with locals. In a similar vein, Christian Mou-hanna discusses the conflicts faced by Frenchgendarmes, forced to rely on local communitiesfor material as well as moral support, informa-tion, and cooperation yet also enforce the law inan objective and impartial manner.

Three chapters (by Rob Mawby, DanielGilling, and Craig Johnstone, respectively) pro-vide insights into the altered philosophy, practice,and organisational architecture of British policingsince its radical reorganisation in the early 1990s.Mawby discusses the increasing diversity of locallaw enforcement with wardens and police com-munity support officers shouldering more of theburden – especially in rural areas – of the morebroadly based task that policing has become. Theintroduction of Crime and Disorder ReductionPartnerships by the Blair Labour Government wasa key step in the development of ‘communitypolicing’ in which uniformed police are but onemember of the new ‘. . . extended family ofpolicing’ (Gilling, p. 72). Regular police officersconstituted only 57% of the total complement ofpolice staff by the mid-2000s. The shift hasushered in a new governance of crime in whichdiscourses of a ‘preventative turn’, ‘responsibili-sation’, and ‘joined-up’ policy approaches to pre-venting and tackling criminal behaviour havebecome hegemonic. Johnstone’s chapter comple-ments this analysis with an account of the growingpopularity of closed-circuit television surveil-lance in British rural towns and villages togetherwith the local politics of parochialism and socialexclusion it has engendered.Achapter by RichardYarwood documents the contrasting forms ofcommunity policing and partnership workingemerging in rural England, Australia, and NewZealand.

Part Two continues the interpretative slantdeveloped in the final chapters of Part One, focus-ing more on the targets of policing: the criminalbehaviour, deviant individuals, and groups as con-stituted and rendered visible by the law. MichaelWoods stresses the importance of the 1994 Crimi-nal Justice and Public Order Act (CJPOA) inlegitimating who has rightful presence in ruralBritain. In re-examining his own research of the1990s and 2000s, Woods notes the highly negoti-ated nature of protests after the introduction ofthe CJPOA. Two chapters by Keith Halfacree andZoë James consider the plight of gypsies andtravellers in the British countryside in the contextof the CJPOA. Both are pessimistic about thechances of any sustained reconciliation betweenthese maligned groups and British rural commu-

nities. Adrian Barton, David Storey, and ClairePalmer explore the incidence of drug use in ruralBritain, noting how rurality affects the efficacy ofdrug rehabilitation agencies. Similarly, GretaSquire and Aisha Gill discuss the often hiddencrime of domestic violence. Wildlife crime isconsidered in Scotland (Nicholas Fyfe and AlisonReeves) and in Africa in relation to the ivory trade(A. Lemieux). The penultimate chapter by Don-nermeyer, Barclay, and Daniel Mears focuses onagricultural crime in Australia and in the USA,while Matthew Henry’s chapter on the institu-tional dynamics associated with New Zealandagriculture’s transition away from a productivistethos completes the volume.

Rural Policing and Policing the Rural is aworthy addition to the rural studies literature. Itreviews the current state of rural crime researchand sets an agenda for future endeavours inwhich the space and place of rural regions iscentral.

Neil ArgentUniversity of New England

Australia

Endogenous Regional Development:Perspectives, Measurement and EmpiricalInvestigationRobert Stimson, Roger Stough, and PeterNijkamp (eds), Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, UKand Northampton, MA, USA, 2011, xii +337 pp,ISBN 978 1 8498 0456 1 (hardback), Stg£89.95.

This book has an impressive heritage. It is one ina series produced following the invitation-onlyTinbergen Institute Annual Conference and ispublished in the Edward Elgar series New Hori-zons in Regional Science. That heritage ensuresthat its contents are innovative, timely andempirically grounded. It draws upon the work of23 authors, drawn from eight countries. Unlikesome edited collections, the book has referencesat the end of each chapter and a comprehensiveindex.

Its structure is as its subtitle indicates: sixchapters that are perspectives on the idea ofendogenous development, followed by twopapers outlining approaches to measure it, andfinally seven chapters exploring applications atdifferent scales. As the empirical chaptersunfold, the spatial focus shifts between countries,regions, metropolitan areas, small towns, and

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municipalities. That diversity in spatial focus isin one sense a strength, providing ideas applied atseparate scales; however, changes in spatialframeworks can make it hard to maintain aconsistent intellectual engagement with theunderlying idea.

The opening chapters provide an economist, ageographer, a planner, and a sociologist with theopportunity to outline the idea of endogenousdevelopment. This idea has emerged from newthinking on the way the economic growthprocess works across space, in particular in theway it touches regions and cities. The extensionof growth models, by Romer (1986), to includeknowledge as a factor of production provided astarting point. These scholars opened up theinsight that the local expression of the knowledgevariable in growth might come to depend uponcharacteristics of communities. Hence, there hasbeen considerable thought given to the way thatdimensions such as leadership, entrepreneurship,and institutions influence the economic develop-ment process. This thought has subsequentlybeen expressed in bodies of research aroundlabels such as ‘learning regions’ and ‘creativecities’.

I have long wondered whether researchersinterpreting and applying some of these ideashave been fully aware of the importance of theimpact of population and economic size. In par-ticular I have been concerned about the promisethat some of these ideas are seen to offer small,rural, and isolated areas. My concern is based onan understanding of the location of what mightbe seen as the ‘raw material’ of the knowledgevariable. I believe this can be seen in the spatialconcentration of Research and Developmentactivity of both private firms and government-funding agencies, along with the location of theworld’s leading research universities (countedeither in simple terms just through their location,or via analyses of the publication of scientificresearch by their staff). These all confirm that theincorporation of knowledge into the productionprocess is most likely to occur in globally sig-nificant metropolitan regions, surrounded byhigh-income communities and usually located onbusy air transport networks. In turn, the applica-tion of this research to production is either coin-cident with these patterns, or when it is appliedelsewhere it is by actors coming from thesemajor regions. A model outlined by Acs andSanders (Chapter 8) builds on earlier work thatshowed knowledge spillovers between knowl-edge creators and knowledge commercialisers

are geographically localised (p. 154). They refinethat observation by incorporating knowledgespillovers, labour mobility, intermediate firms,infrastructure, transport and transaction costs.Two new propositions confirm innovativeactivities will cluster geographically (p. 155).Thatchenkery and Heineman-Pieper (Chapter 6)illustrate those observations with an enrichmentof Saxenian’s work on Silicon Valley, showinghow the clustering of firms and individuals pointto the importance of social networks as a factor inSilicon Valley entrepreneurship (p. 93).

That means the potential for the small or therelatively isolated community in the generationand application of knowledge is likely to belimited (as is the transferability of the SiliconValley model). In turn, it suggests this book isproviding some powerful evidence on the contin-ued importance of concentrations of economicactivity. Some of the results of research in thisbook point that way.

Taylor and Plummer (Chapter 3), after inter-views in some suburban fringe metropolitan andnon-metropolitan regions in Australia, found‘human capital being exported to major metro-politan regions across the country, with thisexodus being seen as normal’ and ‘there was arecognition that the education system was unableto inspire a region’s human capital to be enter-prising’ (p. 51). When Stimson and Stough(Chapter 7) ran an innovative measure of endog-enous growth in New South Wales, they foundonly seven municipalities outside a Sydney megaregion plus Canberra had ‘positive strong’growth. Three of these were clustered on thenorth coast, an acknowledged tourism develop-ment area (p. 124). Shifting their focus to the USMetropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs), theyseparated the MSAs into three size groups andtested the statistical strength of a model measur-ing regional leadership, regional institutions, andregional entrepreneurship (along with resourceendowments and market fit). The R-square value(0.77) for the larger cities was more than doublethat for the smaller cities (p. 136). Camagni andCapello (Chapter 11) present an impressive arrayof maps of regional change in Europe followingthe use of a new aggregative view of the eco-nomic development process, adding social andterritorial dimensions to the established macro-economic and sectoral variables. They find theirmeasure of ‘territorial capital’ (social overheadcapital, a spillover measure, entrepreneurship,and creativity) provides an important contribu-tion to regional growth in ‘some peripheral areas’

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but also in most Pentagon regions (London,Paris, Milan, Munich, and Hamburg) (p. 228).Arita et al. (Chapter 9) show foreign-ownedR&D centres in China are concentrated inBeijing, Shanghai, and the Pearl River Deltaand its adjoining Jiangsu province (p. 170),summarise Indian experience with reference toMumbai, New Delhi, Bangalore, and Calcutta(p. 174), and Indonesian outcomes withinJakarta, Bandung, and Surabaya (p. 176).

Hence, endogenous growth, which draws inparticular on what Taylor and Plummer call ‘alocal enterprising culture’(p. 52) has some impor-tant spatial constraints in its creation (the locationof key institutions), its dispersal, (limited by themovement of skilled people), and local applica-tion (requiring links back to ‘head office’). Thatunderstanding suggests we need very differentways of addressing the needs of currently slowgrowth and isolated regions if they are to benefitfrom knowledge as a force in economic growth.

REFERENCERomer, P.M., 1986: Increasing Returns and Long Run

Growth. Journal of Political Economy 98, 1002–1037.

Kevin O’ConnorUniversity of Melbourne

Australia

Dubai Amplified: The Engineering of a PortGeographyS.J. Ramos, Ashgate, Surrey, UK and Burling-ton, USA, 2010, xi + 172 pp, ISBN 978 1 40940822 2 (hardback), Stg£50.00.

As an exemplar of rapid post-World War II devel-opment, the discourse of Dubai’s urbanisationserves as a valuable platform to interrogate thesuccesses and pitfalls of the ‘globalised moment’for cities. Stephen J. Ramos provides a compre-hensive account of Dubai’s ambitious develop-ments within this framework of globalisation toreveal the effects of entrepreneurially guideddevelopment agenda. Through a chronologicalapproach, Ramos critically traces the develop-ment of the city from its historical foundationsthrough to the ramifications of the recent globalfinancial crisis.

The book is arranged in three distinct sec-tions beginning with a broad overview of thetheoretical underpinnings in the Introductionand in Chapter 1. This provides a useful lens

through which the author explores the develop-ment history of Dubai. Specifically, to positionthe Dubai narrative, the opening chapters drawon seminal literatures in urban planning andglobalisation theory. This serves well to providea sound intellectual context but also to endorsethe primary thesis of the book that infrastruc-ture is pivotal in leading urban development.For Ramos, ‘infrastructure’ is expanded toencompass a set of objects, networks, and ser-vices that can be replicated and amplified.Rather than focusing on the more abstractedprocesses of globalised flows, the author arguesthat examining the more tangible, physicalimpacts of these flows on specific geographiessuch as infrastructure development providesimportant dialogue in ‘contemporary urbandevelopment and regional competition’ (p. 5).As such, this perspective of ‘infrastructure first’in examining the spatial manifestations ofglobal flows proves somewhat complementaryto more abstract readings of the impacts of glo-balisation such as the ‘networked city’ (see, forexample, Castells, 1989).

The second section encompasses Chapters 2,3, and 4, which focus specifically on Dubai’sdevelopment history from the emirate’s originsthrough its rapid expansion as a result of oildiscovery, audacious infrastructural investment,and international ambitions to become globallycompetitive. It is this chronological retracing ofthe history of Dubai that is perhaps the mostnoteworthy contribution. From the arrival of theAl-Maktoum ruling family to Dubai Creek in1836, its development as a key trading port, tothe inauguration of the world’s tallest building,Burjal-Khalifa, the book provides a contempo-rary and valuable reference point for understand-ing urbanisation in the gulf region. Moreover, itsuccessfully contributes to the dialogue of port-based development and may provide usefullessons for port geographies struggling to keeppace with the competitive requirements of themaritime industry. In addition to the detailed andlogical narrative, the text is further enriched bysupporting archival material, maps, and field-work annotations throughout.

While the development of the world’s largestport certainly precipitated the rapid growth of thecity, the aforementioned chapters also detail theinception and associated effects of other projectssimilar in scale. These include the Jebel AliAirport (see Chapter 4), intricate highway net-works, and the world-renowned artificial islands.Drawing on these significant developments, the

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338 Geographical Research • August 2012 • 50(3):335–341

© 2012 The AuthorsGeographical Research © 2012 Institute of Australian Geographers