FOSTER, George, Cofradía and Compadrazgo in Spain and Spanish America

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Cofradía and Compadrazgo in Spain and Spanish America

Author(s): George M. FosterReviewed work(s):Source: Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, Vol. 9, No. 1 (Spring, 1953), pp. 1-28Published by: University of New Mexico

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SOUTHWESTERN

JOURNAL

OF ANTHROPOLOGY

VOLUME

9

*

NUMBER

1

?

SPRING

*

1953

COFRADfA

AND

COMPADRAZGO

IN

SPAIN

AND

SPANISH

AMERICA*

GEORGEM.

FOSTER

NSIGHT into cultural

processes

of a

general

nature

may

be

gained

from

field

situations

in

which

the

differentialfunctional

role

of

a common

trait,

element,

or institution s

observedand

analyzed

n

two or more cultures.

Insight

may

also be

gained

by reversing

he

process

and

analyzing

he

differential olution

in

two

or more cultures to a basic need common to the

cultures. Historical

and

cultural

data from

Spain

and

the former

Spanish

colonies in America

provide

many

situations n

which

these

approachesmay

be

utilized.

Both are illustrated

in this

paper,

in

which the

roles

of

religious

brotherhoods

(cofradias),

trade

guilds (gremios),

and the

godparent

complex

(compadrazgo)

are considered

n

Spain

and America

in

relationship

to

security

needs

in

certain

socio-cultural

settings.

The

investigative

hypothesis

may

be stated as follows.

In

all societies there

is

a

minimal

cooperating

group

which is

necessary

for

the

functioning

of

daily

life. The size of this group varies accordingto several factors, including the

natural

environment,

ype

of

economy

practiced,

and

known

technology.

For

example,

in

hoe and

digging

stick

economies

the

minimal

group usually

is the

biologicalfamily.

In

simplehunting, fishing,

and

herding

economies

arger groups

often

are

necessary.'

Societies based

on

irrigated agriculture,

and

sometimeson

*

The

Spanish

data-field

and

library-here

presented

were

gathered during

a

year's

research in

Spain

in

1949-1950. I am

indebted to

the

John

Simon

Guggenheim

Memorial

Foundation

and the Wenner-Gren

Foundation

for

Anthropological

Research

for

generous

assistance

n

this venture.

1

Oberg,

1943.

1








SOUTHWESTERN

JOURNAL

OF ANTHROPOLOGY

plow

culture,

also

require

more

complex

co6perative

units. In order

to

function

effectively

these minimal

groups

must:

(1)

be

integrated

with other similar

groupsin the samesocietyas well as with any other classes or ethnicgroupswith

whom

contact

is

desirable or

unavoidable;

(2)

be

provided

with

mutual

aid

mechanisms

whereby

heir memberscan

cope

with

recurringreligious,

economic,

and social criseswhich cannot be handled

alone

by

the minimal

cooperative

unit.

These

requirements

re often fulfilled

by

similar

devices.

They

vary

from

society

to

society, though

on a

given

level

there is a

tendency

to

the

same

type

of solu-

tion.

Among

simplerpeoples

these

nclude

kinship

systems

(clan,

lineage,

extended

family),

formalized

friendship,

age-grades,

guardian spirit

cults,

and

the like.

Somewhat

more

complex

societies lose most

of these

devices,

and

substitute

for

them

voluntary

religious

and economicassociations, s well as other ties based on

choice rather than

on accident of

birth. Such

associations,

of

course,

normally

flourishwithin

the

framework

of

state

organizations.

As

society

enters the indus-

trial

stage

mutual

aid

and

integrative

devices become

increasingly

mpersonal,

taking

the form of

voluntary

or

compulsory

nsurance,

social

security

adminis-

tered

by

government,

state

charities,

trade

unions,

and

relationships

based on

law.

The

solutions found

by

any

society

to these universal

problemsappear

to

be

due to the interplayof three basic factors: the general configurationor pattern

common

o all

societies

of

the

type

in

question;

he

unique

or

peculiar

characteris-

tics

of

this

particular

ociety;

historical

accidentas it

impingesupon

this

society.

This

paper

illustrates

such

interplay

n

differenthistorical

periods

in

Spain

and

Spanish

America.The

argument,

n

brief,

is as

follows.

In

the late

Middle

Ages

Spanish

culture

incorporated

wo

institutions

possessed

of remarkable

acilities

for

meeting

the

challenge

of crisis

periods

and for

integratingsociety.

One was

the

cofradia,

or

religious

brotherhood,

which

at

an

early

period

blended

nto

the

gremio,

or trade

guild,

which

preserved

many

of

the

sacred

characteristics

f

the

parent

institution,

but which

came to stress economic

aspects

as

well.

The other

was what

is known in

Spanish

America as the

compadrazgo,

a web of inter-

personal

relationships

based on

spiritual

kinship

recognized

by

the Catholic

Church,

achieved

through

sponsorship

of

a

neophyte

at

baptism,

confirmation,

or

marriage.

Both institutions

competed

n

Spain

for

priority

n

the social

system.

The

compadrazgo

ost

out

and ended

up

as

a routine

socio-religious

bservance,

while

for

a

period

of

several

centuriescofradias

and

gremios

dominated

many

aspects

of

Spanish

life.

In

the

New

World there is

evidence that the same

contestbegananew,yet here the compadrazgo inallywon the preeminentplace.

2








COFRADIA AND

COMPADGRAZGO

The

gremio

disappeared

lmost

entirely,

nd

the cofradia ame

o

fulfill a

dis-

tinct,

hough

mportant,

ole n

Spanish

Americanolk life.

Foran understandingf theprocessesnvolvedn theseselectionst is neces-

sary

o describe

n

greater

etail he three

nstitutions.

II

The

compadrazgo

rose from the Catholiccustomof

requiring

piritual

sponsorship

t

baptism.

The

origin

and

development

f the institution as been

carefully

documented

n

a

recent

article

n

this

journal2

nd

need not be elab-

oratedhere.

A

singlesponsor,

r

at

most

two,

one

of

each

sex,

is

specified

y

CanonLaw.

Sponsors

must be

baptizedpersons,

n

good

standing

with the

Church,and acceptableo the priestwho officiates. arentsand members f

religious

rders

re

excluded.

he

sponsor

r

sponsors,

n

default

of

the

parents,

are

obliged

o instruct he

child

concerning

aith

and

morals.

The material

wel-

fare

of the

child,

under uch

circumstances,

s

assumed lso

to be

an

obligation

of the

sponsors.

he act

of

baptism

rings

hree

persons

r

groups

f

persons

nto

a ceremonial

elationship:

hild,

parents,

odparents.

n

Spanish

he

godchild

calls

his

godfather

padrino

nd his

godmother

madrina.

He

in

turn

is

called

ahijado

(fer.

ahijada).

The

reciprocal

erm

compadre

comadre

whenaddress-

ing

a

woman)

s

usedbetween

arents

nd

godparents.

he

godparentscquire

by

the act

of

sponsorship

spiritual

elationship

ith both

parents

and

child,

which s an

impediment

o

marriage

etween hem.

The

Church lso

prescribes

sponsor

r

godparent

o stand

for a child at

confirmation.he

sponsor

must

be at

leastfourteen

ears

of

age,

of the

same

ex

as the

candidate,

nd

shall havebeen

nstructed

nd

confirmed

n the Catholic

faith.

Parents,

members f

religious

rders,

nd-except

in

case of

necessity-

baptismal odparents

reexcluded.

In

Catholic

ountries

marriage

odparents

re

customary,

ut not

required

bytheChurch.

Mintz and Wolf

have

pointed

out

how

these

basically implerelationships

proliferated

n

Medieval

Europe

n

response

o

the

needsof a feudal

society.3

Spiritual

inship,

nd

the

exogamous

spects

f

the

relationship,

ereextended

to

near

relatives

f

the

three

parties,

nd the

number f

sponsors

t

any

act

was

greatly

ncreased,

o as

many

as

thirty

n

the caseof

baptism.

arents

requently

sought

to obtain

godparents

f a

higher

social

and economic tatus for the

material

dvantages

hat

wouldaccrue o their

children.

he

cross-classies thus

2

Mintzand

Wolf,

1950.

3 Idem, pp. 343-352.

3








SOUTHWESTERN

JOURNAL

OF

ANTHROPOLOGY

established

facilitated the

functioning

of a feudal

system.

Simultaneously,by

taking godparents

from

within

one's

class,

particularly among

the

peasants,

neighborhood olidaritywas enhancedand the group on which one could count

in

time

of

crisis was

enlarged

beyond

the blood

family.

But the

extension

of

marriage mpediments

o

so

many people

in

the

same area

produced

conflicts

with

othersets

of

relationships,

particularly

hose

of

marriage,

n

that the

field

of

potential spouses

often was

dangerously

reduced.

As

early

as the

fourteenth

century

ocal

synods

and edicts of

religious

orders

tried to limit these abuses.

A

Spanish

document recordsan edict of the Order

of

Santiago

del

Espada

of the

year

1440

warning

priests

to

accept

no

more

than

two

godparents

of each sex for

baptism,

and

pointing

out

that

"four,

or

five, ten, fifteen,

twenty padrinos

and

madrinas,

and more" were received

by

priests.

"Since there is

only

one father

of

corporalgeneration,

there should be

only

one of

spiritual

regeneration,

or

at

most,

two,

for the

honor of

the

child

and

its

parents."4

The

problem

was

officially

resolved

by

an edict

of

the

Council

of

Trent

(1545-63)

which

restricted

baptismal

sponsors

o

one

of

each

sex,

and

confirmation

sponsors

to

one of

the

same sex.

Nevertheless,

changing

socio-

economic

patterns

rather

than the

Council of

Trent lie

at the root of the

com-

padrazgo's

ailure in

Spain

as

an

integrative

and mutual

aid measure.

Data on how the

compadrazgo

ctually

functioned n

Spain

are scarce,so to

a

very

considerableextent

in

assessing

its

role

we

must

project

modem data

backward.

The

following

information,

unless

otherwise

indicated,

is

modem,

from about

1900

to 1950.5

True

godparents

usually

are

named

only

for

baptism,

confirmation,

and

marriage.

Baptismal godparents

are

by

far the

most

important.

Mode of their

selection

varies

with

social

class

and

geographicalregion,

but the

tendency

is

to take close

relatives.

A

common

rule

in

much of

Spain

is

for

marriagegod-

parentsto sponsorthe first child resultingfrom the union. Grandparents, ften

by rigorous

turn,

sponsor

succeeding

children,

and

then

uncles, aunts,

older

siblings,

and

friends.

In

the

north

and

northeast the custom

of

sponsorship

of

the first

born

by

marriage

godparents

s

rare,

so that

grandparentsusually

serve

first. This deviation

rom the usual

custom s

functionally

related

to

the fact that

in

this

area

marriage

godparents

often

are

lacking.

Not

infrequently

there

is

4

Compilacion.

1605.

5 These data are

taken

primarily

from

my

Spanish

field

work,

and from

the

replies

to

a

questionnaire

sent to

several

hundred

villages

in 1901

by

the Seccion de

Ciencias

Morales

y

Politicas of the Madrid Atheneum.

4








COFRADIA

AND COMPADGRAZGO

but

a

singlebaptismal

odparent.

ll in

all,

the

godparent

omplex

n northeast

Spain

s of

relatively lightvitalitycompared

o the remainderf the

country.

Godparentalbligationsre fairlystandardized,nd includeprovidinghe

white

baptismal

arments

or the

child,

paying

church

ees,

and

providing

e-

freshmentsr

a

meal for the

family

following

he

ceremony.

Godparents

ften

present

child

with its

firstfitted

clothing

when t castsoff

swaddling

lothes,

and

periodically

hroughout

ts childhoodmake

t

small

presents.

As

spiritual

parents

hey

are

expected

o care

for the child

in

case of

death of

parents.

Godchildren

re

expected

o

show

greatrespect

o

godparents,

nd to

help

them

in

any way.

Unlike

LatinAmerica

see below)

the

basic

relationship

stablished

s that

between odparentsndgodchild, ndnot between ompadres. ut of approxi-

mately

235

casesfrom as

many

ownsand

villagesonly

about

15

describe

he

new

bondsbetween

odparents

nd

parents

f children.Most of theseare

from

Andalucia,

pparently

he

only

region

where he

term

"compadrazgo"

s

used

to describe

he new formal

relationship.

n

these few cases

friendship

s

said

to be

strengthened,

nd

in

a

few

instances

he

familiar

personal

ronoun

u

is

abandonedor

the formal

usted,

even

when the

principals

ave

been

lifelong

friends.

For confirmation

he child

usually

nameshis

sponsor, ormally

ot a

member

of the

family,

and

frequently

school eacher.

Apart

from

accompanying

he

child

to

the

ceremony,

he

godparent

has no

obligation.

The

compadrazgo

relationship

etween

odparent

nd child's

parents

s

in

no

way

recognized.

Though

not

required y

Canon

Law

the

practice

f

namingmarriage od-

parents

has

great antiquity

n

customary sage

in

most of

Spain.

Godparents

usually

are drawn

rom

one

of

two classes

of

people:baptismal odparents

f

one or

the other

of

the

couple;

parents

f the

couple,

uchas

the

groom's

ather

and

the

bride's

mother,

r viceversa.The

former

ustom haracterizesorthwest

SpainandtheoldKingdomf Valencia.The lattercustom haracterizesentral

Spain

from the Cantabric

oast

to the

Mediterranean.

n

Catalufia,

xcept

among

he

upper

classes,

marriage

odparents

re

rare,

heir

placebeing

aken

by

witnesses.

s

in the

caseof

baptismal

odparents,

therrelatives

nd friends

may

be

selected;

n

the final

analysis,

each

case

presents

ts

own

special

circumstances.

Marriage

odparents ay

church ees

and

frequently

urnish

he

arras,

he

thirteen

pieces

of silverwhich

he

groomgives

to

the

bride.

They

are

expected

to

offer

a

wedding

breakfast

r

banquet ollowing

he

church

ervice.

n

those

placeswherea tornabodar second elebrationf thewedding n a subsequent

5








SOUTHWESTERN

JOURNAL

OF

ANTHROPOLOGY

day

is held the

godparents

ften

pay

for it.

Marriage

odparentsacitlyaccept

the

obligation

o stand or

the firstchild

resulting

rom he

union

n those

places

where his is a recognizedustom.Specificobligationsowardmarriage od-

parents

n the

part

of the

couple

appear

o be

lacking,

s does

the

compadrazgo

relationship

etween

odparents

nd

the

couple'sparents.

Since

godparents

n

a

majority

f

casesare

family

members,

ustomary

ehavior

atterns

already

exist

which,

hough

hey

may

be

intensified

omewhat,

o

not

change

n char-

acter.

Serving

s

marriage

odparent

oes

not

imply piritual

inship,

nd

is

not

in itself

an

impediment

o

marriage,

hough

n

practice

marriage

etween

many

of

the

peopleparticipating

n the

relationship

ould

not

be

permissible

ecause

of

consanguinity.

Godparenterminologiesave,or had, limitedusagein othercontexts. n

the

days

of

dueling

a man'ssecond

was

called

his

padrino.

The woman

who

christens

ship

s called ts

madrina.

n

Alta Andalucia

particularly

aen

and

Granada)

until the middle

of the

past

century

type

of

compadrazgo

xisted

whereby

close

friend

"sponsored"

man's

new home.

Midwives

ccasionally

are

called

comadre;

his

usage

was

formerly

more

common.

Covarrubias

1611)

states

that

"neighbors

nd

acquaintances

women]

who

treat each other

with

familiarity

all each

other comadres."6

his

appears

o

be

the

source for

the

oft-repeated

tatement

n

subsequent

panish

dictionariesnd

encyclopedias

thatfriends

all eachother

ompadre.

n

manyparts

of

Spain

young

people

rom

5

to

16 draw

ots

on

Jueves

de

Comadres,

he

Thursday

before

Carnival,

o

determine

hich

pairs

will be

compadres

nd comadres

or the

coming

year,

or

occasionally

or

life.

Less

commonly

similar

iesta,

Jueves

de

Compadres,

s

celebrated

ne

week

earlier.

Far from

constituting

marriage

mpediment,

his

practice

ot

infrequently

nitiates

morous

elations

ith

marriage

s

the aim.

The function

of

the

Spanish odparent

ystem

s

rather imited.

nsofaras

the

compadrazgo

s a

sociological

henomenon

t

usually

s used to

strengthen

ties whichalready xist rather hanto createnew ones.The bondsof close

kinship,

which

perhaps

child

takes for

granted,

are

publically

estated,

nd

through

ontinuing

ustomary

ehavior

atterns

ll

parties

o

the act are con-

stantly

reminded f

the

importance

f the

tighly

knit

familygroup.

New

rela-

tionships

utside

he

family

are

sought

n a

minority

f

cases.These

are of

two

types:

withclose

friends

f

the

same

ocialand economic

lass;

with

individuals

of

superior

conomic

nd social

status.

The

former

ype

is

conceptually

lose

to

the

naming

of

kinsmen

n that it

is

publicrecognition

f

unformalized

ies

that

already

xist;

t

may quite

properly

e

thought

of

as extension

f

kinship

6 Covarrubias,611,p. 340.

6








COFRADIA

AND

COMPADGRAZGO

through

itual.In the

second

case

calculated se

is

made

of

a

religious

ct

to

enhance

he chances f

the

childor

youth

hrough

he establishmentf

mutual

obligations ithanindividual r individualsn a positiono offereconomicnd

other

avors.

The

sense

of essential

quality

whichmarks he

relationship

etween

groups

on the

same level is

lacking,

and

the

intimacy

between

parties

o the

contract s

neither

mplied

nor

expected.

t is

difficult o tell

to what extent

baptismal

nd

marriage

odparents

re

sought

rom

superior

ositions,

ut

the

practice

eems

more

common

n

southern

pain,

and morecommon-as

would

be

expected-among

he

lower

classes. have

explored

he

problem

n a

number

of

villages

and

received

stimates

p

to

aboutfive

percent

f

the total

number

of

relationships

stablished.

Primary ondsareestablishedetween odparentsndgodchildren. nlyin

the

case

of

baptism

s

the

compadre

elationship

ver

recognized

s

establishing

a bond

which

wouldnot

otherwise

xist.The

average

ndividual

cquires

ela-

tively

few

compadres,

adrinos,

nd

ahijados uring

ife,

and numbers

re not

felt

to

constitute

n

advantage.

he

institution

f

the

compadrazgo

ppears

o

have

relatively

ittle

importance

n

stabilizing

nd

integrating

ommunalife

within

a

village

or

town,

to have

few

significant

conomic

spects,

nd

to

play

no

really

mportant

ole in

the

whole

picture

of

Spanish

ocial

structure. his

appears

o havebeen

he

casefor

a number

f centuries.

The

compadrazgo

n

Spanish

Americas a muchmore

complex

nstitution.

The custom

of

naming

godparents

t

baptism,

onfirmation,

nd

marriage

was

brought

o the

New

Worldas

a

part

of

Church

itual,

and it

quickly

became

basic

part

of

social

and

religious

ife. As in

Medieval

Europe

he

godparenthood

institution,

ecause

f its

flexibility

nd

adaptability,rew

to

play

a

number f

distinct

oles,

all

similar n

that

the

religious,

conomic,

nd social

defenses

of

the

participants

ere

trengthened.

nfortunately

most

of our

data

on the com-

padrazgo

n

America

ome

from

small

rural

communities;

he

functioning

f

the

institutionn citiesandamongupper lassess littledescribed.he available

data,

however,

ndicate

pattern

ery

different rom

that

of

Spain.

The most

important

istinctions

that,

in

America,

great

premium

sually

s

placed

on

bringing

ogether

nto

the

relationship

large

number f

people.

This

is accom-

plished

by

several

devices:

greatly

enlarging

he

number

f

occasions n

which

sponsorship

s

sought

(manysponsors

t

a

single

ceremony

aving

been

pro-

hibited

by

the

Councilof

Trent);

frequent

"blanketing

n"

of relatives

f the

immediate

articipants,

o

that

the

circleof

contacts

utomatically

s

enlarged;

stressing

he

relationship

etween

ompadres

ather

han

between

odparents

nd

godchildren,o that a functional elationshipetweenage-equals,ather han

7








SOUTHWESTERN

JOURNAL

OF

ANTHROPOLOGY

an unbalanced

elationship,

esults;

assing

verrelativesn favor

of

friends

or

sponsors

f

superior

tatuswho

are

willing

o

serve.

More hantwentyoccasions avebeendescribedn Americaor thenaming

of

sponsors.

n

addition o

the

basic

hree

hey

nclude he

naming

f

godparents

when

a child

s

ill,

at the time

of

first

nail

cutting,

irst hair

cutting,

irst

ear-

piercing,

nd

the first

shaveof an adolescent

oy.

Godparents

may

be named

to

sponsor

nanimate

bjects,

uchas a new

house,

a

new

batchof chicha

beer,

a

religiousmage

r a

cross.Gillin ists 14 occasionsn which

odparents

renamed

in

Moche;7

Parsons in

Mitla;8

Spicer

7 in

Pascua;9

while

4 to

6

are

common

in

manyplaces.10

"Blanketing

n"

is

illustrated

y

the custom

n

Yalalag,

Mexico,

where

n

additiono thebaptismalelationshipetween arents,hild,andgodparents,ll

living

ascending

elatives

f

both

groups

are

recognized

s

being

in

the com-

padrazgo

nit.11

A

similar

ractice

s

found

n

Pascua:

"all

the

sponsors

f

any

given

individual,

o

matter

of

what

type they may

be,

also

use the

reciprocal

compadre

nd comadre

erms

o

eachother

as well

as

to

the

parents

nd

grand-

parents

of

the

person

ponsored."12bviously

uch

secondary

onds

are

not

of the same

strategic

mportance

s the

primary

ne,

but

they

reveal

a

near-

irresistible

rge

to utilizethe

system

o

acquire

s

many

persons

with mutual

obligations

s

possible.

Numbers

f

compadres

btained

y

some

people

are

astounding.

n

Cheran

most

people

have25 or

more.

One of Beals'

nformants ad over

100

compadres

acquired

hroughbaptism,

nd "when

t

is

considered

hat

usually

one

acquires

most

of

his

compadres

hrough

weddings,

he total number

ossessed

y

[this

individual]

mustbe

enormous."'3

n

elderly

woman

n

Tzintzuntzanstimated

her

baptismal

ompadres

t over 60.

In

Yalalag

a child

of

ten

has

acquired

between

5

and

20

pairs

of

godparents,

hichmeans hat

his

parents,

hrough

him,

have

acquired

0,

60

or more

compadres.14

n Pascua

"adults

n

their

early

twentiesayseriouslyhat heycannot ountalltheircompadresnd

comadres."15

7

Gillin,

1947,

p.

105.

8

Parsons, 1936,

pp.

68-69.

9

Spicer,

1940, pp.

96-99.

10

I have encountered references

to

the

Spanish-type

"joking"

compadrazgo,

with

amatory

overtones,

in

three South

American

countries:

Peru

(Toor, 1949,

pp.

214-215,

220),

Colombia

(Santamaria,

1942,

vol.

1, p.

384),

and

Argentina (Mantegazza, 1949,

p.

49).

11

Fuente, 1949,

p.

168.

12

Spicer, op. cit., p.

94.

13

Beals, 1946, p.

104.

14

Fuente,

op. cit.,

p.

169.

15 Spicer, op. cit., p. 113.

8








COFRADIA

AND COMPADGRAZGO

Similarly,

n Moche the

average

adult

reckons his

compadresby

the

score,

and

often has to

stop

to

think

who some of them

are.16

To a muchgreaterextent than in moder Spain godparentsare sought from

superior

social and economic

strata,

though

this

is a

tendency

which

varies

from

place

to

place

and

which,

as Mintz

and Wolf

point

out,

appears

to

correlate

with the

amount of

"socio-cultural nd economic

mobility"present

in

the situa-

tion.17 The

seeking

of

padrinos

and

compadres

from

superior

positions

is re-

ported, among

other

places,

in

Moche,18

San

Jose,

Puerto

Rico,19

Yalalag,20

Chorti

Indians,2

and

Peguche.22

At the same

time,

in

a

quantitative

sense far

more

relationships

n

all

America are established

between

persons

of

about

the

same

economic

and social levels.

The Americangodparent system plays a far more importantrole in social

and

economic

life than

does the

Spanish system.

Everybody

acquires

a

large

numberof

compadres,

padrinos,

and

ahijados

towardwhom he acts

in a

specified

manner,

and from whom

he can

expect

similar

reciprocal

attentions.

Friendship,

courtesy,

consideration,

nd

willingness

o

help

are the duties

usually

stated.

The

immediate

group

to which a

person

feels

bound

is

vastly

enlarged

beyond

the

limits of the

biological family,

and

economic,

spiritual,

and social

security

are

accordingly

trengthened.Compadres

are

morally

bound

to

loan

money

to

each

other,

and

it

is

equally

a moral

obligation

to

repay

such a

loan. Blood

brothers

often

refuse to so aid

each

other.

In

case of sickness

compadres

come

visiting,

often

bringing

food and

volunteering

such

help

as

may

be

necessary.

At death

they gather

round to aid

and comfort the

survivors,

often

dig

the

grave,

sit

up

with

the

family during

the

wake,

bring

food,

and

otherwise

help.

Orphans,

in

theory

at

least,

and often

in

practice,

are cared

for

by

godparents.

Muleteers

frequently

try

to have

compadres

n

each

town

regularly

visited,

on whom

they

can count in case of need.

In

countrieswhere

pilgrimages

are commonone

plans

to have

compadres

n each town

customarily

visited,

with whom

one

stays

and

to whomone offers similarhospitalitywhen a visit is repaid.

The

compadrazgoplays

a

highly important

role in

promoting

social

stability,

both

within

classesand ethnic

groups,

and between hem.

Compadres

are

morally

bound to

stand

by

each

other in time

of

all need and

danger.

In

villages

in which

16

Gillin, op. cit., pp.

111-112.

17 Mintz and

Wolf, op.

cit.,

p.

358.

18

Gillin, op.

cit.,

pp.

107-108.

19 Mintz and

Wolf, op. cit.,

p.

362.

20

Fuente,

op

cit., p.

172.

21

Wisdom, 1940,

p.

223.

The

practice

is

general

in

Guatemala.

22 Parsons, 1945, p. 44.

9








SOUTHWESTERN

JOURNAL

OF

ANTHROPOLOGY

formal

mechanisms

or

maintaining

aw

and order

are

poorly developed,

it

is

very important

to

be

able to call

on

a

large

number of friends when

disputes

arise. But the effectivenessof the system consists,not so much in the brute

strength

which

parties

can

align,

but rather

in

the

conflicting

loyalties

which

may

plague

every

compadre.

To

illustrate,

B

is

baptismal

compadre

o

A

and

C,

with

the same

obligations

o each. A

and

C are

engaged

in a

quarrel

n

which

they

may

call

upon

their

compadres

or

aid.

Each has

the

same claim

on

B,

and

as a

good

compadre,

he cannot show favoritism o either.

His

function,

then,

is

to

try

to

bring

the

two

parties

to

an amicablesettlement

through

mediation,

and

no

law

court

or

relative can

do

it with the effectiveness hat he

can.

Only

he

has

exactly

the same

obligation

to

each

litigant,

and

only

in

the

compadrazgo

system are these obligations so sanctionedthat his genuine disinterestedness

cannot be

doubted.

The effectivenessof

the

compadrazgo

n

stabilizing

inter-classor race

rela-

tions

is

best

illustrated

n

Guatemala,

wheremestizo adinos ive

in

close

proximity

to Indians

in

much

of

the

country.

Indians

frequently

ask

friendly

ladinos

to

be

godparents

to

their

children because of services which

may

be

expected:

the

godparentspay

for the

baptism,

make

occasional

presents

o

the

child,

can

obtain

medicines

not

immediately

available to

Indians,

may

loan

money,

or take

the

part

of

the Indians in

litigation

which,

because of

their

illiteracy,

they

cannot

understand.Ladinos

profit by maintaining

ormalizedrelations

with

the Indian

community,

often to

their

economic

advantage,

which

would

be

more difficult

without

the mechanism.

To

summarize,

he

compadrazgo

n

much

of

Spanish

America

acts

as

a

cohesive

and

integrative

force

within

the

community,

and between classes and

ethnic

groups,

by

formalizing

certain

nterpersonal

elationships

nd

channelizing

reciprocal

behaviormodes nto

customary

patterns

so that the

individualachieves

a maximum

degree

of

social,

spiritual,

and

economic

security.

Were the com-

padrazgo to be abolished,or cut down to the Spanish level, much of rural

Spanish

American

society

would

undergo

a shock of maximum

proportions,

recovery

rom

which

would

present

a

major

cultural

challenge.

III

Many religious,

social,

and economic nstitutionswhich

characterized

Spain

in the

Middle

Ages

were

local

manifestations of

general

Western

European

patterns.

Often these

institutions

developed

ater

than their

counterparts

n

other

countries,

copying

them in

many

details.

This

is

true of

religious

brotherhoods

and trade guilds, which appeared n Germany,France,Holland, and England

10








COFRADIA

AND

COMPADGRAZGO

as

early

as

the ninth

century23

but not

in

Spain

in

developed

form until

the

twelfth

century.24

Two

basic

types

of

associations-or

perhaps

it is more

exact

to say "activities"-must be distinguished: he cofradia,or religiousbrotherhood,

with

its

accompanying

mutual aid

features,

and the

gremio,

the trade

guild

with

its

economic

and

social concomitants.

The

origin

and

development

of the

two

forms

are

difficultto trace

because

they

are

so

intertwined;

religious,

economic,

and social

activities

go

hand in hand

through

centuries,

sometimes

integrated

within

the

same

organization

and

sometimes

n

paired

associations

with

identical

memberships.

Guilds

are

often called

cofradias,

even

in

late

periods

when

the

religious

side has almost

entirely

broken

away.

Rumeu's

discussion of

the

his-

tory

of

cofradias and

gremios

is

the most

comprehensive

f

its

type,

and

the

following

discussion s based on

his book

except

where

otherwise

ndicated.25

The

cofradia,

in

its

earliest

form,

was a

voluntarysodality

formed

by

indi-

viduals motivated

by

the

desire

to

worship

or

pay homage

to

a

particular

saint

of

their

choice.

From the

beginning

these associations

had

mutual

aid

as

well

as

religious aspects,

in

that

Christian

burial and the

requisite

number

of masses

of

the dead

were

provided

for deceased members.Rumeu

calls this

type

the

cofradia

religioso-benefica,

r

"religious-mutual

id

sodality."

Membership

was

open

to

any

man

acceptable

o the other members.

At an earlyperiodtherewas a tendencyfor these sodalitiesto be composed

of membersof the same

oficio,

the same trade or

profession.

This

was

a

logical

result of

the

growth

of

town

life,

crafts,

and

commerce,

and

of

the

frequent

custom

of

members

of the

same

occupation

to

live

on

the same street or

in the

same

neighborhood.

This

cofradia

gremial,

as

denoted

by

Rumeu,

was

essentially

the

same

as the

religioso-benefica

n all

aspects

except membership.

The next

step

was the

integration

of

religious,

mutual

aid,

and

professional

activities

in

one

organization,

which

usually

continued to

call

itself a

cofradia,

and

to

which

Rumeu

applies

the term

cofradia-gremio

o

distinguish

t from

the

foregoingtypes. Membersof such a sodality practiced he same trade, observed

rules

for the maintenanceof

professional

standards

and

for

the

prevention

of

fraud,

paid

dues,

held

certain

property

n

common,

received

sickness,

death,

and

other

benefits,

and

paid

homage

to

the

same

patron

saint.

Most true

guilds

in

Spain-certainly

the

early ones-appear

to

have

come

into

being

through

this

evolutionary

process

of

religious

sodality

to

sodality

com-

posed

of

the

membersof

one

profession,

o

sodality

n

which

professional

matters

23

Diez, 1941,

p.

101;

Rumeu,

1944, p.

31.

24 Historians assume, however, that early forms existed in Spain by the eleventh century.

25

Rumeu, op.

cit.

11








SOUTHWESTERN

JOURNAL

OF

ANTHROPOLOGY

are

incorporated.

By

the

fourteenth

century

it was

common

for

gremios

to have

split

off

from the

cofradia-gremio,

nd to be

composed

of membersof the same

or similarprofessionor trade,organized or purelyeconomicand trade interests.

But

simultaneously

he

gremio

maintained a

cofradia

for

religious

purposes,

and sometimes or mutual aid

purposes

as

well,

in

case such

provision

was

not

made

in

the statutes of the

gremio.

Not

infrequently

by

this time new

gremios

were

organized

that

did

not have the

cofradia

background,

but

in

nearly

all

cases

such new

guilds

also

organized

cofradias.

The

gremio

was a

logical

outgrowth

of the earlier

associations nd was

stimu-

lated

by

the needs of

an

expanding

class

of artisans

struggling

to

take

part

in

the

life

of

growing

class-structured ities and to

gain

economic

and

social

secur-

ity. In most casesthe transition rom cofradiato gremioorganizationwasgradual,

and often

it is

difficult to

tell from

surviving

documents

the

exact

nature

of

any

particular

organization.

Cofradia-gremios aturally

continued

o

pay homage

to their

patron

saint,

often

constructed

chapels

n

which

to house the

image,

and

invariably

marched

in

the

elaborate

processions

of

Holy

Week

and

Corpus

Christi,

carrying

heir

image

as a

"float."

Every

cofradia and

gremio

operated

under

precise

rules

spelled

out

in

ordenanzas

(a

"charter-constitution")

ssued

by

Church,

municipal,

or

royal

authority, depending

on whether

the association

had

primaryreligious

or trade

ends.

These

ordenanzas,

besides

telling

us of the

purposes

of the

organizations,

and

of

the

rights

and

obligations

of

members,

are rich sourcesfor the

history

of

the movement

in

Spain.

Thus,

the

earliest

known

ordenanza is that of

the

Cofradia

de San

Miguel,

of

Soria,

whose

royal

privileges

were

conceded

by

Alfonso

VII in

1151.

This was

of the cofradia

gremial

type,

in

which

members

were

all

from the same

trade,

in this

case

tenderos

(storekeepers)

who dealt

in

oil, wax,

and similar

merchandise.26 his

cofradia followed the

typical

evolu-

tionary

pattern,

subsequentlybecoming

a

cofradia-gremio

with

trade as

well

as religiousaspects.

The

Cofradia

de

Santa

Cristina

n

Tudela, Navarra,

with

ordenanzas rom

about

the same

period,

is

the

oldest

brotherhoodof the

purely religious-mutual

aid

type

for which

we have

documentation.27 ther

early

cofradias

include that

of

San

Facundo,

n

Sahaguin

1151),

and that

of

the tailors

of

Betanzos,

Coruia

(1162).

The earliest

definite

record

of cofradias

in

Barcelona,

which

became

one

of

the

great

centers,

is that

of shoe

makers,

n

the

year

1200.28Doubtless

26

Rumeu,

op.

cit.,

p.

45;

Diez, op. cit.,

p.

100.

27

Rumeu, op.

cit.,

p.

34.

28 Diez, op. cit., p. 100.

12








COFRADIA

AND

COMPADGRAZGO

such

organizations

existed

here

in

earlier

years.

The same is true of

Valencia,

also

an

important

center of the cofradia and

gremio

movement,

where

the

firstsurvivingordenanzas-those of the Cofradiade San Eloy, formedby black-

smiths,

silversmiths,

and

veterinarians-date

only

from the

year

1298,

although

the

city

was

reconquered

rom the Moors

sixty years

earlier.29One

of the

earliest

gremios

without

religious

antecedents

s

that of canteros

y

albaniiles

stone

cutters

and

masons)

of

Barcelona,

who

in 1211

received

royal

privileges

from

King

Pedro

II

of

Aragon.30Cofradias

de

Mareantes,

of sailors

and

fishermen,

were

likewisewell

organized

along

the

Cantabric

coast

in the twelfth

century;perhaps

these were the earliest

professional

sodalities

in

Spain,

though

corroborating

documentation

s

lacking.31

The works of cofradiaswere carried out throughthe organization pecified

in

the

ordenanzas.

The names of elected officialsvaried

from

place

to

place.

The

Cofradia

de

San

Eloy,

of

Cordoba,

for

example,

was

governedby

a

prioste,

two

alcaldes,

a

mayordomo,

a

scribe

and

two

deputies,

each of whom

was elected

annually.32

n

Castile,

as a

rule,

officers

were

prebostes,

alcaldes,

and

mayor-

domos;

in

Valencia,

prohombres

and

mayorales;

n

Cataluiia

prohombres,pro-

curadores,

administradores,

nd

mayordomos;

nd

in

Aragon,

priores,

mayorales,

and

prebostes.33

Memberswere known as

cofrades.

All

membersmet

in

a

general

chaptermeeting,the cabildo,at least once a year, sometimeson the occasion of

the feast of

the

patron

saint,

and

other

times at less festive

occasions,

o elect new

officers,

admit

new

members,

and otherwise

plan

the affairs of

the

organization.

The

original

end

of

the

cofradia

and

a

continuing

purpose

of the cofradia

gremial,

the

cofradia-gremio,

and

the

gremio,

through

its

associated

cofradia,

was

to

ensure

the

spiritual

welfare

of

departed

brothers,

and

all

ordenanzas

describe

in

detail

the attentions which

the

deceased could

expect.

The 1361

ordenanzasof

the cofradia

of truck

gardeners

(hortolans)

of

Mallorca

specify

that

ten

masses

would be celebrated

for

each deceased

brother.

Those of

the

cofradia of

carpenters

specify

fifteen masses if the deceased

occupied

or had

occupied

an

office

n the

organization,

and otherwise en.

Eight

masses were said

for

wives

of

cofrades,

and four

for children less than fourteen

years

of

age,

and

for

apprentices.34

s

a

general

rule,

in

all cofradias

every

memberwas

re-

29

Tramoyeres,

1889,

p.

50.

30

Rumeu,

op.

cit.,

p.

52.

31

See,

for

example,

Sanfeliu,

1944.

32

Diez,

op.

cit.,

p.

191.

33

Rumeu,

op.

cit.,

p.

120.

34 Quetglas, 1939, pp. 14-15.

13








SOUTHWESTERN

JOURNAL

OF ANTHROPOLOGY

quired

o attend

he

funeralof each

brother,

pon

pain

of

fine if he failedto

do so.

The mutualaidaspects f cofradias uicklydevelopedeyondmerewelfare

of the

soul,

and

surviving

rdenanzas

pell

out

in

detail

the

other

activities

undertaken,

hich

vary

from

province

o

province

nd

century

o

century,

ut

which

n

general

ollow

a

similar

pattern.

n

Valencia,

or

example,

when

a

cofrade

ell ill

he was

visited

by

a

commissiono

determine

is circumstances.

If

he

lacked

money

he

cofradia

paid

all

necessary

xpenses,

nd

if

money

were

not

necessary

wo cofrades

were

delegated

o

stay

up

with him

at

night

so that

members f

his

family

couldrestto be

ableto tend

him

during

he

day

as well

as continue

heir

usual work.

Should

it be

necessary

o

administer

he last

sacramentsll cofradeswerecalled o thebedside,withcandles ndtapers,and

shoulddeath

occur

during

he

night

certain

nes

weredetailed o the

wake,

with

instructions o

pray continuously

for

the soul

of

the

departed.35

Similar

rules

are found

in

nearly

all

ordenanzas.

Cofradias likewise

took care

of

indigent

widows

of

deceased

cofrades,

made

loans to

members rom the

rents of communal

properties,

isited those who were

in

jail

and

sought

to release

hem,

ransomed

members aken

by pirates

or

Moors,

and

otherwise

aided

the

individual

to feel that he was

a member

of

a solid

and

powerful

group

that

was interested n his

spiritual,

economic,

and social welfare.

As

the

gremial

movement

prospered

and cofradias achieved

greater

wealth,

hospitals

often

werebuilt for

the care

of

sick members

nd

their

families.Dowries

were

provided

for

the

orphan

daughters

of

cofrades,

so that

an

honorable

mar-

riage

would not be

denied one

through

premature

oss of a father.

Indigence

and

old

age

provisions

were liberalized.

Hospitality

to

members of

the same

gremios

n

other

cities was

required,

o that

commerce nd travel were facilitated.

The

ceremonialclimax

of each

year

came

with

the fiesta

held

in

honor

of

the

patron

saint of the

brotherhood.

Typically,

on

the

eve of this

day

the

brothersassembled n the house of the mayordomo,or in the social house if

there was

one,

and from

there

they

marchedto the

church

to

say

credes,

often

accompanied

by

music,

and

carrying ighted

candles

and the cofradia

standard.

In the

early years

of cofradias it

was

customary

for

the

brotherhood

o

make

an

arrangement

with a

local

parish

church or

convent for the

use

of

an altar

where the

image

was

kept.

On

the

day

of the

fiesta this altar was

elaborately

decorated,

and

the

membersand

their families

all

attended a

special

mass

where

they

heard

a

sermon which

eulogized

the

life

of

the

saint and held

him

up

as

a

model

of

Christian

living

for

the

cofrades to

follow.

The feast

took

place

35 Tramoyeres,op. cit., p. 62.

14








COFRADIA AND

COMPADGRAZGO

afterward,

n the

refractory

of the

convent or

in

a cloister

or

patio

of the

church,

and

to

it

were invited the

members

of

the order

owning

the

chapel,

or the

secular

clergy of the town, as the case might be. Costs of fiesta, mass, and food, and

other

operational

xpenses

hroughout

he

year,

were met

by periodic

assessments

and

by

fines

liberally

evied for

the

slightest

infraction

of rules.

During

or after the meal

officers

or the

forthcomingyear

were

elected,

and

other business

of

the

brotherhood

was

transacted.

This

business often included

the

disciplining

of

wayward

brothers

by

means of

public

admonishment.For

example,

he

1392

ordenanzas

f

the

cofradia of tanners

n

Valencia

specify

that

the

delinquent

present

himself before his

companions,

and

plead

that he be

pardoned

and allowed

to continue

as

a member

n

good standing.

If his

plea

was

acceptedhe was allowedto remainin the banquetroom,but seated at a small

table

apart

from the main

table,

where he was served

only

bread

and water until

such

time

as the

mayorales

permitted

him

to

rejoin

his cofrades in celebration

of

the

fiesta.

Enmities

and differencesbetween cofrades

were also aired

on

this

day,

and

if

an amicable solution could not

be

reached

by

the

disputants

the

matter was

referred to

the

prior

of

the

religious

order

(in

whose convent the

feast took

place),

and

his decisionwas

binding.36

The force

for

peace

inherent in the cofradia

system

is

apparent

from

ordenanzas

of other

cities. Those of

the cofradia

of

San

Eloy

of

C6rdoba

(1541)

required

each candidate

for

membership

o be of

good reputation,

and

after admittance

no cofrade was to

say anything

untrue

or

dishonest

about

an-

other

cofrade,

nor

injure

him in

any way,

nor

abuse

his own

apprentice.

n

case

of

dispute

the

prioste

called

a

meeting

of

all

members,

at which

judgment

was

made.37

Law and

order

outside

the

brotherhood

also

might

be

promoted.

The

ordenanzas

(1456)

of

master

esparteros (weavers

of

objects

of

esparto

grass)

and

glaziers

of

Barcelona

provided

that

if

membersof

these trades

provoked

disturbances

or

quarrels

either

within

or

without the

cofradia,

the

prohombres

must intervene o makepeace,and failing this, must appealto officialsof justice

of the

city

to

achievethis

end.38

With the

passage

of

the

years

certain

significant changes

in

the cofradia

and

gremio

organization

occurred.

The same

patrons

were established

for each

profession

n

all

parts

of

the

country,

among

the

most

important

of

which

were

San

Eloy (blacksmiths

and

silversmiths),

San

Francisco

(fur workers),

Santa

Ana

(weavers),

San

Mauro

(dyers),

San Martin

(tailors),

San

Crispin

36

Idem,

pp.

59-60.

37

Diez, op.

cit.,

pp.

198-99.

38 Planell, 1948, vol. 1,

p.

104.

15








SOUTHWESTERN

JOURNAL

OF

ANTHROPOLOGY

(shoemakers),

San

Juan

Evangelista (farmers),

and San

Miguel

Arcangel

(storekeepers).

Membersof

the

same

gremio

tended

to

live

and have

shops

on

the samestreet,so that geographicalproximityadded to the cohesivenessof the

group

engendered

by

commercialand

religious

ends.

In the

fourteenth

century

the three

categories

of

masters,

journeymen,

and

apprentices

became

common.

In 1389

the

gremio

of masons

in

Barcelona

introduced,

for

the first time

in

Spain,

the custom of

examination

or

advancement o the

category

of

master,

a

custom which

subsequently

made

possible

gremial

control

of the numbers

of

individuals o

practice

n

any

trade,

with resultant

monopolistic

endencies.

From

the

thirteenth

to fifteenth centuries

gremios

were

persecuted

in

Castile,

and

sometimes

prohibited

by

the

crown,

because

of trade restrictions

and

conflicts

withgrowingroyalpowers,andit was not until the time of Ferdinandand Isabel

that

they

became

egal, only

to

again

suffer

persecution

n

the sixteenth

century.

In

the

fifteenth

century,

particularly

n

Andalucia

and

Navarra,

there

was a

marked

tendency

to

adopt

the

term

hermandad ather

than

gremio

or

cofradia,

apparently

because the

growing

monopolistic

practices

of the

latter threw the

terms into a

certain

disrepute.

Gremial

powers

became

ever

more

marked

in

the

sixteenth and seventeenth

centuries,

he

original

aim

of

regulating

quality

and standards

having long

since

given

way

to restrictive

measures

limiting

numbers of artisans and

preventing

technological

improvements

and

greater

productivity.

Cofradias

tended

to a

considerable

xtent to

break

away

from

gremios,

and

to

proliferate

throughout

the

country,

reaching

a

figure

of

nearly

20,000

at

the end of the seventeenth

century.39

This

number

ncludedboth

those

of farmers

and those of

city

artisans

and

professional

men.

These later

cofradias

were of

several

types:

the

cofradia

sacramental,

organized

for

religious

purposes

only,

to

pay homage

to

a

patron

saint,

and

lacking

in

mutual

aid

provisions;

he

cofradia

religioso-benefica,

ssen-

tially

the

religious-mutual

id

sodality

of

the

Middle

Ages;

the

cofradia

or

hermandadde socorro,a mutualaid society inspiredby the religious-mutual id

sodality,

with

religious

ties in

a local

church

and

ordenanzas

granted by

the

archbishop.

This

last-named

ype

first

appeared

n

Madrid

in

the

second

half

of

the

sixteenth

century,

and

differed

from

its

antecessor

n

that

social

security

measureswere

spelled

out in

more

formal

fashion,

and

that

exact

payments

and

benefitswere

stipulated

n

a

detail

hitherto

acking.

Membership

might

be

"open"

to

anyone

acceptable

o

the

cofrades,

or

it

might

be

"closed,"

imited to

members

of the

same

trade. With

respect

to

social

security

ends,

two

main

types

devel-

oped:

those

specializing

n

death

payments,

and those

in

illness

payments.

39 Rumeu, op. cit., p. 200.

16








COFRADfA

AND

COMPADGRAZGO

In

the

eighteenth

centurygremios

were

increasingly

attacked both

within

and

without for

their

monopolistic

restrictions,

nd

beginning

about

1760

a

series

of

progressively everegovernmentorders,culminatingwith a ruling in 1787 per-

mitting

weavers

o

have as

many

looms

as

desired,

and

of whatever

types, spelled

the

doom

of the

system.

Final

freedomof

work, however,

was not achieved

until

early

in

the

following century.

Montepios

arose in

place

of mutual aid

cofradias,

most

of

which

were

extinguished

along

with their

gremios.

The

montepio

was

essentially

a

lay

cofradia

for

social

security

purposes,

and

their ordenanzas ften

were almost identical to those of

cofradias.

State collaboration characterized

many

of

them.

Cofradias and

gremios

exist in

attenuated

form in

Spain

today.

Of trade

organizationshe cofradiasof fishermen,oundin mostports,are mostimportant.

These

organizations

unction

much

like

cooperatives

n

other

countries. Sacra-

mental

cofradias

are

widespread

oday, having

enjoyed

a

tremendous

resurgence

since

the Civil

War

(1936-1939).

These

sodalities,

most

frequently

called

hermandades,

re

devices

for

the

reaffirmation f

religious

faith,

and

also have

important

social

aspects, approaching

n

some

ways

the function

of

men's

clubs

in

other

countries. Their

most obvious

purpose

is

to

carry

the

image

of

their

patron during Holy

Week and

sometimes in

other fiestas. The

cofradia de

socorro survives in

parts

of

Spain,

particularly

rural areas

of

the

north,

in

the form

commonly

known

as

Cofradia

de

Animas,

or

Cofradia

de la

Vera

Cruz,

where

it

is

essentially

a

mutual aid burial

society.

Cofrades must attend

funerals,

burial costs

are borne

by

the

society,

and a

specified

number of

masses is

said

for each

deceased

member.

IV

By

the time

of

the

discovery

of

America the

gremio

in

its

developed

form

existed

in

Spain.

It was

transported

o

the

colonies

along

with

a

multitude

of

other

regulatory

devices,

and the

surviving

American

ordenanzas re often

almost

word

for

word

copies

of

those of the mother

country.

Ordenanzas

were

granted

by city

councils

(cabildos)

and

approved

by

the

Virrey.

Apparently

the first

to

be

established was that

of

San

Eloy,

in

Mexico

City,

which

by

1537

was

importantenough

to

take

part

in

the

procession

of

Corpus

Christi-in

spite

of

the fact

that

silver

working

was

prohibited 40

The 1597

ordenanzas of

this

gremio

n

Lima

provided

among

other

things:

for

the

electionof

two

mayordomos

and

four

deputies;

surviving

cofrades had

to

carry

candles at the

funeral

of

a

deceased

brother;

f

a brother

died

poor

the

gremio

was

required

o

bury

him

40 Torre, 1932, p. 14.

17








SOUTHWESTERN

JOURNAL

OF

ANTHROPOLOGY

"withmoderate

omp";

f a

widow

of

a cofrade

were

n

need,

the

mayordomos

were

expected

o visit her eachweek

giving

sufficient

lmson which o

live;

the

mayordomosererequiredo visit sickbrothers,hose n jail, or otherwisen

need,

and

help

in all

possibleways;

at

death

of a member

ach survivor on-

tributed ne

peso

to

pay

for the massof the dead.41n othercases

gremio

and

cofradia

unds

were allowed

o accumulatenterest o that

orphandaughters

of membersouldhave

dowries f

"500

pesos

of

8

reales."

Other

gremios

arly

established

n

Mexico

City

include

hoseof

cordoneros

y

xaquimas

rope

and bridalhead

piece

makers),

1550;

guarnicioneros

e

sillas

y

aderesosde cavallos

(saddle

and

harness

makers),

1549;

and

bordadores

(embroiderers),

1546.42

Cofradias, othwithin hegremial ontextandas separatenstitutions, ere

at

one time

very important

n

Spanish

America.

Many

were associated

with

religious

rders,

nd had

as a

primary

unction he

care

and

support

of

hos-

pitals.43

riars

nd

priests

ncouraged

he

organization

f

sacramental

ofradias

among

ndians,

s a means

of

propagating

he

faith,

caring

or church

mages,

and

ensuring

olorful

religious

estivals. ndian

ove

of

pageantry

was satisfied

through

he

impressive

bservancesf

the

day

of the

patron

aint

of each

village,

and the

processions

f

Holy

Week and

Corpus

Christi.

The

clergy's

power

to

give

or

denypermission

o

participate

n these estivities

ave

hem

a

powerful

instrument

f

socialand economic ontrol

which,

at

best,

promoted

obriety

nd

morality

n

the

community,

nd at worst made

possible

exploitation

f the

Indians n

the form

of

extralegal ersonal

ervices.44

urviving

ragmentary

formsof

cofradias

uggest

hat

mutualaid

aspects

haracterized

t least

to a

limited

degree

ome

of

the

organizations,

ut

apart

from

gremios

he

original

motivation

n

the

New

Worldwasrather

ifferentrom

Spain.

Sacramental

ofradias re

common

oday

n

Spanish

America,

nd

in

them

we

findtraces f

their

origin

and

former

unctions.

n

modemMexico ofradias

usuallyare knownas mayordomias.osttownshaveoneor more,andduring

a

year

the

mayordomo

s

in

charge

of the

patron mage,

the

preparation

f

the annual

iesta

and

banquet,

nd

the

electionof the new officers.

Officers f

mayordomias

re

known

by

terms similar

or identical o

those

of

Castile:

mayordomo,

iputado,

scribano,

iscal,

and

so forth.

In

Tzintzuntzan

present

or

former

fficer

f

anymayordomia

s

entitled t death

o lie

in the church or

41

Idem,

pp.

xviii-xxi.

42

Barrio,

1920,

pp.

1-5, 8-14,

137-139.

43

Haring,

1947, pp.

195-196.

44 Idem, p. 207; Simpson, 1941, p. 73.

18








COFRADIA

AND COMPADGRAZGO

a short

period,

without

payment

of the usual

charges,

just

as in

Spain

officers

received a

higher

number of

masses than

ordinary

cofrades.45Traces of

the

old Spanishsystemare found in Cheran,where severalof the mayordomias re

associated

with

professions.46

Mexican

mayordomias

often differ from those

of

Spain

in

that

membership

more or

less

automatically

extends to

all

adult

males

of the

village.

In those

I have observed

n

Tzintzuntzan

all men deliberate

n

the election

of

officers,

and

any

man

may

volunteer

for

any

office.

All men

(and

most

women,

too)

attend

the annual

banquet

which

accompanies

he elections.

Continuity

in the brotherhood

ies in the

image,

and

in the

association

of

the

several

men

who care for

it for one

year,

rather than in a

well-ordered

et

of

statutes.

Until a few years ago an hermandadexisted in Moche which invested its

funds

in

cattle and utilized the

proceeds

for burial

expenditures

of

members.47

A

cofradia

in

Agua

Escondida,

Guatemala,

collects

from

the

village

to

pay

for

a

marimba

at the fiesta of San

Antonio,

and

such

money

as is left over is loaned

out

at

21

percent

annual interest.

It is

common

practice

to

borrow from

the

cofradia

when

one is

short of

money.48

n

Coban,

Alta Vera

Paz, Guatemala,

seven

cofradias

formerly corresponded

to

the

seven

barrios

(suggestive

of

cofradias

for streets

of artisans

n

Spain).

Each

cofradia

had

its

own

lands

on

which maize was

planted,

proceeds

from the sale of which were

loaned

at 100

percent

interest.49 n various

parts

of Guatemala

cofrades

or

mayordomos

have

the

responsibility

or

burying anyone

who dies in the

pueblo.50

sabel

Kelly

re-

ports

that church records n

Cadereyta,Queretaro,

Mexico,

show that cofradia

organizations

were

complex,

and

practices

included

owning

land and

lending

money.51

t seems

probable

hat

if

the

cofradia and

mayordomia ystems

of the

New

World

were

examined

n the

light

of

Spanish

historical

data,

the

meaning

of

these institutionswould

become

clearer.

V

The

contemporary

New

World

compadrazgo

nd the

Spanish

cofradias and

gremios

of

the twelfth to

the

eighteenth

centuries

are

functionally

similar as

systems

in that

they

fulfill or

have fulfilled a number

of

common social

func-

45

Foster,

1948, p.

195.

46

Beals, op. cit.,

p.

132.

47

Gillin,

op.

cit.,

p.

75.

48

Redfield, 1945a,

p.

267.

49

Goubaud,

Rosales,

and

Tax, 1944,

p.

119.

50

E.g.,

Redfield,

1945b, p.

170.

51 Communicated.

19








SOUTHWESTERN

JOURNAL

OF

ANTHROPOLOGY

tions.52

Both

make

participants

membersof a

large

"in-group"

which

helps

in

times of

social,

religious,

and

economic

need,

and

which

orders one's relation-

ships with others, within and without one's social class and ethnic group. A

Latin

American

borrows

money

from

his

compadre;

a

Spanish

cofrade

borrowed

from the cofradia.

The

compadrazgo

provides

for

the

care of

orphan

children;

the

cofradia

provided

for

widows and minor

children,

and

supplied

dowries

for

marriageable

daughters.

The

compadrazgo

pattern

often calls

for

formal and

informal

coiperation

in

economic

activities,

such

as

exchange

of

labor;

the

cofradia-gremio

mplied

economic

coiperation

n such

things

as

group buying

and

allocation of

raw

materials,

frequent

communal

workshops, joint

fitting

out

of

fishing

boats and utilization

of

fishing grounds,

and

the

like. Both facilitate

commerceand travel, in that they make provisionfor lodging for people from

other towns.

Both

help

at times of

illness,

the

compadrazgo

hrough

informal

but

very

real

channels of

visiting, taking

food,

and

nursing,

and

the cofradia

through

formalized

channels such as

hospitals,

the

giving

of

money,

sitting up

with the

sick,

and

nursing.

Both

institutions

ncourage

morality

hroughrecognized

eciprocal

bligations

and

action

patterns,

and both facilitate law and

order,

as

previously

hown.

Both

give spiritual

aid,

particularly

at

death;

compadres

and cofrades are the ones

who

gather

round to

help

when

death strikes. Both reinforce

social

solidarity

through prescribed

rites on

religious

and

life-cycle

crisis

occasions. Both

have

social

and

entertainmentvalues.

Cofradia

fiestas often were

high

points

of

secular as

well as

religious

interest

in

any year,

and less

formalized contacts

likewise

were

of

social

importance.

The

compadrazgo ncourages

ocial

visiting,

brings

friends from

other

villages

into one's

home,

and

is

productive

of

local

celebrations

f a social and

religious

nature,

such as

baptism,

marriage,

christen-

ing

of

a new

house,

and the

like.

Significant

differencesbetween

compadrazgo

and

cofradia-gremio

lso exist.

The formeris unformalizedand flexible, n that it functionsthroughcustomary

usage

rather

than written statutes. There

are

no

officers,

no

elected

positions,

no

functions

arbitrarily ssigned

to

an

individual.

No

two

people normally

can have

the same

sets

of

compadres,padrinos,

and

ahijados,

and

resulting personal

obli-

gations.

Everyone

can tailor

the

institution on an

individual basis to meet his

own

needs,

desires,

and

resources.

Relationships

nce

established

xist

throughout

the

lifetimes of the

participants.

A

relationship

may

be

allowed to

lapse,

but

52

In

this and the

following

paragraph

all references to

cofradias

and

gremios

are for

the

historical

periods

under

consideration;

for

grammatical

reasons the

present

tense

has

been used

in constructions n which "both"or "both institutions" is the subject.

20








COFRADfA

AND

COMPADGRAZGO

it canneverbe dissolved.

compadre

ho

fails

to

live

up

to

an

obligation

ncurs

the

contempt

f all who know

him,

but there s no mechanism

eyond

public

opiniono bringhimto task.Thecompadrazgoystemhasno racial estrictions,

if

the

parties

are

good

Catholics,

nd

in

practice

ven

this

restriction

s often

looselyapplied.

The cofradia nd

gremio

weremuchmore

ormaland

inflexiblen structure.

They

were

corporate rganizations

fficially ecognized y

competent

uthorities.

Rights,

duties,

and

obligations

of memberswere

carefully spelled

out

in

ordenanzas. ach

cofrade

n

a

given

group

had

exactly

he same associates

s

all other

members,

nd

accordingly,

xactly

he

same

ets of

personal

nd

official

duties.

The

cofrade

bought

a

ready-made

rticle,

and

adjusted

himselfto

it,

rather han adjusting t to himself.Relationships,nce established, id not

necessarily

ndure

orever;

he cofrade

who

acted

n

a manner

unbecoming

o

his

position

was

formally

udgedby

the

authorities

e had

helped

elect,

and

he

could

f

necessary

e shorn

of

sodality

protection

y

being

expelled.

Cofradias

and

gremios

were

racially

and

religiously

xclusive;

nly good

Catholics

of

"clean"

ncestry

were

eligible,

nd

Moors,

Jews,

and

other

heretics

were-except

in

the rarest f

instances-scrupulously

xcluded.

VI

There snosimple xplanationf whythecofradia-gremiorganizationilled

the mutualaid and

integrative

oles here discussed

n

Spain,

and

why

the

compadrazgo

ubsequently

id it

in

Spanish

America.

Each

appears,

however,

to

be

ideally

adapted

o the socio-culturalonditions

revailing

t the time

in

history

when

it

flourished.

Mintz

and

Wolf

have

pointed

out

that

in

feudal

Europe

he

compadrazgo

xpanded

omewhat s

it

did later

in

America,

nd

helped

ink

feudalclassesas well as

bringing

"neighborhood"

olidarity

o the

local

group

of

peasants

n

their

truggle gainst

he

aristocracy.53

atholic

Spain

presumably

hared n these

general atterns.

With the

decline

of

the

feudal

sys-

tem and

the rise

of

towns and

cities,

with urbanclassesof artisans nd

mer-

chants,

lass

rather

han

neighborhood

r manor

olidarity

ecame

f

paramount

importance,

nd

the

compadrazgo

s less well

suitedto

this than the cofradia-

gremio.Particularly

n a

country

iven

o

regulation

f the mostminutedetails

of

daily

ife the

informality

f the

compadrazgo

usthave

handicapped

t seri-

ously

as

a socio-economic

egulative

mechanism.

n

the

struggle

o

obtain

egal

recognition

nd

economic

avors,

artisans ounda

formal

organization

n

abso-

lute

necessity.

n

some

places,

uchas

Valencia,

Burgos,

nd

Barcelona,

remios

53 Mintz and Wolf, op. cit., pp. 347-349.

21








SOUTHWESTERN

JOURNAL

OF ANTHROPOLOGY

achieved

he

right

to name

various

municipal

fficers.54

onversely,

municipal

control f

individuals

asmore

easily

achieved

hrough

ome ormal

ntervening

mechanism. nealsomustnot losesightof the fact thattheperiodof expansion

of cofradiaswas that

of

maximum

eligious

ervor,

timulated

n

Spain

by

the

constant

war

of extermination

gainst

he Moors.

The

mysticism

ften attributed

to

the

Spaniard

s

a

very

real

hing,

and

through

he

cofradia

e

founda

manner

to

give

vent to

it,

to feel his

participation

n a

holy

crusade

hrough

ontinual

reaffirmationf faith.

The

possession

f an

image

provided

visual

symbol

of

association nd

unity,

hencea

feeling

of

solidarity,

which

he

compadrazgo

mechanismouldnot

provide.

Reasons

or

Spanish

American

reference

or the

compadrazgo

re more

complex.As backgroundt must be rememberedhat all America ubject o

the

Spanish

Conquest

xperienced

tremendousultural hockmarked

by

the

destruction

f

formal

ndigenouseligious ystems, hanges

n social

organization

and the

family,

conomic

ubjugation,olitical

neffectualness,

nd the

like.

For

the Indians

onditions

f

life

change

o

in a short

period

hat

many

new

adaptive

mechanisms

ere essential.

This was

also

true

for the

emergent

mestizoand

mulatto

lasses hat

were

neither

Spanish

n

statusand

privileges

or Indian n

blood

and tradition.

The

gremio,

as

we have

seen,

was

early

introducednto

the

New

World,

and

though

t became

airly

widespread,

ts ultimate

utility

was limitedboth

by

the lower

evel

of

handicraft

nd industrial

ctivity

as

compared

o

Spain,

and

because he racialexclusiveness

hich characterizedhe

system

n

Spain

was also

applied

in

the New World:

mestizos,

mulattos,

negroes,

and

Indians

usually

were

excluded,

or

severely

restricted

n

their

rights.55

The cofradia was much

more successful.

As an instrument

n

the diffusion

of

the new

faith

it

must have

played

a

highly

important

role.

Mutual aid

aspects

characterized

ofradias at one

time,

but

the institution came

to fulfill

spiritual

and

psychological

unctions instead.It

provides

he mechanism

whereby

an indi-

vidual

honors

his

religion

and

simultaneously

chieves

social

status.

By

accepting

54

Altamira,

1928, p.

433.

55

Konetzke, 1949,

p.

512;

Barrio, op.

cit.,

e.g.,

1575 ordenanzas

of

hatters

say

"these

ordenanzas

have

nothing

to

do

with Indians"

(p.

27);

1576

ordenanzas

of silk weavers

provide

for

a fine for

using

Indians

in

workshops (p.

40);

1705 ordenanzas

of cloth

pressers

forbid

examination

of

Indians, mestizos, negroes (p.

79);

1589

ordenanzas of

sculptors

(of religious

images)

exclude Indians

who, however, may

work

in

their

villages,

but

no

Spaniard

may

buy

their

products

for resale

(p. 87);

the same

is

true of hatters

as

regulated

by

1592

ordenanzas

(p.

103);

1629 ordenances

of

shoe

makers

permit

Indians

to sell their

wares in

the

tianguis

(native open marketplace) but not in shops (p. 112).

22








COFRADfA

AND

COMPADGRAZGO

the

onerous

obligations

of

serving

as

mayordomo,

by

spending

freely

and con-

spicuously,

one demonstrates aith

in

church

and

society, willingness

to

spend,

ability as a financialmanager,and generosity.So interpreted, he cofradia was

less

suited to

fulfilling

its

Spanish

role.

Among

the

probable

reasons for

the

acceptance

of

the

compadrazgo

in

America was its

similarity

to

native

forms.

These

include

baptism,

ceremonial

sponsorship,

itualized

friendship,

and above all

native

kinship

systems

disrupted

by

Spanish

contact.

Ethnographical

data

make it

clear

that before

the

Conquest

Indian

society

was

marked

by

much

more

widespread

lan,

lineage,

and

extended

family

relationships

han

today.56

Membership

n

such a

group automatically

aligned

each

individual with

a much

larger

"in-group"

han

was

possible

with

the restrictedbilateral family. Through the compadrazgo t was possible to

recapture

ome

of the

security

that was

lost with

destructionof the

old forms.

In

some

places,

at

least,

it

appears

that the

compadrazgo

must have been

a

direct

substitution for a

clan

system.

This

is

indicated

by

negative

evidence,

i.e.,

the

inability

of

the

compadrazgo

o make

progress

where,

as

among

the

Tzeltal of

Chiapas,

Mexico,

a

clan

system

continues

to flourish.

In

Oxchuc,

for

example,

"the tie of the

compadrazgo

has

little

importance.

Occasionally

it

is

established

in

casual

fashion,

taking

advantage

of

the

presence

of

any

friend

who

wishes

to

sponsor

the

child at

baptism.

..

[there

are]

few

occasions

in

which the relations between

godparents

and

godchildren

appear

to

have

any

significance."57

n

Cancuc,

a

Tzeltal

village,

the

picture

s the

same. "The

people

of Cancuc

do not like to

baptise.

There

are

no

compadres,

or are

there

comadres

in

Cancuc;

here no one

wishes

to do

it."58

The extent

to which

the Tzeltal

clan

system precludes

a

functional

compa-

drazgo

is

striking.

The

three clans

(recently

reduced

from

four)

are

patrilineal,

56

Beals,

1932, p. 474,

finds the

data

"rather

definitely

show

the

existence

of

patrilineal

exogamous

lineage

groups

for

much of

the

west coast of

Mexico";

Foster,

1949,

p.

344,

believes

that some or all of the Mixe-Zoquegroups formerly had unilateralkinships groupings, possibly

patrilineal

clans;

Monzon,

1949,

pp. 55-60,

is

convinced

that the Aztec

calpulli

was a

clan;

Guiteras,

1947,

pp.

1-17,

describesmodern

functioning

Tzeltal clans

in

Chiapas,

whose

presence

strongly suggests

a former

more

widespread

extension

of

the

system;

Eggan, 1934,

believes that

some

form of

cousin-marriage--suggesting

the

functional

importance

of

the

extended

family-

was

practiced by

the ancient

Maya;

Wagley, 1949,

p.

11

et

seq.,

describes

patrilinear,

partilocal

extended families of the

modern

Mam-speaking

Indians

of

Chimaltenango, Guatemala;

Stout,

1947,

p. 25, reports

that

among

the

modern San

Blas Cuna each

village

is

composed

of

a number

of

matrilocal,

extended

family households;

Mishkin, 1946,

p. 441,

believes

that the

Quechua

term

ayllu

in its

original usage

was

applied loosely

to

blood

groupings

of

various

sorts;

and

even

today

the

extended

family

plays

an

important

part

in

social

organization

(p.

450).

57

Villa, 1946,

p.

220.

58 Guiteras, op. cit., pp. 1-17.

23








SOUTHWESTERN

JOURNAL

OF

ANTHROPOLOGY

exogamous,

and

non-local

in that

they

are found

in all

villages

of

the

region.

Each individual

has both

an

indigenous

and a

Spanish

surname,

he

latter

fre-

quentlyunknownto the individualhimself. Each indigenoussurname s limited

to a

single

clan,

so

that

membership

s knownwhen

the surname

s known.

Each

group

with a

common

surname

s considered

a

lineage,

and

formerly

land was

held

collectively

by

the

lineage.

Membersof

the

same clan

cooperate

and lend

each other

mutual

aid,

and

youths

obey

and

respect

older

clan

members n

the

mannera

younger

brother

respects

and

obeys

an

older brother.Clan

members

do

not

participate

n the

preparation

of a cadaver

for

inhumation;

his

is

done

by

membersof other

clans.

For

historical

reasons

which are not

immediately

clear,

an

aboriginal

clan

system has been maintained n Cancuc with relatively few modifications.The

integrative

and

mutual aid

functions

of this

system

are such

that,

in

spite

of

long

exposure

o the

compadrazgo,

n

understanding

f

its

possibilities,

and the

occasional

baptism

of

a

child

in another

village,

the

Cancuqueros imply

have

found

that

it has

nothing

useful

to

offer,

so

they

ignore

it.

Central

Mexico

north of

Chiapas

probably

possessed

a

pre-Conquest

clan

structure,

of

which no functional

aspects

today

survive.

But

precisely

in this

area-and

the data

are excellent59-we

find a

godparent

system

which

is almost

an

ideal

type,

and

which

collectively

reflects

nearly

all the

functions

reported

n

the

New World.

It is

hard

to avoid

the conclusion

that in Mexico a

probable

former

widespread

lan

system

contributed

n

significant

measureto

the success

of

the

compadrazgo.

Though

real or

apparent

similarity

to

indigenous

forms

helps

to

explain

why

the

compadrazgo

may

have

caught

on,

it

could

not have

developed

to

its

present importance

were it not

for its innate

plasticity

and

adaptability.

Thus,

unlike

the

cofradia,

it can

integrate

society

on

both

horizontal

and vertical

planes.

It

functions

effectively

within a

homogenous

group,

and

it

may

at the

same time facilitaterelationsbetweendifferentclassesor ethnic groups.

It

may

emphasize

mutual aid

aspects,

or

it

may largely

ignore

them.

The latter is

true

in

Guatemala,

where the

institution

is

poorly

developed

as

compared

to

other

parts

of

Latin

America,

and

where a

major

function

is to

bring together

indi-

viduals of different

social

strata and ethnic

groups.

Tumin

describes

his

process

in

San

Luis

Jilotepeque.

We

may

note that the

godparental

elationship

ystem,

intra-Ladino,

ntra-Indian

and

inter-Indian-Ladino

erves

to

keep

bound

together

a

social

fabric

which

seems

59

E.g.,

Cheran

(Beals, 1946),

Tzintzuntzan

(Foster, 1948),

Teotihuacan

(Gamio, 1922),

TepoztlIn (Redfield,1930; Lewis, 1951), Mitla (Parsons, 1936), Yalalag (Fuente, 1949).

24








COFRADIA

AND COMPADGRAZGO

to be

straining

at

the

seams

on

other

counts;

t

invokesa

series

of formal

behavior

expectations

which tend to

mitigate

what

otherwise

might

be harshness nd

total

inconsiderateness

n

social

dealings

between ndians

and Ladino

and

between

wealthy

Ladinos nd

poor

Ladinos. ... As between ndianandLadino t servesas a medium

of

greater

and more

frequent

and

perhaps

more intense

contact

which,

for all the

unpleasantness

hich

may

be

involved

n

some

of those contactsituations

at least

provides

a

ground

for

making

the Indian

a

more

familiarcreature o

the

Ladino

and

the

Ladino

a more

familiar

and

perhaps

more

pleasant

reature

or

the

Indian.60

The

relative lack of mutual

aid

aspects

in

the

Guatemalan

compadrazgo

appears

due

to the

presence

n

the

culture

of

other

mechanisms,

ften

impersonal,

which

accomplish

he same ends. In

San

Pedro

(on

Lake

Atitlan)

these include:

the

village

courthouse

o

which interfamilial

and

intrafamilial

disputes

are

readily

referred;

the

existence

of

a

cofradia

system

which

defines social

status,

controls

religious

behavior,

and buries

the

dead;

a

system

of

lodging

in

other towns

(posada)

and

checking

of

goods

(recomendado)

which facilitate

travel and

commerce.61

To

summarize,

t

appears

that the

success of the

compadrazgo

n

Spanish

America

was due to the

functional

need of Indian

and

emergent

mestizo

society

for new

mutual aid

and

integrative

devices,

o

the

flexibility

and

growth potential

of the

compadrazgo

which

permitted

it

to

expand

to

fill

these

needs,

and to

the similarityof some of its rites and forms to indigenousAmerican rites and

forms,

which

thereby

made it

attractiveto native

peoples.

Correlated

with

these

reasonswas the

limited

growth

potential

of the

gremio,

because

of circumstances

which

have

been

pointed

out,

and the

development

of

the

cofradia

to

play

an

important

role,

but one

which

thereby

excluded it from that

played

by

the

compadrazgo.

Among

the

upper

classes

n

Spanish

America

there

is

a considerable

endency

for the

compadrazgo

o follow

the

Spanish type,

in

that

family

relationships

are

intensified

at

the

expense

of

widening

pseudo-kinship

ies.

In

addition,

the

proliferationof occasionson which sponsorsare named among the lower rural

classes tends to

be

lacking.

Lewis

presents

evidence that

migrants

to

Mexico

City

from

Tepoztlan

frequently

restrict the

compadrazgo

o

baptism

and mar-

riage,

and with

increasing

regularity

call

upon

relatives

o

serve,

thereby

causing

the institutionto lose

almost

in

its

entirety

ts classic American

sociological

func-

tion.62

Our

detailed

knowledge

of

the

Hispanic

American

compadrazgo

s

based

largely

on rural

and

village

studies;

perhaps

t will be

found to

be an

important

60

Tumin, 1945,

p.

512.

61

Paul,

1942,

pp.

6-8.

62 Lewis,1952,pp. 38-39.

25








SOUTHWESTERN

JOURNAL

OF ANTHROPOLOGY

functional institution

only

under such

circumstances.

Perhaps

eventually,

as

impersonal

ocial controls and mutual aid mechanisms xtend

in Latin

America,

the compadrazgowill revertto the modernSpanishform.

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FOSTER, George, Cofradía and Compadrazgo in Spain and Spanish America

Documents

Transcript of FOSTER, George, Cofradía and Compadrazgo in Spain and Spanish America