dhola

aur vairi se bajaigl talvari bhai

aur re meri ay gayi sarda may

hukum sunao sabha ke baithaiya

tah! ab ghumi bajaigl talvari, ek do tin

des bagale kx laral aur kisunlal ki sagal

aa . . . itmen dhola kumaru raho batlay

rangmahal ke bic men tau may varna dev matari jaldi

age varna dev banay

jo nay varna banao matari tau

man jau katari

it ne men ball damiyantl beta suni lev kan lagay

tere pichela mere kumar hajarl main ha phi kelu k!

beta so mere pranon se pyare

suni suni bate are kumar mere bainon se calta aj panare

183) (are) turn mati javo bhaiya phul bag ko, tun ko hai raha batlay.

jaldl cala turn bagale ko, ab dyon rakhl der lagay.

PHOLA: A NORTH INDIAN FOLK GENRE 23

ab kyon der karo, marg me, saci hai raha batlay.

IX. Sdvan244/5) are tarkatu tarkatu bagn se nalu cal dayo ri.

e jl nalu man men are bhaiya nalu man men hotu man hin

narbar varo bagan se maiya cali dayo jl

are avat dekho are bhaiya gujar kahe rajo jl

e j! meri suni laiyo bhaiya, meri suni laiyo dhyanu lagay

narbar varo are bhaiya ban se lage raho ri.

X. Song (lahdr)334) are kau raja ko bhaiya bagu tau amir! re

kau raja ko beta bagu tau amir! re

kha^a aur miffha jame pakati jamlrl re

kha^a aur miha bag me pakati jamiri re bole papiya mof bag me uj*ati bhamiri re . . .

Note: Hindi originals unavailable for songs I I I and IV.

APPENDIX II

Hindi:Anon. Raja Nal (A Famous Harayana Sangit). Delhi: Dehati Pustak Bhandar.

n.d. (2 parts, each 22 pages).

Anon. Asli Nal (Nal katha). Bulandshahar: Bhagavat Book Depot. (2 parts,

33 pp., 88 pp.).

Anon. Raja Nal ka Janm. Delhi: Garg and Co. (39 pp.).

Anon. Nal Pura^. Meerut: Javahar Book Dept. (2 parts, 30 pp., 89 pp.).

Anon. Asll Holi maru ka bhat. Meerut: Janaral Publishing H ouse .(1 part only,

89 pp.).Bhushan, Keshar Kul

n.d. Dhola Sampurn. Kanpur: Janta Book Stall. (In nine parts, pp. 1132).

Sinh, Padam

n.d. phola nai tarj. Mainpuri: Padam Sinh Bookseller. (All four parts listed

on ad, each 22 pp.).

Varma, Gajadhari Sinh

n.d. phola Narbargarh. Hathras: Dipcand Bookseller.

Vinlt, Govind Das

n.d. l?hola Maru. Delhi: Agraval Book Depot, (pp. 1-302. Sangit).

Rajasthani:Anon.

n.d. phola-maruvana ka maravarl khyala. Ajmer: Phulcand Bookseller.

Kothari, Komal

1972 Monograph on Langas. Rajasthan Institute of Folklore, Folk Legacy N o .1.

(Contains one song: Badlli vega aijo).

Manohar, Shambhusinh, ed.

1972 phola Maru ra Duha. Jaipur: The Students Book Company.

Ramsingh, et al eds.

Pholamaru ra Duha. Kashi Nagripracarini Sabha.Sharma, Bhagavagilal

1970 I?hola Maru ra Duha. Arcana Prakashan: Ajmer.

24 SUSAN S. WADLEY

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PHOLA: a NORTH INDIAN FOLK GENRE 25

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