Social capital and employment for African immigrants in Sweden:

Investment in social networks produces socio-economic returns

Master’s Programme in Social Work and Human RightsDegree report 30 higher education creditSpring 2015Author: Nyiiro GraceSupervisor: Lena Sawyer

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Abstract

This study titled, Social capital and employment for African immigrants in Sweden aimed at analyzing East African immigrants’ understanding of the role of social capital towards employment of African immigrants in Gothenburg City. The study was guided by these research questions. How is social capital understood among African immigrants living in Gothenburg City? What are the existing forms of social capital among East African immigrants in Gothenburg City? What is the understanding of East African immigrants on the kind of employment that African immigrants do in Gothenburg City? And what are the effects of social networks in relation to employment of East African immigrants in Gothenburg City?

An explorative and case study design was used following a qualitative approach. Semi-structured structured interviews were used for information gathering and thematic analysis was employed to analyze the interviews.

The study found out that social capital was mainly found in social networks and three forms of social networks among African immigrants were dominant; social networks predominantly consisting of African immigrants who share similar socio-economic status, the second kind is where African immigrants connect with native Swedes and other immigrant groups who are perceived to be better or progressive in terms of employment and other social connections on the labour market and lastly one where African immigrants connect to social institutions that offer different services on the labour market.The last two forms of social networks were said to be more desirable as they are both resource rich with unique resources that are not present in the African immigrants’ dominated networks.

The study further found that most African immigrants are highly represented in employment that requires less skills and expertise. This was said to result from the fact that many get job information from fellow African immigrants doing almost the same kind of work. It also came out clearly in the study that the lack of relevant training and the inability to speak the Swedish language was a major barrier to many African immigrants on the labor market.

Study findings further revealed that social capital results in socio-economic return. There was a general consensus among the interviewed that most African immigrants get their first jobs through social connections and that social capital is viewed as an investment and a source of social security. It was also said to be a burden in some ways given the fact that it tends to lead to dependency on some progressive members in social networks hence constraining socio-economic success.

The study was anchored on Lin’s social resources theory which asserts that access to and use of social resources can lead to better social economic status.

Key Concepts: Social capital, Social networks, African immigrants and labour market

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Acknowledgements

I wish to acknowledge the generous collaboration between Gothenburg University (Sweden) and Makerere University (Uganda) for granting me the opportunity to study this Masters programme in Social Work and Human Rights. My sincere gratitude goes to the coordinators and administrators of the exchange programme here at Department of Social Work, Gothenburg University and at the Department of Social Work and Social Administration of Makerere University.

I acknowledge the priceless efforts of my professors in the course; Ing-Marie Johansson, Katarina Hollertz, Dietmar Rauch, Eyasu Gayim, Inger Kjellberg, Urban Herlitz, Ronny Tikkanen, Adrian Groglopo and the efforts of the student Administrator Viktoria Jendmyr for your services whenever needed. My interaction with you throughout the study process has positively impacted me in many ways.

I wish to express my deepest appreciation and gratitude to my research supervisor, Lena Sawyer for her support and guidance throughout the writing process of this thesis. My interaction with you was a great learning opportunity for me. Your encouragemnt and inspiration pushed me to write and finish this piece of work in the limited period of time that I had.

I acknowledge the selfless effort of my best friend Brenda Nanyonga for the different ideas we share throughout the writing process but above all the time you spared to help with the editing of the final report, I am so grateful and may the Almighty bless you and reward you abundantly.

To my classmates, am grateful for the encouragement during this time and I believe your social support made the whole writing exercise enjoyable. Particularly I am grateful to you Katie Sophie Gozer for editing part of this final report. This was a true sign of professional friendship.

To all my Ugandan friends in Gothenburg; Julius, Doreen, Sandra, Suzan, Jeniffer and Nelson for the social support both directly and indirectly through out the writing process but also during my time as a student at Gothenburg University. You all made my stay here memorable and for that am grateful

Special appreciations go to the study respondents who spared their precious time amidst tight schedules to participate in the study.

Thank you all.

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Dedication

To my Mama, Flavia Ndyomukazi for the endurance you went through to raise me and to you my Love; Destiny, you have been a blessing in my life and forever I will cherish you.

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Table of Contents

Abstract................................................................................................................................................... iDedication...............................................................................................................................................iii

Table of Contents......................................................................................................................ivCHAPTER ONE........................................................................................................................11.1Introduction.........................................................................................................................................11.2Background to the Study.....................................................................................................................1

1.3Problem Statement..............................................................................................................................31.4 Objectives of the study......................................................................................................................3

1.4.1 General Objective...........................................................................................................................31.4.2 Specific Objectives.........................................................................................................................3

1.5 Research Questions............................................................................................................................41.6 Scope of Study...................................................................................................................................4

1.7 Significance of the study....................................................................................................................41.8 Operational definition of key concepts..............................................................................................4

1.8.1 East African immigrants.................................................................................................................41.8.2 Social Capital..................................................................................................................................5

1.8.3 Employment....................................................................................................................................5CHAPTER TWO.....................................................................................................................................6

2.0 Methodology......................................................................................................................................62.1 Introduction........................................................................................................................................6

2.2 Area of Study.....................................................................................................................................62.3 Study Population................................................................................................................................6

2.4 Study Design......................................................................................................................................72.5 Sample Size and Sampling Techniques.............................................................................................7

2.5.1 Sample Size.....................................................................................................................................72.5.2 Selection Procedure........................................................................................................................7

2.5.3 Sampling Techniques......................................................................................................................82.5.3.1 Purposive.....................................................................................................................................8

2.5.3.2 Snow Ball.....................................................................................................................................82.6 Data Collection Methods and Tools..................................................................................................8

2.6.1 Semi structured interviews..............................................................................................................82.6.2 Documentary Review.....................................................................................................................9

2.7 Study Procedure.................................................................................................................................92.8 Data Analysis and Presentation.........................................................................................................9

2.8.1 Reflection on the study participants..............................................................................................102.8.2 Reflection on my position of an interviewer and researcher........................................................10

2.9 Validity, Reliability and Generalization..........................................................................................11

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2.10 Discusion of Methods....................................................................................................................122.11 Ethical Considerations...................................................................................................................12

2.11.1 Informed Consent.......................................................................................................................122.11.2 Confidentiality............................................................................................................................13

2.11.3 Respect........................................................................................................................................132.12 Challenges faced............................................................................................................................13

CHAPTER THREE..................................................................................................................143.0 Theoretical Framework....................................................................................................................143.1 Introduction......................................................................................................................................14

3. 2 Background.....................................................................................................................................143.3 The social resources theory..............................................................................................................16

Conceptual Frame work.........................................................................................................................163.4 Conceptual framework.....................................................................................................................17

3.5 Interpretation of the conceptual framework.....................................................................................18CHAPTER FOUR..................................................................................................................................19

4.0 Literature review..............................................................................................................................194.1 Introduction......................................................................................................................................19

4.2 Social capital....................................................................................................................................194.3 Forms of social capital and their resources......................................................................................20

4.3 The kind of employment that African immigrants engage in..........................................................234.4 Effect of social capital in the employment of immigrants...............................................................25

CHAPTER FIVE...................................................................................................................................285.0 Findings and Analysis......................................................................................................................28

5.1 Introduction......................................................................................................................................285.2 Profile of study Participants.............................................................................................................28

5.3 Understanding social capital............................................................................................................295.4 Forms of social capital among African immigrants in Gothenburg................................................31

5.4.1 Tracing network formation for social capital among African immigrants...................................315.4.2 African brother and sisterhood social networks...........................................................................32

5.4.3 Connecting with the native population.........................................................................................345.4.4 Connections/ interactions with Social institutional......................................................................37

5.4.5 Challenges of building strong social networks on the Swedish labour market............................395.4.5.1 The Swedish Language..............................................................................................................39

5.4.5. 2 Refresher courses......................................................................................................................405.5 Resources in social relationships/social networks among African immigrants...............................41

5.5.1 Friends and Friendship..................................................................................................................415.5.2 Native Swedish and other progressive immigrants.......................................................................42

5.5.3 Social institutions..........................................................................................................................425.5.4 Valuable Information....................................................................................................................43

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5.6 The kind of work that African immigrants do.................................................................................445.6.1 Cleaning........................................................................................................................................44

5.6.2 Distribution of papers...................................................................................................................445.6.3 Caring for children and the elderly...............................................................................................45

5.6.4 Higher education but with lower education jobs..........................................................................465.7 Understanding of the role of social networks towards employment of African immigrants...........47

5.7.1 Social capital as an investment.....................................................................................................475.7.2 Social networks are a marketing platform for African immigrants..............................................48

5.7.3 Social networks for social security...............................................................................................485.7.4 Strengthening the individual.........................................................................................................49

5.7.5 The risk of getting trapped............................................................................................................505.7.6 Betrayal and abuse of trust............................................................................................................51

CHAPTER SIX......................................................................................................................................526.0 Summary and conclusions...............................................................................................................52

6.1 Introduction......................................................................................................................................526.2 Forms of social capital/social networks...........................................................................................53

6.3 Existing Resources in a Network for East African immigrants.......................................................546.4 Kind of work for African immigrants..............................................................................................54

6.5 The Role of Social Networks...........................................................................................................556.6 Areas for Further Research..............................................................................................................56

References..............................................................................................................................................57Appendices.............................................................................................................................................61

Appendix A:Interview-Guide................................................................................................................61Appendix B:Consent Form....................................................................................................................62

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CHAPTER ONE1.1 IntroductionThis chapter presents the background to the study, problem statement, objectives of the study, research questions, and the scope of the study and the significance of the study.

1.2 Background to the StudyInternational immigration continues to grow faster than ever before and over 232 million people are on the move worldwide (Sporlein and Tubergen, 2014). In a research carried out to study the occupational status of immigrants in Western and non-Western societies, Sporlein and Tubergen report that in 2013 3.2% of the world’s population was living outside their countries of origin and that a big chunk of that percentage was in western countries.

In another report authored by Laczko and Lonnback (2014) for the International Organization for Immigrants, it is noted that approximately 1 billion of the world’s 7 billion people are migrants. In real figures the report mentions that 214 million people are international migrants. The report shows that although South to South migration has increased, South to North is still the common direction of migration among international migrants.

The International Organization for Migration (IOM) defines an immigrant as a person who has resided into a foreign country for more than one year irrespective of the cause, voluntary or involuntary and the means used to migrate regular or irregular. This definition excludes those traveling for shorter periods of time such as tourists and business persons however common usage includes certain kinds of seasonal movers such as those who travel for short periods to work on planting and harvesting on farms. In the context of Sweden, immigrants are those who were either born abroad or born in Sweden to two immigrant parents, commonly known as the foreign born (Fredlund, 2014).

The Laczko and Lonnback report underscores the value of immigration by showing that only in 2012, migrant remittances had increased from 81.3 billion to 401 billion US Dollars and the report estimates that by the end of 2015 this figure could reach to as much as 515 US Dollars. Remittances to sub Saharan Africa alone in 2011 were projected to stand at 5 billion to 10 billion per year.

As Fredlund (2014) notes, Sweden has been a host for immigrants for many years, welcoming people fleeing from social and political unrest from all over the world and most recently those running out of Syria because of the ongoing crisis. She points out that about one-fifth of Sweden's population has an immigrant background.

The trend of immigration has been changing over time and Alden and Hammarstedt (2014) provide an important insight in the position of foreign born on the Swedish labour market. The paper shows that indeed since the 1940s the number of immigrants has always exceeded emigrants and that the reasons for immigration have also been changing and multifaceted over the years from refugees to labour immigrants, most of these coming from Nordic countries especially Finland and the rest of Europe including West Germany, Austria, Italy, Greece and Yugoslavia. Alden and Hammarstedt further note that most immigrants at the time (1940s) came to Sweden for labor related reasons because at the time, Sweden demanded more labour because it was in the process of economic and industrial expansion.

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However Alden and Hammarstedt (2014) show that in the 1960s more restrictions were introduced where immigrants were required to obtain labour permits before arriving in Sweden but the labour market was still open to Nordic immigrants. As time progressed (1970s towards the 80s) immigration assumed a new face of refugee immigrants and indeed many of the immigrants were from Latin America, the Middle East and Africa. Due to the civil war in Yugoslavia more European refugees continued coming until the 1990s. This resulted in the increase in the number of immigrants from the Middle East and Africa. This trend has resulted in an increase of the population of Non-European immigrants in Sweden (Alden and Hammarstedt, 2014)

Different migrant groups have had success on the labour market while others have found it really hard to succeed. Different reasons are forwarded why some groups of immigrants progress on the labour market while others find it hard to and indeed literature shows that human capital differences and the fact that discrimination still exist on the labour market are the two major reasons for the difference in luck on the labour market (Sporlein and Tubergen, 2014).

Arguing from the human capital position, Sporlein and Tubergen (2014) explain that an individual’s position on the labour market is determined by the amount of accumulated human capital. They define human capital as education and accumulated work experience and thus conclude that the more human capital an individual has the better his/her productivity and the higher the chances of entering the labour market for employment. The article by Sporlein and Tubergen notes that some immigration groups possess more human capital and this explains their success on the labour market. Citing Chicswick and Miller (2003) Sporlein and Tubergen also raise another key issue which is the language spoken in the destination country and they note that, migrant groups that are able to comprehend the language of the destination country because of being exposed before their migration have better comparative advantage over those who do not.

Sporlein and Tubergen (2014) argue that the other factor that may determine success on the job market by immigrants is the discriminatory tendencies of employers. They note that, some immigration groups face discrimination and this limits their chances of success on the market. With this background in mind Sporlein and Tubergen say that generally it is assumed that individuals have preference for in-group against out group.

The power of social networks has also been widely fronted as an important ground that determines the success or failure of immigrants. Alden and Hammarstedts (2014) argue in their study that having access to a network has proved valuable for many immigrants and that such networks improve the chances of succeeding on the labor market as connections between people can be exploited by others to get employment

Research on the role of networks among minorities in Sweden shows that a lack of networks makes it hard to obtain employment but also to pursue careers in specific areas that immigrants are qualified in (Englund, 2003) Englund however notes that immigrants are not included in valuable networks that can help them in accessing employment yet social networks are one of the most widely used strategies for employment in modern Sweden. As such, Englund explains that immigrants do not have a wide circle of acquaintances and this makes it hard for them in the labor market.

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African immigrants from Sub Saharan African have also had their share of challenges experienced in the Swedish labor market. In a recent AFROFOBI report (2014, p7), it was noted that they run a high risk of being unemployed and they are over represented among low income groups in Sweden. Commissioned by the minister for integration Mr. Erik Ullenhag, the report highlights the current situation on Afro phobia; a term used by the UN to describe the hostility towards people with Sub Saharan background (ibid)

This study focuses on social and social networks. The study was preoccupied by finding out the forms of social networks that African immigrants belong to and how this contributes to the forms of social capital they gather, it was also be the objective of this study to explore the experiences of East African immigrants regarding the resources that are embedded in their networks, the kind of work that Africans do and ultimately how social capital affects African immigrants in the area of employment in Sweden and specifically Gothenburg city.

1.3 Problem StatementThe idea of social capital being capital is based on the premise that investment in building social networks connects people to valuable resources within networks and that these connections result in profitable or positive returns. Over the years, several African immigrants have lived and worked in Sweden- Gothenburg City in different sectors of the labor market. During this time different African immigrants have formed different social relationships and networks probably with among other aims improving their social economic status.

However, not much is known about the kind of social capital that exists among African immigrants especially the forms of social networks and the benefits of belonging to different social networks in terms of resources. Little is also known about the role of social capital in employment specifically African immigrants in Gothenburg city. This study explores the above issues offering insight from the point of view of East African immigrants living in Gothenburg City.

1.4 Objectives of the study

1.4.1 General ObjectiveThe main objective of the study is to analyze East African immigrants’ understanding of the role of social capital towards employment of African immigrants in Gothenburg City.

1.4.2 Specific Objectives1. To explore the existing forms of social capital among East African immigrants in

Gothenburg City.2. To find out the kind of resources existent within networks that East African immigrants

belong to.3. To explore the understanding of East African immigrants of the kind of employment that

African immigrants do in Gothenburg City.

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4. To analyze the effect of social networks on the employment of East African immigrants in Gothenburg City.

1.5 Research Questions 1. How is social capital understood among African immigrants living in Gothenburg City?2. What are the existing forms of social capital among East African immigrants in

Gothenburg City?3. What is the understanding of East African immigrants of the kind of employment that

African immigrants do in Gothenburg City?4. What are the effects of social networks in relation to employment of East African

immigrants in Gothenburg City?

1.6 Scope of StudyThe geographical scope of this study was limited to Gothenburg City and only one municipality was studied i.e. central Gothenburg. In terms of the content, emphasis was put on East African immigrants’ understanding of the role of social capital on employment of African immigrants in Gothenburg City. In order to do this, the study analyzed the forms of social capital that exist among the East African immigrants, the kind of work they are engaged in and how social capital affects their employment. It took approximately three months for the study to be completed including data collection and report writing.

1.7 Significance of the studyThe findings of this study highlight the existing forms of social capital and how social capital affects the employment of African immigrants. This can go a long way in aiding government departments in Sweden especially those related to the labour market operations together with other policy and social planners to come up with intervention geared towards improving socio-economic livelihoods of African immigrant groups and other immigrant groups in general.

This study also has significance for researchers and academia, as the study highlights the different social network dynamics including how African immigrants come to belong to different social networks and the benefits within those networks. Such a study contributes to already existing literature on the subject of social capital.

It is also hoped that the study will inspire further research in this area using different methods. The current study uses qualitative methods and a new study using qualitative method may pick from the current study

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1.8 Operational definition of key concepts

1.8.1 East African immigrantsFor this study, only persons from Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania who have resided in Sweden and currently live in Gothenburg since more than seven years have been considered irrespective of the cause, voluntary or involuntary, and the means used to migrate, regular or irregular.

1.8.2 Social CapitalSocial capital is about networks of people and the resources within those networks that are available to the members. It also includes the benefits coming out of social interactions among members of networks.

1.8.3 EmploymentFor this study both formal and informal kinds of work that result in wage, economical profits and benefits for an individual have been considered as employment. It also considered all immigrants employed by organizations, corporations or firms and the self employed.

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CHAPTER TWO

2.0 Methodology2.1 IntroductionThis Chapter presents the methodology that guided the study; it describes the area of study, the study population, the study design, the sample size and sampling techniques, the data collection methods, how the data was analyzed and the ethical considerations for the study

2.2 Area of StudyThis study was conducted in Gothenburg city. The city is the second largest in Sweden and is found on the west coast according to the Gothenburg city website (Goteborg.se viewed on 19th Feb, 2015) and it has a population of 540,132 inhabitants. The city is inhabited by a sizeable number of immigrants. The respondents for the study were selected from areas that are known to have many immigrants in the city and these include; Central Gothenburg, Angered, Gårdsten, Bergsjön, Korrtedala and Tynnered.

2.3 Study Population

The study targeted African immigrants from the three East African countries Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania. As such all the interviews that were carried out for the study were with respondents who originally emigrated from East Africa. East Africa makes up a sizeable number of immigrants in Sweden. According to a recent study there are 5444 Ugandans, 4294 Kenyans and 2749 Tanzanians in Sweden and their population contributes to around 10.4% of the total number of immigrants in Sweden from Sub-Saharan Africa which is around 162,297 (AFROFOBI, 2014, p.7). The exact number of those living in Gothenburg was not available on the city website however what is documented is that Africans make up 12% of the total population of immigrants in Gothenburg city (Goteborg.se viewed on 19th

Feb, 2015).

The immigrants from these three countries were selected because their countries of origin have experienced relative peace and stability for now over two decades. This limited the likelihood that many of the immigrants from those countries are here because of political instabilities which is the case is for countries like South Sudan because of the civil war, Rwanda because of the effects of the genocide and Burundi because of political insecurity. Thus the most viable reason for their stay in Sweden, Gothenburg city is mainly employment related.

The general trend has also shifted and indicates that the structure of immigration has changed and now mainly consists of labor immigrants rather than the flow of refugees which was the predominant category before (OECD, 2011).

The immigrants to be targeted were both men and women who have lived in Sweden for at least the last seven years. This time range was selected because there has been an increase in

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the working-age population in recent years mainly due to a large net immigration (ibid) and this report further shows that future increases in the working-age population are dependent on persons born in other countries whereas the number of persons born in Sweden is continuing to decline.

2.4 Study DesignThe study was qualitative in nature. An explorative design was employed to gain insight into East African immigrants’ understanding of the role of social capital in the employment of African immigrants in Gothenburg City. It employed a case study design. The case study design was relevant in this kind of study because it uses descriptive questions that offer an in-depth understanding about a phenomenon; it is also applicable where a researcher has a case bound by time and place that can inform the problem (Creswell et al, 2007). Most importantly as Bryman (2012) puts it case study designs are favorable when methods such as semi-structured interviewing are used. As for the case of this study in order to generate intensive and rich data this design was relevant. The time in which to carry out this study (February to May, 2015) also qualified it to be an appropriate design.

2.5 Sample Size and Sampling Techniques

2.5.1 Sample SizeThe study targeted eight (8) respondents in total four men and four women that had been living in Sweden for the last seven years. However due to time constraints I was unable to get all the eight respondents and only six (6) interviews were conducted for the study. The study targeted both men and women from the three East African Countries of Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania so as to explore their individual experiences and understanding on social capital and its role towards the employment of African immigrants. One of the respondents was studied comprehensively as a key informant since he had lived experience concerning the subject of study; being a strong leader in an African dominated church in Central Gothenburg and having stayed in Sweden for quite some time, close to 23 years.

2.5.2 Selection ProcedureIn the study two respondents from Uganda, two from Kenya, one from Tanzania and one key informant from Uganda were interviewed. In total two female and four male respondents were interviewed. A key informant was opted in the study after two of the respondents referred to him as a knowledgeable person on issues concerning African immigrants in central Gothenburg. At the time of the study he had lived in Sweden for close to 23 year and was a church leader in a prayer centre in Gothenburg where most of the congregation is African immigrants of all statuses. As it turned out, his position in the church as a leader and his closeness with many of the African immigrants in the church made him suitable for this study. For purposes of confidentiality the name of the church and the position of the key informant are not mentioned.

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2.5.3 Sampling TechniquesThe study used non-probability sampling techniques given that it is of a qualitative nature. Purposive and snow ball sampling techniques were used to get the study respondents and these are further discussed below;

2.5.3.1 PurposiveThis type of sampling is essentially to do with the selection of units which may be people, organizations, documents, departments and so on with direct reference to the research questions being asked (Bryman, 2012). The researcher therefore selected and interviewed people who had relevant knowledge and experience on the study topic for example the study only focused on East African immigrants that are engaging in some sort of work here in Gothenburg. This method was used for selecting the key informant. Due to his knowledge and experience serving in an African dominated church and having lived in Sweden for over 20 years; he was a suitable respondent for this study and that is why he was purposively selected

2.5.3.2 Snow BallThe researcher also used snow ball method to get the research respondents. Using this method selected respondents led the researcher to other potential respondents with relevant information to the study. This kind of sampling is sometimes recommended when networks of individuals are the focus of the attention Coleman (in Bryman, 2012). Since the study was about social capital and social networks, this was a suitable approach in trying to find respondents since one leads to another.

2.6 Data Collection Methods and Tools The study used purely qualitative data collection methods and tools because these were relevant in exploring the perceptions, feelings and experiences of the study subjects. It is also due to the fact that the study is more interested in the subjective views of the study subjects. Only semi structured interviews and document review methods were used. Below is a discussion of these;

2.6.1 Semi structured interviewsI conducted semi structured interviews with respondents who possessed relevant knowledge, information and experience on the study topic so as to obtain relevant information. This method was seen as relevant since it avails space for the respondents to intensively share their views without a lot of interruption from the research and the result is rich information and data was collected. As Bryman (2012) argues with this method the point of interest is the interviewee’s point of view and because of this a platform is laid for the interviewee to express themselves.

An interview guide was developed and used during the interviews to guide the researcher.(see attachment A) This only had a few key questions that were open ended so that the respondent could share their views freely. The set of questions developed were only a guide and did not influence the sequence in answering the question. In many cases some questions were

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answered without the researcher asking them because the respondents were given freedom to express their views with limited interruption from the researcher.

2.6.2 Documentary ReviewThis was used mainly for literature review with the aim of getting information that would be helpful in understanding and answering the research questions. This method was also important for purposes of triangulation so as to increase confidence in the study finding. As Heale and Forbes (2013) note, when more than one method is used, findings provide a more comprehensive picture than what one method can do. For purposes of authenticity and credibility only published documents were reviewed. Given the nature of the study area both old and current literature was used. For purposes of conceptualization and for the theory used in this study old literature was reviewed. This was mainly to capture the understanding of social capital by the main authors on social capital such as Pierre Bourdieu (1930-2002), James Coleman (1926-1995), and Robert Putnam (1941- ).

2.7 Study ProcedureMaking contacts with the study participants preceded the interviews. The nature of the study (the role of social capital) guided the selection of the study respondents. All respondents’ contacts were obtained through different networks informally. This was through talking and explaining to different contacts about my research intentions. When I got the first interview the respondent shared with me some of the contacts who I later contacted. Those who had no time to talk to me because of their busy schedules would refer me to those they thought would have vital information for my research. The respondents would then fix an appointment (time and date) when we would have the interviews. Even with their tight schedules all the interviews were conducted during the day and in safe public/private environments. The interviews were audio recorded with the consent and permission of the respondents to be able to capture all the information that was shared but also to save time. Transcription of recorded data was done in verbatim, later the data was analyzed.

2.8 Data Analysis and Presentation The findings and analysis are based on themes developed in the study following a deductive approach informed by the research objectives. This approach was used for convenience purposes but also as Burnard et al (1991) mentions it is useful in studies where researchers are already aware of probable responses from research participants.

Given the time constraint, analysis of study findings was ongoing throughout the research process. After listening and transcribing the interviews I interacting with the study findings through reading through over and over. Through this exercise, codes were attached to the data and themes derived thereafter. The themes identified were in many ways guided by the research objectives. However there are certain sub-themes that emerged from the findings that I took interest in and in many ways provided a firm ground for the analysis and interpretation of the study findings. In analysis the findings, concepts, findings from earlier literature and the theoretical framework were used in the interpretation of what the interviewees shared so as to make meaning out of them.

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2.8.1 Reflection on the study participantsThe study participants comprised of working individuals in different sectors of the labour market in Sweden. This in many ways was important since they were able to share their understanding of the situation of employment and social capital from different points of view. They were all educated with four of them with at least bachelor degrees in different fields, while two had training in other areas at certificate levels. This in a way informed the study in a stronger and unique way as their characteristics were later seen to influence the way in which they expressed themselves and how they shared their views on the topic. I wish however to point out that the level of education was not one of the criteria that was based upon in selecting the participants. All the information from the six interviews was relevant and used in different sections of the study. Necessary patterns were identified and in the process, data from one respondent complemented data from another. The views presented in the findings chapter are in many ways a representation of what the other respondents said on the subject. This is important to point out given the fact that the main aim of the study was to analyze the respondents’ understanding. Indeed to keep the respondents’ thoughts in their original form, data was transcribed verbatim and consequently what the respondents said was presented in its original form; the way they said what they said and presented in italics. Furthermore to be able to follow which respondent said what, at the end of every quote an identifier is tagged to the quote corresponding to a number for each respondent.

2.8.2 Reflection on my position as an interviewer and researcherMays and Pope (1995, p.109-112) argue that both qualitative and quantitative researchers are selective and prone to subjective tendencies. For example they argue that in quantitative data analysis it is possible to generate statistical representations of phenomena which may or may not be justified since just as in qualitative work they will depend on the judgment and skill of the researcher. They thus conclude that all research is selective. With that in mind and being a fellow African from the same region (East Africa) as the participants, the question of bias and lack of objectivity is bound to be raised. Mary and Pope (1995, p.111) emphasize that qualitative research is often criticized for lack of objectivity and that it is an assembly of anecdote and personal impressions, strongly subject to the researcher bias.Being aware of my position from the start guided me to come up with a research strategy including research design and method of analysis that would allow me to present the finding from the study without any distortions. The questions used were open ended and the excerpts are transcribed in their original form. Furthermore during the interviews, participants were reminded to share their views from their personal point of view and not to assume that I knew what they were going through. More still to deal with the bias that may result during interpretation of study findings, the views of the participants were clearly separated from my own interpretation. All this was to create a systematic and coherent display of relative objectivity. Thus my position did not have any influence on study findings. With certainty, I can argue that with the same strategy, even another researcher would not come to completely different research findings.

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2.9 Validity, Reliability and GeneralizationThere has been a continued debate on the relevance of validity, reliability and generalisation in qualitative research, noting that the meaning of the term need to be altered since they give an impression of measurement which is a predominantly quantitative approach (Bryman, 2008). It is acknowledged that reliability and validity are important criteria in establishing and assessing the quality of research. (ibid)

Furthermore Whittemore, Chase and Mandle in their study on validity in qualitative research argue that there is still lack of an agreed criterion for establishing validity in qualitative research because of the necessity to incorporate subjective views and creativity.

However, that being true, there are mechanisms that can be employed to ensure that study conclusions reflect what the respondents said and some of these were used in this study including among others an appropriate study design (case study) which clearly focused on a particular kind of respondent that would clearly provide a foundation for making study conclusion on the research area.

Furthermore in the analysis, the views of the respondents were presented as they said them, verbatim so as to keep their original thoughts and experiences shared. Even where there was a point of disagreement in a view shared by different respondents, all these were clearly shown in the quotations and acknowledged in the analysis. Using the literature review further offered an opportunity for triangulation so as to compare the current study and studies carried out before but in a similar area.

Bryman (2008, p.32) notes that although both validity and reliability are analytically distinguishable, they are related because validity measures reliability. Meaning that if a measure is not reliable it cannot be valid. Reliability to that effect measures the question of whether study findings are repeatable. To ensure that, open ended questions were employed in order to give an opportunity to respondents to freely share their experiences and opinions on different questions without pre-determined responses which could probably bias the respondent. Thus it can be said with a higher degree of certainty, that faced with the same questions on the same subject under the same environment, respondents would offer similar responses.

Generalisation on the other hand means the possibility to transfer study finding to other subjects and situation.(Kvale and Brinkmann, 2009). This can be challenging in qualitative research given the fact that in many case qualitative research studies small number of respondents sharing certain similar characteristics and finding tend to be contextualised to unique environments.(Bryman, 2008, p.378) It is important to note that for this study the aim was not to generalise the findings but to study indepth and explore the understanding of the respondents on the research question. The study can not therefore claim to be generalisable. However given the fact that triangulation has been employed through comparison with earlier study, the findings in this particular study can be said to give a general impression of other African immigrants living in similar circumstances.

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2.10 Discusion of MethodsAs stated earlier, the study used qualitative methods and particularly an explorative and case study design using semi-structured interviews administered to six research participants. This study design was employed to intensively study the understanding of East African immigrant on the role of social capital toward the employment of African immigrants in central Gothenburg.

In choosing a case study design for the study I was aware of its limitations such as the challenges of gathering thick and hard to summarise narratives and the difficulty in making generalisations from study findings (Flyvbjerg, 2006, p.237). However other than looking at it as a challenge, I took it as an opportunity since this would result in rich and unique stories that would contribute to current knowledge on African immigrants, academic literature and inspire new research and social scientific investigations in the same area. Furthermore, (Flyvbjerg, 2006, p.238) argues that this approach to qualitative research allows stories to be told from their many sides, complex and sometimes conflicting dimensions.

Important to note is that no single research method is without weakness (May and Pope,1995, p.110) and the current study cannot claim so and certainly it is hard to tell what the findings would have been if for example quantitative methods were used reaching more respondents than the one the current study involved. Additionally with a larger survey it would be possible to make generalisation based on survey findings which the current study cannot claim.

Having said that, it is important to note that the aim of the current study qualified the use of qualitative methods as the most appropriate given the targeted number of participants in the limited time scope of three months to curry out the whole study.

2.11 Ethical ConsiderationsLike other disciplines, social research has a set of ethical issues that tend to manifest during the entire research process. For this study, caution was taken to ensure that the research purpose, content, methods, analysis and outcomes abide by ethical principles and practices like Creswell et al. (2007) suggests.

2.11.1 Informed ConsentInformed consent literary means that people make a choice to participate in a study after being informed of its facts. As Bryman (2008) notes, informed consent gives respondents the opportunity to be fully informed of the nature of the research and the implication of their participation. I sought consent and cooperation from all respondents before holding any interviews. After thoroughly explaining the purpose of the study and giving detailed information on why I had selected a particular respondent they would be asked to consent by signing the consent the form as a formal acceptance of participation. This was done to make sure that study participants voluntarily participate without any form of coercion. Consent was also sought where an audio recorder was used. The respondents were also informed that they were free not to answer any questions they felt uncomfortable and that they could pull out of the interviews at any time without providing reason. This was to ensure that participation was free and voluntary.

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2.11.2 ConfidentialityAll respondents were assured of confidentiality and that the interviews would be transcribed and all information such as names that reveals their identity would be removed. It was also emphasized that the interviews were for the thesis and also in case of future publications.

Additionally although some of the respondents were known to one another, to ensure anonymity, their names and country of origin are not referred to in the study; this was meant to ensure further confidentiality. The respondents are instead given numbers as identifiers. The name of the church was also left out for the same reasons, since one of the church leaders was a key informant. Additionally, the researcher also ensured protection of all gathered data whereby all the audio recordings and transcriptions were stored on a personal computer which had a password and these would later be destroyed after the purpose for which they were gathered was fulfilled.

2.11.3 RespectRespect was ensured both during data collection and presentation of findings for all participants regardless of their social status and gender. The researcher avoided intruding into participants’ privacy, tried as much as possible to respect time and appointments as well as use of appropriate language. For all the respondents, interviews were carried out in public/private but convenient places away from sight of other people and without any interruptions which could have been a barrier during the interviews.

2.12 Challenges facedGetting respondents for the study was not an easy task since most of them had tight schedules for their work. As such sometime interviews were scheduled more than once because of failure of the respondents to honor their appointments. It therefore required my patience to be able to get all the six interviews that were used in the study.

Time constraints were also a big challenge for this study. With a specific deadline in mind, the time to carry out the study was short and required proper planning for both writing and data collection so as not to affect the quality of the report. As such due to limited time I was not able to speak to those participants who had postponed the interviews from the original appointment. This challenge was dealt with by taking on different roles at the same time and making sure that the data analysis process was an ongoing one throughout the writing period.

The other challenge during the study was to get the participants to tell their story of how it has been on the labour market. This was challenging especially because there were hesitations as to why I was going to record the conversations. In fact in one of the interviews a respondent suggested that I do not record on audio what he was going to share with me. It took my explanation to inform the participant that the purpose of recording the conversation and interview was to allow me to be able to capture all that we were going to discuss so that I do not distort his views. I also informed him that the audio recording was going to be erased after the production of the report but also assured him that the recordings would be kept in a safe place for security of the date

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CHAPTER THREE

3.0 Theoretical Framework3.1 IntroductionThis chapter presents the theoretical framework that was used in the study and the different concepts used. The theoretical framework was used to gain insight and deeper understanding of social capital and later used to analyze and interpret data from the interviews. A conceptual framework was also derived to illustrate the forms of social capital and social networks, their interaction and inter-connectedness and the different kinds of benefits and resources that network members gain as a result of their membership.

3.2 Background To understand social capital, it is imperative to give a background on how the original theorists of social capital understood it so as to create a firm foundation for the use of the social resources theory as explained by Lin (1982). The works of Pierre Bourdieu, James Colenam and Robert Putman have had immense influence on this subject and its application in a number of fields including academic and political debates. (Enfield, 2008) Their conceptions and theorization are therefore of paramount importance in offering a historical background of the subject and laying a foundation for the current understanding of the concept and subject.

Bourdieu (1986) describes social capital as the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition. It is about membership in a group which provides each of its members with the backing of the collectively owned capital. In this definition Bourdieu raises key elements such as resources, durable networks which denotes the fact that networks must under go the test of time and relationships based on mutual grounds and recognition which are key in understanding social capital.

As a sociologist, Pierre Bourdieu was interested in social hierarchy and economic capital and this to some extent influenced his view on social capital (Enfield, 2008, p.4-6). Enfield argues that Bourdieu’s definition puts emphasis on the individual in the group and how this individual is able to tap from the resources that are owned by each of his connections.

Coleman (1988 p 96-102) describes social capital as being defined by its function and that it is not just a single entity but a variety of entities with two elements in common. One is that they all consistof some aspect of social structure and that they facilitate certain action of actors, whether persons or corporate actors. Like Bourdieu (1986), Coleman (1988) shows that social capital is constituted by useful resources for individuals such obligation, expectations and trustworthness of structures, information channels and norms and effective sanctions among other resources.

As opposed to Bourdieu, Colenam’s conception puts emphasis not only on the individual but the group and how it benefits from social capital (Enfield, 2008, p.4-6). Rodriguez Pose and

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Berlepsch (2013) in their study on Coleman’s conception about social capital emphasize that social capital is about resources that can be used by economic actors to enable productivity.

Putnam expanded the concept further showing that social capital apart from benefiting individuals and groups alone, also benefits communities, regions or/ and even the nation through civic engagements, participation and political institutions (Putnam, 2000) His focus was more on how strong and vibrant civic society can contribute to strengthening democracy.

It can be said with conviction that the three theorists do not seem to agree on a single definition, however what is agreed is that social capital is about social networks and the resources within those networks that are available to the members. These members can be individuals, groups or even the whole society. In all, social capital promotes collective action and creates a unique communal identity to mobilize individual resources towards achieving a common goal (Radhika, 2012). Important to note too is that these networks are a pattern of relationships built overtime and this facilitates their ability to benefit the individual, group and the organization (Ayios et al, 2014).

Contemporary theorists and literature seems to agree with the work of the original scholars on this subject. Lin (2001) for example describes social capital as those resources embedded in ones social network. Furthermore, Espvall and Laursen (2014) in their study on social capital among residents inside and outside a marginalized local community in Denmark summarized social capital as being characterized by two elements; relational capital; which is that social capital that is existing in interpersonal relationships and collective capital which is the form of social capital that is a result of various forms of social involvement in the community.

Ahmadvand, Hedayatinia and Abdollahi (2012) too agree that social capital can only be found in social networks. They however note that these networks can be at different levels, that’s to say at individual, group or at community level and that for these networks to hold there must be resources that individuals can tap into; these can be real, tangible or symbolic and that certain norms of trust and reciprocity exist

Middleton et al (2005) makes an important assertion noting that, social networks can be used as a single measure of social capital since many of theorists agree that it is the cornerstone of the concept but most importantly because there is still disagreement on a single definition of the concept/subject and on the relative importance of certain elements like trust and reciprocity as contributing factors of social capital. Stanley et al (2012) agrees with this argument noting that trust and reciprocity as elements of social capital cannot be combined as a measure of networks to form an overall measure of social capital thus making social networks the most single element that can be relied upon in studying social capital as a concept, theory and as a subject.

The social resources theory (Lin, 1982) was therefore used in the study. The study used the theory to explore the idea of social networks and how individuals in the networks benefit from the resources available and how this affects the members in the networks. The theory was found appropriate since it combines most of the elements raised by both current and original literature on social capital.

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3.3 The social resources theoryThis is an action based theory which views the success of different kinds of action as dependent upon the type of social resources used (Lin, 1982). The theory proposes that access to and use of social resources (resources embedded in social networks) can lead to better socio-economic status (Lin, 1982). It further asserts that this access to and use of social resources are in part determined by positions in the hierarchical structure held by individuals and use of weak ties. According to Lin, social resources are resources accessible through one's direct and indirect ties.

Two important elements are developed by the theory that are critical in understanding the dynamics of networks and how resources in the networks can be accessed, that is position in the hierarchical structure and the use of strong and weak ties.Positions in hierarchical structure explain that certain network positions have effects on individuals getting better positions or rewards in organizations and this can be measured by looking at how far or close an individual is from strategic recourses (Burt, 1992). This position in the network becomes more important if in a way it is connected to other networks (Burt, 1997). The use of weak ties on the other hand looks at resources for example information that comes to an individual through others that are not so closely connected to their social networks. Weak ties include people who are not normally in the daily circle of interaction of an individual such as acquaintances (Granovetter, 2005). The idea of the use of weak ties shows that you are more likely to get new and unique information from someone you are not so close to than from your friends or family since you most times know the same kind of people in your circles and therefore most probably have the same kind of information.

The theory further illustrates two types of resources that can be accessed by an individual within his close social network and outside of it. These are; network resources and contact resources. According to the social resources theory, network resources are those that are embedded in one’s close circle comprising of relatives, friends, people one interacts with regularly. Such a circle of people normally know one another and are always in close contact (Esptein, 1969).Contact resources however are those that are activated with specific action intentions for example when looking for a new job. Such individuals are not in close contact and belong probably to different networks of individuals but are known to be helpful, either because of their position in society or their experience in a particular field (Lin, Ensel & Vanghn, 1981).

Conceptual Frame workBased on the social resources theory and other studies and findings a conceptual model showing the different forms of social capital and the resources embedded within each of the forms is derived below. The model shows that social capital can generally be seen in three forms; bonding and bridging which are horizontal in nature and linking social capital which is vertical.

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3.4 Conceptual framework

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Social CapitalSocial Network (Size of the network)Trust and Reciprocity (Good will)Resources embedded (Network resources and contact resources)

BondingMade up individuals with strong ties such as family members, friendsIt is exclusive in nature.

Bridging Social Capital

Inclusive in nature with people from different back grounds

Linking Social Capital

Made up of Weak ties and inclusive in natureSports clubs/associationsAcquaintances

Vertical Social CapitalProvides linkages to distant resourcesIt is between people and groups of different social and economic status like Leaders and individuals in the community.

Horizontal Social CapitalFor individual on the same social and economic standards Mainly for less privileged members of the community.

UsefulnessMobilising psychosocial supportFor social support

UsefulnessLink to external resourcesEmployment opportunitiesE.g. Youth service groups

UsefulnessAccess to rare resourcesRare and unique informationNew ideasInfluencing policy Negotiation for improvement in working conditions

Ultimately the benefits of social capital include;Improvement in social economic status of individualsEvery useful in instrumental actions like looking for a jobFacilitates the achievement of individual goalsCooperation and collective action for mutual benefits.

3.5 Interpretation of the conceptual frameworkInformation in the conceptual framework is derived from the social resources theory and the conceptions from different literature as used in the study. The conceptual framework is useful in understanding how different elements social capital are connected to one another and these can be very useful in interpreting the data from the respondent as selected in the study.

The framework shows that social capital can be summarized as connections that come in the form of networks of different sizes between individual. The networks are embedded with resources such as contact resources like wealth and network resources like positions held by network members and their status and influence in society or in the community. Using such resources other members within the network can tap through for individual and/ or group benefit.

It is also clear from the literature that social capital is of different forms; however three forms of social capital are most prominent in all, i.e. bonding, bridging and linking social capital. Bonding social capital is the social capital that exists between close individual like friends and family while bridging is more of the relationship between people that are not so close but of relatively the same social and economic status. The two forms of capital i.e. bonding and bridging can be categorized as horizontal social capital since they are both between people of equal economic and social status and usually who are able to see one another more often.

Linking social capital on the other hand, denotes the kind of social capital that exists between people, groups, communities and institutions with different social and economic status. It is called linking because it connects individuals from different social niches for example leaders and citizens, communities and states or agencies. This kind of social capital is also called vertical since the relationships are on unequal footing.

The frame work also denotes the fact that social capital does not exist without the ultimate goal or foreseeable benefits and it can be said that most individuals form relationships or join networks with the view to improve their socio-economic status (SES) so that they are able to fulfill their goals in life and also to foster collective action when individual efforts are inadequate in fulfilling certain action.

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CHAPTER FOUR4.0 Literature review4.1 IntroductionThe purpose of this chapter is to review previous studies that have been carried out on the subject of social capital and its role. Reviewing existing literature placed this research into context and provided a rationale for conducting this study. An electronic search for literature was conducted through the University of Gothenburg online library which offered entry into different scholarly journals and books. Both full text literature and abstracts were used. Information on websites was also used to address the objectives of this study. The search words used included; social capital for immigrants, social capital and employment, social networks among immigrants in Europe, economic returns of social capital, immigrants on the Swedish labor market. Both literature from original theorists and contemporary ones were used to provide a wide reflection on the subject and firm foundation for the current study.

4.2 Social capitalThe concept of social capital has evolved over time and literature does not indicate one clear definition of the concept (Radhika, 2012, Ayios et al 2014 & Bankston, 2014). However what is agreed upon in the literature is that social capital concerns social networks and relations and the resources within the networks that can be accessed and used by the membership for individual group or community benefit (Stanley et al 2012, Enfield, 2008, Granovetter, 1973; and Woolcock & Narayan, 2000). It can be located on two axes, vertical or horizontal, depending on the distance and closeness of the individual actor and /or institution (Woolcock and Narayan 2000) and this closeness can either be strong or weak resulting in strong and weak ties as developed by Granovetter (1973) and Ferlander (2007) Social capital is the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition. It is about membership in a group which provides each of its members with the backing of the collectively owned capital (Bourdieu, 1986). He further notes that that, these relationships may exist only in the practical state, in material and/or symbolic exchanges which help to maintain them. They may also be socially instituted and guaranteed by application of a common name such as family, tribe, party, school and many collective names.

In his description of social capital (Bourdieu, 1986) notes a critical point which is key for this study when he writes that the volume of social capital possessed by a given agent depends on the size of the network of connections he can effectively mobilize and on the volume of the capital which can be economic, cultural or symbolic that this agent possesses.The key elements the description includes; actual and potential resources, durable networks and relations. These are important elements that will be used in the study

Coleman (1988) on the other hand argues that social capital can only be defined by its function. He however notes that, it is not a single entity but a variety of different entities.

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These entities have two elements in common. One is that they all consistof some aspect of social structure and that they facilitate certain action of actors, whether persons or corporate actors. Coleman further notes that like all other forms of capital, social capital is productive, making possible the achievement of certain ends that in its absence would not be possible. As such he shows that social capital is not limited to only individuals but also corporate actors.

In his conceptualisation, Coleman also notes that, like physical capital which is embodied in tool, machines and other productive equipment and human capital which is created by changes in persons that bring about skills and capabilities and make them to act in new ways, social capital too come about through changes in relations in persons that facilitate actions.

He goes further to show that social capital is constituted by useful resources for individuals such as obligation, expectations nad trustworthness of structures, information channels and norma and effective sactions among other resources.

Putnam (2000) expands the concept of social capital, his conception focuses more on how a strong and active civil society can contribute to strengthening democracy. The features of social capital include social organisations such as networks, norms and social trust that facilitates coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit (ibid)

Studies indicate that social capital is an investment in personal relationships or social structure that facilitates the achievement of individual goals (Glanville & Bienenstock, 2009) Lin, (2005) puts it clearly when he notes that, networks are the ones that provide the necessary links that provide access to and use of embedded resources.

It has also been argued that social networks can be distinguished by their direction, strength and level of formality (Ferlander, 2007). The direction is in form of horizontal or vertical, which can be either weak or strong. Horizontal networks may include formal voluntary associations and informal ones are family, relatives, friends, neighbors and colleagues while vertical ties include the church, work hierarchies, network ties between citizens and informal ties such as criminal networks, clan relations, and civil servants (ibid)

Social capital is productive, it makes the achievement of certain ends possible that in its absence such achievements would not be possible, through relationships built on trust, it makes access to resources such as government services or jobs easier and thus it can be said that this kind of capital is associated with positive social economic outcomes (Weaver & Habibov, 2012).

4.3 Forms of social capital and their resources Although literature on social capital shows different categorization of social capital, there is relative agreement that the components that make up social capital among others include social networks, resources embedded in those networks, trust and reciprocity among others (Glanville & Bienenstock, 2009) In their article, A typology for understanding the connection among the different forms of social capital, Glanville and Bienenstock contend that, these components, are in away related. That notwithstanding, scholars like Bourdieu and putnam choose to categorize social capital on the basis of how close or apart individuals are resulting into bonding and bridging forms of social capital and also linking social capital often credited

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to Woolcock (1998). Linking social capital denotes the social capital that exists between those most distant from one another both in terms of space and socio-economic status.

The other popular categorization is based on how strong or weak the connection is between individuals, groups or even institutions. This categorization by Granovetter (1973) looks at social capital in terms of strong or weak ties. Lastly some scholars chose to go with the theorization that locates social capital along two grids, the horizontal and vertical grid. Popularized by Woolcock and Narayan (2000), this form of social capital categorization shows that relationships that fall on the horizontal grid are those of close individuals and people of similar status while with the vertical it is that relationship that exists between people of different social and economic background. The following literature is explored to understand the main elements within the different categories or forms so as to be able to better inform the research study.

Enfield (2008, p.2-9) discusses three forms of social capital that have greatly influenced literature on the subject, that is bonding, bridging, often credited to Putnam, and linking Social Capital that is often credited to Woolcock (1998). According to his article, Social Capital and Implication for positive youth development, Enfield notes that bonding is also referred to as exclusive social capital born out of inner connections between people that already know one another and have a common sense of identity, culture and ethnicity. The article notes that this form of social capital is very useful for mobilizing psychological and social support especially for those in the community who are less privileged in terms of economic and social status. Enfield (2008, p.4) further compares bonding social capital with the concept of strong ties as expounded by Granovetter (1973) which denotes family, friends and others with close bonds as the category that makes up strong ties in a person’s life.

Writing about bridging social capital, Enfield (2008, p.7) notes that unlike bonding, this form of social capital links individuals beyond a shared sense of identity and encompasses people across diverse groups. It is also called inclusive social capital. Citing OCED (2001), Enfield notes that it serves best in providing linkages to external resources and also for information dispersion, it generates broader identities and mutual exchanges by fostering relationships across religions, class and ethnicity. Enfield gives an example of youth service groups as an example of this form of capital. He notes that, unlike bonding social capital which promotes homogeneity, bridging social capital promotes heterogeneity, connecting people who are different from one another and also helping in resource allocation.

He concludes by showing that bridging social capital is closely linked to the social capital that exists in weak ties as explained by Granovetter (1973), noting that like bridging social capital, weak ties provide linkages to distant acquaintances and are often more valuable than the strong ties especially in seeking employment. He however notes that both bonding and bridging social capital can be thought of as horizontal forms of social capital since connections are usually made between individuals or groups that are similar in both economic and social status. Linking social capital is the third form of social capital: Enfield (2008, p.6) explains that unlike bonding and bridging, this is a vertical form of social capital since its links are with people or groups that are further down or up the economic or social ladder and most often with people who are entirely outside the community. However Schneider (2004) notes that linking social capital dependents on pre-existing bridging capital between individuals in organizations situated in different parts of the power hierarchy of a city or town.

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Bhandari and Yasunobu (2009) did a comprehensive study of social capital and its various categorization and forms in an article; what is social capital? A comprehensive review of the Concept, like Enfield (2008), the basis of their reviews is the work of Bourdieu, Putnam, Colenam and Granovetter plus Woolcock and Navayan (2000). According to the article, social capital is centered on social relations and its main elements include social networks, civic engagement and generalized trust. That it is an asset that is owned collectively in the form of shared values and beliefs, social relationships, trust and institutions that facilitate cooperation and collective action for mutual benefit.

On the basis of Bourdieu’s conceptualization Bhandari and Yasunobu (2009) note that social capital puts emphasis on the value of networks and that opportunities and advantages are reserved for members of the network and these advantages can be both economic and social. Furthermore, the article argues that the richness or value worth of the network depends on its size and the volume of the capital possessed by the different connections, and indeed to maintain this capital, members must stay together and in a relationship. Like Enfield (2008), Bhandari and Yasunobu (2009) share similar characteristics of bonding, bridging social capital plus linking social capital which they say allows networks to connect across boundaries, for example between communities and states or agencies. Common in all the three forms of social capital is the importance of sharing information, which is an important resource, embedded in the networks.

Bhandari and Yasunobu (2009) closely compare Bourdieu’s conception to that of Granovetter noting that social capital can be related to the concept of weak and strong ties. They explain that strong ties are close, persistent and binding relationships such as those that exist in a family and close groups. They are full of affection, willingness to help and share great knowledge about each other and are so important in providing solidarity and personal support. Strong ties share similar characteristics with bonding as explored by Bourdieu. Weak ties on the other hand according to the article, are more casual, temporal and contingent relationships such as those that exist between people from different backgrounds and social niches. As such they are important channels for mobilizing rare resources, ideas and information for collective action. Weak ties connect people to broader communities and a wide range of potential resources (Erickson 2004) cited in Bhandari and Yasunobu (2009).

The idea of values is also explored by Fukuyama (2001) and Uphoff and Wijayaratna, (2000) and Bhandari and Yasunobu (2009). Fukuyama (2001) describes social capital as the existence of a set of certain norms shared among members of a group that permit cooperation among them with a common purpose in the group or organization while Uphoff and Wijayaratna,(2000) argue that social capital can be categorized at two levels; at structural and cognitive levels. At the structural level, it entails patterns of social networks and other structures such as associations, clubs, cultural groups and other institutions while at the cognitive level, it is about a set of shared norms, values, attitudes and beliefs of individuals relating to one another in an environment of trust, reciprocity and cooperation.

Woolcock and Narayan (2000) argue that social capital can be plotted on either horizontal or vertical levels. Horizontal social capital is that which exists between people of similar status in the community. This form of social capital is similar to bonding and bridging of Bourdieu and to the strong ties as explained Granovetter whereas vertical on the other hand is between people of different hierarchy or unequal power or status in the community. This kind operates

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through hierarchical structures. It is similar to what Woolcock (1998) calls linking social capital since it establishes connections between citizens, community leaders and decision makers creating an environment for social and economic change in the lives of the actors.

Common in most literature is that social capital is about networks and the resources in the networks and how members in the networks are able to access and use the resources for their own individual and group or community benefit. Indeed Lin (2000) shares a more precise definition noting that social capital is investment in relationships or networks with expected return. The returns are in the form of resources embedded in the relationships or networks that individual are able to access and use for their benefit. And although not the intention of this research, Bhandari and Yasunobu (2009) argue that the idea of investing in relationships or networks with expected return for the future among other reasons make social capital similar to other forms of capital such as human capital and economic capital, thus contributing to the ongoing debate whether social capital is capital

Even more recent literature on the subject still agrees that social capital can only be measured by looking at how close or apart individuals, groups or communities are from each other. In his article Service club membership and forms of social capital among Swedish community Elite, Gergei (2012) describe two forms of social capital; Closure and brokerage social capital. According to the article, closure as a form of social capital denotes the advantages that accrue to actors because of being embedded in densely knit, mutually reciprocal and cohesive networks. In this form of social capital, members have control over who gets vital information which is in custody of the network. Although his interest was in the Swedish community Elite the idea of closeness as shown in the other forms still comes into play and thus it relates to bonding social capital as described in Enfield (2008,p.2-13). It also corresponds to the idea of strong ties by Granovetter, (1973). Brokerage social capital on the other hand is closely related to bridging in terms of its characteristics since actors profit from their ability to connect to otherwise disconnect parts of the social structure. This form is also closely related to weak ties since it is likely to be some kind of bridge that links sections of networks that are specially disconnected (ibid).

4.3 The kind of employment that African immigrants engage in

The situation of immigrants in general in the labor market has been changing since the 1940s and studies show that the trends are becoming highly restrictive, characterized by changing regulations over time (Alden &Hammarstedts, 2014).

In a report on international migration outlook in OECD countries it is clearly shown that the number of foreign born has increased and the labor market situation has worsened over time (OECD, 2013). The report also shows that the general outlook shows that 50% of citizens believe that immigrants contribute less to taxes than what they receive in health and welfare and that they are a big burden to the public purse. The OECD (2013) further reports that this kind of negative attitude results from the fact that past migration of often of law educated workers who would not maintain their position on the labour market as jobs changed and

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economies modernized. Although to a greater extent the quality of immigrants in terms of education has positively changed, the report notes that such old beliefs still linger and are reinforced by the fact that children of immigrants still find difficulty in school and on the labor market.

Owing to the increasing number of immigrants and the negative belief about immigrants and their children, the report shows that many governments have tightened restrictions towards immigrants in order to protect their nationals on the labor market in the wake of increasing unemployment rates, the report however notes these countries have also relaxed the situation by allowing immigrants who have lost their jobs to stay and continue and search for new employment.

Specifically for Sweden, the number of foreign-born in labor market continues to grow to about 1.5 million which is more than 15% of the total population (OECD, 2013). The percentage of immigrants from other Nordic countries is put at 17.4%, 34.2% from other European countries and 48.4% from non European countries (Statistics Sweden cited in OECD, 2013).

Available literature describes different reasons for the level of success of different immigrant groups on the labor market in Western Europe and Sweden in particular and included among those are the level of human capital of the individual immigrant, the problem of discrimination (Sporlein and Tubergen, 2014) and the issue of lack of networks (Alden & Hammarstedts, 2014).

Sporlein and Tubergen (2014) argue that the level of human capital contributes greatly to the success or failure of immigrants on the Swedish labor market. Describing it as a theory of human capital, Sporlein and Tubergen argue that immigrants who possess more human capital have higher chances of getting better work. They define human capital as characteristics of individuals such as their level of education, their work experience and language competence. On the issue of language they note that immigrants who are exposed to the destination country’s language prior to their coming have more chances of success on a comparative scale in high status jobs that require high fluency in a native language. Such characteristics as high level of educational attainment and relevant work experience are more expected from immigrants from developed countries because according to an earlier study by Tubergen (2006) cited in Sporlein and Tubergen (2014) such countries are more likely to devote more resources to schooling than the developing countries and as such immigrants from such counties hold positions with higher occupational statuses.

Citing Brown, (2010) the other reason shared by Sporlein and Tubergen (2014) for success or failure on the labor market is discrimination. They argue that difference in employment may arise when some groups face some kind of discrimination. The study notes that although there is no discrimination theory, it is generally agreed that individuals have preference for in-grown interaction than out-grown interaction. Furthermore, Sporlein and Tubergen note that because immigrants are seen as having an economic, cultural and political threat potential, the native population is more likely to discriminate against them in order to protect themselves.

One important element for this study that is clearly explained for the success and failure of immigrant groups on the labor market is the importance of networks and norms among immigrants (Alden and Hammarstedts, 2014). In their study on integration of immigrants on

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the Swedish labor market, Alden and Hammarstedts note that having access to a network has proved valuable for many immigrants and that, such networks improve the chances of succeeding on the labor market.

When the newly arrived settle in places that are already home to a number of immigrants this may increase their access to employment on the labor market, if such settlements however consist of mainly unemployed immigrants this may impair the chances of getting employment. In regards to norms, the study by Alden and Hammarstedts (2014) notes that foreign born do not consider it less important than the natives to have a job.

In regards to the situation of African immigrants, Alden and Hammarstedts (2014) describe that, the share of employment opportunities for Africa and Asian immigrants is lower compared to other immigrants on the labour market in Sweden and as such they have a higher unemployment rate than the other groups of immigrants, that even with similar or better education qualifications, African immigrants and their Asian counterparts still find it difficult to compete and thus end in lower employment positions when compared with different immigrant groups on the basis of education and as a result immigrants from Africa and Asia are more represented in fixed time employment than managerial position and that they are more likely to have jobs requiring lower competencies than their education level.

4.4 Effect of social capital in the employment of immigrantsBased on the premise that investment in building social networks connects people to valuable resources and that these connections result in profitable or positive returns and/or sometime negative returns makes social capital to assume similar characteristic like other forms of capital such as human capital (Lancee 2012, p.14). In his article on immigrant performance in the labor market, Lancee explores the benefits of two forms of capital, bonding and bridging, arguing that for immigrants to succeed on the labor market they ought to have social networks that can aid this success, the absence of which results in failure.

Focusing on bonding and bridging social capital, Lancee (2012, p.25-30) notes that, bonding social capital which is mainly comprised of close relationships such as family networks is very important for immigrants in the sense that since they cannot rely on host institutions like the native population, it functions as a safety net offering especially, emotional support and generally aiding immigrants to get by.

Lace (2012) however notes that although bonding is important to that effect, it does not help immigrants in moving to the next level of the labor market where they are able to have access to diversified contacts and resources. In view of this he explains that bridging social capital, if built between immigrants and natives residents has positive results for immigrants arguing that these kind of connections with natives result in diversification of social networks as they lead to relationships with a resource rich groups (Native population). That the immigrants who build such connections have access to specific resources since they are able to gain certain required skills that can help them succeed on the labor market, that such connections make available resources that the immigrants have little access to with bonding social capital, citing the example of getting help with translations, translating job adverts and writing cover letters.

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Among other benefits of such networks Lance (2012) explains that they reduce the effects of discrimination which is a big barrier for immigrants on the labor market and that they provide direct access to job opportunities since most employers are native residents. Although not specifically on Sweden, the book by Lance Bram offers an in-depth analysis of the role of social capital in western labor markets Lancee.

Furthermore, Adler and Kwon (2002) contend that social capital facilitates the flow of information to focal actors; it further facilitates the improvement of the quality and relevance and timeliness of this information because of the constant and close contact among members of a given network. Adler and Kwon argue that because members in the networks occupy different positions at different levels there is a benefit of having access to Influence, control, and power by actors and these three elements allow them to accomplish their individual goals in life. Lastly, they point out that social capital breeds solidarity among members of social networks. This solidarity encourages some kind of compliance with unwritten rules and customs and reduces the need for written rules.

Although they explore the positive benefits of social capital, Adler and Kwon also note that social capital can be a risk for both for the individual actor and those associated with them for example, the solidarity benefits of social capital may backfire for the individual in several ways since strong solidarity with in group members may restrict the actor in the relationship. Such over restriction reduces the flow of new ideas into the group making an individual less dynamic and less creative.

Ayios et al, (2014) investigating social capital from a business ethics perspective also share similar sentiments when they discuss about the down side of social capital; they note that although individual members gain by belonging to networks, there is also a tendency to exclude other and also restriction on membership freedom which may impede economic progress of certain members of a social network. As such they argue that social capital is a resource that can be subjected to selectivity and manipulation by actors using it and those subject to it which breeds greater inequality (Ayios et al, 2014: .110).

Whereas Bankston (2014) in his article, immigrant network and social capital agrees that, relationships among immigrants may be assets, since they facilitate movement from one point to another in search for better prospects, helping new comers to adapt to new life, he however notes that such relationships carry negative effects including, investment in adapting to an environment rather than mobility and it may promote the idea of “getting” by rather than “getting ahead.”

In the same vein, Portes (2014) suggests that there is a down side of social capital, and discusses the example of some immigrant groups that have been successful thanks to their strong bonds that kept them together. He gives the example of Russian Jews, Chinese and Cubans. He however argues that what group members see as benefits are interpreted as exclusion by others who are not members in certain social networks. He mentions for example that, the benefits that accrue to members as a result of ethnic or religious communities is felt and experienced by others as exclusion because the tight cohesion among people of similar ethnicity may allow access to the best jobs to members of that ethnicity to the disadvantage of others within the same setting.

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The article also reflects on the issue of pressure from network members noting that; uncalled for pressure is normally exerted on successful members of the group or community and this can derail economic progress.

To deal with the excesses of social capital, Portes (2014) argues that it may require the intervention of an impersonal public agency to break the holds of powerful groups and communities in order to create equal opportunities for all.

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CHAPTER FIVE

5.0 Findings and Analysis5.1 IntroductionThis chapter presents the findings and analysis of the study. It is arranged depending on themes developed from the collected data .The findings were derived from five semi structured interviews carried out with six participants including two female and four male. One of the male participants was interviewed as a key informant. Those included in the study were East African immigrants who had lived in Sweden for more than seven year.

The study objectives included; to explore the existing forms of social capital among East African immigrants in Gothenburg City, to find out the kind of resources existent within networks that East African immigrants belong to, to explore the understanding of East African immigrants of the kind of employment that African immigrants do in Gothenburg City and the effects of social capital towards the employment of African immigrants.Below a general description of the study participants is offered.

5.2 Profile of study ParticipantsBefore presenting the findings, it is important to provide a brief overview of the respondents that participated in the study. The purpose of doing this is to give a general profile and contextualize the source of the data that was used. As Guest, Macqueen and Namey (2012) write, offering a description of the study respondents offers a picture of the source of data that is presented.

The primary respondents included men and women; two women and three men plus one male key informant. All, those interviewed for the study were in their mid-thirties save for the key informant who was in his late forties. For purposes of confidentiality, the names of those interviewed have not been used but only a numeric position i.e. from respondent 1 to respondent 6 All the respondents had stayed in Sweden for between 9-12 years and all of them had been living within Gothenburg during this time. They comprised of all working individuals in different sectors of the labor market and this offered the researcher divergent views based on lived experiences from the different segments of the labor marketThe key informant, at the time of the study, had been living in Sweden for close to 23 years having come in the early 1990s. His role as a church leader in a place where many Africans congregate during the week made him a suitable source of vital information for this study. Apart from being a leader in that capacity and associating and interacting with different categories of people especially African immigrants, he too had been working in Sweden for the time he had spent there. Ultimately this made him an invaluable resource sharing his insights as a point of reference for many but also having the experience of working on the Swedish labor market.

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5.3 Understanding social capital A key question that was used to open-up discussions with the respondents was to find out whether they had an idea of what social capital is and if they could describe it in their own words. Although almost all the respondents were hesitant and less confident on what exactly social capital is, their thought pattern in responding to the question produced certain key elements that showed they had an idea on the subject. Based on common usage of the word social capital, the common elements mentioned during their description included among others social networks, association, interaction and friendship. One of the respondents mentioned that,

Basically it is how strategically one is positioned regarding their environment for example, the people one associates with, or hangs out with, or people and relations that one is engaged in, that is how I understand social capital. (Respondent 4)

Another Respondent mentioned that,

Social capital is everything, hehehe it is the connection with others that you thinks can help you to survive in a foreign land like this one, it’s also interaction to make life a bit easier...I can also call it socializing. (Respondent 1)

While another respondent mentioned that;

when I hear social capital, I understand that it is about networking with other people, meeting people, getting to know people who are important and can help to push you to what is important in life, they give you support and for me that is what I can refer to as social capital. (Respondent 5)

The above descriptions by the participants showed that they had different understanding of social capital and this could be related to what they all thought were the end benefit. The first response describes it in terms of strategically positioning one’s self among others, the description by the second participant values social capital in terms of everything and a means to survive in a foreign country and in the third response the participant describes social capital in terms of relations and the interactions in the relationships. It is not surprising though that the responses differed given the fact that even in the existing literature there is still an ongoing debate over a single, agreed definition for the concept social capital (Radhika, 2012)

However common in the descriptions above is that social capital is about social networks with others that can be of benefit to an individual. Their descriptions indicated that different people belong to different networks for different reason. What was a common feature in all was that membership is for the benefits that social networks produce. The social resources theory views these benefits as resources embedded in the networks which can be accessed both directly and indirectly through the different connections (Lin, 1983)

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The other common ideas in their responses is that they understood social capital as a medium through which people attain the help they need in order to achieve set goals in life. This help is achieved through positioning one’s self strategically within the environment and through connections and associations with others and this is done through networking with people. This too is in line with Coleman (1988) who argues that social capital facilitates certain actions of actors which can be at personal or corporate level, as such this makes social capital productive and aids in the achievement of certain goals. Furthermore the descriptions are also similar to what Stanley et al (2012), Enfield, (2008) Granovetter, (1973) and Woolcock and Narayan (2000) describe when they write about social capital as consisting of social networks and relations and the resources within the networks that can be accessed and used by the membership for individual group or community benefit.

However a noted difference in the findings is that whereas both old and current literature promotes the access to resources as the reason for belonging to social networks (Lin, 1983, Stanley et al 2012, Enfield, 2008, Granovetter, 1973) the respondents’ understanding of social capital is mostly about the relationships in the networks and the idea of existing resources does not clearly come out. For example Lin’s social resources theory specifically proposes that access to and the use of embedded resources in the network is the foundation of social capital and network formation. Stanley et al (2012), Enfield (2008) and Granovetter (1973) also agree that social capital is about resources within the networks that can be accessed and used by the membership for individual group or community benefit.

The first respondent for example mainly looks at associating; the second promotes the idea of getting help while the third one looks at networking, all these elements point to relationships in the network which is just part of what social capital ought to be. As Enfield (2008) suggests, it is the resources one is able to benefit in the relationships that make social capital, capital.

Having said that, one respondent described more explicitly that networks indeed have resources which one may benefit from. She mentioned that sometimes people do not join or belong to certain networks because they expect to benefit out of their membership but the nature of social networks is that somehow individuals stand to gain even when it is not their intention. The implication is that sometimes people do not intentionally/strategically belong to different networks to gain but, instead networks produce more implicit benefits for their members. She explained,

Social capital is about the networks we build with others. Not that when I belong to a network I am looking for an opportunity or any benefit, but it so happens that connecting with people makes you be able to achieve things. I don’t know how this happens. (Respondent 2)

As such, it can be said that respondent 2 understands social capital as embedded with resources that one stands to benefit from. These resources and benefits are described as being not the reason why people belong to networks, but one of the unintended benefits.

From all the responses, social networks were described as being a common element of their descriptions of social capital. This is because in responding to the question on what they thought social capital was, the common words they used were networking, social networks and associations. Literature on social capital agrees to some extent that social networks are

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the most fundamental in describing social capital and as such the two concepts although not synonymous are often used interchangeably. For example as Ahmadvand, Hedayatinia and Abdollahi (2012p.19-20), argue the cross cutting idea of social capital is that it is predominantly found in social net works. Even when Lin describes the social resources theory, emphasis is on those resources that individuals can benefit in a social network. He also emphasizes the issue of the different ties which could loosely be interpreted as relationships among people as the medium through which these resources can be tapped. Ultimately, the idea is that social capital is found in social networks. It is therefore not surprising that the two concepts are sometimes used interchangeably.

5.4 Forms of social capital among African immigrants in GothenburgThis study also sought to find out, the forms of social capital that African immigrants belong to. However the respondents revealed that the type and quality of social capital that an African immigrant had access to, depended on the nature of social interaction or the people that were predominant in one’s network. Social capital was therefore described by the respondents alongside the different social interactions that African immigrants belong to.

One of the highlights of the study was that African immigrants built their social networks on the basis of the reasons why they immigrated to Sweden. In other words an immigrant’s status of residence was important in the way he/she interacted and thus the form of social capital accessed. This in a way was interesting to follow and the following revelations were shared.

5.4.1 Tracing network formation for social capital among African immigrantsIt occurred to the researcher, after listening to the interviews that social capital among African immigrants was like a marked sequence comprising of different steps through which one has to go. After settling and creating bonds with fellow African immigrants, then the next step would be to look out for the Unknown. For most of the respondents the unknown connection that needed to be tapped was the native population and other immigrants or immigrant groups that were thought to be progressive on the labor market in terms of employment and connection to other benefits on the labor market

As will be discussed later, there was consensus among the interviewed that networks made up of predominantly African immigrants have different barriers that made it hard for some members to achieve a certain level of satisfaction on the labor market in terms of getting jobs, better positions at work and other benefits that may be available on the labor market. To achieve this, respondents said there was need for a diversified network consisting of not only Africans but also the native Swedish and other progressive immigrants.

Three immigration status situations were singled out as common among many African immigrants; some arrive as students, others as asylum seekers and those that are invited by friends or sometimes organizations as visitors, For example this can be seen in the words of respondent 6 who noted that;

The kind of social network one builds depends on the reasons why they are here. Some people come as students, others as visitors invited by others while others come as asylum seekers.

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Those that come as asylum seekers right away at the immigration board, they surrender themselves to the state as asylum seekers, so they end up in the camps, and their social connections start there.(K I)

Then using me as an example he explained;

Then others like you who come as students, with your kind, there is a plan for you and your journey is clear until you finish school and then you decide if you want to stay or not, ... with this group their intension after their studies informs want kind of people the keep around to form their social network (K I)

Another starting point that is referred to is where one comes to Sweden as a visitor invited by another party

There are those that end up here because they were invited say by other families or organizations like a church. When they arrive here and they meet that family that is the beginning part of their social network...the network of that family is the start point for the new person. If they have been here say for five years they will share their experience based on the five years (K I)

From the above, it can be said that many African immigrants arrive in Sweden as either Students, Asylum seekers or as visitors. However, common to all is that the decision to stay and work in Sweden lays a foundation for the kind of people they invite into their lives and the kind of other social connections they keep.

The different status they hold means that they form their networks from divergent grounds However, the study showed that many African immigrants follow a known pattern of network formation; forming their networks first with those they think are like them on the basis of color, ethnicity, religion and country of origin and later stepping out to include the unknown people including the Swedish natives, other immigrants and at the highest level social institutions.

As discussed below the following forms of networks emerged during the discussion with the respondents

5.4.2 African brother and sisterhood social networks During the interview respondents explained that at the start most people need to belong to a social network of people who are like them and that is why most people will keep a network based on country of origin, ethnicity but also based on their color as black people. It was quite a common phrase among those interviewed to refer to fellow African immigrant as either brothers or sisters and that this belief of brotherhood attracts African immigrant to form networks among themselves leading to formation of social networks based on ethnic groups or the fact that you are an African. This was thought so probably because it came out clearly in the interviews that on arrival, fellow Africans are the ones that are more willing to offer a helping hand. One respondent explained that;

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It is hard to start here without the assistance of others and when you have just come the first people you interact with are the fellow Africans brothers since they know and share some experiences with us when they compare with what goes back home. So it is the fellow Africans you look for first. (Respondent 1)

The key informant for this study, who has been living in Sweden for close to 23 year, confirmed what some of the respondent shared, he explained that it was common among African immigrants to look for fellow Africans especially people who come from similar countries to form their first network here in Sweden.

One thing I have realized is that even when they(African immigrant) reach here they look for fellow countrymen, people coming from the same country as they do...so if am from Uganda I look for X from Uganda . (K I)

From the two submissions it would sound as though these were connections presumed to offer a softer landing or an opportunity for a start in a new environment where one in most cases has not previous relations.

However, as one respondent mentioned, it was about feeling safe and feeling that you belong to the same king of subset in a new country.

most people are more comfortable with the known and afraid of new things, even naturally when we see things that are similar to ours then we tend to be drawn by that so then we have togetherness and we become like a bundle after all we are minorities so when you see one who is like you, you definitely feel good. (Respondent 4)

And indeed you could sense that, the fear of the unknown in a new country makes people with similar situations attracted to one another leading to formation of a social network based race, ethnicity, place of origin and reason for immigration. There was also a conviction that in case of a problem, it was easy to run to someone who is like you. For example those interviewed shared uncertainty surrounding the issues of getting a new job when you lose one, getting a new house, finding vital information such as how to get a Swedish personal number and many more.

One of the respondents, from Tanzania, works in a school, where his job is to lookout for children so that they are safe as they play in the school yard; he also has another job as a cleaner. He explains that it is easier to go to a fellow African brother when you have a problem.

If you have a problem it is easy to go to an African brother: You tell him, I have this problem...Oh, I also had that problem before...Oh really, and how did you solve it? Then he will help you. For example how do I get a job or how do I get a Swedish personal number or sometimes where can I party ... So it’s such kind of things that keep us together (Respondent 1)

It was also indicated that loneliness can be a huge problem if you don’t have a social network to help you through. One respondent mentioned that Sweden can be a lonely place that if you don’t have people who you can associate with, it becomes hard to live. She said;

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This place can get lonely sometimes and the people you need are those in your network to help you be happy, you call and talk or sometimes meet in the bar and just hangout...and since that is part of African culture, it is easy to call a fellow African. (Respondent 3)

Clearly the above kind of social interactions are based on the feeling of sameness, a felling that you are at the same level and that based on this, one is attracted to come to your aid. Although no blood relation may exist, the fact that brotherhood is the attracting force that brings such people together reflects the emotional attachment similar to what can exist between family members. Such attachment is characterized by looking out for one another in case of challenges, sharing information and offering good will for members that belong to the same social network.

These kinds of connections are similar to bonding social capital as theorized by Putnam as described by Enfield (2008). Furthermore as Enfield describes are born out of inner connections between people that already know one another and have a common sense of identity, culture and ethnicity. Such connections are also similar to what Gergei (2012) calls closure social capital in his article Service club membership and forms of social capital among Swedish community Elite. In this form of social capital according to the article the advantages accrue to actors because of being embedded in densely knit, mutually reciprocal and cohesive networks, Indeed as Gergei explains in this kind of social capital, members have control over who gets vital information which is in custody of the network. His examples were selected from Swedish elites but his description in away is in line with the current study findings

Although African immigrants in Sweden may not necessarily know one another or be bound by same culture or blood ties, the fact that they find themselves in similar situations for example when searching for jobs, when finding ways of learning the Swedish language to improve their employability, when taking refresher courses to get required skills for the Swedish market and in many other situations, it creates a kind of bond that makes them feel that they belong together. And indeed as Enfield writes, bonding social capital is very useful for mobilizing psychological and social support especially for those in the community who are less privileged in terms of economic and social status. (Ibid)

The kind of social interactions described above can be likened to what Granovetter (1973) describes when he writes about strong ties; he argues that such ties are full of affection, willingness to help and share great knowledge about each other and are so important in providing solidarity and personal support. Thus, it can be said that African immigrants in Sweden apart from being a minority group as one respondent mentioned, they are less privileged, they find themselves lowest in the economic and social status and as the AFROFOBI report of 2014 mentions they are over represented among low income groups in Sweden.

5.4.3 Connecting with the native populationAs indicated by the study findings many African immigrants in Sweden start by connecting with fellow Africans. The study however revealed that, most often such connections did not result in better opportunities for the immigrants. It was also found that when African immigrants have some kind of relationship or are in connection with Swedish natives there is a positive improvement in their social and economic status. One respondent, used his

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experience and compared to two periods of his life in Sweden; when he had mostly fellow Africans in his social network and after the diversification; native Swedish to be part of it; He noted that,

I was almost falling into the same temptation, when I came here, I came as a missionary to start church and the first church I planted was called Ugandan Church and after some months I realized there was something wrong. I was only preaching to Ugandans only. I told the congregation that this is no longer a Ugandan church but an international Church (K I)

The above statement indicates that, the attraction to keep with a network of people of the same status limits an individual from moving forward and attracting better opportunities in his or her life. You are confined within a low status which may have challenges as you try to achieve certain goals in life. It is until you take a step to diversify your network that better opportunities in terms of better job opportunities start coming your way. The finding are in line with Lance (2012) when she writes about bridging social capital, she argues that connecting to the natives yields positive returns and an effective strategy to gain access into the strategic resources of a country. Furthermore citing Ode and Veenman (2003) Lance notes that interethnic associations can be associated with positive outcomes on the labor marketIndeed to support the above argument one respondent asserted that,

If you find a successful African immigrant, it’s a person who has jumped out of that mind set, knowing that the world is open and that things are possible and that I must dare to take the opportunities. One who gets in touch with the natives, this is their country they are the ones that can guide us and help us here and there since they understand their system (Respondent 3)

This implies that when one gets in touch with other connections save for native interactions, better opportunities on the labor market are realized but even social status improves. In other words, if you move with/associate with people of a low class, your social status will definitely also be low and that the reverse is true. This assertion in many ways is in line the argument by Bourdieu (1986) that the volume of social capital possessed by a given agent depends on the size of the network of connections he can effectively mobilize and on the volume of the capital which can be economic, cultural or symbolic that this agent possesses.

Certainly as literature reveals the native Swedes are in more advantaged positions on the labor market in terms of the kind jobs they hold and the positions that they hold and this makes them have an edge as far as having vital information which can help others in their networks to improve their status. Also as Lance (2012), explains, in Europe most employers are native residents and therefore being in connection with them makes you have access to a resource rich group from which one can certainly benefit. Lance further notes that such connections help reduce the effects of discrimination which are a big barrier for immigrants on the labor market.

These explanations to a larger extent agree with the social resources theory of Lin which explains two important elements; the benefits of positions held by individuals and the use of weak and strong ties. As such because the Swedish native hold more higher positions compared to African immigrants, they are better placed to have better contact and network resources in terms of the information they can provide that can result into real job

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opportunities but also in terms of other contacts they know that, those in their social networks can benefit from.

Additionally, as highlighted in the literature and the conceptual framework, such connections fill the space for the weak ties as explained by Granovetter (1973), given that they might not be so close in terms of everyday interaction but studies show that such kinds of connections have unique information that can result into greater benefits. In light of this, it is no wonder that the respondents said that as African immigrants get connections with native Swedes and other progressive immigrant groups their social and economic status improve. Similarly, such connections can be compared to what exists in Brokerage social networks as explained by Gergei (2012). With this type, actors profit from their ability to connect to otherwise disconnect parts of the social structure.

Another respondent shared her story on how she got to her current position. From working as a cleaner as her first job, she worked towards getting a better job but this required in some way diversifying her social connections. She said;

Well I don’t know whether I should say this but here class plays an important role because most of the people that are close to me are professionals like me like I have a good friend of mine who is a social worker, another one works with the immigration, hmm..h… those are the kind of people I keep close... I find myself with a lot of Swedish friends and stay with them for a long time and it’s because I am in a professional world (Respondent 3)

When one makes this turn in his or her social network composition, it pays positive results as already seen. Status in away is likely to change and the opportunities are more gratifying than in the previous social network. One respondent testified to this saying;

When I decided to run out of the ethnicity mentality I became international, dealing with people from all around the world...and most importantly I was dealing with the Swedish. I never looked back (K I)

To get a deeper understanding I engaged the respondents on what makes such connections more viable that those predominantly comprising of fellow African immigrants. It turned out that this kind of connection produces a new kind of environment. A response from one of the respondents read;

This is their country and therefore they are more informed about what works and what doesn’t. If I get connected to them I will also have similar information but also they are able to help me since I will have become part of them. (K I)

Connecting to the natives and other progressive groups opens the way to seeing new ways of benefiting from the labor market. It also helps African immigrants to connect beyond the known of their usual boundaries. They are able to tap into the social world of others and in the end they also benefit.

Such characteristics in many ways are similar to bridging social capital as described by Putnam. According to his theorization, bridging social capital, provides links beyond a shared sense of identity and encompasses people across diverse groups (Enfield, 2008) and also as

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cited in the OECD report of 2001, it serves best in providing linkage to external resources and also for information dispersion generating broader identities and mutual exchanges by fostering relationships across religions, class and ethnicity.

Indeed to strengthen the ideas of broadening relationships across ethnicity, it was also mentioned during one of the interviews that it is not only the connection with the Swedish native population that can contribute to the positive change needed to result into the desired benefits, getting connected to other progressive groups was found out to be important.

In fact that is where other foreigners have been successful, when they come here, they are focused, for example the Iranians have prospered in the area of health care, they are working in hospitals and many of them accepted to learn the language and now they are comfortable...so one needs to get in touch with such people instead of remaining in our local groups. (Respondent 3)

Another respondent mentioned that;

Ugandans should not associate with only fellow Ugandans but rather with all other immigrants groups like Iranians, Lebanese, those from Greece and many others, this can have positive effects because you can tap through their social network too(Respondent 5 )

And indeed as the literature shows this kind of social capital promotes heterogeneity, connecting people who are different from one another and also helps in resource allocation (Enfield, 2008). Such connections with distant contacts from the usual close connections create another similarity with what Granovetter (1973) calls the weak ties. Weak ties provide linkages to distant acquaintances and are often more valuable than the strong ties especially in seeking employment. The social resources theory also shows that such social connections are loaded with valuable contact resources. Contact resources are those that are activated with specific action intentions for example when looking for a new job.

Such individuals are not in close contact and belong probably to different networks of individuals but are known to be helpful, either because of their position in society or experience in a particular field (Lin, Ensel & Vanghn, 1981) such is the power of connecting to other individuals outside ones close relationships based on the background of sameness in social economic status.

5.4.4 Connections/ interactions with Social institutional In a welfare state like Sweden, social institutions play a great role in the social well being of different residents and employees. The welfare state provides certain services to individuals that ultimately determine the quality of their welfare including but not limited to cash benefits, housing, education, Health care. Among other things employees get unemployment benefits, sick leave benefits, parental leaves and many others.

The study found out that individual with connection to some social institutions in Sweden find life easier. This is the same case with African immigrants in this category. Some respondents intimated that, when you achieve this kind of connection then you may never need a lot of assistance from individuals. Institutions such, Banks, the employment Agency-

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Arbetsformedlingen and insurance organizations were singled out as the most relevant for many immigrants who had reached that level. As a worker, somehow you get in touch with different social organizations, when this happens it means that you are entitled to different services. (Respondent 2) One of the respondents for this study had stayed in Sweden for close to ten years. His experience reflects all the three forms of social capital and networks. During the interview he says that when you start dealing with institutions and organizations, the individual friends and relations somehow lose relevance as far as getting employment and certain kinds of assistance is concerned. The services that these institutions offer in away substitute some of the roles that individual members in social networks perform.

Sweden is not like say Uganda where if I don’t have money I can go and borrow from my friend...here if you earn 1000kr, that is what you have to budget for... But if I need money for say am in a crisis...hehehe...I just come here on my computer and go to my bank and ask for a loan...hmmm...and in a few minutes I will get the money Hahaha...I tell them when I will pay it off and indeed I do that since they have my account and I have a stable salary from my job...So I don’t need to talk to anyone about it. (Respondent 5)

He mentioned other services that come with this kind of connection with certain social institutions

If I need an iphone 6 I just type a few words on the computer and it will be delivered at my door...and then I say each month I will pay 100kr and indeed I get it. (Respondent 5)

Here we see the power of such connections. What is more is that through such connections one increasingly gets to meet individuals in different hierarchical positions in different organizations and these in the long run become part of his weak ties. And as asserted by the social resources theory, such are contact resources which are privy to unique information that results into greater benefits when contact.

Furthermore connecting to such institutions helps to deal with common challenges that immigrants normally face such as discrimination based on color and race since to a large extent it rarely involve physical interaction. However getting to this level of social capital according to the interviewed takes hard work and resilience. Respondents explained that for an immigrant to reach this level and for one to have such benefits you have to work as twice as much as the native Swede.

To be able to receive such services and benefits as an immigrant I have to work hard...for the Swedes, they don’t need to work as hard, because it is their country. They only work for eight hours per day, five days a week and they also take a semester or holiday. (Respondent 5)

The key informant said he had helped many young people who had just arrived in Sweden and those who need advice on how to move forward. He told me that the key was in working twice harder than the native so that even their institutions start to trust you for certain services/ working means taking extra hours than the native Swedes on the job, working

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during holidays and taking on as many extras as possible from those who decide not to work on any particular day. This is what he would tell those who seek his advice

I tell them, the Swedes work for 168 hours a month but you work 240 hours a month. Take every extra work that is available...when someone says I don’t work on a weekend, say I will take that, someone says I don’t work on public holiday and red days say I will work on that... if someone says they will not work on Christmas go for that and you have to be brave to do that. (Respondent K I)

The connection with institution apart from providing services to those that are entitled, makes it possible for more stronger and meaningful construction of social networks as new people in positions of power are met and this increases the chances of one’s success on the Swedish labor market.

This kind of social capital is similar to linking social capital as described by Woolcock (1998). This form of social capital that exists between those most distant from one another both in terms of space and economic and social status. Bhandari and Yasunobu (2009) also agree that this kind of social capital allows networks to connect across boundaries for example between individuals and agencies. It is vertical in nature since, unlike bonding and bridging, its links are with people or groups that are further down or up the economic or social ladder (Enfield, 2008). The links and connection with institution and the people there in provide similarities with the idea of weak ties as expounded by Granovetter (1973), that such distant connections are often more valuable than the strong ties especially in seeking employment. This kind of connection is also described by Lance (2012) under bridging social capital where it is noted that since most local organizations and social institutions consist mainly of native people the immigrants stand to gain by being part of them.

Although not necessarily the aim of this study, it was important to understand from the respondents what one (African immigrants) had to do to move from one level of social network to another. This is briefly explained below.

Connecting with the native population and other progressive immigrant groups was viewed by many as the two most important steps in aiding African immigrants in improving their success on the labor market. However there were some challenges those interviewed shared as barriers to achieving this kind of social connection. These are highlighted below.

5.4.5 Challenges of building strong social networks on the Swedish labour market

5.4.5.1 The Swedish LanguageThe Swedish language was found to be one of the biggest barriers yet one of most important in quickening the process of building connections with the Swedish natives and immigrants and social institutions on the labour market. As the official language of communication and almost the only language accepted on the market the language limited the progress of many African immigrants. As revealed by the respondents many of the African immigrants failed to get employment because of their inability to speak the Swedish language and this further

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limited social connection since communication was hindered by the absence of a common language.

This is the scenario that many African immigrants find themselves. Some respondents confessed that it was close to impossible to succeed on the Swedish labor market without learning the language. This in many ways agrees with Alden and Hammarstedt (2014) arguing that language proficiency has a positive impact on the individual’s chances of succeeding on the Swedish labor market. It was also noted that indeed those that decide to take the language classes are able to reap high dividends on the market.

I know Ugandans who have been working in Volvo because they accepted to learn the Swedish language and later studied some simple vocational courses and now they earn good money. But I also those who are highly learned but without knowing the language and are still in the cleaning and distribution of papers...that is the power of the Swedish language (Respondent K I)

Furthermore, as a result of language requirement on the labor market many African immigrants who come with high education qualification in Sweden get frustrated by the fact that their expertise and skills can only be considered if they learn to speak the language.

I have a friend of mine from Nigeria with about three masters but because he did learn the language he has failed to get a professional job. (Respondent 3)

From the findings it came out clearly that language was an important working tool for anyone interested in making the best on the labor market in terms of employmentRosen and Bagga-Gupta (2013) write that unlike before the 1970 when the Swedish language was used to equip newcomers with skills that enable them to exercise their rights and do worker better today the Swedish language is seen as a tool and a pre-requisite for becoming employed. Meaning therefore that for one to get employment, they have to have a good command of the Swedish language.

5.4.5.2 Refresher coursesCertainly, many of the immigrants come with some academic qualifications which to some extent may or may not be relevant for the labor market. Those that shared their thoughts on the matter seemed to agree that to increase someone’s employability, there was need to do a refresher course to attain skills that are on demand on the market and to learn the current ways of dispensing work. When you achieve a certain level of competence, then the chances of success on the market are increased. The key respondent mentioned that,

After learning the language then you have to take some kind of training to suit yourself with local job requirements... (Respondent K I)

As one of the respondent alluded to earlier it is highly doubtable that anyone can become successful without being tested and certified to be able to do certain kinds of jobs. Indeed those who shared that they were doing jobs in their professional career said, they took some kind of courses to be able to gain entry into those jobs. One explained,

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Although I know how to drive all kinds of cars, I am currently back in training learning again how to drive a bus...the same applies to all other kind of jobs. In Sweden you cannot do anything without being trained how to do it, these people are very serious with their life, they don’t want you to mess with it. (Respondent 5)

In such an environment, this implies that African immigrants taking up new jobs face new working environment that warrant training to get new skills, knowledge and attitude that apply to Swedish standard of work. This though according to responses from those interviewed is a challenge since even such training is conducted in the Swedish language which to many African immigrants, is a challenge.

As such building quality social networks between African immigrants and native Swedes, other immigrants on the labour market and connections with social institutions becomes quite an uphill task.

5.5 Resources in social relationships/social networks among African immigrantsAs seen earlier, there are many different kinds of resources both tangible and non tangible to be obtained through being a part of a social network. These resources are also related to the different kinds of connections based on different relationships. Some of these relationships were based on family ties, closeness due to ethnicity while others were said to be just acquaintances whereas others were said to be based on institutional connections

These resources can also be understood borrowing from the social resources theory that describes two kinds of resources as being embedded in social networks including; network resources and contact resources (Lin 1982). Network resources are those tangible or non tangible benefits that accrue to members of different social networks from close circles of friends and relatives that can be used for the improvement in social and economic status of an individual. These were certainly the more common in African dominated social networks. They were especially based on close relationship of individuals based on common characteristics.

The theory also expounds on contact resources. Contact resources are those that are activated with specific action intentions such as looking for work. These are limited in with African immigrants because such contacts are not in an individual’s every day but only present when required for specific actions such as job search. They are limited because few have connection to such unique resources that can be tapped from a unique section of the population; the native Swedes and successful immigrant group. This is because of language limitation and inadequate skills to apply for certain kind of jobs that come along with such contacts.

As such, more often during the interviews, the respondent used words: “friends”, “friendship,” information, fixing for me, family, Swedish System, fellow African brothers, other immigrants and native Swedes in describing how they related and on the basis of which help was sought. Guided by Lin’s social resources theory, the following resources were traced in the interviews.

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5.5.1 Friends and FriendshipDuring the interviews the word friends and friendship were used more often. Those interviewed for the study agreed that social networks among individuals are built based on friendship an example is one respondent who described for me a series of people in his life that he came to know as a result of one of them. She said,

I got my first job through a friend, I actually knew this friend also through another friend from Uganda. There is also another Ugandan girl who is doing her masters here in one of the universities I knew her through one other girl from Cameroon who told that friend of mine that there is also another girl from Uganda so then we became friends. (Respondent 4)

The kind of relationship here is one where individual are close and their closeness is because one of them offered meaningful information resulting into a job. In her response the respondent used the word ‘friend’ four times describing a relationship that was building between different people that were getting to know one another. It is also important to note that those she was meeting were all immigrants from Africa and this will be important in the next section as I describe the forms of social networks among African immigrants.

5.5.2 Native Swedish and other progressive immigrants Although not said directly, it was in a way implied that the inclusion of a Swedish native in ones social network was advancement in social status. They were regarded highly in terms of making certain things happen. Speaking about his shift from dealing with African immigrants to then dealing with Swedish natives, the key informant said this made him an international person.

I was now international dealing with people from all around the world...but most importantly I was dealing with the Swedish people

One respondent mentioned that, although she had many social network members from Uganda, he went a step further by noting that he also has a few native Swedish friends. He said;

I have different kind of people but most of them are Ugandans but I also have some native Swedish friends who help me in certain things that I can’t handle on my own and I also relate with other immigrants (Respondent 5)

The study found out that some individuals in certain networks can be generous offering tangible assistance to those in their networks and that such individuals are important in helping the less fortunate members of the network. A respondent shared his story when she was moving into a new apartment after studies.

When I got my first job, I had to move to a new apartment away from the student apartment where I was staying as a student, immediately I moved one of my social networks asked; do you have furniture, I said no, and he was like; I will bring you future tomorrow. And that is how and my whole apartment was furnished, just like that by someone I didn’t know so well because he is from Aruba and am from Africa (Respondent 2)

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It can therefore be said that when networks are diversified, in terms of including other social connections apart from the close friends and family or people of the same social economic status the quality and kind of resources both contact and network improve and ultimately those in networks stand to benefit but especially the less fortunate in terms of lack of jobs as in the first instance and in real terms like getting tangible benefits like household property from others.

5.5.3 Social institutionsSometimes certain specific actions are activated for certain specific intentions. During such cases certain avenues in ones network are best suited to help. It was discovered through the interaction with the respondents that although, friends relatives acquaintances and other kinds of people are important in the network, social institutions played another key role which the others could not. The institutions mentioned included, Universities, the church, Banks, Employment Agency and Insurance Companies among others. It was found out that when such connection is achieved, then the benefits that come to those in such connections are enviable.

I have not run to any of my African networks when in need of certain help, because somehow I am covered by my employment. I have a decent salary and am also insured (Respondent 2)

Another respondent mentioned:As an employee in my social network also includes certain organization that I benefit from..., I am insured and even my children have an insurance cover, I also have a bank account where all my funds are kept and so they follow me financially such that if I need any services I can just mention it and I am rescued... (Respondent 5)

This clearly showed that apart from Friends, family and fellow immigrants, the social capital and specifically the networks of African immigrants comprises of native Swedes and social service institutions such as insurance companies, organizations where they work and Banks. The descriptions of what made up the different social networks makes it interesting to explore the different forms of social capital that African immigrants keep and ultimately the social networks they belong to.

5.5.4 Valuable InformationOne of the common resources in all relationships was valuable or just information and the possibility and ability to share it. Among those interviewed, the possibility of receiving tangible benefits was not so much spoken about. For example when it came to getting employment on the job market, information was said to be the most important resources of all. This did not matter whether one was in an African dominated social network or one where some of the members were Swedish natives. In that regard, one respondent shared that

When you come here the people who tell you where to go to find a job are the ones you want to keep close, because you can’t start asking for money since most of us are not comfortable financially Respondent 1)

The sharing of information results into the expansion of networks as different people meet. As Bhandari and Yasunobu (2009), notes information sharing is important at all levels of

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social capital and allows social networks to connect across boundaries. However what is true is that the ability of information to result into practical and better opportunities for social network members in many ways depends of the source of the information. As Bhandari and Yasunobu (2009) argue the value of networks in terms of richness and value worth influences how the members in the network benefit from such network. Ultimately this means that more advantages and benefits are likely to be in network connections with less African immigrants’ dominance.

5.6 The kind of work that African immigrants doAnother aspect discussed in the interviews was the work Africans do, and from the interviews it can be seen that although African immigrants are described as being represented in all sectors of the Swedish labor market, there was a general consensus that they are more represented in lower profile or lower caliber jobs, requiring limited skills or semi skilled labor and less rewarding in terms of wages.

The factors contributing to such state of affairs as earlier noted was the lack of Swedish language comprehension and to some extent the lack of specifically tailored skills for the job market in Sweden earned out of training and other refresher courses. The following fields were shared as the common ones employing African immigrants.

5.6.1 CleaningThose interviewed mentioned that many of the African immigrants are involved in cleaning. They work with companies that clean buildings in the city. I engaged the key informant on this question and he shared that, although most Africans would have the requirements to take up certain jobs they are limited in many ways by language and so they settle for less. According to him, cleaning was the most common job that many African immigrants are engaged in.

From my own experience, and the interaction I have with my fellow Africans and generally immigrants from the developing countries, 80% of people who come here the first jobs they do is the cleaning jobs and there you will find many Africans. (Respondent K I )

Another respondent from also shared the same although he mentioned also that some African immigrants have formed their own cleaning company to try and diversify and be able to benefit more. Those are also hiring mostly fellow African immigrants in the city.

I know some Africans who have also registered their own companies and are employing other. (Respondent 1)

He however mentioned that one challenge is that those cleaning organizations managed by Africans pay little money compared to others and in most cases they use people with questionable residence status because they do not complain about the little pay. He further mentioned that,

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They are paid less and this causes problems both for the company and those working...so because they know you do not have papers they give you a lot of work to do but pay you so little. (Respondent 1)

5.6.2 Distribution of papersThis was yet another kind of job that respondents said is common with African immigrants. Distribution of news papers such as GP, Metro and Advert commonly known as reklam are the common ones. The respondents indicated that many are in distribution because originally it did not require one to speak the language to be able to work, however this is changing with time.

Distribution is another form of work we do here as African immigrants. We give out news papers and adverts. (Respondent K I)

To put it broadly, one respondent said that most African do work that others despise especially the educated. They mostly use physical energy in dispensing this kind of work.

Well you see we do this kind of work....the hard kind of work that educated people don’t want to do like, cleaning, washing dishes in restaurants and those other jobs... distributing papers are the common things I see most black people and most of my friends do. (Respondent 1)

5.6.3 Caring for children and the elderlyAs already implied, when ones attains certain qualifications such as learning the language and taking some refresher course, their status also changes positively in terms of the work they do, this results into better employment.

One respondent mentioned that this kind of work is common with especially women. He said;

The women take care of old people, they also work in school with small kids, when the kids are playing at school they watch over them to make sure they do not get into fights or accidents (Respondent 1)

Indeed another respondent confirmed what the others had already shared, saying;

If we try to do something better, we work with elderly...so many for example who are social workers and can speak the language end up there.(K I)

It was indicated that very few African immigrants if any hold powerful positions on the labor market or in their places of work. This they said further compounded their status in lower positions. When asked if there were any African immigrants they knew of holding positions of authority, a response from one of the respondents revealed deep seated frustration that African immigrants face. He said;

Like what, for being a boss on the job? Hahaha ...well I think they are there especially those who are born here, but for us it is not easy because when you come here you want everything

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to go quickly, you don’t have the patience to study, the language also takes years to master. (Respondent 3)

The experiences shared by the respondents are quite similar to the finding of Alden and Hammarstedts, (2014) that did a study on the immigrants’ situation on the labor market in Sweden and found that most African immigrants together with their Asian counterparts are more represented in lower employment positions when compared with different immigrant groups.

5.6.4 Higher education but with lower education jobsIt also came out clearly that it was common to find highly educated individuals doing work requiring lower qualification or no qualifications at all, such as distributing Adverts. In fact one respondent mentioned that advert distribution (Reklam) originally was meant for children to train them learn how to work and instill in them the attitude of working. However he said, you find many African immigrants with high qualifications like masters degrees doing that kind of work.

What if funny is that distributing reklam is supposed to be for children to help them get pocket money...not for adults...it’s an avenue to teach them to earn their own money but I have friends with masters doing that. (Respondent 5)

One respondent mentioned that it was out of frustration that some of the African immigrants end up in such situations, especially after trying to look for other decent job. In the long run they lose confidence and worse of all feel marginalized. She said;

One of my friends was working with a tax body in her country and when she reached here she failed to get a similar job, many people I know are doing odd jobs but are highly educated... it is possible that here a different education background is considered...she ended up settling for one of those jobs in order to survive here since without work you can survive (Respondent 3)

Although one of the respondents of the study admits that it is true that African immigrants are more represented in jobs such as cleaning, distributing papers and working as dish washers in restaurants and hotel, he blames it on the strategy they used when looking for employment. He explained that;

You know in African to get a job you normally talk to people and that is how you get recruited and so when they come here they use the same strategy and it is stressing and that is not how the Swedes do, they don’t look for jobs like that, they don’t go knocking, asking people here and there...but most mostly we do everything from the computer...I use the internet and then search for a job... Like I have another job that I got just by searching on the internet I was called for an interview and I got it. (Respondent 5)

Another key revelation that came out of the study was that the quality of one’s social network contributes a lot to the kind of work one settles for. This is true because in the network a lot of information is shared and it is on the basis of such information that network members get

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opportunities about jobs. Certain network characteristics therefore compound their members to certain kinds of jobs and many times makes them dependent on one another that the thought of changing strategy never crosses their minds.

One respondent put it simply;

If you take the example of cleaners, most of the time they are in connection with fellow cleaners, not that cleaning is a bad job, it is actually a job that earns people good money but most of the time they associate amongst themselves. For me, it is different because I find myself more with a lot of Swedish friends and stay with them for a long time and it is because I am in a professional world... (Respondent 4)

Considering the views from the respondents, compared to other immigrants and the native Swedes, one can say that although some African immigrants have better wage jobs such as bus drivers, teachers and social workers most are more represented in low wage employment doing mainly cleaning, washing dishes in restaurants, distribution of news papers and others work in schools. This is in line with the work of Alden and Hammarstedts, (2014) when they say that the share of employment opportunities for Africa and Asian immigrants is lower compared to other immigrants on the labour market in Sweden and as such they have a higher unemployment rate than the other groups of immigrants, that even with similar or better education qualifications, African immigrants and their Asian counterparts still find it difficult to attract good paying jobs.

5.7 Understanding of the role of social networks towards employment of African immigrants The main objective of this study was to analyze East African immigrants’ understanding of the role of social networks towards employment of African immigrants in Gothenburg City. Study respondents had differing views on the subject but what was clear was that indeed, in the life of an African immigrant social networks play a pivotal role. Three issues stood out from what the respondents shared as the major effect; social networks are a source of social security for African immigrants, they are a platform for receiving and dispersing information and most importantly networks are an investment.

5.7.1 Social capital as an investmentOn the issue of social networks being a future investment, it was found out that, good contacts among African immigrants are kept secure and they are always called upon in times of need. Such times include, when one needs to find a new job, when one needs a recommendation and also when one needs other kinds of help on the labour market. One respondent mentioned that;

You see when you get genuine help from someone here, that person becomes your investment and a kind of security for you and you don’t want your relationship with such a person to be spoilt because in future when you need help, that person will be willing to help you again...because it is hard to get a job here without any help from someone else (Respondent 1)

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From the results of the study it came out clearly that because of this perception many African immigrants protect their contacts either by not allowing others to have access to them or by lying about their existence. This scenario was compared to someone protecting their investment so that it continues to yield the required dividends. One of my respondents said,

If I have a contact that helps me in fixing things like jobs, I make sure that I protect that contact, because when you show him to others they may have bad behavior and then you may end up losing this person in the process. (Respondent 3)

This was indeed confirmed in another interview in which a respondent mentioned that he was not happy with his fellow African immigrants because he perceived them to be deceptive in many of the thing they do

You see the network I have is mostly my fellow African brothers and the biggest problem is that we are not real. Of course I love them very much but sometimes you see that being close to them may cause problems...they are not open, they don’t want to share how they succeeded, they lie to you because they don’t want you to succeed like them. (Respondent 1)

The challenges notwithstanding, social networks act as future investments for African immigrants, they are turned to in times of need and indeed they act as a kind of safety net. Lancee (2012) agrees with this notion noting that, investing in building social networks connects people to valuable resources and that these connections result into profitable or positive returns and/or sometimes negative returns making social capital to assume similar characteristic like other forms of capital. Glanville and Bienenstock, (2009) also share the same and further agree that such investments in such relationships are for achievement of personal goals.

5.7.2 Social networks are a marketing platform for African immigrants Social networks among African immigrants act as a platform on which individuals can expose their need for jobs and the abilities and skills to do different kinds of jobs on the labor market. Through social gatherings like in church, someone’s presence, qualities and skills get to be known. According to one respondent, this provides an avenue to catch the attention of those that are interested in your qualities.

Our networks are like an open stage for talent show. One is that you get to know people, it is a way of presenting yourself so that people know you...even me when I had just come, I was everywhere and that’s how I got to know people, what they do and that’s how it all started for me, although what I can say is that it is stressful to depend on people, they make promises and really show you that they are trying for you (Respondent 5)

5.7.3 Social networks for social securityThere was a general consensus that, one could always resort to his social network if things did not work out the way he planned or if one landed into a situation in which his individual abilities and competencies were inadequate to deal with such a situation. It also came out clearly that it did not matter the make-up of the social network, somehow all forms of social networks provide some kind of social security.

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For example a respondent from Tanzania shared that, although he may not know many people, those that he knows can be the starting point if he needed to help some other person to get a job. He said;

These social networks help you when you are in some kind of dilemma. S if I know someone where I can recommend someone, then I tell them to got there, if that person cannot help but also knows another that can help then they also recommend them to some other person, so it continues like that until someone can get assistance and I have many friends from African who call me, in fact even today before we met they were calling me looking for houses to rent... (Respondent 1)

In many ways, this is in line with Lance (2012) who notes that in most cases because immigrants cannot rely on domestic social institutions they use close connections such as friends, family as a source of safety net. Lance (2012) also notes that this kind is common with bonding social capital.

Furthermore, having a social network where social institutions are part puts one in an advantaged position. Institutions such as Banks, Insurance companies, the Social Agency, the employment Agency among others were singled out as key in securing certain needs in case of uncertainty. During the interviews with the respondents, it was revealed that the services offered by these institutions are a shock absorber. That instead of turning to friends, family and other individual connections, one can easily get assistance from the institutions.

One of the respondents mentions that unlike in their African culture where begging from others is common, here in Sweden you don’t beg.

Here you cannot beg from people, because all of us have our needs and problems...But even if one is not working say she or he has lost a job, you can go to the social agency and they can give you hand outs, if you can’t pay rent then they will pay for your rent...so there is no begging or asking for help out (Respondent K I)

As mentioned earlier, there are certain requirements for one to qualify to have such benefits. For example one has to be a full time employee with an organization and earning a certain minimum wage, one has to have a personal identification number and should have spent at least one year in Sweden. The advantage with this kind of connection is that it helps in securing both the social and economic life of an immigrant and also deal with the challenge of discrimination because at such a level it matters less weather one is a native or not. As Lance (2012) argues connections across different boundaries, ethnicities and especially with native reduces the effects of discrimination which is a big barrier for immigrants on the labor market.

5.7.4 Strengthening the individual

Related to the above, such social connections enhance the independence of individual members, increasing their ability to think independently without the any restriction from other members as it happens in bonding networks. Three of the respondents were professionally working with different institutions, during the interview; it was easy to note

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that, not relying on fellow immigrants or even Swedish connections carries a certain sense of freedom and independence. One mentioned that;

The institutions give you the confidence to do a lot of things but also to have independence from individual people, so my fellow Africans give me morale, just to find people to talk. I always find a way of taking care of all my needs (Respondent 2)

Another respondent; a parent with two children, I asked her if she would consider calling upon a friend if she had a sick child and needed help of some kind too be able to go to work. She said;

Hahaha...People here are busy and don’t have time to waste. So I just call my work place and tell them my baby is sick and I will not be working... of course I am entitled to such leave and they are paid for. But also as a parent I have 280 days of leave paid for by the insurance for my children until they are 10 years. So I use those days...when the baby gets well, I call them and tell them I will be resuming work again....that is how things work here. Respondent 5)

However, there are moments when you need assistance from individuals even when you have such strong connection with institutions. He shared a relationship that he has kept with someone because he has a garage and a car washing facility.

I have a friend and he has a garage and a car wash facility. When I want to wash my car I take it there and I do it myself and he doesn’t charge me anything yet it would cost me more than 500kr if it was to be washed by his employees and this is done every weekend and so some how you keep such connections for such small favors. (K I)

This is in line with the literature by Adler and Kwon (2002) who argued that social capital breeds solidarity among members of social networks and this solidarity results into benefits to members of the same network.

Although social capital was said to have a lot of positive benefits, some negative side of social capital was shared too. This was illustrated as great and fundamental challenge that impacts negatively on how the African immigrants are represented on the Swedish labor market. All the respondents that shared their views seemed to agree that although social networks dominated by African immigrants are important at the start of an African immigrant’s journey on the Swedish labor market, they argued that if one is not careful he can get trapped within such networks which may have negative effect.

5.7.5 The risk of getting trappedThe general feeling among those interviewed was that Social networks made up of Africans are a trap which on the face of it as explained earlier has attractions of making members feel safe and cared for but unfortunately they argued, keeping with fellow Africans in the same network is in its self a trap, a trap that makes it hard to succeed on the labor market. Their argument was that, being confined within such networks limits an immigrant’s capacity to see beyond what fellow members in the network do and ultimately, if your network is made-up of cleaners, most certainly one will be limited to cleaning job the same applies to newspaper and adverts distributers. One respondent notes that;

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Africans will keep in their cliques of fellow Africans even when this makes their opportunities limited... I look at it as a trap... they become stagnant in their ethnic groups when they get here, they will eat the same food, laugh at the same jokes and be there without moving forward(Respondent K I )

The point made here is that such networks are limited by their social interaction since they know the same people, they almost do the same jobs and as a result limited by their social networks and as already noted this situation is further compounded by individuals being embroiled in personal rivalries, conflict and intrigue. One responded shared her frustration with some of her African friends and says;

I have come to realize that such friends of mine sometimes have a problem because most of the time they tend to demand for so much of my time...and this sometimes makes me get so angry. I really would like to associate with them but the fact is that I don’t have time; unfortunately not most of them understand. They think that I am only behaving wired because I am what, I am. But I don’t usually think of it when I am choosing my friends because I even have my professional friends whom I take too long to meet but we still stay in touch and they understand my situation.(Respondent 4)

The voices from the interviews are supported by Adler and Kwon (2002) who also note that social capital can be a risk for both for the individual actor and those associated with them for example, the solidarity benefits of social capital may backfire for the individual in several ways since strong solidarity with in group members may over embed the actor and this reduces the flow of new ideas into the group making an individual less dynamic and less creative. Ayios et al (2014) also notes that social networks may restrict on membership freedom which may impede economic progress of certain members of a social network.

5.7.6 Betrayal and abuse of trustThe existence of trust or the lack of it was found to be to an important ingredient that either kept individuals close or apart in social networks. Study respondents shared their views on the issue and noted that, there was always skepticism when one is dealing with a fellow African as opposed to the native Swedes. The intensions of one associating and dealing with a fellow African were always questioned. In other words it was more of a risk to trust a fellow African. In one of the interviews, a respondent shared with me how he felt frustrated and betrayed by the actions of one of his friends who he recommended for a job in a company where he had good contacts. He said that his friend was indeed given the job but his actions on the job later affected him personally. He lamented that;

I recommended him and he got the job but after a small period of time working, the guy stole things from the company...and so they kicked him out, he went to another organization and he stole and they kicked him out again. (Respondent 1)

He also mentions that My friend, when you listen to peoples stories then you know there a lot of evil things that happen here...people are made to work and not paid the money they deserve but it is mainly the fellow Africans doing this to fellow Africans (Respondent 1)

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It was interesting to find out what causes the lack of trust and in one of the interviews a participant shares that broken promises are one of the reasons why there is lack of trust.

As a result of lack trust and betrayal some fits have resulted among some African immigrants.Many Africans really fight in bars and night clubs because the trust that they build amongst themselves is not strong. They fight over money, over women and other things and in the end it becomes had trust one another (Respondent 2)

Having said that, the views shared show that social networks can have a great impact on African immigrants. Those that are lucky to be in the company of well connected contacts have better opportunities to succeed than others. This is because they are able to benefit from both the contact and network resources of those contacts. Indeed as Bourdieu (1986) notes, it is the volume of one’s network, the resources possessed by that network that determines the amount of social capital he or she possesses. It also comes out clearly that although social networks that are predominantly made up of African immigrants are the best to start from, because of the social and psychological support inherent in them, they can in the long run become a barrier or hindrance to reaching better opportunities for social network members since they are prone to produce conflict situations that can deter others from progressing.

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CHAPTER SIX6.0 Summary and conclusions6.1 IntroductionThis chapter presents the summary and conclusions for the study based on the objectives, findings and the analysis presented in the previous chapter. It also provides areas for further research

The main objective of the study was to analyze East African immigrants’ understanding of the role of social capital towards employment of African immigrants in Gothenburg City. To answer this main objective, four specific objectives were formulated; to explore the existing forms of social capital, find out the kind of resources existing within networks, the understanding of East African immigrants on the kind of employment that African immigrants do and the effect of social networks in the employment of African immigrants which later guided and acted as research questions for this study

Results showed that social capital was viewed as a way of positioning one’s self among different individuals, groups or institutions for both expected and unexpected benefits. This kind of positioning is made through different social networks and is followed by activities such as networking, associating, hugging out, and relating to different people. Specifically for African immigrants it was considered as one of the means of survival as most viewed social networks to be a kind social security where they could get assistance and certain services in times of need and crisis. Social capital was said to exist in friendship, in social institution and among native Swedes and progressive immigrants groups.

The kind of social networks that many African immigrants belong to when they arrive in Sweden depends of the purpose of their immigration. As result, three categories of immigration status were shared that many African immigrants belong to at the start. They are either, visitors, students or asylum-seekers. These contribute in shaping the kind of social capital and social networks that African immigrants develop in the both the short and long run.African immigrants who arrive in Sweden as asylum seekers start their life under the care of the state and in most cases end up in camps and this is where their networks start. The kind of social networks started in camps are in most cases resource poor given the fact that in most cases the network members are all vulnerable, living under hard conditions under providence of the Swedish state. The main benefit is psychological support that each network members offer in form of friendship and care.

Visitors invited by friends, family or organizations were presented as better placed to achieve benefits related to the labour market. First they have an already existing network of people they are visiting and so they start from somewhere, and two they are able to benefit from each of the new network members’ contacts. This offers them a wide range of contact resources and network resources.

The third category shared is that of “Students” normally come with a plan and end up in certain circles like in Universities, colleges and secondary schools from where they begin

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creating social networks. Whatever the category one belongs to, findings showed that in many ways African immigrants tend to follow a similar trend of networking. From the time they arrive in Sweden, their initial networks and relations are with fellow Africans and later on get to network with native Swedish and other progressive immigrants then lastly also associate with different institutions like employment agencies, commercial banks, insurance companies and social service agencies. Although the order and sequence may not necessarily be constant, it was revealed that most of the African immigrants follow that kind of sequence in building their networks

6.2 Forms of social capital/social networksSocial capital and social networks are two concepts that seemed inseparable during the study. It was common for the two words to be used interchangeably.

Probably the most basic form and common form of social capital is one predominantly consisting of African immigrants known to one another, attracted together by a feeling of sameness in terms of both social and economic status. In this kind of social relationships, many of the social connections are with fellow African immigrants known to one another. Connections are based on commonality of certain social characteristics such as ethnicity, social status as minority, colour, and the fact that some come from the same country. Under this form of social capital, use of the word African brother or sister in reference to a fellow African is common. This kind of social connection results into bonding which has benefits such emotional and psychological support. This kind of connection to fellow African immigrants is a result of the similarities among African immigrants especially in social and economic status but also the fear of the unknown since Africans in this case would be in a foreign country and so find it hard at first to interact with the natives and other immigrant groups that they find in Sweden.

The second form of social capital is where African immigrants step out of their bonds and include other individuals especially the native Swedes and sometimes some other progressive immigrants. This is one way to diversify the networks to be able to tap certain resources that these two groups have. This particular new category was said to know how the Swedish system works and therefore would act as a guide to the African immigrants. It also comes along with unique personal connections which can be harnessed for the benefits of other social network members. Thus African immigrants stand to benefit more by being part of this kind of social network.

Probably the most desirable social connection that was revealed was one where individuals in social networks have personal connections/contacts with certain key social institutions on the labour market. Such institutions included employment agencies, commercial banks, insurance companies and social service agencies. Through these institutions different benefits are achieved ranging from information on job opportunities, social security in terms of cash benefits, unemployment benefits and other financial services.

Important to note is that the Swedish language was said to be important in making the last two forms of social capital happen. It was noted that the Swedish language opens a lot of imaginary door on the labour market since it is the language used in almost all the organizations in Sweden for both verbal and written communication. First it makes it easier for African immigrants to initiate social relationships with the Swedes and some progressive

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immigrants. This is because they have been on the market for a long time and are highly integrated into the Swedish society and therefore with important connections that African immigrants can benefit from.

Taking relevant vocational training or refresher courses was also a big step in improving ones chances of employability on the Swedish labour market. It was revealed that it was quite an uphill task for any immigrant to find a decent job without taking training within Sweden in order to learn specific ways of doing certain things. Language and training were two important elements that were said to have a strong influence in improving the quality of social networks in terms of the quality of information and the quality of benefit.

6.3 Existing Resources in a Network for East African immigrantsThe quality of resources available in the networks was seen to improve in terms of quality as African immigrants moved away from their African dominated social networks to more diversified connections. To diversify their networks it meant that African immigrant include native Swedes and other progressive immigrants and at the most desirable level get in connection with social institutions such as the employment agency.

Other than that, the key resources revealed included Friendship which resulted from more close relationships between individuals, personal connections and unique knowledge of the Swedish system from natives and other progressive immigrants and services from certain social institutions. There are Africans immigrants with companies that employ fellow Africans. The only challenge experienced is that those companies pay lower wages to Fellow Africans since such companies are aware that in most case those that seek to work with them are desperately in need of work

In all, information was appreciated to be the most valuable resource among all. It is however important to note respondents associated information from other connections other than their fellow African immigrants to result into quality benefits. This was because according to the respondents they have great knowledge and in possession of unique information of the labor market in Sweden.

6.4 Kind of work for African immigrantsOn the kind of work that African immigrants do, the following can be said,Many African immigrants are engaged in low skill job including; cleaning in the city and distribution of news papers and advert. Most of those who comprehend the language and have certain domestically valued training are in elderly care and working in schools while others are in Bus driving and in Volvo; one of the most prestigious companies in Sweden. Highly qualified individual with post graduate qualifications continue to do low skilled jobs in Sweden. The reason behind this is inability to speak the Swedish language and sometimes absence of domestically relevant training in certain fields of employment.

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6.5 The Role of Social NetworksIn analyzing their understanding of the role of social networks towards employment of African immigrants respondents revealed that social networks can be both helpful and sometimes limiting.

Social networks are an investment for the future. In a foreign country without a lot of blood relationship if any, ones networks substitutes that role played by such relationships. Specifically for employment, networks are resorted to in case one loses a job, for emergence assistance but also for information on how to find a new one. Indeed like any other form of economic investment, African immigrants highly protect their key social contacts and keep them in close range for help in case of need.

Also related to the above is that social networks are a source of social security though in differing degrees and quality. All forms of social networks as revealed provide some kind of social security from the most basic form provided by friends in the network to the more formal kind of social security provided by social institutions such as Insurance companies, Employment Agency, Banks and the social Agency. Some of the benefits include cash benefits, unemployment benefits, health insurance cover and information on job opportunities available on the market.

Formal social security benefits were said to contribute to creating an independent individual. This is because they substitute the role and benefits that one would expect from individual networks in times of need. As such the more one is connected to form social institutions in the more they become individualistic most times not needing a lot from others with in the network but probably becoming a source of vital information and inspiration to fellow African immigrants.

As already mentioned, many African immigrants get their first jobs from the contacts their social networks. This is because social networks provide a platform for individuals to expose their individual abilities for all to see, through talking to others but also through their interaction where their character traits are studied. As such because some of the network members are employers or know employers or are in positions of advantage they can use such advantage to connect them to jobs or provide relevant information leading to job offers. There is a tendency for Africans with established companies such as cleaning companies to exploit fellow African immigrants since they are aware of their desperate situation on the labor market This is mainly common in contacts among fellow African immigrants

Another down sides of social capital that was revealed is a tendency to get trapped in social networks dominated by African immigrants. Many tend to find it hard to break out of such social connections. This consequently limits the chances of getting new kinds of connections which in most cases have better quality information and resources. Furthermore, social networks are prone to social conflicts, fights and betrayal of trust.

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6.6 Areas for Further ResearchThis study focused on analyzing the East African immigrants’ understanding of the role of social capital towards employment of African immigrants in Gothenburg City.

A study focusing on the relationship between social capital and employment among African immigrants can go a long way in informing available literature the impact that social capital can have.

Connection to social institutions was said to be of great importance to African immigrants. Thus a qualitative study on the role of social institutions on the labour would also be an important study to contribute further to understanding social capital at that level.

Another study using mixed methods but in the same area may also be interesting.

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Appendices

Appendix A: Interview guide

Topic: Social capital and employment for African immigrants in Sweden; investment in social networks produces socio-economic returns

1. How would you describe what social capital is?2. How is social capital related to social networks?3. What kind of networks are you a part of here in Sweden 4. In your own assessment, what is common in your social network or any other network

that you know of where African immigrants are part?5. How are social networks created among African immigrants?6. How are social net works among African immigrants maintained?7. What resources exist in your social network or any other you know of, that members can

benefit from?8. In your experience as an immigrant during this period of time, how would you describe

the kinds of employment that you or other African immigrants do in the city?9. Have social networks contributed in helping you or others gain such employment? If so,

how? 10. In your own opinion what are some of the effects of social capital?

(i)What have been the benefits that you or any other person you know has enjoyed as a result of social networks?(ii)What would be some of the challenges that you or any other person you know has face due to their membership in certain social networks?

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Appendix B

Consent Form

Topic: Social capital and employment for African immigrants in Sweden; investment in social networks produces socio-economic returns

Hello, my name is Grace Nyiiro. I am a student at Gothenburg University currently studying my Master’s degree in Social Work and Human Rights and one of the requirements of this course is for every student to write a thesis/ research report. I am therefore conducting my research which seeks to find out the role of social capital towards the employment of African immigrants in Gothenburg City.

You have been selected to participate in this study because you are relevant to the study given that you are of East African origin and that you are currently working here in Gothenburg City. However your participation is highly voluntary, you have the right to decide whether to participate in this study or not to. Even after accepting to participate, you still have the right to withdraw after the interview has been commenced if you realise that you cannot continue. During the interview, you have the right to decline answering any questions, or terminate the interview without having to provide an explanation.

Your views are very important to this study and I kindly request you to freely share your views and experiences. All the information that you share will be handled confidentially and will be kept in such a way that unauthorised person cannot view it or use it for any other purpose and will later be destroyed after the study.

You are welcome to contact me or my Supervisor in case you have any questions. Use email addresses below;

Name and email of the student: Grace Nyiiro: nyiiroafrica@gmail.com

Name and email of the student: Lena Sawyer: l ena.sawyer@socwork.gu.se

Do you have any question regarding the information above?

Do you agree to participate in the study?

Yes, I agree. No, I disagree.

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