Everyday requesting across eight languages · Everyday requesting across eight languages Simeon...
Transcript of Everyday requesting across eight languages · Everyday requesting across eight languages Simeon...
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Everyday requesting
across eight languages
Simeon Floyd, Giovanni Rossi,
Nick Enfield, Julija Baranova, Joe Blythe,
Mark Dingemanse, Kobin Kendrick, Jörg Zinken
‘About face’ workshop
CLIC – UCLA
February 7-8, 2014
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The phenomenon
Participant A: Move A
Participant B: Move B
RECRUITMENT
covers requests, orders, hints, etc.,
and also cases where B steps in to help A
A does something
that B can perceive
e.g. ‘Pass the salt’
B does something
practical ‘for’ A
e.g. ((passes salt))
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Pragmatic universals hypothesis
While languages are highly diverse, systems of language use are
(1) largely common across languages
but (2) may be locally calibrated or inflected
Brown & Levinson 1987, Levinson 2000, Enfield & Levinson 2006
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innate
cognitive bias
common social-interactional pressures
emergent universals
‘Universals’
Brown & Levinson 1987
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Face
Request
Especially threatening to the other’s negative wants
(desire to be unimpeded)
Face-redressive strategies: negative and positive politeness
Cross-cultural pragmatics based on written elicitation
House & Kasper 1981, Blum-Kulka et al. 1989, Lee-Wong 1994, Fukushima 1996,
le Pair 1996, Tsuzuki et al. 2005, Nodoushan 2008, Rue & Zhang 2008, Féliz-
Brasdefer 2009, Ogiermann 2009, Peterson 2011, Salgado 2011, among others
= intrinsic face-threatening act
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Method
1. Corpus collection
2. Data workshops
3. Coding design
4. Coding work
5. Reliability
6. Results
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Video corpora of eight languages
ca. 200 cases for each language
coded for a set of verbal and visual-bodily elements
Cha’palaa
English
Italian
Polish Russian
Lao
Murriny Patha
Siwu
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Move composition
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Move A (request)
Move B (response)
A does something
that B can perceive
e.g. ‘Pass the salt’
B does something
practical ‘for’ A
e.g. ((passes salt))
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Asymmetry in move composition
Move A is mostly verbal, Move B is mostly nonverbal
Move A (request)
Move B (response)
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Asymmetry in move composition
Move A is mostly verbal, Move B is mostly nonverbal
Move A (request)
Move B (response)
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• Italian and MP speakers
gesture more, whereas
Cha'palaa and Lao
speakers gesture less
Nonverbal behavior in Move A
Cross-linguistic differences
• The rate of fully
nonverbal requests
varies, but it's never
more than about 15%
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Italian
Siwu Lao
Cha’palaa
REACHING
Give me that
Hand me that
Give me the
phone back
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Italian
Siwu Lao
Cha’palaa HOLDING OUT
Cut them in the
middle
Here, put the
soap away
Answer the
phone for me
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Italian
Siwu Lao
Cha’palaa POINTING
Give me some
of this
Walk that way
Mix and give it
to him
Give me the
old razor
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Nonverbal behavior in Move A
Three practices account for 66% of the cases
POINTING a at relevant
place/object
REACHING to receive an object
HOLDING OUT an object for B to
do something with
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Move composition
Move A (request)
Move B (response)
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Sadock & Zwicky 1985, Searle 1975
Sentence type
in Move A
All languages use all
three major types
• Imperative • e.g. Pass the salt
• Interrogative • e.g. Can you pass the salt?
• Declarative • e.g. We need the salt
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cf. Searle 1975, Clark and Schunk 1980, Blum-Kulka et al. 1989, Wierzbicka 1991
Sentence type
in Move A
All languages use all
three major types
But not in the same
proportions
Contrary to previous
claims, English too
uses imperatives
more than any other
sentence type
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Siwu subjunctive
sí à ɖi bɛ̀rɛ̀dzo à pia SBJ 2SG take palm 2SG sit.in
‘If you would take and put some palm in it’
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Internal
complexity of
sentence type:
imperatives
Languages vary in
number of morpho-
syntactic variants of
each sentence type
Imperative forms vary
between 2 to more
than 10
Bare imperative is the
most frequent in all
languages 0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Lao Cha'palaa Siwu English Italian
other
format 9
format 8
format 7
format 6
format 5
format 4
format 3
format 2
bare imperative
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0
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
160
Lao Cha'palaa Siwu English Italian
format 9
format 8
format 7
format 6
format 5
format 4
format 3
format 2
bare imperative
Internal
complexity of
sentence type:
imperatives
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Vieja, inu chuwa manka' kuka junu old.lady 1-ACC vine again-get-SR give-IMP.1 there
‘Old lady, give me the string there!’
Tadi kapanu hold-POS tip-LOC
‘Hold (it) on the tip.’
bare imperative
morphological imperative
+ benefactive
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Mi passi una Vigorsol 2.D pass-2S one Vigorsol (chewing gum)
‘Will you pass me a Vigorsol?’
bare imperative
Mi X interrogative
Metti giù put-NPST-2S down
‘Put (it) down’
Wotton 1997, Rossi 2012
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Functional correspondence? cf. Brown & Levinson 1987, Zinken & Ogiermann 2013
morphological imperative
+ benefactive
Vieja, inu chuwa manka' kuka junu old.lady 1-ACC vine again-get-SR give-IMP.1 there
‘Old lady, give me the string there!’
Mi passi una Vigorsol 2.D pass-2S one Vigorsol (chewing gum)
‘Will you pass me a Vigorsol?’
Mi X interrogative
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Functional distribution
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Subcategories
OBJECT TRANSFER
Answer the
phone for me Will you pass me
some chewing gum?
You’ve given too
little tea to Elena
SERVICE
TROUBLE ASSIST
ALTER TRAJECTORY
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Distribution of sentence types across subcategories
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Lao
A: Qaw4 bang3 qaaj4
‘Hey you're blocking your brother’
B: Bang3 qiñang3 kòq2 qaaj4-
nik1 laaw2 hên3 dòòk5
‘What am I blocking? Nick can see fine’
Polish
A: Jeszcze w buzi ma
‘He still has some in his mouth’
B: ((puts fork with food for
toddler back down))
Siwu
A: Kà ìlɛ́ɛ̀ kà ilɛ́ɛ̀.
‘That’s enough, that’s enough’
B: ((stops picking up corn cobs))
English
A: Etian's good at situating himself
right in line with the camera
B: Sorry. I forget that it's there
((moves to his left))
Declaratives for altering trajectory
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‘There’s the coffee here’
• 1 Nino e::::[::
and:::::: •
• 2 Leo [↑ye::::: ↑ ((holds up puppet)) •
• 3 (0.4) •
• 4 Nino [sai che know-2S CMP
d'you know that-
• 5 Leo [((punches puppet down on the table)) •
• 6 (0.2) •
• 7 Leo [°oh scusa° ((looks at Giulio)) • ITJ excuse-IMP.2S
• °oh sorry° •
• 8 Nino [di u:::h
• of u:::h •
• 9 Leo ((giggles)) •
• 10 Nino uh c'è il caffè qui Leo [sai ((points at coffee)) • EX=be.3S the coffee here NAME know-2S
• uh there's the coffee here Leo, you know
• 11 Leo [ops
ITJ
whoops
Giulio
Nino Leo
Nino
Giulio
Leo
Giulio
Nino Leo
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Distribution of sentence types across subcategories
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Aldo pass me
the plate Do you have a
handkerchief?
Object visibility (availability)
Merritt 1976, Levinson 1983, Rossi fth
Are there
any limes?
Throw the
soap here
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Object visibility (availability)
‘Do you have X?’
‘Is there X?’
‘Where is X?’
77% (n=48/62)
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Social (a)symmetry
A > B
A < B
A = B
Cha’palaa speakers
Husband and wife
Lao speakers
Younger and older sister
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Social (a)symmetry
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Social (a)symmetry
Brown & Levinson’s
P(ower) factor
cf. Blum-Kulka et al. 1989
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Other constructional features of Move A
• Nominal referents
• Mention of target action
• Subject person marking
• Explanations
• Strengtheners/mitigators
• Benefactives
• Vocatives
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Addressing
2nd person marking Vocatives
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Bisogna pulire la crema dalla fronte need-3S clean-INF the cream from-the forehead
‘It is necessary to wipe the dye from the forehead’
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Move B
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Fulfillment vs. rejection
Fulfillment much more frequent than rejection
(evidence for cooperative stance in humans)
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Social (a)symmetry
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Successfulness by format
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Flavia
Silvia
Bianca
line 6
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Nonverbal request
integral to the activity
projectable from its
advancement
fifty-five
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Narrower/wider
RESPONSE SPACE
Imperatives make relevant
nonverbal fufillment Goodwin 2006, Craven &
Potter 2010, Rossi 2012
Interrogatives can be responded
to with affirmative answer
before fulfillment or
with negative answer Ervin-Tripp 1976,
Brown & Levinson 1987,
Wootton 1997, Craven &
Potter 2010, Rossi 2012
Declaratives afford an open
response space Vinkhuyzen & Szymanski 2005,
Rossi & Zinken fth
Move B composition
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Polar responses
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Russian
A: Tak nu shampanskava mne knto-nibut' naljot?
‘So, will anyone pour me champagne?’
B: Kaneshna. ((reaches for bottle))
‘Of course.’
Italian
A: Mi dai un pezzo di scottex?
‘Will you give me a piece of kitchen paper?’
B: Sì ((turns to get kitchen paper))
‘Yes.’
Cha’palaa
A: Tyayu puu?
‘Is there salt?’
B: e’e ((hands A salt))
‘Yeah.’
Terrance, can you pass
me those matches?
Yeah
Polar responses
English
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Pomerantz 1984
Schegloff 2007
Heritage & Pomerantz 2013
Rejection design
Rejections are
designed as
dispreferred
responses
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Rejection design
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Move C
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Acknowledgement (e.g. thank you)
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Cha’palaa
A: Kuke inuba aantsa jayu ishkachi.
‘Give me that also, to smell a little. ‘
B: ((hands A ointment))
[conversation continues]
Italian
A: Dame quel migolin lì valà per piazer
‘Give me that little piece there please.’
B: ((picks up cake and passes it to A))
A: Grazie.
Thanks.
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Discussion
Cross-linguistic commonalities
8x200 opportunities for failure – but overwhelming success!
Maximization of affiliation:
- Requests are mostly fulfilled
- If requests are rejected, they are mostly mediated with accounts
- If requests are likely to be rejected, they may be avoided
altogether (lower frequency by lower-status individuals)
- Formats are sensitive to face concerns:
- rejection avoidance (pre-requests for non-visible objects)
- assumption of cooperation (bare imperatives)
- common ground (nonverbal requests)
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Discussion
Cross-linguistic variation
- Most obvious: wildly different grammatical systems
- Differences in degree and type of social asymmetry
(with consequences for request form, e.g. rate of imperatives)
- Rates of usage of sentence types vary across languages
- Sentence types have different internal complexities
- Rate/presence of acknowledgements varies across languages
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Discussion
Cross-linguistic commonality and variation
Why so many commonalities? Why these?
What underlies similarity?
Basic human nature?
Emergence from solutions to similar recurrent problems?
Why these differences? Why not others?
System vs. ritual constraints?