Globalization and the built environment in...

Habitat International 28 (2004) 505–519

Globalization and the built environment in Kuwait

Yasser Mahgoub*

Department of Architecture, College of Engineering and Petroleum, Kuwait University,

P.O. Box 5969 Safat 13060, Kuwait

Received 28 March 2003; received in revised form 3 July 2003; accepted 1 October 2003

Available online 22 June 2004

Abstract

This paper discusses the impact of globalization on the built environment and the tension between theforces of globalization and localization as exemplified in the case of Kuwait. It claims that globalization hasbeen active in the countries of the Gulf area since the middle of the 20th century when they witnessed rapiddevelopment and change that permitted globalization and localization processes to be more evident andmagnified than in other parts of the world. The aim of this paper is to analyze manifestations andconsequences of globalization and localization processes in the built environment in Kuwait by tracing therapid transformation of the built environment in Kuwait during the second half of the 20th century. Thepaper claims that the clash of styles that exists in the built environment is a product of the tension betweenglobalization and localization processes, and that the dichotomy between the cultural forces currentlyshaping the built environment, i.e. modern-traditional, Islamic-Western, and local-international, is theresult of this tension. While some architects attempt to integrate the local architecture into global culturaltrends, others try to revive the traditional architectural style to protect the local identity and heritage. Theresulting built environment is chaotic and lacks identity and sense of place. The paper concludes that theprocesses of globalization and localization are inseparable and that they coexist, like in many other parts ofthe world, in continuous state of change and interaction. There is a need for an alternative understanding ofwhat global architecture can be; one that understands the essential need to preserve and respect diversity aswell as house seemingly disparate philosophies of space, people, and their interactions with and within thebuilt form. This approach should be reflected in professional practice, education and building regulationsthat govern the production of the built environment.r 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Architecture; Globalization; Localization; Change in built environment; Kuwait

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*Fax: +965-4842897.

E-mail address: [email protected] (Y. Mahgoub).

0197-3975/$ - see front matter r 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

doi:10.1016/j.habitatint.2003.10.005

1. Introduction

In his keynote speech to the 16th International Association for People-Environment Studiesmeeting in Paris, Antonio Remesar proclaimed that, ‘‘We have tendency to consider theglobalization processes and localization processes like two separate realities’’ (Remesar, 2000,p. 1). In fact, it is being realized more and more, as Liangyong put it, ‘‘that globalization andregionalization are like two sides of a coin and that they are inseparable’’ (Liangyong, 2000,p. 12). This paper claims that there is a tendency to consider globalization and localizationprocesses as new phenomena. It realizes that globalization has been active in the countries of theGulf area since the middle of the 20th century onward. During the short history of the countries ofthe region, the rapid development and change permitted the processes of globalization andlocalization to be more evident and magnified than in other parts of the world.

This paper discusses the impact of globalization on the built environment and the tensionbetween the forces of globalization and localization as exemplified in the case of Kuwait. Its aim isto analyze the impact of the coexistence of these forces of change on the built environment inKuwait in order to understand their role in the decline and rise of traditionalism and modernismduring this transformation process. It attempts to envisage future directions from current trendsand propose approaches to manage any negative impact of this tension on the built environment.

1.1. Globalization

This paper adopts the theoretical approach suggested by Gail Satler of an analytic paradigm forreading architectural forms that gives voice to diverse philosophies and recognizes the coexistenceof globalization and localization forces shaping the urban environment. This approach offers, ‘‘amore interesting definition of globalization—one that understands the essential need to preserveand respect diversity as well as house seemingly disparate philosophies of space, people, and theirinteractions with and within the built form. That is an architectural (and social) terrain that onecould call global in the deepest sense of the term’’ (Satler, 1999, p. 15). This paradigm is useful inunderstanding the phenomenon of globalization, more than those focusing only on negativeaspects of globalization.

This view is supported by observations made by other researchers regarding the coexistence ofthe forces of globalization and localization in similar contexts. El-Sheshtawy et al. (2000) arguethat Third World cities—especially those which have witnessed rapid growth within the last twodecades—are moving towards a ‘‘co-existence’’ model which takes into account forces ofmodernization and change (globalization) while at the same time responding to the preservationof traditional elements within the society, initially coined by Ricoeur as a ‘‘paradox’’ facing thoseattempting to ‘‘join the universal civilization’’ while responding to local conditions. Theyrecommended the examination of the viability of this model and its suitability for other cities.

I speak neither as an advocate nor as a critic of globalization; I neither applaud it nor doI condemn it. What purpose either of these stances serve? Like it or not, globalization is fact(a fact-in-the-making); it is irrelevant whether one ‘‘approves’’ or ‘‘disapproves’’ of it. Thephenomenon of globalization is itself global, that is to say, all-encompassing. It is of course in

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the first instance a material or economic phenomenon, but, like all significant civilizationaldevelopments, it also has profound cultural or spiritual significance (Madison, 1998, p. 5).

Discussions of globalization are currently dominating the intellectual and public discourse.While some view it as an evil trend towards dehumanization and economic domination othersview it as a multifaceted phenomenon that pauses challenges and offers new opportunities.Dandekar (1998, p. 5) argues that the question that needs to be considered is ‘‘What are themanifestations of globalization in tangible reality, in the physical spaces and places of theemerging city of the 21st century?’’ This process has generated an opposite process of localizationin many parts of the world. This is not the cry of the Third World and developing countries only,but it is also a global call to realize local conditions and appreciate human differences. Asexperienced by many countries, the distinctive national identity is being threatened by anemerging identity that is more global and international. There is emphasis on the regional andgeographical identity more than on the cultural and political boundaries of nations.

Globalization is viewed by some as a new form of colonialism and occupation promotingcultural and social superiority and domination. Economic superiority, allowing two-thirds of theworld’s wealth to go to only one-third of the world’s population while one-third of the world’swealth is going to two-thirds of the world’s population, is increasing the ‘‘gap’’ between poor andrich countries. Many fear the loss of identity and privacy; in general, fear of the unknown. Amongthe fears, especially from the ‘‘South’’ is that ‘‘the impact of globalization on the culture of the‘developing’ ‘post-colonial’ countries is pervasive and endemic’’ (Dandekar, 1998, p. 6). In theArab world, globalization is viewed as ‘‘another term for capitalism and imperialism’’ and that‘‘all Arabs and Muslims need to consider it an imminent danger that is endangering the political,social, cultural and economic stability’’ (Za’za’, 2002, p. 1). This attitude is due to the fact that theimpact globalization was more rapid and dramatic in most Arab and Muslim countries than inother parts of the world. They feel that they are on the receiving end of globalizations and notparticipating in its making.

The other group, on the other hand, points to the advantages of globalization and argues thatsuperiority and domination worries are exaggerated and that there is no threat to sacred beliefs.They argue that America, the leader of globalization, has more people who are consideredreligious than any other country in the world. They predict that more human rights anddemocracy penetrating the traditional boundaries of countries and that the individual will gainnew rights outside his own country. As Madison (1998, p. 5) puts it, ‘‘we now have a name for thedynamics at work in the present stage in the development of civilization: globalization’’. Heidentifies the phenomenon of globalization as having five main aspects: economic, political,technological, social and cultural.

The impact of globalization on the built environment can be understood in relation to theaspects of globalization:

* Telecommunications and information technology has produced a need for a new type oftechnological infrastructure, building types and design requirements. The electronic technologyproduced new breed of intelligent and smart buildings.

* Transportation technology affected urban and city planning and produced changes inunderstanding space and proximity.

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* Building technology suggested new methods of construction and materials that require newmethods of expression.

* The global marketplace liberated professional services and labour, building materials andconstruction methods, trade and investment from the limitations of national boundaries.

* The rise of human rights awareness pointed to issues of the right to housing; housing ofmarginalized populations, and housing for the poor.

* The traditional work habits that resulted in the separation between work and home, are givingway to new and revived forms of home-work environment and mixed use planning that existedcenturies ago.

* Relationships between groups and individuals are influenced by ease of interaction andcommunication over the internet, permitting ‘‘virtual’’ social interaction with people all overthe globe easier than with those across the street. The Internet offers information andknowledge about other societies that used to take long time to disseminate.

* The lifestyle of fast food chains, luxurious shopping centres, and other commodities is availableall over the world today. The culture of the ‘‘global village’’ disregarded cultural differencesand increased similarities in lifestyles around the world through these ‘‘icons’’ of globalization.

* The impact of the internet on architectural practice is evident in new trend of internationalfirms to establish branches in different parts of the world utilizing the time difference to keeptheir businesses running 24 h a day. For example, the easy transfer of drawings and documentsaided in the globalization of architectural offices and projects is speeding the production anddevelopment of projects.

This rapid social transformation and dislocation is frightening to many individuals who facean escalating identity crisis. While some chose to indulge in the new lifestyle, others chose toretreat to the more familiar world of the past hoping to overcome their social alienation anddislocation.

2. The case of Kuwait

The built environment found in Kuwait today is a product of the decisions made during itsearly stages of planning and construction. Kuwait was mostly isolated from external influencesuntil the discovery of oil during the 1940s. As thoroughly documented by Saba George Shiber(1964, p. 6), planning and construction of the modern city-state of Kuwait 50 years ago was a‘‘dramatic urban revolution that swept over Kuwait as a hurricane, leaving one dizzied anddazzled in its wake. y Kuwait literally exploded from a small village to a fast-urbanizing regionalmetropolis in just over 12 years’’. He illustrated in his detailed account the fast speed oftransformation that Kuwait went through from fishing and trading vernacular settlement to amodern, planned metropolis.

This transformation was the result of efforts made by the Kuwaiti’s to utilize the wealthgenerated by the discovery of oil to improve their living conditions and join the developed,modern world. It was not imposed on them by outsiders as much as it was a selection and choice.The problem was not in choosing to modernize but in the ‘‘rushing’’ towards modernizationwithout comprehending its drawbacks.

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The modern urbanization in Kuwait has passed through significant stages. During each, amaster plan or a review of the master plan was produced, which contributed to the developmentof modern Kuwait (Kuwait Municipality, 1980). These stages are:

1. The First Master Plan prepared by Minoprio, Spencely, and Macfarlane (1951).2. The Municipality Development Plan, which was an assembly of different planning studies for

different areas during the period from 1952 to 1967.3. Colin Buchanan and Partners-developed Second Master Plan from 1967 to 1968.4. First Review of the Second Master Plan by Shankland Cox Partnership in 1977.5. Re-examination of the Master Plan by Colin Buchanan and Partners in 1983.6. A proposed Master Plan by Kuwait Municipality in 1993.7. Most recently, Kuwait Engineering Group in collaboration with Colin Buchanan were

commissioned to develop a new master plan in 2003.

Prior to 1952, Kuwait was a vernacular settlement overlooking the Arabian Gulf and composedof courtyard houses built using mud brick along narrow alleys. The city was surrounded byprotective walls with several gates. Fig. 1 illustrates the urban pattern in old Kuwait city and itstraditional houses lined along narrow streets, looking inward into courtyards suitable for climaticconditions and social needs. The city was surrounded by semi-circular defensive wall constructedin 1920, in 2 months, to protect it from the tribal attacks.

After the discovery of oil in economic quantities during the 1930s and its exportation during the1940s and the immediate wealth generated by its sales, the rulers of the country appointed theBritish firm, Minoprio et al. (1951) to propose a ‘‘plan’’ for the development of the city of Kuwait.The matters which the consultants regarded as being of ‘‘primary importance’’ in the re-planningof the town were: (a) the provision of a modern road system appropriate to the traffic conditionsin Kuwait, (b) the location of suitable zones for public buildings, industry, commerce, schools,

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Fig. 1. The urban pattern of old Kuwait.


and other purposes, (c) the choice of zones for new houses and other buildings needed inresidential areas, both inside and outside the town wall, (d) the selection of sites for parks, sportsground, school playing fields and other open spaces, (e) the creation of a beautiful and dignifiedtown centre, (f) the planting of trees and shrubs along the principal roads and at other importantpoints in the town, and (g) the provision of improved main roads linking Kuwait with theadjoining towns and villages (Minoprio et al., 1951). The plan led to the demolition of the walledcity and its traditional houses to provide land for economic and public facilities andthe establishment of western style neighbourhoods surrounded by modern highways for carsand vehicles.

The late 1950s and early 1960s witnessed the implementation of the First Master Plan by theMinistry of Public Works under the supervision of the Kuwait Development Board established in1950, headed by the ruler of Kuwait himself. The demolition of the wall and old houses inresidential areas inside it to clear land for the construction of new public buildings paralleled theconstruction of new roads and residential neighbourhoods south of it in the desert. Theneighbourhoods were self sufficient entities with schools, shops, mosques and other services. AsGardiner (1983, p. 46) states, ‘‘there was no need to come into the city except for work becauseevery thing was there’’. As part of the government’s policy for the distribution of wealth, lowincome families were given public houses built by the government while rich families werecompensated with plots of land and money for their demolished houses and acquired land.Building regulations proposed by the plan allowed for the construction of individual ‘‘villas’’ onthese plots of land. Fig. 2 illustrates buildings and houses erected during the 1950s and 1960sreflecting the modern style of architecture that dominated this era.

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Fig. 2. The architecture of the 1950s and 1960s.


In 1968, a Second Master Plan was developed by Colin Buchanan and Partners that stretchedthe city north and south along the Gulf shores. It also called for the dissemination of the citycentre by creating new centres to overcome the growing traffic congestion problems. With the riseof oil prices after the 1973 Middle East War, the country was able to acquire enough income tosupport its ambitious plans.

In 1976, the British planning firm Shakland Cox proposed the establishment of two new cities.During the 1980s several remarkable buildings designed by internationally recognized architectswere constructed in Kuwait. They included: the National Airport by Kenzo Tange, the NationalAssembly by Jorn Utzon, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs by Reima Pietila, the Central Bank byArne Jacobsen, and the Kuwait Water Towers by Lindstorm, Egnell and Bjorn (Kultermann,1999). This practice facilitated the dissemination of global trends into the urban environmentin Kuwait.

Ibrahim (1985) argues that the new styles of architecture entered the Gulf area after thediscovery of oil through two venues. The first venue was large projects of monumentalarchitecture that were designed and constructed by Western architects without any economicor technical limitations in designing these projects (banks, hotels, public buildings, servicebuildings, etc.). It was described by Western magazines as the ‘‘playground of architecture’’.The role of the local architect was very limited due to his limited experience in studying,evaluating and managing large projects. See Fig. 3 for examples of public buildings built duringthe 1980s.

The second venue was domestic architecture built by individuals in the form of private housesor apartment buildings. These were mostly designed and constructed by local or Arab architectswho were influenced by economic, cultural and social requirements of the owner who usuallyimposed his views on the architect. The social and cultural status of the owner was reflected in thedesign of his buildings. Many architects from neighbouring countries, such as Syria, Egypt, Iraq,India, and Iran were attracted to the region along with many construction workers and labourers.They brought with them their ideas, understanding and styles of architecture.

In 1980, on the occasion of its 50th anniversary, Kuwait Municipality published a book‘‘registering its most important works and achievements, in the form of records and documentswhich are assembled in a permanent exhibition’’ (Kuwait Municipality, 1980, p. 3). In this bookthe municipality perceived that planning and urban development in Kuwait had passed throughtwo main periods: (1) random growth (pre-1952); and (2) modern growth (post-1952). This

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Fig. 3. Examples of Kuwaiti public buildings erected during the 1980s.


perception of the situation prior to 1952 as ‘‘random’’ was the driving force behind the adoptionof modern planning and construction methods in order to achieve a better quality of life.

The invasion of Kuwait by its northern neighbour Iraq on the 2nd of August 1990, and itsliberation by international coalition of forces, had a remarkable impact on the Kuwaitis securityand sense of belonging. Many buildings were affected during the war due to vandalism anddeliberate damage. The Kuwaitis became more appreciative of what they have and realized thevalue of the built environment in creating a national identity and sense of belonging. These eventsproduced two contrasting trends towards architecture; on one hand there is a trend towardsestablishing a national identity in architecture, while on the other, there is a trend to buildaccording to international styles found in other parts of the world. See Fig. 4 for examples of thesecontrasting style. The resulting urban environment illustrates a clash of styles and identities. Theprominent, late Hamed Shuaib, the first Kuwaiti to practice architecture in Kuwait, reiterated thequestion posed in many conferences and seminars held in the Gulf area: ‘‘when will we, in Kuwaitand other Gulf countries, have modern architecture suitable for our community, environment andheritage?’’ (Shuaib, 1999). He criticized the fact that architecture in Kuwait being produced byarchitects coming from different parts of the world.

3. Architecture of globalization in Kuwait

Kuwait shares the experience of many cities of Third World countries around the world. Theyare all experiencing the pulling and pushing of forces of globalization and localization. As statedby Abel (1994, p. 190), ‘‘it is easy to conclude that the forces of a globalized consumer culture haveall but won’’, yet, the rise of localization efforts cannot be ignored. He identified the visualattributes of familiar Western models as:

* The central business district;* The air-conditioned office towers;* The McDonald’s franchises;

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Fig. 4. The clash of styles of architecture in Kuwait as illustrated by buildings of different styles, local and classic,

forming a composition side by side in Kuwait.


* The shopping centres selling the same consumer products;* The jam-packed highways spreading out into the suburbs; and* The suburbs themselves, with their ‘Dallas’-inspired mixture of neo-classical and Spanish-style

villas.

While all these attributes can be found in Kuwait, as shown in Fig. 5, yet unlike its SoutheastAsian counterparts, Kuwait was not exposed to ‘‘layers of imported cultures’’, as illustrated byAbel (1994). It ‘‘exploded’’ from a small village to a fast-urbanizing regional metropolis in justover 12 years (Shiber, 1964).

The introduction of new building materials and construction systems accelerated the speed oftransformation. ‘‘The use of traditional local materials and techniques, which are often consideredarchaic and obsolete, was abandoned in favour of modern imported material and constructiontechniques’’ (Khattab, 2001, p. 57). Use of reinforced concrete replaced the traditional mud bricksand stone construction techniques. This trend has developed to include; glass, wood, accessories,air-conditioning systems, and all other types of state-of-the-art finishing and constructionmaterials and systems.

The forces of globalization were most evident in the case of Kuwait during the Second Gulf Warwhen the country continued to exist economically and politically as a virtual country outside itsphysical borders and was brought back to existence due to a global intervention by the worldcommunity. This dramatic experience of invasion and occupation for a brief period of timeawakened the Kuwaitis sense of belonging and identity. As described by Khattab (2001, p. 56),‘‘particularly in the case of Kuwait, reasserting the local identity has lately become a matter of greatimportance especially after Iraq’s claims in Kuwait and the Second Gulf War’’. This was reflectedon the architecture being produced in Kuwait by local and Kuwaiti architects in their attempts torecognize and acknowledge the heritage of traditional Kuwaiti architecture during the 1990s.

Architecture in Kuwait is affected by the forces of globalization and localization. While state-of-the-art glass-box office buildings and classic style villa represent a one-way influence ofglobalization, other examples illustrate, with varying degrees, attempts to incorporateglobalization and localization forces in their design and construction. The efforts range fromcopying and pasting elements and forms from indigenous architecture to sophisticated design thatincorporate state-of-the-art technologies with local expressions.

For example, the Parliament Building by Jorn Utzon illustrates a utilization of a modernmaterial—reinforced concrete—to bring back the strong image of the tent as place for gatheringand communion. The ultra-modern shopping centre, Souk Sharq, brings back the image of thetraditional market place environment with its planning and traditional wind catchers. The ArabOrganizations Headquarters building provides an example of a ‘‘luxurious’’ localization ofbuilding technology and automated systems that are restrained by the introduction of traditionaland Arab architectural elements and forms. The state of the art Scientific Centre, hosting one ofthe best aquariums in the world, is another example of incorporating modern functions with localexpression. The building hosts sophisticated technologies within spaces and forms derived fromArab and Islamic architecture; solid walls from the outside with the broken axis and the tentcovering the entrance. A few other examples illustrate attempts to integrate local images andunderstandings with global trends and practices. Most of the buildings adhere to globalizationforces without reflecting the local context and requirements.

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The work of the Kuwaiti architect Saleh Al Mutawa cannot be passed unnoticed in the urbanlandscape of Kuwait. He attempts to localize his architecture practice by reinterpreting some localarchitectural elements in a contemporary language of three-dimensional forms (Al-Mutawa,1994). Fig. 6 illustrates examples of his work where he utilizes elements of Kuwaiti traditionalarchitecture in his buildings. Several researchers have reviewed his work and concluded that ‘‘one

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Fig. 5. Visual attributes of globalization in Kuwait.


can define positive and negative aspects (but) what is undeniable is that Al-Mutawa’s work hasresulted in an emerging style’’ (Khattab, 2001, p. 66; see also Goodwin, 1997). Other youngKuwaiti architects are alluding to the absence of identity in architecture and the need to develop aKuwaiti identity in the built environment. A documentary movie produced by Kuwait Televisiontitled ‘‘Kuwaiti Architecture: A Lost Identity’’ depicts the development of architecture in Kuwaitand points to the importance of developing a Kuwaiti identity in architecture.

The relationship between masses of buildings in the urban landscape is the main problemcurrently dominating the urban environment in Kuwait. While each building is designed andconstructed according to a specific view and solution, the collection of buildings do not form acoherent character or identity. Forty years ago, Shiber (1964, p. 118) envisioned this problem andalarmed that:

The application of civic design, at least in the composition of major buildings, has to datebeen non-existent. In the future much more sensitive care must be accorded the art of disposingone architectural element in relation to another, and in relation to the spaces displaced andcreated.

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Fig. 6. Example of projects by Saleh Al Mutawa.


The fact that most of the public buildings in Kuwait were designed by foreign architects andfirms was a result of absence of qualified local architects and firms that could handle projects ofthis size. With the emergence of Kuwaiti architects, educated mainly in Western cultures and theUSA, and the establishment of the Department of Architecture at Kuwait University, and thegraduation of its first group of students in 2002, the landscape of the practice of architecture inKuwait is expected to change dramatically. Most of the young Kuwaiti architects are aware of theimpact of the forces of globalization and localization on their architecture but their responses varyfrom dramatic to minimal according to their personal understanding.

4. Towards a vision of architecture of globalization

Kuwait is experiencing, as in other developing countries, the tension between the forces ofglobalization and localization. On one hand, people are eager to enjoy the luxuries of modern lifethat they can afford to have while at the same time retaining a cultural identity and satisfyingspecial social requirements. It is expected that recent political changes in the region will release thecountry’s eagerness to develop and catch up with its Gulf neighbours after more than a decade ofpolitical unrest in the region. A new wave of development, in the form of large scale projects,public buildings, new towns, and housing developments, is expected to sweep the country in thecoming few years. Learning from the pros and cons of past experiences is the most meaningfulway to create a better future.

This paper argues that the clash of styles that exists in the built environment in Kuwait is aproduct of the rapid process of globalization that swept the country since the middle of the 20thcentury. A dichotomy between cultural forces of globalization and localization is shaping today’sbuilt environment, i.e. modern-traditional, Islamic-Western, local-global. While some architectsemploy fashionable styles of architecture in order to integrate the local architecture into globaltrends, others are trying to revive the traditional architectural style as a mean to enforce the localidentity and heritage. The resulting built-environment lacks shared identity and sense of place.Some authors argue that Third World cities are moving towards a ‘‘co-existence’’ model whichtakes into account forces of modernization and change while at the same time responding to thepreservation of traditional elements within the society (El-Sheshtawy et al., 2000). We arecurrently witnessing an architectural style ‘‘in the making’’ as a product of the tension betweenglobalization and localization forces. This tension is creating ‘‘clash of styles’’ in the resultingurban environment which requires more responsible approach towards culturally responsivenessarchitecture. Culture-supportive design does not mean ‘copying’ the traditional or popularenvironments; yet lessons need to be derived through analysis of the socio-cultural and physicalenvironments in concern, based on a conceptual model (Rapoport, 1987).

There is a need for an alternative understanding of what global architecture can be, one thatunderstands the essential need to preserve and respect diversity as well as house seeminglydisparate philosophies of space, people, and their interactions with and within the built form(Satler, 1999). This approach should be reflected in building codes and regulations that govern theproduction of the built environment. It should also be part of architectural education curriculumin order to graduate local architects who can participate meaningfully in the creation of futurebuilt environments.

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5. Conclusion

As indicated by the case of Kuwait, the problem does not reside in individual buildings alonebut is the product of the collective image created by the urbanscape. While there are individualefforts to reflect a local Kuwaiti identity in architecture, these efforts have gone unnoticed due tothe lack of coherence between neighbouring buildings. No meaningful pattern has been identifiedin these efforts. They range from ‘‘screams’’ for recognition, ‘‘superficial’’ additions of decorationsand ornaments, ‘‘disregard’’ the matter as irrelevant, to ‘‘humble’’ recognition without actualparticipation (Alexander, 1977). ‘‘It is usually the whole building fabric, rather than individualbuildings that matters most to the identity and of a setting. The character of a town reside in thesum of its multiple and often fragmented inter-relationships in space between buildingsthemselves, the social mix of people, its activities and events, and the wider geographical settingof the town’’ (Silva, 2001, p. 18).

There can be no doubt that globalization will force people the world over to make far-reaching,sometimes even painful, changes in their accustomed ways of doing things. But if the challengesare great, so also are the opportunities (Madison, 1998, p. 20).

The result may look like chaos and fragmentation at a local level, but is more accuratelydescribed as a spontaneous adjustment of human activity to cope with exposure to a larger andless predictable world environment (see Fig. 7). The whole reciprocating process is boosted by anenvironmental crisis which demands at one and the same time a global awareness of theinterconnectedness of all things, and local actions which raise levels of self-sufficiency in such vitalareas as food and energy consumption. If there is such a thing as an emergent global culture, itmay well arise out of these contradictory processes (Abel, 1994).

Understanding the impact of the forces of globalization and localization allows us to interactmeaningfully instead of wailing and fearing their negative impact on us. We should not isolate

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Fig. 7. Contemporary urban environment in downtown Kuwait representing different styles and time periods.


ourselves from the human development; rather we should learn how to participate in it. There isno threat to our own existence and culture if we choose it to be so. We should be activeparticipants instead of passive recipients of globalization. As architects, we need to learn how tolink cultural and built environment elements in order to be able to improve our professionalpractice and teaching of architecture.

Today feelings about globalization are more sophisticated. Globalization may bring withinreach regions of cultural difference, but it also threatens those regions with sameness. No globalculture can absorb everything. A coexistence of diverse philosophies is not only possible butnecessary (Satler 2000, p. 22).

The impact of globalization on culture is evident all over the world. While some view it as a‘‘problem’’ others perceive it as a ‘‘challenge’’ towards improving the quality of life of the people.There should be active and positive participation from all cultures in order to shape the world inthe ‘‘New Millennium’’ in a way that satisfies all cultures instead of, as Madison put it, ‘‘wallingthemselves up in their own national cocoons and isolating themselves from the winds of changeblowing over the surface of the globe’’ (Madison, 1998, p. 21). As Dandekar (1998, p. 6) put it, ‘‘ithas raised questions about how to preserve historic and cultural identity, as embodied in thephysical fabric of the city, without commodifying and packaging it purely for touristicconsumption’’. The main challenge is to change our view of globalization as a problem and view itas another phase in the human development that requires positive and active participation fromall of us.

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