Heroes locales migración basketbol.pdf

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Sociology of Sport Journal,2005,22, 137-157

2005 Human Kinetics, Inc.

Globetrotters and Local Heroes? Labor Migration,Basketball, and Local Identities

Mark Falcous and Joseph Maguire

This article addresses the global migration of sports labor. The contested presence of NorthAmerican players in English basketball, first documented by Maguire (1988), is consideredin the context of questions regarding the reception of migrants in local cultures. A 2-year

ethnographic project incorporating participant observations, interviews, and focus groupsinvestigated fans consumption of local basketball. Complex and nuanced interpretations ofmigrant players were evident. These were informed by local identities and civic pride, cul-tural stereotypes, and local experiences of spectating. Thus, the presence of migrant ath-letes is viewed specifically through the local lensresponses were shaped by the varyingroles and interpretations of consuming basketball in the lives of local residents. Such obser-vations reinforce the need for empirically grounded case studies to explore local consump-tion in light of the wider politicaleconomic patterning of global sport.

Cet article porte sur la migration mondiale de lemploi en sport. La prsence conteste desjoueurs nord-amricains au sein du basket-ball anglais (document en premier par Maguire

en 1988) est considre dans le contexte des questions touchant laccueil des immigrsdans les cultures locales. Un projet ethnographique de deux ans incorporant lobservationparticipante ainsi que les entrevues individuelles et de groupe portait sur la consommationdu basket-ball local par des fans. Des interprtations complexes et nuances des joueursimmigrs sont ressorties. Elles taient influences par les identits locales, la fiert civique,les strotypes culturels et les expriences locales des spectateurs. La prsence des joueursimmigrs tait perue par le biais dune lentille locale . Ces observations permettent deconclure au besoin dtudes de cas empiriques pour explorer la consommation locale auregard de lconomie politique du sport mondial.

The migration of administrators, coaches, athletes, and ancillary staff is a

prominent feature of global sport (Bale & Maguire, 1994; Maguire 1999). Forexample, the August 2003 transfer of English footballer David Beckham betweenManchester United and Real Madrid provoked frenzied media attention. In par-ticular, the transfer fee of 24.5million and commercial implications in market-ing, merchandising, and sponsorship terms received notable speculation. Thisattention centered on the economic impacts of Beckhams status on the clubsglobal revenues, most notably in Asia. The British media discourse, however,largely ignored the cultural and social dimensions of the migration of the iconicEnglish captain. Issues concerning dislocation, national allegiances, cultural in-terchange, and resistance in both the host and donor cultures were absent in

Falcous is with the School of Physical Education, University of Otago, Dunedin,

New Zealand. Maguire is with the School of Sport and Exercise Sciences, Loughborough

University, Loughborough, England.


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138 Falcous and Maguire

media coverage of the Beckham case. Though absent in the case of Beckham,such concerns have surfaced more recently concerning the transfer of fellow En-gland player Michael Owen also to Real Madrid. The increasing numbers of sport-ing migrants traversing the globe raise numerous questions concerning theheightened localglobal interdependence of which migration is symptomatic.

Questions concerning this localglobal nexus have attracted increasing at-tention in the sociology of sport (Andrews 1997; Andrews, Carrington, Jackson, &Mazur, 1996; Bernstein & Blain, 2003; Donnelly, 1996; Harvey, Rail, & Thibault,1996; Jackson & Andrews, 1996, 1999; Maguire, 1999; Miller, Lawrence, McKay,& Rowe, 2001, 2003; Silk & Andrews, 2001; Wieting & Polumbaum, 2001). Thisarticle explores questions surrounding sports labor migration with reference to theimpact and reception of migrants in the host culture. Building on the work ofMaguire (1988), it considers the juncture between local identities associated withEnglish basketball and the presence of labor migrants. In doing so, we first detail

both the wider global interdependence of basketball and the contested nature oflabor migration within that sport. Subsequently, we outline the context of a localcase study. Such contextualizing is pivotal for comprehending local responses toglobal migrants. On the basis of ethnographic data, we then detail the encounterbetween migrantsprimarily from the United States (US)and the social andcultural environment of local basketball fans (fandom). These findings are thenconsidered in the context of wider localglobal relations.

Sports Labor Migration and LocalGlobal Encounters

The movement of people, sporting migrants included, across frontiers is symp-tomatic of the growing mobility that characterizes globalization (Robins, 1997).Yet, as with wider global flows of goods, services, ideas, technologies, and cul-tural forms, movements of people are asymmetrical. Robins, for example, con-trasts the mobility of business elites as frequent flyer cosmopolitans (p. 15) withfar wider-scale movements of people as refugees or economic migrants, whosemovement is precipitated by need or despair. That is, the conditions of peoplesmobility vary widely but are patterned along gender and ethnic lines (Chow, 2003;Lindio-McGovern, 2003; Pyle & Ward, 2003).

Sporting migrants traverse the globe encountering varying circumstances,

barriers, and incentives. Indeed, Miller et al. (2003, p. 430) contrast privilegedsports labour cosmopolitans who experience financial and geographical mobil-ity with a huge army of labour and ancillary workers that is subject to massiveexploitation (2003, p. 429). Capturing such variations, Maguire (1996) identifiesa preliminary typology of sports labor migration encompassing pioneers, settlers,returnees, mercenaries, and nomadic cosmopolitans. This provisional ideal-typeframework captures the variable breadth and intensity of the movements and expe-riences associated with sports labor migration. Sports migrants encounters, then,are diverse and shaped by differing pressures, rewards, and interdependencies.Crucially, migration is patterned by the interplay of economic, political, historical,

geographical, social, and cultural factors (Maguire & Pearton, 2000a).As Robins (1997) notes, with mobility comes encounter (p. 18). The

movement of sporting migrants precipitates encounters with features common toother occupational fields. These include questions of labor rights and barriers,recruitment and integration, cultural adjustment and dislocation. Sports-related


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Global Migration of Sports Labor 139

movements also have unique features that arise from the strength of attachmentsto place, space, and identities inherent to many sporting contexts. Sports labormigration is thus notable in evoking a range of potentially emotive encounters.Case studies concerning basketball in England (Maguire, 1988, 1994a, 1994b)and Finland (Olin, 1984), English ice hockey (Maguire, 1996), English countycricket (Maguire and Stead, 1996, 1998b), and worldwide soccer labor migration(Lanfranchi, 1994; Lanfranchi & Taylor, 2001; Maguire & Pearton, 2000a, 2000b;Maguire and Stead, 1998a; McGovern, 2000, 2002; Moorhouse, 1999) have re-vealed friction and confrontation. Common issues center on the threat to nationalteam performances and the underdevelopment of indigenous talent. Thus, labormigration is symptomatic of the scope of localglobal disjuncture resulting fromheightened global interconnectedness. Beyond Western countries, similar ten-sions centering on issues of cultural integration surrounding naturalization andethnicity have been documented in Japan (Chiba, Ebihara, & Morino, 2001; Kudo,

Nogawa, & Kudo, 2003). Similarly, Klein (1988, 1989, 1991) details de-skilling,underdevelopment, and resistance in Dominican baseball.Fears concerning the effects of migration have resulted in protectionist labor

barriers, including quotas, residency clauses, selection limitations, and eligibilitythresholds, to assuage local concerns. In some cases, however, migrants are courted,actively recruited, and embraced by locals. Hence, there is the potential for differ-ing, yet co-existing responses to sporting migrants in local contexts. Such patternshighlight the paradoxes and ambiguities in the responses to flows of sports mi-grants around the globe and, indeed, globalization processes more generally.

Theoretically, there is a need to understand the economic dimensions of the

way in which migration is entwined with broader processes of the commodificationof global sport. Insights from within a World Systems framework (Wallerstein,1974, 1979, 1980) highlight the economic dynamics by which core states domi-nate and control the exploitation of resources and production (Maguire & Stead,in press). In this way, the mechanisms of the de-skilling of peripheral andsemiperipheral areas in favor of core areas is revealed. Along similar politicaleconomic lines, Klein (1988, 1989) locates the underdevelopment of Dominicanbaseball within systemic Dominican RepublicUnited States economic relations.The migration of labor is integral to this. Klein notes, following the trajectory ofother multinationals, major league [baseball] teams are duplicating the process

that has come to be called the internationalization of the division of labor (1989,p. 95). In this manner, he notes, the [US] academy is the baseball counterpart ofthe colonial outpost . . . locating resources (talent) and refining them (training) forconsumption abroad (p. 103). These economic dynamics find resonance with pat-terns common to migration across a range of sports and locales.

Yet, the economic dimensions of labor migration are entwined with iden-tity politicsissues of attachment to place, identity, and allegiances are as sig-nificant in the emerging global system. The place of the local audience, eitherthat denied access to talent within their own country or that exposed to im-ports, is significant in this regard. For example, Klein (1988, 1989, 1991) docu-

ments resistance within Dominican baseball, with the game acting as a culturalsite for the emergence of anti-US nationalism amongst fans. Such resistance,significantly, confounds popular trends of the adoption of US cultural products.Although economic relations are not directly challenged in this way, the inter-pretive level is clearly of significance. Indeed, Klein (1991) notes that the scope


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for such resistance, under fertile conditions, fuels more substantive movements.These observations reinforce the need to comprehend the interplay of the eco-nomic and cultural dimensions of migration patterns in conceptualizing powerrelations. This article, in focusing on the reception of migrants by local audi-ences, reinforces the need to understand labor migration as symptomatic of widerinterdependencies associated with globalization. Hence, consideration of politicaleconomic features is complemented with a broader analysis of established-outsiderrelations (Elias, 1965/1994). The manner in which these are informed by inter-sections of regional, national, gendered, and racial identity politics is significant.We now turn to the particular local case study we use to explore these conceptualissues.

Exploring Migrants in the Local: Research Setting and Method

The data presented in this article emerge from a 2-year multimethod ethno-graphic case study that explored the local consumption of basketball. The widerproject centered on fans of an elite mens team: the Leicester Riders. The datapresented in this article constitute one segment of those findings that sheds light onthe juncture between local basketball identities and the presence of migrant play-ers. For these purposes, we draw on participant observations, 12 individual inter-views, and three focus-group meetings in which 6, 6, and 4 fans were involved,respectively, for a total of 16. In this way, in addition to numerous field encounters,a total of 28 individual fans were involved directly with in-depth data collection.

Within this multimethod approach, early fieldwork observations and inter-

actions informed the central questions that were subsequently explored during in-dividual interviews. In a semistructured way, interviews explored the meaningsand interpretations of basketball in fans lives. Interview data, in turn, both broad-ened and consolidated the themes to be probed during focus groups. As a researchtool, the focus-group format was crucial in teasing out the scope for heterogeneity,negotiation, and discussion among basketball fans (see Barbour & Kitzinger, 1999).Furthermore, focus-group techniques allowed engagement with a greater numberof fans in an in-depth way than would interviews alone. This sequentially ordered,multi-method approach allowed themes emerging early in the research process tobe reflexively explored in greater depth and consolidated in later data-collection

phases. Crucially, field observations were continued throughout the duration oflater data-collection phases as a means of continually exploring, and hence in-forming, our central themes of enquiry.

The research setting was Leicester (population: 279, 921; UK Census, 2001),one of the biggest cities in the English East Midlands and the 10th largest in En-gland. Leicester acts as a regional commercial, industrial, and transport hub. Large-scale immigration during the late 1960s and 1970s altered the citys cultural diversitysubstantially. About one third (29.9%) of the population identifies as Asian or AsianBritish and a much smaller percentage (3.08%) as Black or Black British (UKCensus).1The largest single ethnic community group in the city is of Indian origin

and comprises 25. 7% of the population, or 72,000 residents. Accordingly, one ofLeicesters distinguishing characteristics is an ethnically diverse population.

The sporting landscape of Leicester is dominated by three professional menssports: football, rugby union, and cricket. Despite enjoying a 28-year history, theRiders stand at the periphery of the dominant sporting discourse of the city.2As


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well as the senior mens professional team, the club oversees amateur seniorwomens and junior mens and womens teams, all of which participate in nationalcompetitions. The club also operates several community-oriented activities. Forexample, coaching initiatives involve selected players going into local schools tocoach basketball within the curriculum. Migrant players are prominent in theseinitiatives, taking on roles in association with their playing contracts. In this man-ner, migrants can achieve a small degree of prominence and recognition amonglocals. Although this study explores that local presence, we now turn to the widerpoliticaleconomic terrain that patterns basketball migrants presence in Leicester.

The Political Economy of Global Basketball and Labor Migration

Understanding basketball labor migration in local contexts requires an aware-ness of the global contours of social, political, and economic power arrangements

within the game. Global basketball structures are characterized by differing inter-est groups at the global, regional, and national level: governing bodies, commer-cial investors, consumers, sponsors, officials, and players. In terms of globalgovernance, the Munich-based International Basketball Federation (FIBA) over-sees the game. FIBA is split into five conferences, Pan-American, Asian, African,Oceanic, and Europe, with over 200 national governing bodies affiliated. Asym-metrical power relationships exist both between and within locales. The contestedfield of global basketball features struggles for commercial dominance and expan-sion, administrative influence, power, and sovereignty.

A distinctive component of global basketball interdependence is wide-scale

labor migration characterized by multidirectional, if imbalanced, talent pipelines.3

The movement of the overwhelmingly male players is shaped by a range of restric-tions including quotas, nationality restrictions, and thresholds. The US functionsas a core area of talent production, exporting players around the globe. The UShigh school and collegiate system produces players who feed the National Basket-ball Association (NBA) labor market. The scale of overproduction, however, re-sults in those not securing NBA contracts seeking employment in the worldwidenetwork of leagues (see Maguire, 1988; Miller et al. 2003; Olin, 1984). Conse-quently, the NBA acts as the apex of the hierarchy of global mens basketballleagues, overwhelmingly recruiting from the US college system, but also increas-

ingly taking talent from other donor countries. Other national organizations are therecipient of surplus players from the collegiate system, but they also suffer de-skilling as a result of their best players gravitating to the NBA.

In 1996, the European Union (EU) granted the same freedom of movementto athletes that is enjoyed by other workers (see Maguire and Stead, 1998a;Moorhouse, 1999). This had a dramatic effect on sport in general, and basketballwas not immune. Notably, the collapse of internal barriersin the form of foreignnationality quotassaw players able to play in any European country as an EUnational (rather than as a foreign player). The consequence has been heightenedmigration within Europe, characterized by the concentration of the better players

in the commercially dominant leagues.Subsequently, in December 1998, FIBA agreed in principle to the free move-

ment of players worldwide. Despite, in theory, permitting 10 foreign players perteam, the ruling allowed national organizations to establish their own quotas. Mostmainland European leagues opted for two, whereas in Britain it was set at five. The


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outcome of this free market increased the number of migrant players in the Britishgame during the late 1990s. This exacerbated wider tensions surrounding the pres-ence of migrants, which have been a persistent feature of the British game. Let usnow turn our attention to this context.

The Contested Terrain of Migrant Players in British Basketball4

Debates surrounding foreign player recruitment have been recurrent in Brit-ish basketball since the mid-1970s. Specifically, concerns regarding themarginalization and development of local players and the welfare of the nationalteam have been countered by team-owning entrepreneurs who advocate NorthAmerican (primarily from the US) star players as central to the commercial viabil-ity of the game.

Increasing levels of sponsorship facilitated the recruitment of American play-

ers in attempts to increase the commercial appeal of the game during the 1970sand 1980s (Maguire, 1988). In this way, US players were a key feature of widershifts associated with commercialization. These processes, Maguire (1988) notes,meshed with issues of race in significant ways. Specifically, he documents a shiftaway from a game played, by and large, by respectable white Britons, to onewhere the involvement of black Americans and black Britons has increased sig-nificantly (p. 308). Illustrating this, Chappell, Jones, and Burden (1996, p. 308)document the striking numerical increase of Black involvement in the Na-tional Basketball League competition between 1977 and 1994. Two related factorsunderpin these dynamics. First, migration involved US African-American players

plying their talents in Britain. The presence, and indeed predominance, of theseplayers was a significant factor in transforming the racial make-up of the Englishgame. Second, the influx of US migrants was matched by a rapid increase in thepresence of Black Britons in the elite game.5From a total of only 8. 8% in 1977,the percentage of Black Britons within the total number of British players in theleague increased to 58. 9% by 1994 (Chappell et al.). This timescale, of course,intersects with the commercial takeoff of the sport. Accordingly, processes of mi-gration contoured along racial lines have had an impact on the cultural significa-tions and meanings of the game in Britain.

The high numbers of foreign players during the late 1970s and 80s, initially

documented by Maguire (1988), increased throughout the 1990s with teams per-mitted up to five foreign players. As Table 1 demonstrates, compared with the mid-1980s, the late 1990s game featured greater numbers of migrants both in absoluteterms and proportionately.

Such data gives an indication of the scope of the domination of migrants whomonopolize playing time, scoring, rebounding, and assisting statistics and consti-tute the starting five of most teams.6Further to this, coaching roles are dominatedby imports. The presence of American coaches predisposes them toward furtherrecruitment of migrants, with British players stereotyped as back-ups.

A salary cap in addition to a foreign player quota allowing teams up to five

non-EU players mediated labor movement. Despite this, reliance on migrant laboris characterized by continual turnover of players from season to season. Althoughplayers seek the most favorable working conditions, clubs apply highly rationalcriteria to recruitment, rapidly dispensing with players not considered up to


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scratch. It is not unusual to see migrant players represent several teams during acareer in the British game. Symptomatic of the global labor hierarchy noted above,the best British players migrate to the higher status professional leagues in Europe,with the elite appearing in the NBA. Jon Amaechi and Michael Olowokandi arerecent examples of the latter.

Following the introduction of EU freedom of movement legislation in 1996,

greater numbers of elite indigenous English players have migrated to the higherstatus leagues of southern Europe. A further trend is the movement of US mi-grants, having played in Britain for the requisite number of years, to higher profileleagues in Europe. Having qualified for a British passport, these players are notsubject to labor restrictions as US nationals. In this way the British league fulfils afunction as a stepping stone destination for migrants who wait out their time inorder to circumvent labor regulations so they can go on to more lucrative careeropportunities.

Continuing the pattern detailed by Maguire (1988), clashes between EnglishBasketball Association officials and elite club owners (operating under the title

British Basketball League) have been recurrent. England coach Lazlo Nemeth hasbeen outspoken in his criticism of the marginalization of local talent resulting fromthe dominance of foreign players, as well as problems of player availability for thenational team because of commercial pressures.7 Specifically, there have beenclashes of interest over clubs releasing players for national team duties.

These conflicts are the wider contextual terrain of the presence of labor mi-grants in British basketball. Migrants reception in the national host culture, how-ever, is also contoured by the specific local contexts of the consumption ofbasketball. Such consumption is shaped by local attachments, identities, and expe-riences of the game. This article grounds the broader analysis in the substantive

lived reception and cultural experiences of local consumers of basketball. In doingso, the complex interplay of wider political economic tensions and local consump-tion of basketball is revealed.

Table 1 Nationality Classification of Players in Elite Mens British Basketball

Dual nationals/ Total Total

Season UK US other players foreign (%)

1982/83 93 26 12 131 29

1983/84 98 28 11 137 28.4

1984/85 114 31 16 161 29.1

1996/97 92 64 19 175 47.4

1997/98 70 64 15 149 53

1998/99 72 64 16 152 52.6

Note. Data for 19821985 taken from Maguire (1988); data for 19971999 taken from British

Basketball League Handbook and Media Guides.


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Theorizing Local Responses: Fandom, Identity, and Consumption

Although the reception of migrant players within contexts such as Leicesteris multi-faceted, we focus here on the encounter between foreign imported playersand local fans of live basketball. To understand responses to migrant players in this

context, the social and cultural environment of fansthe fandomis significant(Fiske, 1992; Harris, 1998). As Fiske notes, fandom emerges as popular audi-ences engage in varying degrees of semiotic productivity, producing meanings andpleasures that pertain to their social situation out of the products of the cultureindustries (p. 30). In the case of Leicester basketball fans, this meaning makingcenters on the juncture between the consumption of commercial basketball andinterpretive understandings of local leisure lives and identities. These lives andidentities are, in turn, grounded in national, local, and civic identities, themselvespatterned along dynamic intersections of class-based, ethnicized, and genderedlives. These structural components of identities inform specific interpretations ofthe pleasures and meanings associated with attendance, the embodied activation ofemotions, reflected glory in the team winning, and desires for entertainment andspectacle.

Structurally, Riders fandom is constituted of a loosely affiliated group ofwhich there is no formal membership. During the season, which runs from Sep-tember to April, Riders home games are the primary focus for fans. The basketballaudience is dominated by White, middle-class family groupingsthe establishedgroup within Leicesterdespite the sizeable presence of South Asian Britons notedpreviously.8Although the composition of the audience is subject to change, many

fans return season after season.Differing emphases are evident in the central attractions, meanings, andpleasures of attendance for fans. In our study, some attendees consumption cen-tered on loyalty and support of the Riders. This orientation includes: the partici-patory activation of emotions; solidarity with other fans; and animated, expressive,and vociferous support of the team. Such affiliations are strongly entwined withparochial local identities and civic pride in Leicester; that is, they draw on estab-lished local identities. For others, the family friendly entertainment value, de-sire for spectacle, and sense of affinity and identification with players wereemphasized. Significantly, these interpretive variations are not necessarily mu-

tually exclusive. That is to say, fans cannot be rigidly delineated into distinctgroupings. Alternatively, fandom is characterized by multifaceted identificationand consumption of Riders games, which, in conjunction with wider politicaleconomic tensions within basketball, shape interpretations of foreign players.

The meaning making of basketball fans draws on several features of the wayin which individuals generate meaning and social identity. In this regard, Eliass(1965/1994) theory of established-outsider relations provides a framework that shedslight on the linkage among power, basketball fandom, identities, and readings ofmigrants. Within Leicester basketball fandom, both national and local civic estab-lished identities are prominent. Elias argued that within power relations, the spe-

cial charisma, or qualities attributed to established groups, is mobilized as a meansto reinforce we-identities and simultaneously stigmatize outsider groups. Bas-ketball is an arena where established civic identities are frequently mobilized inrivalry with outsider teams and fans. The encounter of local fandom and migrantplayers also stimulates the mobilization of established national identities, which


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also draw on the fantasy shield of we-images, that work to protect the status ofdominant English identities. Hence, basketball acts as a site in which multilayeredestablished-outsider identities inform the meaning making of fandom. Thus, bas-ketball fandom is a popular cultural arena where relations of power are constantlyworked and reworked.

Interpreting Migrant Players:Identity and Consumption in the Local

Fans interpretations of labor migrants reflected the localglobal tensions ofthe wider debates surrounding British basketball. Crucially, however, these widertensions operated in conjunction with varying facets of local consumption notedearlier. Thus, wider tensions were subject to interpretations grounded in the spe-cific place of basketball in local lives, resulting in complex and, at times, compet-

ing interpretations. Several key themes of fans reactions, illustrating the nuancednature of the localglobal interplay, can be identified. These themes draw on sev-eral considerations: the role of migrants in team success; the desire for committedplayers in the context of local civic pride; the marginalization of local players; andthe desire for spectacle and entertainment, all of which are detailed in the follow-ing section.

Team Success and Spectacle

A consistent theme within the fandom was the desire to see the team win.

This desire was entwined with conceptions of local pride and civic identity. Subse-quently, there was an emphasis on the need to recruit and retain the most talentedplayers. There was widespread acknowledgment among fans of the superior play-ing abilities of North Americans compared with their local counterparts. As Chris-tian reinforced, the Americans are obviously alot superior to home players (FocusGroup, 04/01/00). Similarly, Jim responded unequivocally to an enquiry of whethera player was British, Yes, thats why hes crap (Field Observations, 10/14/98).This candid comment reflects several fans comparative perceptions of US andBritish players. As a consequence, many fans acknowledged migrant players asinstrumental in the success of the team. Capturing this, David suggested, Its the

only way youre gonna win, or do well at all in this league, if youve got a coachwhos got contacts in America and he can get good players from colleges over toplay for you (Focus Group, 03/15/00). Consequently, he saw the recruitment ofUS players as pivotal to club success, indeed, as the only way. In this light,numerous fans perceptions of foreign players were contoured by the desire for theteam to succeed. Therefore, the presence of migrants was seen as essential andvalued in the context of civic pride in winning team performances.

Fans interpretations were further shaped by perceptions of US players pro-viding more excitement than their English counterparts. Phil, for example empha-sized the better spectacle they offered:

I think they can only do good for British basketball, because they improvethe players that are already here; okay it probably reduces the chances of alocal guy getting in your team . . . but I think it makes the game a betterspectacleif youve got better players. (Interview, 03/04/00, our emphasis)


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Phils opinion was clearly linked to a preference that games should provide spec-tacle, which he associated with the better US players. Specifically, he viewed thisas an acceptable trade-off, despite the fact it reduces the chances of a local guygetting in your team. Several fans emphasized US players contributions to theirenjoyment of Riders games: I think its great that youve got the Americans forthe flair and skill (Harry, Focus Group, 04/01/00). Similarly, Delia emphasized:I think watching the Americans play is exciting (Focus Group, 03/24/00). In thisway several fans viewed US players positively, premised on the style, entertain-ment, and spectacle they associated with them compared with local players. Yet, arange of competing issues countered these perceptions.

Migrants, Commitment, and Local Pride

Acknowledgment of the importance of Americans in team success, spectacle,and entertainment was countered by questions regarding their sense of attachment tothe local community. Several fans linked players levels of commitment with nationalorigins. Specifically, they questioned US players loyalty to the city of Leicester, andconsequently to the Riders. The following dialogue between husband and wife, Alanand Denise, captures perceptions of migrants ability to identify with the city:

Alan: A lot of import players, they dont associate with the local community.

Denise: Theres no pride in wearing that shirt, is there?

Alan: Yeah, because they dont identify with Leicester, theyve probably neverheard of Leicester before.

Denise: . . . Hilroy [a local player] always had pride to wear that shirt, healways wanted to wear a Leicester Riders shirt, has done since he was 12years old. (Interview, 09/19/00, our emphasis)

In this extract, the efforts of import players (who dont associate with the localcommunity) are contrasted with a Leicester-born player (Hilroy Thomas). Denisesuggests the local always had pride to wear a Leicester Riders shirt. Hence, com-pared with locally born players, Alan and Denise perceive a problem with importslacking pride in representing the Riders. Denise continued, I have a tendency tothink the English players actually have a greater pride in wearing the Leicester jer-sey than the imports (Interview, 09/19/00). In this way, they question migrant play-ers sense of identification with the city and loyalty to the team. The issue of importedplayers effort and commitment to the club was similarly questioned by Leslie. Shereasoned, Theyre just here for the basketball arent they? Theyre not here for theclub (Focus Group, 03/15/00). Likewise, Christian argued, British lads, they tendto work harder, maybe its just a cultural thing (Focus Group, 04/01/00). This com-ment reinforces perceptions of migrants lack of identification with club and city asgrounded in cultural stereotypesas a cultural thing.

David also questioned American players commitment to the club. He rea-

soned:The Americans, you just never get the feeling . . . that they really care, andthey really want the team to win, and they want to play for the Riders , I justalways get the impression that they must be a bit depressed having to comeover here to this sort of arena after playing in their universities, and you


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know,you just feel sorry for them, like, Oh youre just all the rejects thatdidnt quite make the NBA, or get good contracts in Europe, and youve hadto come to this. (Focus Group, 03/15/00, our emphasis)

This quotation demonstrates Davids awareness of the broader dynamics of basket-

ball labor migration and links it to the perceived problem of players produced in theUS college system lacking affiliation to the Riders. Specifically, he indicates that heis well aware that the low global status of the British league renders Leicester aninferior career option for players from the US who are unable to secure contracts inthe NBA or higher profile leagues in Europe. Hence, he viewed US players in Brit-ain as the rejects that didnt quite make the NBA. Indeed, the consequence of this,he felt, is minimal commitment to the club, noting, you just never get the feeling,with a lot of them, that they really care. The British league is, in basketball terms, alow-status option relative to more desirable career routes. Of note is Davids aware-ness of the global labor hierarchy and the way in which this contextualizes migrants

commitment and motivation in playing for the Riders. Clearly, he is no culturaldupe! His comment also reinforces his (and others) skepticism regarding the com-mitment of US imports.

Echoing concerns regarding the commitment of US players, Neil explainedhow he resented the wage burden on the club. This dissatisfaction was exacerbatedbecause he regarded them as being of inferior quality to earlier imports (specifi-cally, Gene Waldron).9He commented:

When I first came 12 years ago . . . American players were of better qualityand wanted less money, now they want, you know. Mr. Mediocre from NCAA

College wherever turns up here, wants to sign a contract for X-thousandpounds, and hes no better than, Gene Waldroncouldnt wipe the floorwith Gene Waldrons shirt half of them, and they expect megabucks for do-ing it! (Neil, focus group, 03/15/00)

Neils criticisms of Mr. Mediocre from NCAA College wherever (i.e., US play-ers of average ability) illustrates how he resents American players exploiting theclub. It also demonstrates his awareness of the migrant talent pipelines that feedthe British game.

The comments of Neil, David, and others are symptomatic of a disjuncture

between the global movement of basketball players as mercenary laborers andlocal fans sense of loyalty and commitment to the locality the Riders represent.Here there are clear tensions between fans affiliation to the local community andthe highly rational and technical criteria that pattern migrant flows. These percep-tions draw on generalizations of the personal and professional characteristics ofUS playerstheir ascribed status (Maguire et al., 2002, p. 35). The characteris-tics attributed to them are those of financially motivated mercenaries with styleand flair, yet lacking in work ethic and loyalty or attachment to the city or club.These values are contrasted with apparently local values that became apparent infans observations on the status of local players.

The Marginalization of Local Lads

Insights into perceptions of migrant players emerged as fans reflected on themarginalization of local players. Issues of the ascribed status of US players noted in


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the last section continued to be prominent, particularly with regard to a sense ofattachment to the local community. For example, both Steve and Terry (referring tothe import quota having increased from two foreign players to five) lamented themarginalization of less skilled but more committed English lads. As Steve noted:

There used to be only two foreign players allowed in each team, . . . and weused to get a lot of good young English lads come up, who were givingeverything . . . and now weve got five overseas players allowed, and theresvery little scope for the British players. . . .I think it would be far better if wedeveloped the youth weve gotand bringing in a couple of quality Ameri-cans. (Steve, Focus Group, 03/15/00, our emphasis)

Here it is clear that Steve appreciated, identified, and valued the level of effort heassociated with young English lads . . . who were giving everything. Subse-quently, he expresses a desire to invest in local youth development with more mini-

mal American migration. This sentiment was echoed by Terry, who argued:You might as well just have two American players, like we used to have inthe good old days, and then have the rest of the squad built up from basicEnglish ladswho might not be the best of basketball players, but I used toenjoy them going on, because there was a good rapport with those play-ers, you felt that they were really playing for the club(Terry, Focus Group,03/15/00, our emphasis)

Notable in both Terry and Steves desire to see more players that are English is theperceived level of commitment of local personnel to the club (also reflected in

fans perspectives given earlier) and identification with fans. As Terry noted, therewas a good rapport . . . you felt that they were really playing for the club. Hence,Terry preferred the high levels of commitment and effort from English players toUS mercenaries,10who, despite being better players, were perceived to be lessloyal.

These extracts demonstrate that fans preferences for indigenous players areunderpinned by their perceptions of greater commitment to the club and rapportwith fans compared with imports. These perceptions draw on cultural stereotypesof mercenary migrants who lack the passion and commitment to the local cause.Clearly, such observations create tension with the observations noted earlier re-

garding the desire for team success and spectacle, to which migrants were integral.Subsequent findings revealed that issues of ascribed status operated in negotiationwith the observations regarding the superior skills and playing ability of migrants,important in a successful team upholding local civic pride. The result was a seriesof nuanced views on migrants, which are detailed below.

The Paradox of Migrants: It Doesnt Matter Whether Youre English!

Viewing fans as simply anti-American obscures the complexity of how theinterplay between local identities and consumption shapes encounters with migrant

players. As noted, US migrants were acknowledged as pivotal to team success,which informed fans pride and identification with the team. This factor, alongsidethe experience of committed imports, complicated fans interpretations of migrants.For example, Terry (having already expressed how he favored English lads) ques-tioned the distinction between migrant players lack of identification with the club


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compared with committed English players. He noted: I think it depends on thepersonality, thats the critical thing, because weve had Americans who give every-thing (Focus Group, 03/15/00). Similarly, Alan responded, it doesnt matterwhether youre English, you know, you can have English quitters, as well as youcan have American quitters; its about individual mettle (Interview, 09/29/00).Such observations complicated the picture of resistance and skepticism toward USplayers detailed above.

Despite a general preference for local players as a result of their apparentattachment to the club and community, fans acknowledged that migrants were alsocapable of the commitment and effort they sought, and could thus be viewed, some-times, favorably. Perspectives on Americans, despite the predisposition for skepti-cism, were subsequently conceptualized and subjected to some negotiation.Subsequently, several fans emphasized the effort and commitment of players, ratherthan national origins, as the key to how they viewed them. Capturing this, Chris-

tine explained, it doesnt matter where they come from, if its America fine, letshave American quality, but equally if weve got a Brit that can do the job, lets havehim (Focus Group, 03/15/00). Significantly, Christine reinforced the acceptanceof migrants on the basis of their offering quality, while also tacitly reflecting con-cerns that locals should not be marginalized.

Reinforcing the emphasis on effort and commitment, irrespective of nationalorigins, George questioned the commitment of one of the teams locally born play-ers. He explained,

I sometimes question the commitment of Karl Brown. . . . I know hes aLeicester lad, but sometimes you just get the feelings that hes just there forthe money sort of thing, you know, he doesnt really seem to be with theclub. (Interview, 03/03/00)

Thus, on the basis of the effort he displayed, a locally born British players commit-ment was questioned in the same way as US migrants commitments were. Thisevidence suggests that, among supporters, a simplistic pro-British, anti-US stance isnot necessarily evident. This is despite the predisposition of several fans to favorEnglish players on the basis of cultural stereotypes regarding work ethic and alle-giances to Leicester. The results are complex and suggest the presence of fans multi-layered perspectives on US migrants representing Leicester.

Indigenous Players: Development or Underdevelopment?

The resistance toward migrant players noted above reflected wider tensionsregarding development and underdevelopment, which have characterized Englishbasketball over the past 20 years. As these data demonstrate, fans perceptions arecomplicated by the desire for spectacle, entertainment, and a winning team. In-deed, despite concerns about the presence of migrants, there were also perspec-tives that viewed migrants as developing the indigenous game. Several fans viewedthem as contributing, in a wider sense, to the British game.

Perceptions of prominent migrants as acting to develop local players wereconsistent. Davina, for example, suggested, because its an American based game,I think they can bring that knowledge to Britain, and educate, like, local-basedplayers as well (Davina, Focus Group, 03/24/00). Likewise, Sherry noted: Ithink theyve had a strong influence on, erm, the Riders and basketball in the UK,


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particularly in schools. . . . I think theyve inspired a lot of youngsters into basket-ball most definitely (Focus Group, 03/24/00). Similarly, Leslie suggested, Thegames not big in England. . . . If children see American players, then it might givethem an interest (Focus Group, 03/15/00). These comments illustrate percep-tions of the positive impact of, most notably, US migrants on the indigenous game,whatever the real consequences of such recruitment. These impacts were seen interms of generating interest, inspiring youngsters, and educating British players.Such perceptions are similar to the justifications offered by those in the game whoadvocated their introduction over 20 years ago.

These data reinforce the complexity of the encounter between English bas-ketball fans and migrants. It shows how perspectives on migrant players draw onseveral, at times, competing considerations. For example, several fans that acknowl-edged the entertainment value of US imports expressed a simultaneous desire formore indigenous personnel. Notably, they did not link the presence of migrants

with the marginalization of British players. Katie, for instance, suggested,I think they (US players) bring a lot more of the skills into the game, and Ithink it can help the British players to feel, sort of, part of that basketballtradition of America. . . . Its just a shame that there arent more Britishplayers who are as good. (Focus Group, 04/01/00)

In this way, Katie demonstrates competing desires. Simultaneously, she lamentedthe lack of English players, considered migrants as assisting local player develop-ment, and yetvalued the skills migrants brought to the game. Nonetheless, the re-cruitment of US players and the development of locals are, in reality,

contradictorythe former ensure that indigenous basketball remains in a state ofdependent development.

This example shows how perspectives are characterized by potentially com-peting concerns within fans identities and consumption. Thus, perceptions mightinclude contradictions and are not necessarily politicized within the contexts ofwider global politicaleconomic tensions. Alternatively, the reception of migrantsis shaped by established identities that draw on local and national stereotypes andexpectations, basketballs place in local pride and civic identities, and desires forentertainment and spectacle. These specifically local allegiances and understand-ings render a nuanced engagement in the wider politicaleconomic flows and

tensions of global basketball. The result is varying and complex fan perceptionsof migrants.

Conclusion: Global Processes Through the Local Lens

In considering the encounter (Robins, 1997) between sports labor mi-grants and host cultures, this article explored the interplay among labor migrants,the consumption of English basketball, and local fandom. The nuanced encoun-ters that emerged highlighted the complexity of the localglobal nexus. Localconsumption was informed by civic pride and loyalty, rivalry with other local

teams, desires for club success, desires for spectacle and entertainment, and asense of rapport with players. Broader concerns regarding the welfare of the na-tional game and fears of Americanization operate largely in negotiation with theimmediate realities of local meaning and leisure identities. The backdrops to this


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local consumption are established-outsider identities that contour reactions tomigrants in several ways.

Fans views of migrants featured variation and paradox. On one hand, en-gagement was informed by the playing superiority of migrants, leading to thembeing valued for their contribution to team performances. Notwithstanding, nu-merous fans viewed British lads most favorably. They associated them with com-mitment, work ethic, and a sense of rapport and identification with the city ofLeicester. This contrasted with the ascribed status of US migrants, which led fansto question their commitment and loyalty to the city and team. Thus, desires for ateam victory and spectacle, to which migrants were seen as pivotal, were coun-tered with predispositions to favor local lads on the basis of civic and nationalallegiances and cultural stereotypes. Hence, conditional acceptance of migrants inthe context of local identities and civic pride was evident.

Wider concerns regarding US domination and the marginalization of local

players were subject to negotiation according to fans identities and leisure con-cerns. Where resistance and skepticism toward migrants was evident, these sur-faced largely in the context of concerns about the commitment and passion thatnonlocals might lack. Thus, they reflected fears that migrants would not identifywith the local community and would lack commitment in upholding local pridethrough winning results, rather than necessarily denying local players or threaten-ing the English national team. In this way, wider discourses of brash, uncouth, ormercenary Americans in Britain are interpreted (and negotiated) through the spe-cifically local lens of community and consumption through basketball fandom.

Our findings also reveal how the intersection of local established identities

and race can be complex within the context of the localglobal sports nexus. Asnoted above, in conjunction with commercialization processes commencing in the1970s, labor migration transformed the racial composition of the British game onthe court. Subsequently, it is predominantly (but not exclusively) Black NorthAmericans and Black British players who are watched by predominantly White,middle-class family audiences (by the mid 1990s, 60. 2% of players were Black[Chappell et al., 1996]11). The way in which established English identities meshintimately with conceptions of racethat is, Whitenesshas widely been demon-strated within the broader literature (Gilroy, 1987; Hebdige, 1996; Solomos, 2003).Accordingly, the ways in which dominant constructions of the sporting nation are

entwined with constructions of race have also been demonstrated (Carrington &McDonald, 2001; Gilroy, 2001).

These issues are significant within the context of wider discourses of labor(im)migration in Britain, the cultural politics of which have been intimately en-twined with race. Specifically, as Solomos (2003) demonstrates, the politics ofimmigration, refugees, and moral panics surrounding asylum seekers, fueled byright-wing media and politicians, centrally concerns threats to Britishness, ofwhich race is a core component. Our observations in this regard are revealing.Specifically, racialized subtexts of tension between local lads versus Ameri-cans are complicated by the fact that it is frequently Black Britons who are the

local lads. In turn, a proportion of migrants are White. That is, although nationalidentifications were a point of tension, the specifically racialized component oflocal and national identities were complicated, and indeed, at points, inverted.Furthermore, as we have detailed, the utility of migrants in upholding establishedlocal identities was significant.


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In this sense, the wider discourses of threatening economic migration, groundedin racialized visions of nation (and, in turn, locality), are complicated in the (sport-ing) case we have observed.12Accordingly, we might tentatively speculate that sportmight be perceived by some fans to occupy a cultural space beyond normal socialrelations. Accordingly, as Back, Crabbe, and Solmos (2001) observe in the case ofEnglish football, Black players wearing the [local] shirt might somehow, howevertemporarily or ephemerally, dissolve racial difference in fans interpretations. Thehero status of some African-American basketball migrants (for example, GeneWaldron in this case study) among locals in Leicester is premised on his upholdinglocal pride and established identities. Such acceptance and, indeed, adulation oflabor migrants is unlikely to be emulated beyond the sporting realm.

Though preliminary in scope, the observations of this case study warrant somediscussion in the context of the dynamics of the localglobal nexus. Theoretically,we have employed the conception of established and outsider groups (Elias, 1965/

1994) to reveal the multilayered identity politics that characterize localglobal dy-namics. The stigmatization of US players as mercenaries, lacking commitment,effort, and identification with local values is symptomatic of the collective fantasythat reaffirms established national (English) and local (Leicester) identities. In turn,the ascribed status of Americans is countered by idealized we-image visions oflocal players sense of civic allegiance, effort, and rapport with the local audience.These dynamics are pivotal in the local consumption and impact of migrants.

Yet, the encounter demonstrates the complex nature of established-outsiderrelations at the localglobal nexus. For example, the collective utility of migrantplayers to established and dominant Leicester community identities and local lei-

sure means they can be accepted on negotiated terms. These relations arise fromwithin a globalpolitical economy of basketball that sees US migrants themselvesas the established group in terms of labor within English basketball. English play-ers, the former established group, are pushed to the outsider role in the globaldivision of labor. The consequence is a nuanced interplay between the local andthe global stimulated by the presence of migrants. There is, then, simultaneousretrenchment and reconfiguration of power relations as local established identitiesare forced to reconcile the presence of outsider labor migrants.

Contra Rowe (2003), however, there is no contradiction between exploringlocal and national identities and using a globalization perspective. Examination of

the interrelationship among the nation, the nation-state, and globalization processesis a standard topic in mainstream globalization research (Held, 2000; Held, McGrew,Goldblatt, & Perraton, 1999). There is nothing mutually exclusive here. Indeed, insociology of sport, attention has been given to the extent to which national identi-ties are strengthened, weakened, or pluralized by globalization processes (Bairner,2001; Maguire, 1993; Maguire & Poulton, 1996). Repudiation of the range ofengagements that the local/national has with the global does not seem a wise orempirically sustainable course to follow. The context we have explored reveals thecountervailing nature of globalization as neither totalizing nor rejecting the global.Sport is no exception.

These observations afford scope for evaluating conceptualizations of the glo-balization debates, both with regard to sport and more broadly. Our approach hasbeen to draw on elements of cultural studies, critical political economy, and figurationalsociology to explore the encounters of sports migration. This allows a more nuancedanalysis of localglobal dynamics than do explications that emphasize solely global


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capitalism is possible. In this regard the established-outsider concept offers a meansto reveal the nature of localglobal identity politics within the contexts of wider po-litical, economic, and cultural structuring. Specifically, a more nuanced analysis oflocal consumption, meanings, and identities is thus possible in preference to thoseusing a monocausal analysis of global economic systems that draws on elements ofDependency Theory (Miller et al., 2003). Clearly, our approach is not the only way,but it does afford ways of conceiving the multifaceted nature of global sport develop-ment as a means to conduct further work and avoids the reification associated withstrictly economic accounts.

Substantively, this work highlights the complexity of the local consumptionof global sports contoured by local identities and affiliations, yet operating withinwider political, economic, and cultural dynamics. In the case examined, local cul-tural affiliations are clearly significant in sports consumption and encounters withsports labor migrants. The game is a source of meaning and identity within the

everyday lives of British basketball fans. Central to affiliations in this case wereissues of local pride, collective representation, and place identity, always relativeto other local, East Midland, regional, and national identities. As noted, globalflows in the form of migrantsalbeit with caveatsbecome active constituentswithin local discourses of civic pride, rivalry, and entertainment. Thus, althoughlocal consumption and identities are pivotal in the reception of global sports flows,in turn, these flows actively inform local cultures. For example, US migrants wereat the forefront of upholding local civic pride in fiercely contested matches againstlocal rivals, the Birmingham Bullets and the Derby Storm. These local Midlandstowns, characterized by successive waves of migration more generally, likewise

have labor migrants at the forefront of fans civic pride as experienced throughbasketball (as well as in association football, cricket, and rugby).

Such observations resonate with previous work (Andrews et al., 1996; Jack-son and Andrews, 1999) that posits the reinvigoration of local cultures resultingfrom the circulation of global sports flows. Yet, caution is required in heralding thesignificance of the interpretive potential of the local. Both the politicaleconomicdynamics of sport and the broader civilizing struggles that characterize global-ization processes highlight the interpretive limits that confront local sporting iden-tities. As Maguire notes, A sensitivity to local responses to global flows has tobe stressed. But so does the balance of power between the groups involved (1999,

p. 149). What is at stake is the power geometry between established-outsidergroups at a series of nodal points or levels within the migrant and wider globalfiguration. Hence, local affiliations with British basketball are conceptualized bydeeper global interdependences that, arguably, actively underdevelop the Britishgame relative to US influences in political, economic, and cultural terms. Under-standing power geometries, then, is crucial in contextualizing the significanceand limits of local interpretation. Clearly, such observations are of a preliminarynature. Greater work is needed across diverse locales to explore the role of sportin the identity politics and power relations we have observed.

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank Nancy Theberge and the two anonymous reviewers

for their valuable comments on this article. We also extend thanks to Steve Jackson for

comments on an earlier version.


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Notes1At the 2001 Census the ethnic breakdown of the city was as a follows: White 63.86%;

mixed 2.32%; Asian or Asian British 29.92%; Black or Black British 3.08%; Chinese 0.51%;

other ethnic groups 0.32%.

2The club started as the Loughborough All-Stars located at Loughborough Univer-sity, 13 miles north of Leicester. Concurrent with commercial shifts within the game, the

club moved to Leicester in 1977 and was a founding member of the National Basketball

League in 1986. In 2001 the club returned to play at Loughborough after the loss of their

home arena.3We use the wordpipelinesto denote the structures and processes through which

athletes are identified and nurtured (Stead and Maguire, 1997, p. 70).4We use the termBritishhere because the league operates as the British Basketball

League. Teams are predominantly drawn from England with only one from elsewhere

Edinburgh, Scotland. The competition is distinctly Anglo-centric. The case used in this

paper is English, making the findings nationally specific.5Of note is the marginal cultural status of basketball in Britain. Accordingly, no high

school and college feeder system of playing talent exists as it does in the US.6On average each of the five starting players spends 32 minutes of every 40 on court

(Dugdale, 2001).7Notably, Nemeth himself is a Hungarian national. As a settler migrant, his cham-

pioning of the British game demonstrates the contradictions and paradoxes in the global

sport system, characterized by complex migratory patterns and allegiances.8Questionnaire data suggested that the basketball audience does not mirror the wider

city. In particular, the ethnic minority profile of the basketball audience (6%) shows an

underrepresentation of the citys ethnic population, which stands at 36% (UK Census, 2001).

In particular the large Asian and British Asian populations are underrepresented.9Gene Waldron, an American, represented the Riders from 19841999. A star player

for the Riders during this time, he ultimately settled in the city and would most closely be

identified as a settler labor migrant (see Maguire, 1999).10The term mercenary is taken from Maguire (1996). It refers to those migrants who

are motivated more by short-term gain, with little or no attachment to the locality within

which they ply their trade.11The data of Chappell et al. (1996) is taken from the 1993/94 season.12In the context of this case study, attempting to gauge the role of race in the explicit

reception of migrants, is challenging. Specifically, the sensitivity of enquiries presents meth-

odological difficulties. Overt questioning of White consumers regarding perceptions on the

basis of race is likely to evoke socially desirable responses. Throughout participant obser-

vations during this time, race did not emerge as an expressed factor among the fans we

engaged. Subsequently, we raised the issue with several (White) fans during the final 6

months of the project. In all cases it was dismissed as a factor in contouring consumption.

Clearly, it is only even longer term ethnographic work that might gain closer entre to the

linkages between race and consumption.

Heroes locales migración basketbol.pdf

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