Education Right 1

EDUCATION RIGHT: A SOCIAL JUSTICE EDUCATION

GROUNDED THEORY IN ITALIAN COMPULSORY SCHOOLS.

Luca Ghirotto

Ph.D. Candidate

Department of Cognitive Science and Education

University of Trento

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CHAPTER 1 – FOREWORD

The Guarantee of The Education Right

Some years ago, I worked as substituting teacher

within several Italian middle schools. There was in one

of my classrooms, a pupil coming from the East-Europe.

He was smart and bright. He has been arrived in Italy

lately. He was used to raise the hands and make me pay

attention to him anytime I would say words, whose

meaning he did not know. He was used, also, to interrupt

me many times during the flow of the speech. “But,

teacher! What does this word mean?”

After once I said out loud: “Stop, now! Stop

interrupting me asking the meanings!” I have been

thinking about what happened for long. I had the

impression that something was not so right. I promised

to my self to talk about it with the pupil. After

several days, I was again in the same classroom. I

pronounced a very difficult word, knowing that he would

never heard it before. He did not raise the hand.

Therefore, I asked him: “Do you know what it means?” He

answered: “No, I don’t”. I replied: “I know that I told

you to not interrupt me. However, you know what I tell

you this time? Raise your hand and always ask the

meaning of unfamiliar words. If not the risk is that you

will never learn them. Moreover, do it with me, even if

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I am tired, or I look at you badly. Do not care about.

Asking things you do not know or understand is your

right.” I noticed that other children, among the

Italians, did not know the meaning of certain words, but

only the foreign student continued to ask their meaning.

The foreign student in class has become a phenomenon

that is increasingly back. 574,133 foreign students are

enrolled in the school year 2007/2008. Represent 6.4% of

the total, but in some provinces in central and northern

Italy reaches record concentrations up to 14%. 191

nationalities are represented 1.

The concentration is mostly in the regions of centre

and north of Italy, some regions are evidently

preferred: in Emilia Romagna, students with no Italian

citizenship are 11.8% of the whole studentship, in

Umbria are 11.4 %, in Lombardy and Veneto are more than

10%. There are classrooms with more than half of foreign

students, as well as “illegal” students, i.e. children

of illegal immigrants who have full right and duty to

participate in the Italian school system, as was

established by Italian law.

Behind my nuisance, a feeling caused by continuous

interrupting as well as what is going on underneath the

modalities of acceptance and management of foreigners in

the classroom lurks the danger that the education right

of foreigners in Italy would be only a facade and not

the substantial implementation of the law. The Italian

Ministry of Education bureau, in fact, recognized as an

alarming issue, the lack of regular school attendance

among students with non-Italian citizenship. This is due

both to difficulties related to the lack of knowledge of

the Italian language and to problems of social

integration. On average, 42.5% of foreign pupils are not

1 CENSIS 2008.

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in good standing with their studies as the age increases

their discomfort in attending school.

The social education right is fully guaranteed

whenever a student, regardless of nationality, language,

culture, arrives, accomplishing the obligation school to

the end of curricula. The students must have chosen

their education without any external influence, such as

economic needs, for example, or discrimination of any

kind. The Italian Ministry of Education argues that the

phenomenon of foreign pupils abandoning school is due to

difficulties linked to the lack of knowledge of Italian

as second language and problems of social integration. A

question would arise: who teaches Italian to immigrants?

The school, that is the place of the materialisation of

the constitutional education right, is, at the same

time, the institution, which teaches Italian and,

because of lack of knowledge of Italian, encourages

foreign students to choose the road of abandonment. The

same could be said about the other cause denounced, the

social inclusion.

The current situation (while this chapter is

written) is cause for great concern about the schools’

destiny in Italy, and about what the school, on the

light of political and economic reforms to be

implemented, would be no longer able to do for the

weakest sectors of society. It is news of October 15 th

2008: The Chamber approved a law-proposal about Italian

school system. La Lega especially, a right-wing party

extremely critic about the presence of immigrants in the

country, commits the government to “revise the system

for access of foreign students to the school of any

level, encouraging their application, after passing the

test and assessment of specific evidence.” In practice,

immigrants who do not pass the test for admission must

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attend separate classes, called ‘bridging classes’, in

order to learn Italian, before the real admission into

the regular classes.” (Source: www.repubblica.it ).

In the Chapter 2, I shall introduce the theme of

social rights on the light of theoretical suggestions

given by Social Justice Education (SJE). Social rights

are the quality’s index of the policy of a country; they

feed of the idea of justice and do not derive from the

economical competitiveness. What is happening today in

Italy with undermines with power never seen before any

possibility to ensure to everyone, but especially to

those who start from at the most disadvantaged

conditions, the education right. Already last summer

teachers were complaining about the cuts of staff, the

inability of schools to have linguistic and cultural

mediators who could teach Italian to the immigrant

students in order to the better social integration

possible. In Milan, for example, supporting teachers

were not hired. In the city and province of Milan, there

are only 94 language facilitators for 46 thousand

students. Only 5 years ago, the facilitators were 200.

The erosion of the public sphere is giving the school a

face less and less comfortable and less emancipatorie

for those who would need “something more” to keep up

with others. Nevertheless, the majority proposed

bridging classes. They could not say “separate classes”

or “differential” because the Law No. 270 of 1982 and

Law No. 517 of 1977, have abolished the differential

classes provided by Articles 11 and 12 of Law No. 1859

of December 31 st 1962, with the choice to invest

curricular teachers of the responsibility of all pupils,

even if arrived during the year. They want to go back

more than 40 years, fading the chance to see the

education right fully guaranteed. The only solution is

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using teachers for implementing educational projects

aimed to carry foreign students to the other students’

level, with the help of public authorities, whose

choices depend on the political climate. Moreover, not

all political climates are to help foreigners. Another

example: in Padua schools ethnically mixed classes are a

reality, with peaks of 37-38% of foreign students in

neighbourhoods ‘Arcella’ and ‘Forcellini’ - where there

is a huge numbers of immigrant families. In particular,

in middle school ‘Briosco’ the percentage of kids -

Africans and Asians, especially - is among the highest

ones. A percentage that in some sections ultimately

raises the concerns and protests from Italian parents,

sustained by the education regional authority, Elena

Donazzan of An, in favour of “ethnic quotas” now

advocated by the Lega in Parliament. (Source: La

Repubblica of October 15 th ’08).

In the Chapter 2, also I shall discuss the

characteristics of SJE thanks to which all those

involved in education may understand why the recent

political reforms of the school, the Public

administration and Social Services, will open a wound

and a crisis that difficultly will be healed within a

just democratic country.

The SJE draws concepts and notions as social change,

empowerment, acceptance of differences and guaranteeing

the education right. From a theoretical point of view, I

shall outline the contact between these concepts and the

theory of justice, to propose a definition that gives

broader space to education as a resource of a country to

determine a fair development. It will be introduced the

capabilities’ approach of Amartya Sen (1992, 1999) and

Martha Nussbaum (1999; 2002, 2003a; 2003b), an approach

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that gives reasons of the foundations of both the

political and educational choices of a country.

I will start from the concept of democracy and the

relationship that exists between it and the education

and social rights because it has always been one of my

research interests and reflection.

What is certain is that finding a place, a moment,

event, or phenomenon useful to study that relationship

was not so easy. I tried to make clear first to me what

might mean democracy within the educational debate.

Moreover, the SJE is the best suitable critical and

theoretical frame for the theme.

However, the theoretical chapter will change the SJE

with some appropriate amends. While the “classical” SJE

is within the critical theories in education (Dewey,

1916/2000, Freire, 2004, 2006; Gadotti, 1996; Macedo,

1995), my references include the political theory of

Rawls (1971/2008, 1996, 2001), and the liberal outlook,

including suggestions for the construction of the

justice by Nussbaum.

Education as A Research-Driven Science

In chapter 3, I shall address issues concerning the

methodology and the method of the empirical research

whose results will be presented in the following

chapter. In addition to a substantial and theoretical

branch, the thesis also consists of a methodological and

empirical part. The importance of outlining the

methodological path of a research, after a theoretical

chapter, was driven, first, by the fact that it is

necessary, in education, considering the empirical

research as a means through which educators and teachers

may build contents and give meaning to educational

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theories. On the other hand, is by the theory that one

can make a qualitative research meaningful.

The internal consistency of the specific reference,

the pedagogy, suggests this. Indeed, it is essential to

emphasize that education is a science that grows on

multiple sources of knowledge. According to Bertolini

(1988/2002), the pedagogy is an empirical, eidetic, and

practical science. It is because the empirical basis of

its knowledge is the experience of the educational

relationship within a context and of research. It is

also eidetic because, thanks to its philosophical

nature, it goes beyond the contextual to abstraction of

general qualities from the experience. In addition, it

is finally a practical science because education not

only takes care of “spiritual” issues but also tends to

return to practice in an informed and renewed way

through the knowledge acquired by empirical research,

educational experience, and theories. In this sense, the

pedagogy is as interdisciplinary and multi-methodical

science that uses the research’s methods with which

other disciplines have a longer tradition.

The disciplinary point of view plays a key role,

therefore, for the choice of methodologies and research

methods. I will choose a complex methodology, rather

than a reductionist one, to give reason of the

complexity of the studied phenomenon, and because the

pedagogy takes in account complex and systemic issues,

about development of human beings that it should not

seek to reduce and simplify.

Each discipline has a unique character of science

because among them there are differences of

perspectives, history, and objectives. The way in which

you look at a phenomenon may be scientific or not,

depends on the rigor with which the discipline comes to

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results. The pedagogy, according to a phenomenological

interpretation (Bertolini, 2001), can be called

“science” if it is capable to found results in a

scientific way. A phenomenon may be under analysis and

research of a psychologist, an economist, or an

anthropologist. The phenomenon of my doctoral research,

for example, can be designed according to different

disciplinary approaches: psychology, sociology,

politics, and law. Each of them could bring meanings to

the phenomenon. What is called the “ proprium ” of each

influences those meanings. Every discipline is like a

point of view, which starts from a “ proprium ” and

underlies on two different levels:

- On the quantitative level, any discipline “has to

be understood in a materialistic way; no research

objects is comprehensible as a whole, but always

according to a particular spatial and temporal

perspective” (Bertolini, 2005, p. 106);

- On the qualitative one, the “ proprium ” has to be

seen “in a non-materialistic dimension […] we could

understand it using the concept or the perspective

of the senses or meanings that are given by the

researcher or the scientific community,

intentionally or unintentionally” (Bertolini, 2005,

p.106).

For what concerns to education, defining its

proprium is complex, because education requires social

sciences strongly interdisciplinary perspective. There

are many interconnections between the various factors

that constitute the reality as well as there are many

interconnections between different sciences. This would

not mean that knowledge could not take education and

pedagogy as science. At the same time, this would not

mean that they could not have their own place within the

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research methodology. Education is not a science because

it holds an object of study in a hegemonic way but

because of their specific point of view on phenomenon.

Education is an original human experience

(Bertolini, 1999, 2002, 2001). Human beings are in the

world subjected of time and change. This change is

Education only if intentionally driven. The “ proprium ”

of education lies in the effort of rationalizing the

educational field as the original human experience (and

therefore universal) whose characteristics constitute

the development and growth paths, educational projects,

and institutions. The educational events are

“constitutively projected for the future because their

main concepts refer to change and transformation”

(Bertolini, 2005, p. 115). As E. Stein states:

“condition to make educating possible is the

evolutionary nature of human beings, who do not entry

as complete individuals in the existence [...] they have

in front a wide range of possibilities and the

capability of a free cooperation in choosing between

these possibilities; this could make the self-

determination possible and necessary” (Stein, 2000, p.

53).

We understand, finally, how the disciplinary point

of view and its “ proprium ”, in this case the educational

experience, lead researcher not to seek causal laws in

the basic educational phenomenon, but rather the meaning

of experiences, motivations in a evolutionary change. It

is not, however, only a description of a phenomenon but

also a study and deep understanding of possible ways to

change the same phenomenon.

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What is happening within the Compulsory School?

Education, Social Justice , democracy, social rights,

and capabilities. Those are the keywords of this study

about the processes of guaranteeing the education right.

Nevertheless, as mentioned above, in terms of education

and pedagogical aims, I could not support a theory, even

if is highlighting the importance of it for the

education and training contexts. Handling what are the

things that really happen, it is necessary. During

Chapter 2, I shall explain more fully how is possible to

study abstract concepts such as democracy and social

rights. Here, it will be sufficient to say that

democracy is a situation in the same way as education

is. What is the situation that involves the democratic

social education right? This situation is the school

environment, the last termination of the state, which is

committed to increase education and the culture of a

country.

I then will choose a particular event of that

situation as the inclusion of immigrant students,

because this event will make the process related to the

guaranteeing of the education right, particularly

evident.

Following the methodical steps I shall introduce in

the third chapter, I have been constructed a Grounded

Theory (GT) through which I shall not only say that

schools live in a conflict among social rights to be

guaranteed and systematic and political difficulties to

make their intervention effective. Already the

newspapers refer that, for example those articles I

mentioned at the beginning of the introduction. I bring

to the attention the ways this conflict exists,

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outlining the characteristics that are in accordance or

not with what is declared by and what is lived in

schools. This research has as a result a theory I have

named: “ structuring conditions ”. Indeed, what happens in

Italian schools when a foreigner student arrives in the

course of the year? How does the school react and how to

try to secure the education right?

The “structuring of the conditions” explains what

happens in Italian schools regard the phenomenon of

inclusion of immigrant students. This process evolves

according two dynamics: the first is the “sharing of

responsiveness” and the second one is the “structuring

of educational priorities”. These two dynamics explain

what occurs within the teachers’ lived experiences and

within the school as an organization. Sharing the

sensitivity or responsiveness means that the process of

welcoming starts from an attitude that only few teachers

have shown: it is taking the load of educational

projects that tend to guarantee the right to learning

Italian and to construct a well coexistence with all the

others students inside the school. Many teachers are

still deaf towards these issues. For structuring of

priorities, I mean, however, that the processes of

activation are led by a very clear priority given to the

wellbeing of immigrant students, choice that would set

out to build a more effective welcoming and training.

In Chapter 4, I will describe the process of

schools’ activating. These processes have to do with the

arrival of foreigners seen as a problem and not as their

right. In other words, when it becomes a problem then

the school raises the question of ensuring a right. In

addition, not only because increasingly there are

schools with a very high presence of immigrants, but

also because the continuous arrival leads to

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organizational confusion and difficulties to be

remedied.

Does schools guarantee the education right

effectively? If the right is the right to a social

minimum, a foreign child who enters during the year, has

its classroom, is included in school life, like

everyone, then the answer is yes. The right to enrol in

school is given to all but the education right also has

another side that is the fact that at the end of

schooling everyone should have all the skills acquired

to become a citizen. To do this, the school should

provide a very good and improving education to all, not

just the social minimum.

The research reveals that schools lean to ensure not

the education right, a very remote target if the 42.5%

of foreign students are in delay in or abandon training.

Rather, the process through which the school tends to

guarantee the education right is making structural,

shared and of primary importance what would be the

prerequisites of a climate suitable for work. I will

define the prerequisites in the chapter 4: those are the

educational aspect, without which the pure and simple

Italian learning would be insolvent to bridge the gaps.

Furthermore, it would not be possible learning to stay

together, to live in a place educational priorities may

build. Making learners autonomous in language and

sociability is the warranty of the education right.

Moreover, in this context, we would recognise

conditions, which are the responsiveness some teachers

show, and priorities, that from a last minute answer

would become systematic responses to an emergency.

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CHAPTER 2 – SOCIAL JUSTICE EDUCATION AND SOCIAL RIGHTS

Introduction

The Social Justice Educatio n (SJE) is a theoretical

and operational framework developed over the past

decades from considerations of thinkers coming from the

Critical Theory in education and from the pedagogy of

Paulo Freire. The SJE studies educational issues related

to the warranty of human rights, especially social ones,

and reflects critically on the wider political

dimension. Social justice is part of a larger panorama

that includes the theoretical method for managing power,

the concept of justice and social processes aimed at

ensuring social rights. SJE aims to delineate

limitations and educational potentialities of the

concept of justice and social processes implied to

ensure a particular social right, the education right,

particularly in the school.

The key concepts of SJE are, therefore, those of

social rights, justice and democracy. Of each of these

points, I will deal with the implications for education.

I shall outline a theoretical identification of theme of

the research whose results are set out in Chapter 4.

The first theme is that of social rights. The SJE is

the general theory of social rights and their assurance

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processes in education, as rights to develop the full

potential of human personality.

The SJE draws the issue of rights and therefore

their warranty. I shall delineate how justice has been

founded by liberals’ thought and, within this frame, how

the rights can be seen as related with education. The

rights I will talk about are the social rights and, in

this case, the education right, which substantiates

education from the perspective of social justice. I will

show how these rights must be guaranteed regardless of

formal nationality’s issues, through founding SJE and

following the capabilities’ approach.

The rights can be divided into civil, political, and

social rights. The civil rights relate to individual

liberties, equality to secure through a suitable

political system, private property and have a fair

trial. The political rights are those related to the

political management of a state: are the rights of

citizenship as the right to vote, the right to

participate in decision-making processes. While

individuals possess civil and political rights as the

manner in which a state, a nation run the company

together, all individuals possess social rights because

they belong to humanity, as implemented by the Universal

Declaration of Human Rights of the United Nations.

The SJE accepts the lesson that the rights are not

natural bodies, and therefore have no foundation in an

objective moral order or, rather, in a particular

ideology. The rights, according to the SJE, are the

result of a particular culture and a particular time,

were built to pursue and guarantee certain purposes. In

education, this means that, very generally, rights are

inherent to the realization of human happiness

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(Bertolini, 2003), of a good quality of life (Mortari,

2008).

The rights are generally the result of a policy for

the human being. That policy comes from a favourable

cultural substrate. Social rights are now as political

and educational objectives, now as boundaries. Where

these rights are not being lived, guaranteeing them

would mean making choices and educational policies

towards the direction indicated by the rights

themselves. However, they are also boundaries over which

the policy would turn into something not very dissimilar

from fascism. To avoid this, people have written them.

Nevertheless, even if the rights are written on

documents signed by all the countries of the world, this

does not mean that they are applied and guaranteed.

Moreover, the SJE that questions the debate on human

rights shows how those same rights must be reachable for

people to put them into practise (see Dahl, 2006).

Social rights are, therefore, the directions of

intentional coexistence among individuals. As they are

not a given, they are always in different ways

prosecuted: their achievement is related to time and

space and this gives them a never-ending need of gaining

meaning for the human life. The risk is the loss of

their axiological charge.

Declining in reality social, rights have the

function of determining which political choices are

socially positive and lead to greater well-being of life

of each. However, as the rights are also culturally

imposed limitations of politics limits, they

discriminate choices and power management.

It is lately experiencing a socio-political

phenomenon that would have to alert all those involved

in education: after having lived "a gradual expansion of

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scope and specification of subjects to which rights were

addressed" (Tarozzi, 2008b, p. 122), democracies are

operating progressive limitations (Vitale, 2004). In a

cultural climate that restricts the rights to certain

forms of citizenship, one cannot but note how we are

approaching a situation of great conflict between

rights. In particular, in seeking ways to limit forms

and users of rights, are decreasing categories of people

can enjoy them. In Italy, for example, only the citizens

have civil rights, while all have social rights

according to the Italian Constitution, along the

position of international right declaration, upheld by

the state. However, let us take the right of housing:

only because of living in Italy, Italians as well as

non-Italians may have rent controlled housing, because

this is a social right that everyone can enjoy. The same

thing is for the education right and health service.

Regarding people without Italian citizenship, very

problematic category in social rights guaranteeing

processes that shows in every country of the west of the

world insufficient attention, the mature democracies

could provide social rights only to those who possess

civil rights 2. Social rights are going to light a great

social, cultural and political conflict because they are

turning into fields of social exclusion of persons

already weak if compared to those who enjoy the rights

from owning a nationality of a Western and democratic

country. When then social rights are no longer proposed

as defence of social exclusion of weak people, it is

necessary a critical stance that takes care of the issue

of human rights: the Social Justice . There are not

rights without Social Justice.

2 From Corriere della Sera, August 18 th ’08.

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The migration’s phenomenon, which has always been

present in human history, has lately become more than

significant. Within this phenomenon, every multicultural

society should pay attention to human rights. The

education right is a precondition for the education of

the capability of each individual, but if this

individual has come from abroad, the system of universal

principles fights with the political systematization of

a country.

The second major issue will be democracy that positively

influences the activity of SJE and ensures a full

understanding of its transformative nature. The

management of power in the West countries is democratic,

and I shall develop a particular meaning of democracy to

single out how it may interface with education. Social

justice, particularly, as regards the idea of justice,

is influenced by a democracy meant not only as power

management, but also as a set of attitudes and

behaviours related to specific situations. In the case

of the school, I shall face the limits and constraints

on which the democratic structure of a country should be

vigilant. According SJE, democracy serves as a major

political and cultural container of many countries whose

guiding principles are the rights and their effective

assurance is the shared and imposed bounder. In teaching

and education focusing on what is the premise for a

"right" education and teaching is crucial to improve the

potential and capabilities of individuals. This premise

is the education right. The democratic country have been

prepared an educational system specifically to increase

the level of welfare and happiness of their citizens.

This educational system is the school, an institution

whose full implementation is in the social right to

education. Why school? "At issue is that getting

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education is a matter of social justice, and that

schooling is a site for state intervention and public

policy." (Walker, 2006, p. 164). Therefore, schools are

the privileged place for studying SJE as political

democratic choices and processes for increasing justice

have their consequences directly on schools. In this

sense, SJE and democracy are interwoven with each other.

Social Justice Education (SJE)

The Social Justice is what moves the public opinion

to criticise the status quo starting from some

anthropological and ethical assumptions, often implicit,

that refer to what is meant by justice. In other words,

the Social Justice would be a set of theories of justice

and social goodness that outlines an idea of a human

being for discriminating and understand the right and

wrong, the good and bad, about political and educational

choices. Bates (2006) points out that the Social Justice

deals with three main components: the issue of

distribution of goods, the issue of recognition of

cultural values in relation to justice and the

possibility of political participation. The link,

according to the author, with education is not hard to

find when problems and difficulties which these three

components experience are recognized. Education should

bring solutions.

In Italy, SJE has not yet been introduced because

other theoretical perspectives have used its theoretical

references and because has not been collected into a

single theoretical panorama. The author of reference of

SJE is above all John Dewey (1969, 1998, 2000) and his

activism in education from an American pragmatist point

of view. The SJE would resize the optimism that he shows

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when he reflects on society and on the school as common

social identity construction environment.

Toward society, the SJE has traditionally been

"critical" if not sometimes pessimistic about the ways

in which the society operates in schooling’s settings.

In Europe, Althusser (1997), for example, has had great

resonance with its ideological state apparatuses in

determining a look of suspicion about the school. In

addition, everywhere Paulo Freire (2004, 2006), well-

known inspiration for SJE, has competition in this

direction. In the Anglo-Saxon countries many articles

published in this last decade cite Freire as the main

inspiration. The Critical Pedagogy (Freire, 2004;

Gadotti, 1996; Giroux, 2003), in fact, has provided: “a

strong foundation of critical thinking for SJE and has

encouraged an anti-oppressive social critique that

includes an examination of issues of power and privilege

in systems of education […] Critical pedagogy also has

been one of the main influences in SJE’s commitment to

social change through personal responsibility. […] SJE

has learned from black feminist pedagogy that there is

no hierarchy of oppressions, and thus all social

identities and perspectives are important. Although this

is not an exhaustive list of the theoretical influences

on SJE, it does help explain why social justice

education has such a strong leaning toward social

change, student empowerment, and the analysis of systems

of power and oppression. These philosophical and

theoretical influences all make social justice education

a dynamic educational approach and a source of hope and

possibility in our schools.” (Hackman & Rauscher, 2004,

p. 115). There are many overlaps with the Critical

Education in terms of attention to what determines the

context of educational processes, the social sphere, and

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power relations (Giroux, 2003; Gadotti, 1996), which is

set within the human interactions. However, the SJE is

not just for those who have approached the post-

structuralist, post-modern, and neo-Marxist critical

thinking in education. The SJE has a strong

transformative power but does not forget the reality

that exists primarily in its phenomenic materiality. The

reality is for sure socially constructed, but not

necessarily, it would hide power’s dynamics. There is

not a general criticism towards liberism, even if SJE

looks at the market with suspicion (Bates, 2006).

The focus of interest of SJE that I take into

consideration here is not so much on the dynamics of

power, the maintenance of privileges, dynamics that are

hidden and disguised, and that the researcher should

reveal and fight. I do not think that always there would

be power issues underneath educational relationships. It

is also true that the power exists in education and is

not in itself bad but rather should be directed to

better education. Certainly, I should not be naive and

say that the power does not fascinate teachers,

educators and principals of any school. Nevertheless, no

one can even argue that education always hide processes

of enslavement. As what education would be, hides from

learners, the Critical Education and Critical Pedagogy

have a sceptical attitude towards reality and education.

However, the SJE, to which I refer here, is much

more cautious in this regard. It is primarily a

criticism starting from the meaning of justice, rather

than from the concept of oppression. Precisely as

education is based on processes of social justice and

tends to regulate and monitor the educational objectives

in the direction of greater justice for all, the SJE can

not but start from a theory of justice, also to ensure

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that the reflection will focus on reality, starting from

the concept of justice. Of course, everyone reads the

reality in different ways but this does not mean that

the direction of justice in the educational process

would become something always questionable. Especially

if justice is link to the contingency of an educational

relationship, in which one should find a truth valid and

consistent with the idea of justice: there is not

relativism of the sense of justice but only a

contextualization. In other words, the meaning given to

the term “justice” marks the difference between

education as oppression and education as emancipation.

Among these truths, SJE lists the social right to

education or, better, the guaranteeing of social right

as discriminator of a just education.

Social Rights: Goals for a Just Education

The social rights are a problematic core for the

political dimension of education that should commit to

implement processes by public institutions in order to

guarantee those rights. Among the rights’ list, social

ones are those most vulnerable. While civil and

political rights are guaranteed within public services

by bureaucratic standardized agenda and performance, in

the case of social rights, according to Zolo (1994), the

guaranteeing is tied to social expectations with regard

to politics. In other words, if the civil rights such as

freedom, equality, private property, fair trial are part

of the bureaucratic state, and political rights as the

rights of citizenship, namely the right to vote,

participation in decision-making processes, fall into a

management routine of public affairs, social rights, on

the contrary, are general guidelines that to become de

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facto rights require not only an organizational and

procedural effort but also "contents", and "therefore

consume an unusually high amount of resources" (p. 30).

Social rights have a high degree of randomness and their

warranty is not always factual. For example, we cannot

even think the suspension of the right to private

property (civil law) but it is quite accepted by

everyone the trampling on the right to work, or the

education right. The resources social rights require

depend on the politics, and not just on the economic

availability: in other words, they depend on

discretionary decisions of the government. Furthermore,

"what is the right to health, education and housing is

usually defined in terms of minimum and medium" (Zolo,

1994, p. 31). If the understanding of the education

right is right of all boys and girls in the age for

attending schools, we can say that the education right

is guaranteed: there are rooms for everyone that go in.

Nevertheless, if we understand the education right, as

suggested by SJE, as the attainment of the completion of

the cognitive, emotional, and behavioural pupils’

potential, it is clear that giving a seat and having a

classroom is not but a marginal prerequisite. With this

instance everyone may comprehend how much the social

rights are uncertain. Social rights need the most shared

definition, whose contents are not only about what is

the minimum. The SJE hopes, by contrast, the contents’

maximising of the social right to education, which

should indicate realistic and attainable goals to give

the best possible education.

To date, however, due to the erosion of the public

sphere within national policies, the minimum threshold

is the yardstick for the implementation of processes to

guarantee social rights. Many political scientists have

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shown how effectively increasing social rights could

create a conflict with the free market and the societies

that are based on the free market (Zolo, 1994; Bright,

1994). Social rights and free markets are regulated by

two logics between them difficult to overlap: in fact,

liberalism sponsors individual productivity to the

detriment of fair conditions to be constructed. In a

political situation where the welfare state was

dismantled, and spheres of influence of the public are

narrowing, the education is in great difficulty. Erosion

of the public means fewer guarantees for social rights,

and, anyway, less funds to try to give the institutions

the power and effectiveness that the implementation of

social rights requires.

Another weakness is that social rights are not

acquired once and forever and must be protected from the

dangers of being ineffective and distortion (Bright,

1994). Social rights are part of human rights, set to

limit and direct the management of the power of the

state. They are born during the so-called "Age of

Rights" (Bobbio, 1990) or the "rediscovery of Rights"

(Moro, 2003). The strength and, simultaneously, the

weakness of human rights lies in the fact that they are

not rights given by the law of a state (Tarozzi, 2003).

Nowadays, it seems that the age of the rights would run

out to leave the door open to new national-state

particularities and a certain intolerance towards those

who carry particular needs for their own development and

growth, as childhood, elders or for the nature and the

life experiences, such as temporary or persons with

permanent disabilities. The national identity

strengthening undermines the effectiveness of social

rights. This means that there will be less and less

opportunities for social rights.

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With particular reference to SJE, I shall focus here

on what concerns childhood, a life-time which requires

an adult commitment to safeguard the proper rights and

obligations (Moro, 2003). International law has

recognized children, subjects of education, as human

persons whose specificity has to be protected. Childhood

has its own rights and needs.

Setting the minimum age for child-labour was the

first step to provide a global culture, at least in

Western Europe, of the dignity of children and girls and

for the respect of their human potential. The 1919 was

the year when the International Labour Organization

(ILO) has decided that children must not go to work

before the fourteenth year of age.

It took many years taking the issue of children’s

rights in account at the global level. An event has very

positively oriented the global debate on human rights:

December 10 th 1948 the General Assembly of the United

Nations (UN) approved and proclaimed the Universal

Declaration of Human Rights, the first international act

with a comprehensive list of duties and rights for "all

members of the human family." Like any declaration is

not legally binding but political and cultural, and

essentially sets out the principles to which every

country should refer. However, it underlines the will to

recognize the enormous rights field of influence.

Everyone as human being and not a member of a nation-

state should exercise human rights. In other words,

social rights do not depend on anything else but the

human dignity, not on other variables socially

constructed.

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As regards the education right, it has seen here as

a fundamental right of every human being. Here the

Article 26 paragraphs 1 and 2.

Since 1948, when the General Assembly of UN adopted

its first Declaration of the Rights of Children, you

must wait until November 20 th 1989, when the General

Assembly unanimously adopted the Convention on the

Rights of Children. The Convention 3, compared to the

declaration, is compulsory for states that should ratify

it. It has been inspired by:

- the Declaration of the Rights of the Child of 1959,

- the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,

3 The Convention was incorporated within Italian law by Law n° 176 of May 27 th 1991. The Convention is the international instrument that has obtained the largest number of signatures by go vernments around the world: in this sense the Convention can be seen just as "international law" for the 0-18 age group. The onl y states that have not to date ratified the Convention so far are the United States and Somalia (fonte: http://www.unhchr.ch/pdf/report.pdf ).

Article 26

(1) Everyone has the education right. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit.

(2) Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups, and shall further the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace.

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- the International Covenant on Civil and Political

Rights (Articles 23 and 24),

- the International Covenant on Economic, Social and

Cultural Rights ( art. 10),

- the statutes and relevant instruments of

specialized institutions and international

organizations who were concerned about the welfare

during childhood.

The Article 28 of the Convention is about the

education right. Compared to the Declaration the content

of the education right was better specified: in the case

of the Convention, the definition of education right

does not require only the minimum but also a certain

quality of education. Being trained and educated is not

only a right and duty, compulsory for all. It includes

lines on how to render effective this right: for example

by adopting appropriate measures such as the

introduction of free education, financial aids and

assistance for disadvantaged people, making the

information for lifelong learning initiatives reachable

for all, by encouraging regular school attendance and

reducing dropout rates.

The Italian Constitution foresees not only official

introduction of social rights in the public management

but also the construction of ways of removing obstacles

for the real enjoying of the rights. In fact, it is not

enough declaring a right without removing for the

feasibility of law itself. In the Italian Constitution,

for example, it says:

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The lesson of social rights legislation is fully

implemented here in decreeing equal social dignity of

all citizens. I think it is the second part of it that

presents itself as a critical moment of change of

political decisions that seems to be in tune with SJE.

Indicating as a task the removal of obstacles that

prevent everyone to develop as an autonomous identity in

freedom and equality means assuming an educational and

pedagogical perspective even in the Constitution. In

other words the Italian Constitution is supposed to

implement educational processes in order to give

everyone the opportunity to follow freely social

options. People should not be forced by economic or

socially constructed contingencies to choose a lifestyle

they would not want.

The Article 34 of the Italian Constitution, which

deals with rights to education, merely says that schools

must be open to all, compulsory and free for the first

eight years at least. To make this constitutional

article more significant we should correlate it with the

previous article transcribed. The social right to

education becomes filled with a active sense, involving

social change.

Article 3

All citizens have equal social dignity and are equal before the law, without distinction of sex, race, language, religion, political opinion, of personal and social conditions. It is the responsibility of the Republic to remove obstacles to economic and social order, which, in effect limit the freedom and equality of citizens, prevent the full development of the human person and the effective participation of all workers in the political, economic and social organization of the State.

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Sustaining the education right, after all, means not

only giving free education, and thus eliminating

ignorance and illiteracy, but also promoting the

development of personality, mental and physical

abilities. It means, moreover, preparing students to

assume duties and responsibilities in a free society, in

a spirit of understanding, peace, tolerance, equality

between the sexes and friendship among all peoples,

regardless ethnic, religious, and individual origins.

The Social Justice, then, would be the whole process

of insurance of rights that governments must implement

with the goal of a better life for all (Wringe, 1999).

The Theoretical Foundation of SJE

To understand the extent of SJE is necessary to

refer to the principles that guide the establishing

issues of western societies under the light of the

concept of justice. Indeed, the discourse on theoretical

underpinnings starts from politics and in particular,

from liberalism that has made justice as fairness the

yardstick of a just and liberal society. This theme

serves to find a foundation to the idea of justice,

which, in fact, disciplines the political choices and,

consequently, education. Social rights, which are the

main content of SJE, are influenced by political lines

and by politological thoughts. In fact, the guarantee of

social rights is far from a foregone conclusion. The

weakness of social rights is because their subordination

of the preceding decision of political priorities. Here,

I shall show in which terms we can talk about the

conflict between the application of social rights and

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free market (Zolo, 1994) and how this would affect

education.

The logic underneath SJE and the logic underneath

liberalism are hardly to overlap with each other.

Liberalism, which tends to support the free enterprise,

in the name of individual autonomy and simultaneously

promotes the erosion of public means, as I explained

above, a reduction of strength of social rights. The

impact of liberalism on education has already been

examined elsewhere (Tarozzi, 2005, 2008). Here I mean

not only take the ineffectiveness of the debate on

liberal, but suggest a track that could on the one hand

strengthen the role of education in the form of a

"right" and, secondly, to provide the SJE a new

contribution from that of Critical Education .

The Rawls’ Theory Of Justice And Education

From the SJE point of view, equality is a great

aspiration of human beings to social change. For social

change I mean the destruction of hierarchies and

injustices that do not allow individuals to reach an

appropriate development.

The proper place for this development is the society

where the demands of social rights for all and the

diversity of everyone meet each other. There is a

conflict, then, between a just and equal law and the

connatural differences of each. John Rawls (2001,

1971/2008) tried to resolve this contradiction. However,

the resolution of this incompatibility has determined a

certain level of inattention to the notion of

difference. This contrast does not seem, in fact, be

solved as “is the equality that should ensure diversity”

(Callari Galli, 1995, p. 72), especially when the

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visibility of diversity burst under the gaze of all

(Tarozzi, 2005). This visibility comes from several

critical contemporary issues like the community, the

immigrants, the indigenousness, minorities, women,

environment, etc. Those issues are challenging the

concept of justice.

The foundation of the concept of justice, finds,

however, in John Rawls the most influential

contribution. He, in fact, aimed to overcome

utilitarianism as a regulative idea of political action

and public institutions and tried to construct a theory

that expresses the public political reasoning shared by

citizens of a well-ordered society (Chan, 2005).

Furthermore, Rawls is still influencing political

liberal thought and from his works, thinkers keep

grasping ideas for underlining what can be understood by

the term justice in politics and to understand within

which limitations, from a liberal point of view, it is

reasonable to accept the coercion of the rule of law on

citizens. Since the SJE implies justice, or rather a

sense of justice are to determining the goodness of

educational choices, we understand, also, how it is

linked to a wider theoretical panorama, political

philosophy and political justice deals extensively with.

And in speeches around the justice in politics are also

thoughts and ways of interpreting education.

According to Rawls, Social Justice is a set of

principles that provides a method to distribute not only

rights and duties within the institutions of society

(Rawls, 1971/2008, p. 26) but also goods and resources.

Rawls resumed a theory of social contract in a liberal

understanding, where the emphasis is on the individual

and on her freedom. In the examination of Rawls, the

contractors of the social contract that leads to

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coexistence among individuals, are thought of as adults

and fully capables: Rawls poses a fictitious normality

in a well-ordered society in which the individual,

anthropologically cooperative (Nussbaum, 2002;

Papastephanou, 2005) is the prerequisite for putting

justice as equitable distribution of primary goods.

Rawls identifies freedom, opportunity, income,

wealth, and respect for self (Rawls, 1971/2008) as the

indispensable and essential goods. Being free, having an

opportunity to self-directed change, possessing a

certain level of wealth and respect of individual

autonomy are what extent a just society. The differences

among individuals are not considered significant

because, according to Rawls, they, if they exist, are

designed for the benefit of a majority. The coexistence,

in fact, was conceived as a social contract or an

association of individuals on the basis of mutual

benefit between the contracting parts (Nussbaum, 2002).

In other words, inequalities would be combined in a way

that is reasonably expected to benefit each (Rawls,

1971/2008).

Then, within this anthropological frame, the same

Rawls would admit that his theory of justice can not

comprehend some issues (Rawls, 1996) that are the issue

of persons with disabilities, of justice in

transnational level, of political behaviour towards

nature and animals and the future of young generations

(see Nussbaum, 2007). These issues may be included in a

broader question that the theory of Rawls fails

satisfactorily to think: the issue of diversity or of

bringing diversities in all physical, mental, cultural,

and institutional areas. Just in theoretical fiction

that Rawls uses to pursue an agreement on justice,

cannot be fully explain the social dynamics that tend to

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cut or even eliminate cultural and interpersonal

differences. Those differences that each person has from

birth, not chosen and unintended, hinder the enjoyment

of rights and justice, in terms posed by Rawls. The

differences, in fact, would not allow anyone to enjoy

the same freedom of constructing a individual

existential project. The regulative idea is the

fundamental equality of all citizens, regardless of

ethnicity, culture, religion, sex, and wealth. This,

Rawls defines as the first principle of justice

(1971/2008) says that having a different language or a

body in condition of dependency or being a woman should

not be a disadvantage, if this works for the benefit of

all.

The emphasis on autonomy and individual freedom in

choosing the opportunities of life, makes the use of

education in Theory of Justice (1971/2008) only

tangential, because education is one of the exclusively

individual priorities. The educational principle of

neutrality, though, seems anything but neutral.

Assigning, in fact, equal opportunities for citizens who

are not equal, as Rawls would want, is a step towards

making education unequal (Tarozzi, 2005) and the sense

of the social right to education useless.

However, the same Rawls does not respect the liberal

neutrality while proposes a theory of justice because it

suggests, perhaps hidden, even education that would

follow the idea of right and the idea of individual. In

this way, we would educate a ideal citizen, or "normal".

This fictive person to be educated would lie in an

unreal main stream, even when Rawls notes that not only

formal education plays a key role in disseminating the

principles of justice among citizens, but the same

policy conception, that is underneath a model of

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constitutional democracy, plays an educational role

(Tarozzi, 2008b). The first problem that challenges this

kind of anthropology is that education is a human

imperative, connatural to human beings (Bertolini,

2002). Education is also a public event because it can

only happen in a relationship between at least two

people (Bertolini, 1993, 2001b, 2002; Mortari, 2002;

Iori, 2000). So a partnership of objectives, values and

choices is inscribed in educational relationship such

that you can not even talk about neutrality in political

ideas. In fact, a teacher teaches, consciously or not,

with the idea of human being and citizen in her mind.

Moreover, if the inequalities and disadvantages of the

starting condition of people are given by nature and

citizens cannot do but accept this, it becomes necessary

to consider the distribution of natural advantages as a

property. In other words, inequalities are thought of as

natural and not as social constructed situation that

depends on human activity. In this case, education,

which is not considered an important social good, should

not help but take note of the natural distribution and

accept.

It cannot be surely, in terms of SJE, accepted this

position on education. Education would represent itself

as a conscious social reproduction (Gutmann, 1990). The

SJE would lose its own meaning if education were not

transformative, because forced to take an inactive role

against the natural given. The consequence of this way

of thinking would be to consider education and pedagogy

the mere study of the dynamics of self-fulfilling

processes. Indeed, how pedagogy and education could make

changes on students if inequalities are given by nature

and not by social construction? According to Rawls’

list, there are among primary goods, those one the

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nature cannot distribute which are outside the control

of a theory of justice: the health, strength,

intelligence and imagination (Rawls, 2008). If equal

access and opportunity to benefit from an educational

system means paying attention to those who are less

equipped in order to guarantee the education right, it

is not just a fair distribution of resources but a

genuine care from the state in the educational process

for people who start from the most disadvantaged point.

The pedagogy cannot consider the intelligence as not

educable. However, Rawls never expressed this idea.

The reference to education becomes more evident and

pressing as the question of recognition of differences

within a conception of justice is becoming inevitable

(Tarozzi, 2005). It is in Political Liberalism (1996)

that Rawls recasts his theory on the light of

multicultural pluralism. In this book, the fiction of

self-regulation for citizens turns into an educational

goal. If the society lives of significant cultural

differences that affects freedom to choose any way of

life, and the theory considers this, being self-

sufficient cannot be seen as a result but rather a goal

to reach. Only in this sense, then, justice as fairness

would reveals its transformative power.

However, it remains hard to find useful reasons for

educational thinking along the interpretation of SJE.

This is because Rawls did not thematise pluralism

properly as pluralism is not a value but a problem

(Vertova, 1994). In Political Liberalism , Rawls argued

that a democratic society is to be considered a complete

and closed social system. He outlined the its traits of

self-sufficiency and of belonging to natural, not

cultural, laws: one comes in only by birth and leaving

it only by death. So even the notion of people treated

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in The Law of People (2001) is identified as a closed

self-sufficient system. The migration is the most

striking example of social and cultural construction as

a plural and dynamic situation, which take into account

differences within each state. Pluralism highlights not

only a fact, namely that we are all different, but also

an important implication: diversity is to be sustained

through equity in the distribution of goods and

resources.

The starting point for constructing a theory of

justice may be based not so much on a unreal idea, that

one of the individual, seen as independent. Rather,

especially in education, a theory of justice should

start from the reality of the individual as not

independent: child that is born in need of care and

affection, persons with disabilities, the elders

(Nussbaum, 2002, 2003b, 2007). In other words, those who

live in a disadvantaged position are the central point

for understanding the extent a theory of justice should

have. The list of primary goods Rawls made does not

include the dimension of care and education in the sense

of emancipation of the persons that for nature (or,

rather, for social construction) do not possess the

capability to be autonomous and independent. Those who

are extreme forms, the latter in a society of

efficiency, have the title of "unproductive", must be

the zero point for justice and for its theorising.

The policy and educational choices should have

another type of foundation: a justice established from

analysing the life world ( Lebenswelt ) and lived

experiences as the normativity of justice is in the

things themselves (Nussbaum, 2002). The use of

abstraction is of little help to clarify educational

pathways (Tarozzi, 2005) and is exposed to the

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contingency of life that tends to cancel each

abstraction as well. That is because justice is or

should be a justice for the real human beings.

The Capabilities’ Approach for a “Just” Justice

This is the attempt of the work of Amartya Sen

(1992, 1999) and Martha Nussbaum (1999; 2002, 2003a;

2003b). In order to delineate what justice is, these two

authors do not move from the idea of what is just but

rather from the concept of goodness. This change of

point of view allows education to gain a central

position in managing justice, as the core educational

role is outlined within educational processes aimed at

the effective enjoyment of the education right and

personal growth.

The contractualistic theory of Rawls (1996, 2001,

2008) highlights a “thin” theory of goodness, as only

the individual can and should be the first and only

decision maker about own wealth and about the ways

through which achieves it.

According to capabilities’ approach, however, social

justice needs, before a theory of justice, a “thick”

theory of the goodness, which includes primarily what is

good for the human being. This process of understanding

proposes the use of practical reason by which one can

embed the ideas that govern the construction of a theory

of good and equality. Sen and Nussbaum argued that the

same needs of the poorest populations highlight the

foundation of justice. Justice is always something

concrete. As the idea of society is too wide and

fleeting, there is not a fair society. Rather there are

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just choices, just directions, just objectives fair,

just laws.

The Nussbaum's approach could be identified as a

liberal point of view (like that of Rawls) but more

wide-ranging. It covers not only a theory of justice but

also a theory of goodness, including a practice of

justice as well. This is not to list only the primary

goods but also and above all, the capabilities whose

practice allow to turn these goods into resources

(Nussbaum, 2002; Srinivasan, 2007). Extending the point

of view is not only functional account for the

complexity and variety of human life, as it appears in

its concreteness. It is important to stress the central

and not incidental role that pedagogy and education have

in the transformation of inequalities in just

differences. Right laws, particularly at this time where

politics tends to limit and decrease the extension of

the public sector are not enough. A culture of (social)

rights and humanity (Nussbaum, 1999), involving fully

education is necessary.

Instead of the vision of Rawls, this approach comes

from a particular demand: to enlarge the anthropological

liberal idea of human being. That is to say: we need a

wider and more flexible sensibility for what it means to

be human is crucial if we want to reflect more clearly

on issues of justice (Nussbaum, 2002, p. 47).

This approach was developed by Amartya Sen (1992)

and was primarily used for delineating indicators of

quality of life that were not mere quantitative

variables (generally the Gross Domestic Product and

workers and employers’ salaries say if a country or an

individual "stands well") but, rather, to formalize

qualitative indicators for the emergence of the welfare

of countries and individuals. If as Rawls stated

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(1971/2008), individuals would achieve greater economic

income possible, one might think that is good thing for

the human being, ultimately, holding properties and

richness. Nevertheless, according to this approach, for

placing the emphasis on good for the human being, one

must understand the methods of how something becomes

that “good”. In other words, goods that each government

should distribute are rights not in itself but if they

indicate either the quality of life or a good social

justice. Changing point of view, the quality of life for

human being can be achieved not by the amount of goods

distributed, at least not just by this, rather by

improving the capability of each to enjoy these goods.

The wealth in that way becomes a secondary good, that is

to say a functional issue and not a good in itself. The

gap between the understanding of justice according to

Rawls and those who follow the capabilities’ approach is

well exemplified by the division, throughout Western

Europe, which for many years has been used. Many of us

are still referring to developing countries as the third

and fourth world. In this way there is the risk of

labelling quality of life as a synonymous of GDP and,

subsequently, of producing a social and cultural stigma

that generally does not take into account the obstacles

that have not allowed the potential (which may be

economic but also social and cultural) to develop.

Nussbaum (2003b) deepened the notion of goodness

starting from the suggestions of the Aristotle of

Politics and Eudemian and Nicomachean Ethics : according

to Nussbaum's approach, this would include not only a

list of the primary goods but also and above all, the

capabilities to use these assets to turn them into

resources (Nussbaum, 2002; Srinivasan, 2007), as I said

above.

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There are primary goods and functional goods, or

goods in themselves and secondary goods, which help to

define what is "right". There is at this point the

problem of how to recognize the primary goods and those

instrumental. Some theorists, defined liberal

utilitarians, believe that a good is recognizable from

the preferences of individuals: a thing is good if it

meets the personal desires. Thus this way of identifying

good and socially justness is affected by the situation

that everyone lives. Nussbaum exemplifies that human

beings are adapted to the situation where they are. In

some cases one could believe that something is right and

good because she/he is not even aware of the existence

of an alternative (Nussbaum, 2003b, p. 121). So if the

goal of social justice is to deploy resources to meet

their preferences, such practices would be addressed

once again to ratify the status quo and within this the

social inequality.

Social justice is not, therefore, in the opinion of

each, as the liberal utilitarians would suggest, but

even in goods, as Rawls stated. Social justice has to do

with the functional capabilities of every human person.

What, then, would be socially correct? To assess

justice, “the individual claims are not to be assessed

in terms of resources or primary goods the persons

respectively hold, but by freedoms they actually enjoy

to choose the lives that they have reason to value (Sen,

1992, p. 81). The capacity of choice, the capability of

citizens to exercise all their functions in accordance

with their practical reason is one of the skills that

each government just has to develop (Nussbaum, 2003b).

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What is a Capability?

The capabilities’ approach is, in my opinion, the

node that combines educational and social education to

education in the perspective of Social Justice .

What is meant by capability? It is a "potential

functioning” (Walker, 2006). The difference between

capability and the potential functioning is the same

that exists between an opportunity and its actual

implementation, "between the potential and the result"

(Walker, 2006, p. 165).

The approach of Sen and Nussbaum, involves a broader

and deeper understanding of what is the full human

development than the rawlsian one. It focuses on what is

potential for achieving the aims and self-fulfilment of

human existence. For example, everyone has the ability

to read. Nevertheless, among the capability to read and

the real reading there are educational processes.

Everyone has the (potential) capability to be an

educated person: the political management should remove

obstacles to allow anyone to become and be well

educated. This approach preserves individual freedom as

a social value, on the one hand, and, on the other one,

is an universal value as well because it is founded in

the human nature, without being coercive. Everyone must

be free from social constraints in developing the

infinite capabilities the nature has. Choosing to take

advantage of the opportunity to improve capabilities and

transform them into real functions is up to each of us.

For Sen, is not so much the reached functions that

counts, rather the real opportunity (freedom) of choice

to reach these functions. (Walker, 2006). In this sense,

any lack of individual freedom is a a hetero-directed

coercion.

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In this perspective, human rights, that, as I said

above, are cultural constructions, are after in relation

to individual capabilities, as the right would be a

mean, the most noble perhaps, to achieve both social

justice and the well-being. To make this mean useful it

is necessary that individuals could enjoy the rights,

eliminating those barriers, which limit or do not

guarantee the effectiveness of the social rights, and

bound their capability to benefit from it.

Every human being has potential capabilities.

Through social rights, countries place limits and aims

not to realise a right, because a social right is not

realized but it is ensured, but to develop fully

capabilities. Analyzing the rights in terms of

capabilities allows to understand the criteria by which

the administration should distribute functional goods,

such as money for those in need or to help to develop

capabilities (Nussbaum, 2002). Using the capabilities’

language, rather than the rights’ one, has a huge

advantage: it is not rigidly bound to a particular

historical and cultural tradition, as I believe is the

case for human rights. Even if the rights belongs not

exclusively to Western societies, using capabilities

surpasses all troublesome debate about the scope of the

rights as they are based on the nature of human beings.

Indeed, the goal of Social Justice in relation to the

issue of human rights is to become universal. This

approach eradicates other approaches such as those based

on preferences, rather than those based on resources and

GDP even though they are very close the capabilities’

approach. Nevertheless, the capabilities’ approach is

more determined because specifies more clearly, what

ensuring a right to someone would mean (Nussbaum, 2002).

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Moreover, the main concept of Rawls was equality

that is to say that all individuals have the same chance

to accomplish a good life. On the contrary, the

Nussbaum's starting point is the notion of justice and

goodness. In the interplay of these two complementary

concepts, the presence of differences of birth, wealth,

etc. may have their own place. This approach involves

and makes the policies and educational choices to pursue

a real social justice very problematic. In other words,

the capabilities’ approach seems to fit immediately

educators’ commitment because of the importance given to

education as a means of empowerment and as a paradigm of

reference for the construction of equity through

justice. In addition, this typology of justice does not

belong to the natural world but to that built by the

cultural and social interactions. Therefore, as Nussbaum

(2002) argues, tha capabilities’ approach is

comprehensible even in societies with no conceptions of

rights, as may be the Middle East where the word "right"

has no meaning, but rather is replaced by the word

"responsibility". Still much to study is, in literature,

the intercultural dimension of capabilities, if, that

is, the capabilities approach is exportable to other

culturally and socially different realities.

What is certain is that facing educational policy is

more universally acceptable through this concept than

through the notion of right. I underline here a contact

point between the capabilities’ approach-oriented Social

Justice and Bertolini’s thought about the relationship

between education and politics (Bertolini, 2003). This

will exceed even the suspicion of Critical Pedagogy .

Bertolini and Nussbaum (2002) have a strong point in

common that I find very interesting. To construct the

capabilities approach Nussbaum argues that the threshold

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should be set in the nature of things (p. 128), which

equips the social reality of a material substrate on

which to base judgments about what is good and right.

The nature of things delineates what is appropriate to

reality in terms of Social Justice . Bertolini, with

regard to education, according to a phenomenological

perspective on education, bases the discrimination among

what education is and what is not. “Returning to things

themselves”, the famous phenomenology’s motto, means the

possibility for educators of re-evaluating the

axiological and critic momentum of the educational

practices. In fact, sustaining that the capabilities are

inscribed in the nature of human beings means that a

analysis of what exists could suggest modalities for

better educate people and making through education a

more just society.

In this case, one may found in the nature of things

an educational list of capabilities which could be

infinite (Walker, 2006). Education while reflects on

what capabilities are comprehends its central role in

developing what is now only potential. In other words,

capabilities are correlated with a “not yet usable” for

a number of social barriers: the level of education,

social prejudices and so on.

Rights or Capabilities?

Facing SJE talking about social rights to ensure and

introducing the capabilities’ approach in the

theoretical foundation of Social Justice could cause

confusion. I think that the term "capabilities" is

especially useful in education. But in the educational

discourse that is also political I belief is preferable

the term "right". What is the difference between right

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and capability? According to the shown example, the

capabilities’ approach is a potential functioning that

all possess. To read the individual needs to have an

effective education. The focus then is not so much on an

acquired potential function but on real opportunities

acquire the function. In the real opportunities to reach

and improve the functions that remain, however, still

only potential, lies the concept of right. Then, right

and capability are two different concepts but not

distant. While the capabilities is by definition innate

to the human being, the right would be the cultural

related that allows the education of capabilities, their

development, in other words, the emancipation of the

subject through possessing the capability to design and

build their existence.

In this sense, using the language of rights would

be exposing to the cultural debate, perhaps now more

understandable than the notion of capabilities. In fact,

according to Nussbaum (2002), the language of human

rights yet plays four major roles:

1- rights remind the politicy that people have

justified and urgent needs of a particular type of

treatment, rather than another. The language of

rights is placed very close to the "fundamental

capabilities" because to indicate that people have

natural rights it refers to some similar

capabilities. Without a strong and thick theory of

goodness, the capabilities’ approach does not work

in the current debate. More powerful is the use of

the concept of right, where, however, is seen as

universally accepted.

2- In a second level, talking of rights has a strong

normative power that the recourse to the concept of

capabilities does not have. The assertion that

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there is a list of fundamental rights is

rhetorically more direct (Nussbaum, 2002).

3- While the language of capabilities was designed to

leave space for choice and individual freedoms, the

language of rights has greater resonance in shaping

the appropriateness of any political objective.

4- The language of human rights remains a land of

broad agreement among liberals.

In other words, the framework of capabilities and human

rights are complementary.

I therefore believed important to include the

language of rights because they are both related to

identity both natural and cultural identity of

individuals. While the capabilities’ approach remains

the centre of a universal social justice, human rights

remain the centre of a universal and contextual social

justice at the same time. In fact, when we study human

rights, we should refer to the capability and

universally valid Social Justice . Nevertheless, when you

reflect on the special rights, those that are in

democratic constitutions, Social Justice has a valid

role within the terms of that society. In other words,

the ownership of rights is implicit in the forms of

citizenship (Tarozzi, 2008b), which is the term of

validity of rights.

Democracy and SJE

To explain the SJE introducing the issue of human

rights and Social Justice theory is not enough. I should

also address another factor that is positively

influenced by Social Justice . Democracy, as it is the

only form of power management that guarantees at maximum

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degree the applicability of social rights, is an

integral part of a full understanding of the scope of

change of SJE. It is the democracy that guarantees to

its citizens a number of fundamental rights which non-

democratic systems cannot guarantee (Dahl, 2006). In

fact, because human rights are essential to democratic

political institutions, democracy is by definition a

system of rights (Dahl, 2006). The right to participate,

the right to express political views, even dissent, the

right to vote, the right to private property, the right

to social security and human rights education, housing,

health care: According to Dahl, no democratic system

would not offer such a wide range of rights. In other

words, democracy, more than any other form of

government, can ensure the rights, but it does it by

reducing the barriers that members of social classes,

groups and cultural and linguistic minorities or

nationality may experience.

John Dewey introduced the latter point in explaining

how democracy and education are intertwined. John Dewey

(1916), in his book Democracy and Education , addressed

the correlation between a political system that is also

social system and education. He also studied the

secondary school education and organization deriving

from the ideal of democracy. According to Dewey,

democracy feeds, or should feed, a sort of attachment to

education. The superficial explanation for this is that

the democratic government lies on the universal suffrage

that is not possible if both elected people and those

who obey the rulers, were not educated. Since democracy

repudiates the principle of authority, you must find a

replacement of it in the voluntary disposition and in

the interest, which education creates and sometimes

determines. Nevertheless, there is also a deeper

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explanation of interconnection between democracy and

education. Democracy is much more than a form of power

management. The fact that democracy is like an inclusive

space of public affairs governance requires that you

change the mode of life. Democracy is, primarily, a way

to live with others (Dewey, 1916) shared and

communicated experiences. The great inclusive process

begins as a form of government but also becomes a

tantamount style of cohabitation, according to Dewey, to

the removal of barriers of class, ethnicity,

nationality.

In addition to more properly political issues about

democracy, that is the procedures of government and

management of power, democracy is a term that in itself

increases the matter outside the mere government

bureaus. The semantic shift of democracy concerns the

series of individual attitudes, social processes, and

institutional phenomena that can make democracy as a

form of government real. Democracy includes a dimension

of power that cannot be separated from the base: is the

foundation that allows democracy to exist, then the role

of education is fundamental to the foundation of a

society. From Dewey onwards, the educators who have

dealt with problems related to the rights and Social

Justice have taken over this idea that to reflect a

pedagogical point of view of democracy is essential to

extend the semantic field of democracy to all that lies

around the cognitive and cultural development of the

younger generations. As an example of how to understand

democracy in the educational I shall state here a few

points on which the SJE is agree with those who have

worked on democratic education:

1- Democracy is not just the specific sense of a

government or a set of practical policies to manage

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and decision making within a group. Rather, the

liberal-democratic ideal includes the social,

behavioural, emotional-affective and cognitive

dimensions.

2- A democratic government should maintain support for

a continued legitimacy of the system by its

citizens, represented by ensuring a democratic way

of life (Dewey, 1916);

3- A democratic behaviour is not fully secured or

naturally acquired during the process of

socialization of individuals in their own society,

so democratic countries must rely on educational

institutions to provide a tool for forming social

attitudes (Freire, 2004; Gadotti, 1996; Perliger et

al., 2006).

What is Democracy?

How does deweyan definition of democracy

("something more than a form of government") include in

the broader political debate? What are the modes of

representation democracy in the theoretical literature?

Moreover, what differences exist with the perception of

democracy? This section will highlight what is meant by

democracy and, in light of the semantic adopted

slippage, how education can be included.

Democracy seems to have been invented many times in

history (Dahl, 2006), because it feeds of the cultural

substratum of fertile soil that allows ideas to grow and

bear fruit. Democracy lives as the ideas whenever the

culture permits.

To begin to think about democracy, I included a

list of some of its definitions.

Democracy is generally understood as a way to manage

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power. The basic common sense of democracy as a form of

government lies in its etymology as the government is

not of people but a group of people (demos). The current

definitions of democracy are different, each of which

differs in one or more features. For Aristotle,

democracy is a dangerous form of government, because of

consensus which is nourished and enlarged political

participation would create a decline in the quality of

policy choices. For others, it includes a genuine

competition for power, which would be directed by rules

of merit. For others, democracy would provide more

freedom and rights than other forms of government

guarantee. For those who refer to Critical Theory ,

democracy would be another name to call the processes of

power and enslavement of social groups. Far from

recognizing in this interpretation, I believe we can

still agree that certain forms of government, and,

therefore, contextual and social variables affect the

style of life and coexistence, although this coexistence

must not necessarily have the characteristic of the

struggle for power. This may be true in the macro social

dimension, namely in those strongly ideological

policies, neo Marxist or neo liberal ones, in the free

market or in those of protectionism. Nevertheless, the

reality of micro social interactions among individuals

do not experience such ways of interaction if not as a

result, but not as conscious intention. Democracy, above

all, constitutes itself as guarantee of individual

autonomy. If this fails, is due to forms of exclusion,

enslavement. This would be the result of democratic

management styles too focused on procedures and

bureaucracy rather than on the substance of the

definitions. I am aware of democracy’s involution, or

rather, that the mature democracies are turning in

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procedural democracies. But I would like to stress the

cultural and social values from which democracy has

arisen.

The search for a definition is not so much driven

by the desire to define in dogmatic terms what democracy

is or not. Rather, the definitions listed here may draw

the features that from time to time make it a set of

procedures, a statement of values, a form of education

for society.

1. “A constitution [or politeia ] may be defined as

‘the organization of a city [or polis ] in respect

of its offices generally, but especially in respect

of that particular office which is sovereign in all

issues. […] In democratic cities, for example, the

people [ demos] is sovereign. […] When the masses

govern the city with a view to the common interest,

the form of government is called by the generic

name of ‘constitutional government’. Democracy is

directed to the interest of the poor [only, not to

the interests of everyone].” (Aristotle).

2. Democracy is “government by the people; that form

of government in which the sovereign power resides

in the people as a whole, and is exercised either

directly by them or by officers elected by them.”

(Oxford English Dictionary, 1933).

3. A ‘democratic regime’ is “first and foremost a set

of procedural rules for arriving at collective

decisions in a way which accommodates and

facilitates the fullest possible participation of

interested parties.” (Bobbio 1987, 19).

4. “According to civic republicanism, the state acts

legitimately only if it furthers the ‘common good’

of the political community. Civic republicanism

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embraces an ongoing deliberative process, inclusive

of all cultures, values, needs, and interests, to

arrive at the public good. Civic republicans see

the development of a conception of the common good

as a fundamental purpose of democracy – a purpose

necessary for individual self-identity and self-

fulfilment. Civic republicanism also posits that no

individual acting in her political capabilities

should be subservient to other political actors.

Hence, the theory does not equate the public good

that legitimates government action with majority

rule. Social consensus about what is best for the

community as a community , not as the aggregation of

individuals’ private interests, is the defining

feature of the common good.” (Seidenfeld

1992, 1528-29; italics in original).

5. “Democracy is a political system in which different

groups are legally entitled to compete for power

and in which institutional power holders are

elected by the people and are responsible to the

people.” (Vanhannen 1997, 31).

6. “We begin by defining formal, participatory and

social democracy. By formal democracy we mean a

political system that combines four features:

regular free and fair elections, universal

suffrage, and accountability of the state’s

administrative organs to the elected

representatives, and effective guarantees for

freedom of expression. Formal democratic countries

will differ considerably in social policies that

reduce social and economic inequality. We therefore

introduce two additional dimensions: high levels of

participation without systematic differences across

social categories (for example, class, ethnicity,

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gender) and increasing equality in social and

economic outcomes.” (Huber, Rueschemeyer & Stephens

1997, 323-324).

7. “Democracy provides opportunities for 1) effective

participation, 2) equality in voting, 3) gaining

enlightened understanding, 4) exercising final

control [by the people] over the agenda, and

5) inclusion of adults. The political institutions

that are necessary to pursue these goals are

1) elected officials, 2) free, fair and frequent

elections, 3) freedom of expression, 4) alternative

sources of information, 5) associational autonomy,

and 6) inclusive citizenship.” (Dahl, 1998, 38 &

85).

8. Democracy is “governance by leaders whose authority

is based on a limited mandate from a universal

electorate that selects among genuine alternatives

and has some rights to political participation and

opposition.” (Danziger 1998, 159).

9. “Democrats are committed to rule by the people.

They insist that no aristocrat, monarch,

philosopher, bureaucrat, expert, or religious

leader has the right, in virtue of such status, to

force people to accept a particular conception of

their proper common life. People should decide for

themselves, via appropriate procedures of

collective decision, what their collective business

should be.”. “Communitarian democrats make

wrongheaded assumptions both about the nature of

democracy and about its appropriate place in

everyday life. . . . [P]articipation plays a

necessary but circumscribed role in ordering social

relations justly. Valuable as democratic

participation is in managing the power dimensions

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of collective activities, it is not the point of

the exercise.” (Shapiro 1999, 29-30 & 23).

This table shows which of the authors’ definitions below

fall into each category:

Author

Danger

Compet

ition

Mass &

Equal

Participati

on

Libert

y

Rights

Deliber

ation

Aristotle �

OED �

Bobbio �

Seidenfeld �

Vanhannen � �

Huber,

Rueschemey

er &

Stephens

�

�

�

Dahl � � �

Shapiro

Tabella 1: Definitions of Democracy. Adapted from William M. Reisinger’s Selected

Definitions of Democracy. Retrieved from

http://www.uiowa.edu/~creees/reising/resources_for_students/DefinitionsOfDemocracy.ht

ml (April 04, 2007).

For Aristotle, democracy is the government and

administration of a small part of a people. The demos is

not so much the people but as a social class different

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from the aristocracy. Democracy is the set of those

procedures that tend to reduce social inequality (see

Nussbaum, 2003). It is in modern times that democracy

takes on the meaning of government of all or devolved

government by the people, as quoted in the English

dictionary. In this line, Bobbio underlines the

procedural decision-making process by introducing the

issue of parties as the place where the popular

interests are to emerge and influence the political

choices of a country. From here, we can draw some

addresses of political philosophy that have to do with

democracy. The first is the civic republicanism: the

community and its wellness is the figure of democracy,

according to this view. The emphasis is on the values

necessary for the deliberative process, values that are

the heart of democracy. Is important, therefore, the

educational process because the democratic values of

democracy base individual identity. The quotation from

Seidenfeld you can see how the connection between self

and individual good for the community are the true

values. However, it seems to be a contradiction in this

definition of democracy: individual freedom, even if is

the value of construction of individual existence, is of

secondary importance compared to political action. The

common good does not come through the individual, and so

the cultural diversity of each person is in danger of

being annihilated in front of the development of the

concept of common good.

To resolve the conflict that arises from considering

democracy a set of values and autonomy of the subjects,

Amartya Sen (1999) argues that democracy is defined as a

universal value, not imposed because its universality is

not resident on a taken-for-granted claim, but rather in

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the human capabilities of rational recognition of what

has value.

Unfortunately, for many Western leaders democracy

has become the "normal" form of government. Thinking

something as "normal" is a step away from a taking

something for granted. It may seem contradictory to

argue that democracy, which is not natural, is a

universal value. The idea of U.S. policy is if a

country, compared to another one, fits for democracy.

Amartya Sen acknowledges, however, that:

“A country does not have to be deemed fit for

democracy; rather, it has to become fit through

democracy. This is indeed a momentous change,

extending the potential reach of democracy to

cover billions of people, with their varying

histories and cultures and disparate levels of

affluence.” (Sen, 1999, p. 4, italics in the

original).

In this sense, democracy is a universally relevant

system: it is through democracy that one state, with its

thoughts on Social Justice , their cultural ways for

founding it, becomes " fit " that is healthy, strong,

solid. In this sense, democracy is a universal value. As

it relates to my point of view, I agree with Sen when he

argues that we should not identify democracy with a

majority, although it is true that the voting and

respect for the results of elections, properly done, is

part of democracy. However, this would regard the

protection of freedom, respect for political and civil

rights, guaranteeing freedom of opinion. Nevertheless,

the elections can be undemocratic if individuals have

not educated the same capability to be informed and to

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find information. In this light, democracy as a

universal value aims to enrich the lives of citizens in

three different ways. The first is that political

freedom is not due to the condition of citizen but

rather is part of a broader human freedom, and

exercising civil and political rights is a crucial part

of social welfare. This idea is also that of Dahl

(2006), even if he does not go to support their

universality. In a second level, democracy has a

functional goal: increasing listening of people’s

requests. This would be something that makes bringing

instances of people to the attention of politicians

easy. The third level Sen introduces is what most

concerns the role of education and democracy as a system

that guarantees the full exercise of rights: “the

practice of democracy gives citizens an opportunity to

learn from one another, and helps society to form its

values and priorities.” (Sen, 1999, p. 10).

The universal value of democracy is part of its

intrinsic value of freedom, instrumental value for the

active listening needs of everyone and, ultimately, its

importance in construction. Where is freedom, even of

opinion, democracy can be established values and

priorities within a shared culture, in an autonomous

way. Democracy in this regard produces culturally formed

priorities.

And what is the universality? What is a universal

value? According to Sen (1999), to be universal, a value

should not necessarily enjoy a universal consensus.

Rather “the claim of a universal value is that people

anywhere may have reason to see it as valuable.” (Sen,

1999, p.12). In other words a universal value is such

because there are reasons to be considered such.

Moreover, the call to education is predominant again:

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how do people see that something is valuable? It is due

to education of individuals who are raising awareness

and learn to see the value in things. It seems almost an

aesthetic problem, in the end of the day: noticing of

good and knowing how to give good reason of what people

see in things.

Continuing to comment the definitions above,

Vanhannen argues, already as did the ancient Greeks, the

equitable distribution of positions of power, which can

be achieved by giving everyone adequate education. Here

seems to be a reference to the legal concept of passive

electorate, namely those who have the opportunity to be

elected. On one hand, it appeals to the responsibility

of those who voted, on the other hand, appeals to

management of power as enlarged as possible. A great

hidden meaning resides in this definition: how can one

have the same qualifications to compete for power? In my

opinion, education should be responsible of the training

of the citizen as if it were to reach positions of power

responsibilities towards others. Formal democracy is not

enough in itself but needs social democracy to strive

with all the tools available to policy and education to

ensure high levels of participation and greater equality

both social and economic, as well. Inequalities should

not belong to the political system in a social

democracy. Nevertheless, as I said above, ensuring equal

economic income, it is not enough. The well-being lies

not in the quantity of goods, but in the quality of life

and opportunity given by a democracy to individuals able

to express their potential.

With the quote from Dahl, democracy is in a context.

This means that over the statements of principle about

what is or, rather, should be democracy, it is important

to ask another question: where is democracy? Yes,

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because democracy is in its procedural and value-related

definitions is tied to contexts. In fact, democracy is

event-related: the more general definitions of

democracy, we talk, in fact, about vote, freedom of

opinion and so on. Social rights, while linked and

endorsed by the international political context, relate

specific situations. For example, the right to vote is

exercised when there are elections in a given state, in

a certain place. Democracy is in those institutions that

pursue the objectives of democracy. Democracy is in

situations where the principles are a realization that

is always imperfect but perfectible, to educate and

changeable. In addition, Shapiro replies to

communitarians that no system of power can decide for

others and that the management of power takes place in a

democratic manner in collective activities, activities

restricted in collective institutions.

Democracy is not only an ideal, but also needs, as

Dewey argues, that the ideal becomes feasible and

practical. Democracy is a regulative idea that refers to

forms and procedures, but also to political, social and

ethical substantive values (Michelman, 1998). This means

that democracy is not a given situation but sets the

conditions for which there is a democratic situation.

Democracy, therefore, is a political situation. It is a

cultural situation linked to a time and space. The link

with time is understood as a shortcut to the life of

each individual. The link with the space is the close

relationship that exists with the institutions, whose

the nature depends on the cultural choices, and social

policies of a country in a given period of history.

How can education help the development of democracy?

From the suggestions of the definitions listed above it

can be argued that the role of education for democracy

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requires efforts on two fronts. The first front is that

the concrete material and educational contexts. The

second front is one of democratic education of people.

First Front: Education as a Contextual Science

The school is the centre of my thoughts and place of

the empirical research conducted for the dissertation.

The first reason of having chosen school is dictated by

the fact that it is necessary for the SJE, studying

education in a context, as democracy is a situation. The

school also has a particular context. It is deliberately

and intentionally democratic education, as written in

the Italian Constitution and reaffirmed in the

Ministry’s documents. Just the school is also the main

body of a country for educating the capabilities of all

individuals in compulsory schools. This view sees the

commitment of school to reach all children, girls, young

people up to 18 years and give them a proper and

democratic education. The school was conceived as a

place for socialization, and for learning democracy with

others, coexistence and brings into practice the values

that inspire democracy. The school is the concrete

expression of the social right to education and has

great responsibility in its warranty.

Then, referring to the educational processes that

are always related-context, democracy in education is a

pedagogy of contexts, which has as objective, not only

to organize contents in line with the principles and

values that inspired social rights, but also to

construct the situations that are fed of the regulatory

principles of democratic coexistence. Because a person

only if grown satisfactorily in a democratic society,

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being exposed to the realization of democratic values in

contexts of life, learns the positivity of democracy and

will tend to assume democratic attitudes. Given that

democracy consists in social rights and values, the

contents of a SJE, which sees the situation as democracy

and education as a democratic objective, are not

material. What is not, therefore, a concept, a "thing"

to teach, cannot be learned directly through educational

processes, but rather is learned indirectly through what

remains implicit in situations. For example, you can see

how to teach the contents of democratic civic education,

such as freedom of expression, freedom of speech, is

purely cosmetic if the students do not live in an

educational situation where these values are witnessed.

On the other hand, if a school chooses to do

intercultural education, teachers should be prepared to

imperil the culture to which they belong, because

intercultural education means that there is no hierarchy

among cultures, there is no such marked border to

understand where a culture starts or ends. However, if

this school, at the same time, deals with foreign

students as a marginal category in the construction of

educational situations, and education becomes only the

exchange of information on alien cultures, messages

arriving pupils are contradictory to each other because

the word says a thing, the school organization suggests

another one. Pedagogy of context is critical under the

light of the discordant messages that the school sends

and does not allow a consistent democratic education.

What should have a context to be called for a

democratic education? Let me reiterate an ancient Greek

concept, that of sharing the fate of public life,

through isonomy and isogory. For isonomy, I mean the

equality of all before the rules and rights.

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Nevertheless, it means also having the same rights and

same duties. Indeed, the isonomy also refers to the

values, which in politics are rights. The values are

shown through rules, laws and suggest personal

intersubjective behaviour. The right, or rather the

rights, are the containers of political values, for

which all enjoy, or should do, a general equality. The

isonomy in a country becomes, then, having the right to

a fair trial, to work, to education and schooling. In

another context such as school, isonomy would mean

having the same right to be educated and trained, valued

and heard, evaluated.

The “isonomy” is the situation of equality of

individuals before the law. Even in the face of

politics. The word may derive from two different roots

of meaning. The first is "nomos" which means the law

precisely. The second possibility is that isonomy would

derive from the verb "nemein" which means to share. This

means that everyone has, in principle, the same right to

the division of power and, consequently, to rule of

government’s position. In this sense, a democracy would

provide for the rotation of the political power position

(also called isogory). This point is incredibly strong

in terms of suggestions for the education systems. What

would the purpose of education be but to strengthen

equality in accessing to positions of government? What

else if not give everyone the same notions, skills and

knowledge given the realistic opportunity to become a

minister, member of Parliament, etc.?

If justice is equality and its assurance in managing

the affairs of an environment, then everybody is equal

before what the context is given to self-regulate. If

there is no isonomy, there will not be social democracy,

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because the rights of equality and individual freedoms

cannot be guaranteed.

The isogory, then, is what tends to destroy the

interests of a caste. For isogory, I mean the same

chance of being elected or holding positions of power

through the draw. It seems impossible today to think of

drawing lots among all the people those who will govern.

Nevertheless, this idea is a strong intentional

direction regarding democratic education: to instruct

and educate everyone as if they were to become policy

decision makers.

The isogory and isonomy sum up all the features of a

context that can be said of democracy, with respect to

guaranteeing the rights and education capabilities. The

basic idea of a democracy that does not take into

account the problem of isonomy and isogory, is that

participation is only useful when there are elections.

Outside these events, it would not be expected other

procedural democracy participation. But if the very

nature of democracy was that for which you can change

managers, change the seats, then the same education

would be an education of the citizen to be active, an

education of willingness to be involved. Then the

individual would learn to drive herself/himself a

democracy.

Among the political and public spaces that democracy

gives, there is the possibility to exercise ethical

responsibility (Dahl, 2006). Living in a country where

individual responsibility is not hampered by laws,

within dictatorships where dissenting is not tolerated,

means reducing to the minimum the capabilities of

criticism and, consequently, it would be difficult to

make individual choices, sockets from personal values

and exercise ethical responsibility. Self-government in

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the major life choices is the result of those freedoms

and rights that democracy has.

Also among the characteristics of a democratic

context must be guaranteed individual liberties,

freedom, which also includes a disregard for politics.

The importance of pedagogy of contexts, therefore,

is dictated by the fact that the situations are the

preferred settings for a well and intentional

socializing. The socialization is the democratic effect

of holistic education, inside and outside the school

(Biesta & lawye, 2006), but always tied to contexts

constructed in an intentionally democratic manner.

Democracy provides wider spaces to education than

any other form of government and at the same time,

demands specific targets from education. Among these

goals, the first and perhaps most problematic is to

create and maintain a political culture that supports

democracy (Dahl, 2006). In history, democracy has been

established through favourable cultural contingencies: a

culture which indicates a general tendency to accept as

positive democratic values of participation,

responsibility, equality in rights, self-fulfilment and

respect for laws. When this favourable wind has blown,

democratic situations have been created. The time is

still flowing and democracy is calling education to

reflect, teach, and internalize these values, which are

instrumental to democratic coexistence, in order to

deliver new generations not only a package of notions

but also a set of values.

Another goal of education for democracy is treating

all people as if they had a right to expect equally

life, freedom and happiness and other basic goods and

interests. (Dahl, 2006, p. 70). In this "as if they had

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the right" lies the sad statement of the inequality of

enjoying rights.

Democracy in education consists therefore in the

construction of living contexts directions. For example,

the directions that Osler and Starkey (2003) adapted by

UNESCO lines, say how we should organize educational and

democratic contexts:

• Accepting personal responsibility and recognizing

the importance of civil commitment. That is to say,

thinking of contexts in which the involvement of

the people is a priority;

• Working collaboratively to solve problems and

create a just, peaceful and democratic community:

the organization of activities should be

cooperatives and aimed at solving problems. The

goal is to allow those who live in democratic

situation of being a protagonist and not merely the

beneficiary;

• Respecting the diversity among people, in terms of

gender, ethnicity and culture: the rules of the

endeavour have to be such as to avoid the diversity

of any kind is discriminatory for a full

involvement;

• Recognizing that the own world view is built from

the personal and social history and cultural

tradition;

• Respecting cultural heritage and protecting the

environment;

• Promoting solidarity and fairness at the nationally

and internationally level.

If the democratic contexts were the contexts of

these factors together, the contexts themselves would be

living examples of democratic education, and even of

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living democracy. By following these guidelines, young

people would be considered independent and active

players and not meant as not-yet-citizens. The time when

it was thought to childhood and adolescence as the

preparatory stages of life for adulthood is now

outdated. Children and young people are already-citizens

with special characteristics of the age, with particular

cultural background, with its own rights (Wyness, 2006).

However, what does already-citizens mean? They are

citizens because they can have free speech, autonomy in

the choices. They are learning to live in the

environment, but not because of this, they should not be

considered inactive within contexts and institutions.

Rights within Contexts

Communitarians have highlighted the link between the

cultural system of rights and the environment. Social

rights can be appointed as democratic rights in the

presence of a cultural substrate in which democracy has

been universally accepted. This task is to ensure that

democracy’s culture will never be fossilized in

democratic procedures. In addition, being citizens of a

democracy does not necessarily mean belonging to a

democratic nation-state, because the usage of the set of

social rights is not exclusively for those who possess

civil and political rights of a given democracy. This

point seems crucial in shaping the force that democracy

still has to defend the authenticity of social rights

for all human beings. Democracy is the place of

citizenship in which social rights can be guaranteed in

the Constitution as they are written (see Zolo, 1992).

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Living in a democracy is a duty specification of

coexistence that Rawls (2001) argues. Living in other

countries that have chosen other ways of government

means for education, but also for daily life itself,

something different from living in a democracy. What

does living in a democracy rather than a dictatorship

mean? Later you can see what some teenagers say on the

matter. Here I remain at a theoretical level.

What titles every individual living in a democracy

is that her/his own public identity has the opportunity

to act in accordance with the freedom of speech and

expression. This is the right that differs in a visible

way the dictatorship from a democracy. Even saying this,

you understand how democracy gives right to education,

an education that is not merely playing a status quo but

can also bring about change in society, as democracy

requires SJE.

The first right in school is a democratic classroom

climate and management. The second is participation in

decisions of the school as an institution. The third is

what tends to create meaningful and democratic

relationships in school, mutual respect. Within this

spirit, what includes these three rights for the

construction of the school can be summed up in the

concept of empowering . This term draws the idea of

collective emancipation. To empower and enable pupils to

enhance their individual capabilities is necessary that

the context would pursue the deep respect of the word of

others. In fact, freedom of opinion is nothing if some

people not give the right to be listened to the other

(Lundy, 2007). The empowering has a threefold function:

the first is personal and requires that the context be

designed in such a way that each student would have a

personal dignity and maintain control over their own

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autonomy. The second level is interpersonal and regards

the shared responsibility in managing the situation.

There is not only the teacher, but there are also pupils

who should be treated as active and significant presence

for the outcome and success of education. The third

level is that of school policy that starts by the

contexts in accordance with the principles of justice

and equality for the guarantee of the democratic right

to equal participation. Everyone must be involved to

implement paths towards emancipation, which eliminate

the possible inequalities of departure (Veugelers,

2007).

This way of thinking about democracy and about the

pedagogy as science of contexts incorporates deweyan the

idea that democracy is not a given but it is in its

contextualised being.

Many of the necessary conditions to make schools

democratic are already in the Italian laws. The problem

is not so much the educational directions that come from

the ministry but what really happens in schools. In

fact, from above, the deweyan lesson was learned and

included in the ministerial lines, particularly the

delegates Decrees of 1974, which included the

involvement of all actors, involved more or less

directly in school decisions. In this line, the school

autonomy (Law No. 59, March 15 th 1997) should have to

leave space for a plural way of teaching, independent

and creative. In addition, the Guidelines on citizenship

and democratic legality , October 2006, outlines a

framework for education in democratic and democratizing

sense of the school. Among the goals, it states that:

“educational institutions at all levels,

as part of the autonomy and diversity of

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its forms, promote all the conditions to

ensure the legality and democracy as

widespread practice in the school

community and in learning processes with

the aim to train responsible citizens,

open to other cultures and free to

express feelings, emotions and

expectations, able to manage conflict and

uncertainty and to make choices and take

autonomous decisions for acting

responsibly to affirm the values of

freedom and justice. The opportunities

for formal learning should be promoted,

in this context, and interactions between

formal and non formal learning should be

encouraged”.

According to the lines of Ministry of Public Education,

the process of empowering should become a response of

the system. What contradicts the statements of principle

is the reality of things in the Italian schools.

Second Front: A Democratic Education

What may the pedagogy say about democratic front of

the subjects in training? Democracy guarantees live

independently and according to an intersubjective

responsibility. The role of education in a democracy is

to "teach" coexistence, tolerance, cooperation, and the

capability to make rational choices. In this way,

democratic education tends to create a "democratic

personality." Democracy is built not only on

constitutions, laws and institutions, but depends on a

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political culture of social trust, participation and on

a democratic lifestyle both in family and school.

The core of education is what can be termed the

Self . The self, giving a broad interpretation, is the

set of all aspects with which a person may define

her/himself. The democratic Self is the set, then, of

personal representations in relation to values and

culture that led to the birth and life of democracy. The

Self includes, also, all the behaviour of an individual

as every behaviour is a visible sign of the worldview, a

way of interpreting and interpreted in the reality.

What does democratic education educate for? It

educates the democratic Self . According to some

communitarians scholars, for example Will Kymlicka

(2002), democracy depends on

“the quality and attitude of its

citizens, including their sense of

identity and, specifically, how they view

potentially competing forms of national,

regional, ethnic, or religious

identities; their ability to tolerate and

work with others who are different from

themselves; their desire to participate

in the political process in order to

promote the public good (through

consensus) and hold authorities

accountable; and their willingness to

show self-restraint and exercise personal

responsibility in their economic demands

and in personal choices that affect their

health and the environment. Without

citizens who possess these qualities,

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democracies become difficult to govern,

even unstable.” (p. 285).

Already Adorno (Adorno et al., 1973) has studied

what unites the political-cultural dimension with the

human identity. He emphasized the link between

personality and politics. While the personality is an

individual issue, the policy does not hold a place

outside the individual personalities but on the contrary

it is closely related to personality, as it is a

fundamental human structure for coexistence and

connatural to the sociability of human beings. According

to Elena Pulcini (2001), democracy, or rather, the

result of procedural democracy has caused an

anthropological change. Democracy has become a way of

thinking and being, is a pivot of symbolic thought and a

symbolic cultural structure through which citizens

narrate and identify themselves.

The democratic education bases on three assumptions

(Perliger, Canetti-Nisim & Pedahzur, 2006, p.120):

“The term ‘‘democracy’’ does not relate

solely to the narrow sense of a specific

method of government or to a set of

political practices for managing

differences of opinion and decision-

making processes within a group. Rather,

the liberal-democratic ideal encompasses

social, behavioural, emotional-affective,

and cognitive dimensions. The second

underlying principle suggests that, in

order to sustain itself, a democratic

government must maintain a continuous

legitimisation of the system by its

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citizens, embodied in the pursuit of a

democratic way of life. According to the

third assumption, a democratic

perspective and democratic behaviours are

not fully assured or naturally acquired

in the socialisation process of

individuals into their society; therefore

democratic countries must rely on

educational institutions in order to

provide a socialising tool for

internalising democratic attitudes.”

What allows a “democratic” behave is related to the

social conventions of a country, a culture. Indeed

democracy is primarily a cultural “value”. The scope or

moral values within the philosophical debate, is itself

not linked to personal opinions of individuals, linked

to a certain culture, and, on the other hand what is

morally right, as "objectively" prescriptive, it is

valid in a general sense and can be universalized to all

people (Nucci, 2002). There "intersubjective"are

requirements involving the construction of the moral

self, in terms of justice, welfare, and rights.

Nevertheless, this dimension concerns the political self

more in a individual and inter-individual sense. For

what pertains the construction of a meaning of a

democratic self, analyzing the self in a political,

cultural, and social manner is necessary. It is an

advancing in the field of social conventions, namely

those “agreed standards about the social behaviour

determined by the social system in which they are

developed” (Nucci, 2002). There are accepted behaviours

and attitudes and others less accepted as the social

life of individuals is included in a set of expectations

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about appropriate behaviours. Proposing the division

between moral education and democratic education means

encountering resistance of the scientific literature on

the topic because it is not always made a distinction

between moral and conventional. As some scholars

continue to support (Waghid, 2005), citizenship

education needs to "prepare students to participate in

public dialogue on issues of justice and morality."

Although, to tell the truth, the moral and

conventional are often confused because of their mutual

competition and hybridization in social development

already from childhood, there are at least two areas of

overlap of moral and conventional:

1- The mix of areas where conventional behaviours are

not followed or respected by others (for example,

standing in line in the cinema and see a person

jumping the order);

2- Moral events of the second kind: where a breach of

a rooted social convention is experienced as a

result of psychological damage (insult, distress)

to persons who respect it (Nucci, 2002).

For this, it will be easy to meet children and

parents or adults who confuse judgments on value with

judgments about social rules, in the family, school and

extra-school contexts.

Being democratic individuals is not necessarily

being moral individuals, but ethical (Bertolini, 2005).

In fact ethics is an important part of the personality,

the capability to do with her/himself and with others,

because "ethics" is the direction of change, oriented

towards the future, which is the critical evaluation of

the self.

In this sense, the democratic Self involves

important social skills to ensure that the individual

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has a "democratically" acceptable relationship with

other. This is what I could call the pre-political

stance of the personality. The social democratic

direction, then, is the beginning on which to base the

process of guaranteeing the education right. Indeed, the

characteristics listed above foster full education.

Without these characteristics, the opportunity to

emancipate is undermined at the base. The construction

of the Self lives, above all, of a sense of belonging

and feelings that connect the individual to others.

Democratic education provides educational projects

designed to allow pupils to assume responsibility.

Preparing moments when an individual has the

responsibility of other leads to an increase of self-

esteem (Bertolini, 1993), because feeling as important

is a part of the democratic characteristics of context.

The socialization and the relationship with the other is

always the yardstick for democratic education because

learning democracy is with others. So knowing how to

cooperate with others, how to perceive the other

(empathy), the compliance of the rules of dialogue and

cooperation are features of democratic training related

to the presence of the others. We must not however

forget that every individual also needs to learn to live

the anti-conformism and autonomous choice. Learning to

live with others does not mean copying the others.

Within the debate on SJE also, scholars do not

accept the classical and outdated division between

education and pedagogy (Bertolini, 2001a). Democratic

education is also instruction, schooling, contents, and

concepts. Moreover, education is not possible without

democratic education. Indeed, about the democratic

education, not only cognitive and emotional skills,

critical and evaluative competences, and social skills,

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but also a suitable content education insist on the

concept of democracy Self . Moreover, it has been widely

studied (Neuberger, 2007) that the internalization of

democratic values suffers the influence of educational

processes including the main literacy, the teaching of

language and communication of the study (Don Milani,

2000), essential tool to navigate in the world and

understand its dynamics.

Among the contents of democratic education, a full

civic education, as an informative step on how the

management of public affairs should carry on is

included. That is the knowledge of the Constitution and

its principles, how democracy works at the level of

bureaucratic procedures. However, there must be an goal

in itself, because in a SJE civic education should

enable pupils to become, first, informed of democratic

processes, and, second, self-critical in seeking the

information, alternative sources of knowledge about what

is happening around. It is necessary that school teach

pupils not only a series of notions, but also a critical

and evaluative attitude against them. In other words,

democratic education builds autonomous personalities,

integrated into the social texture, informed and aware

of the rights with the aim to train people capable of

bringing new culture, new values, and new democratic

perspectives.

Democracy through Young People Perceptions

In this section I have included an analysis of

interviews made to adolescents about the meaning of

democracy. This is a contribution to understand how

young people talk about democracy. It is important to

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weave the theoretical points of view with those lived

"experiences", namely the views of professionals and the

view of young people.

This is a descriptive phenomenology of experiences

of democracy. I have used the guidelines of Amedeo

Giorgi (1985) for coding and extracting from the

interviews I have previously transcribed the meaning

units, in order to make the lived meanings of democracy

highlighted. I practiced several times the global

reading of the material I have collected before and

after the coding to grasp the phenomenological evidence.

What is noticeable is that adolescents give a

definition of democracy from meaning that it takes in

everyday life. I interviewed some young boys and girls

between 13 and 19 years old, 9 adolescents, 5 males and

4 females. It is a first attempt to understand what

democracy is by using words and the meaning that young

people give to term “democracy”. The research question

with which I began to process data from the interviews

was: how does the concept of democracy develop in young

people? The data seem to witness not only the process of

construction of the idea of democracy but also about the

contexts of its applicability and the meanings and

implications of the term democracy in the words of young

people.

Democracy is a very broad concept, of difficult

connotation. The topics of the questions that I have

asked confuse all the people with whom I have discussed

because they were not accustomed to reflect and to

question democracy, which initially was described as

"government of the people", unanimously. The

participants have sought to deepen this so-called legal

or procedural definition seeking to arrive at a

definition more "experienced". Indeed, they had in mind

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what is democracy in technical terms: here I entered an

instance in which participant explains the

representative democracy.

" ... At least the policy should not watch, or at least

can not look, at each citizen’s life and problems [...]

in the sense that to carry on the whole state must try

to have some major points of connection ... and then as

now, that is right-wing, there is the left-wing and then

there are the various sub-parties in different things,

each in terms of how it grew refers, that it sees more

inclined to that party, to that person, and so on. And

there are those 150 people confronting one another. They

express more or less the ideas that have large masses

below [...] people have contributed to more or less to

the points that go ... and then they are the ones who

should make a intelligently comparison… let's hand this

thing, look at this thing and say: "Ok! There is this,

this and that but the conditions are such and such, we

made so we are economically, what can we actually do?

What do they need? " (A. 17 years old).

However, the participants were also able to drop the

word democracy into something more closely, wondering:

what does democracy mean in my life, in contexts where I

live? Who can say to be a "democratic" person? In their

words, what I found more generally was said in the

debate led by Critical Democracy , the Critical Pedagogy ,

namely that democracy could really be explained as

"attitude" or set of behaviours that have to do with

each other. Young people interviewed agree with that:

there is no democracy outside of intersubjectivity. At

least 2 people forms a democracy.

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On the contrary, R.17 argues, " so there is no genuine

democracy, more than anything else is a debate, but has

the same characteristics of the true great democracy ."

(R. 17 years old).

However, what kind of attitude is democracy? I

could say that democracy involves a constellation of

attitudes that concern the contexts of daily life,

decision-making processes. Decisions about deciding what

can be done on Saturday evening together with friends

until determining patterns of classroom management

school. The representation of democracy that comes from

these interviews is something spontaneous, but not

naive.

I divided the data from interviews in categories to

better explain the meanings given to the term

“democracy”. According to the phenomenological-

descriptive analysis, data from interviews are collected

in units of meaning, with the aim of giving them an

order.

I called the units "cognitive-hold": boys and girls

interviewed to explain the meaning of democracy departed

from concrete situations. From these they have

extrapolated values that an individual should have to

live in a democracy. I named these units holds because a

personal definition of democracy is linked. I further

divided them into 2 categories that I called “metaphors

of signification”, or ways to say democracy and explain

it to themselves and to others. While the first units

would explain the references through which the

respondents have built a sense of democracy, the latter

are on the metaphors used to give to themselves and to

others a "lived" definition.

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The First Cognitive-Hold: The Own Education

The construction of the concept of democracy begins

through schooling and is cultural mediated by this. Many

do not remember what, during the civic education classes

attended during primary school, the teachers spoke about

when they studied democracy. The more the age

progresses, the more the interviewed persons are away

from what they learned at school. So if democracy is

simply " government of the people. So people should

exercise it "(M. 13 years old), it then has to do with

the mental and cultural attitudes of individuals:

" My idea of democracy has not changed radically over

time, at most has expanded beyond the political

definition and in most contexts, I made it more

concrete, because growing opens your mind, makes you to

know mature people, to do new experiences ... " (R. 17

years old).

The school was not an inspiration for them at least

explicitly. Their education in the construction of the

concept of democracy remains in the background regarding

what is declared.

" [The teacher] talked more ... that is thought more

about the Republic that is the Italian government, so

the parliament. About democracy she said little. " (M. 13

years old).

For all, there are no free moments of debate on

democracy that allow democracy to exist even in micro

contexts as in the classroom or during free time.

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This suggests that for constructing the concept of

democracy debate and reflection are required. An

important cognitive-hold, then, would be the presence of

an adult, a teacher or professor who could push children

to think about democracy in terms less "civic" and more

“existential”. In fact, the presence of a qualified

teacher is fundamental to make democracy a dense concept

to affect students, on the one hand, and stir, so, the

motivation for reflection:

" I: You say that in classroom is difficult to talk about

these things, why?

But that is because we are not motivated to do so.

I: Why is there no motivation?

Precisely because there is not a real problem. Instead

it takes a real problem to discuss something.

I: What is a real problem for you?

No, I do not know that. It is something that makes you

difficult life ... " (S. 16 years old).

During the interviews, the reflection was strongly

driven, did not come naturally. However, I did insist

asking on how much democracy exists in the contexts of

life in order to extrapolate from their words what

characterizes the nature and peculiarities of their idea

of democracy.

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The Second Cognitive-Hold: Individuals’ Democratic

Values

Through the question: what makes a person

"democratic"? It is interesting to note that the

interviewees have compiled a list of values and positive

attitudes to nourish the ideal of democracy.

Who is democratic, then?

" A democratic person is a freeperson. " (Li. 16 years

old)

" Eh ... a person who respects others, who considers them

because ... if democracy, namely governance of all,

however, that everyone must participate in some way ...

eh, so the same thing: not a person, who commands, does

not want to do all alone. A democratic person is not

like that. " (M. 13 years old)

The values pre-conditions of democracy are: " Justice,

awareness, intelligence, honesty " (L. 16 years old). The

democratic values that were cited during interviews are:

- The courage;

- The personal maturity;

- The critical thinking;

- Being able to deal with others;

- Open-mindedness;

- Listening to others;

- Do not judge others;

- Respect the rules.

This list seems to coincide with other lists

proposed by moral educators. Democracy is possible if an

individual is able to live with courage and conviction

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according to their own ideas: " So therefore, democratic

... well! Is a type of person that is not silent, that

is, if one proposes an idea and he does not agree with

it, he does not accept but proposes another one " (R. 17

years old).

When you are dealing with a democratic person, boys

and girls interviewed imagine of dealing with an

individual used " to try to see if other people have to

say something that was maybe better than what I think " (

R. 17 years old). A democratic person knows this and is

used to listen (S. 16 years old), loves to become mature

through inter-individual differences and to improve

through the comparison with others (D. 14 years old ).

It is understandable that some adolescents have

clear ideas about what having certain attitudes of

living means: it is not only knowing how to treat others

well, with listening and confrontation, but also to

success in finding ways for self-improving through the

openness to another.

" [A democratic person] should behave well with others

and make others to understand that he is not close but

open but it is ... that is open to any advice. He wants

to hear different voices to improve, too. Then more or

less this is a democratic person. " (D. 14 years old).

From the words of one participant, I found a very

interesting idea that defines democracy as a not easy

choice of life because often democracy is in contrast

with the own character.

" Democracy is a choice of life. You can be more prepared

to be democratic or more prepared to be the dictator. If

you are prepared to be democratic, you can put yourself

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to probation, you cannot be deaf to ideas of others.

While if you are more prepared to be dictator you stop

there and you do your beautiful castle of your ideas.

You carry on those ideas and no one ever can be able to

make you change them [...] I think that politics is a

choice, in fact studying is also necessary to construct

your own idea " (R. 17 years old).

What is certain is that where the individual does

not arrive, in terms of democratic attitudes, the State,

or an institution over the individuals, should

compensate and decide the democratic lifestyle.

Democracy should do that by imposing something that is

for the good of all. In the interviews there is an

example which explains this: when a commander of an army

decides on behalf of soldiers who do not know the good

strategies. It is the commander to decide where to go,

because he has more knowledge and because he has the

responsibility of his subordinates.

" I: What does being democratic mean, then?

Being democratic means listening, that is, use the

opinions of others

I: What does using the opinions of others mean?

It means treasuring them before you get our own. It

means being able to grow through other people. " (S. 16

years old).

" [Being democratic means] Respect for others, above all,

and knowing how to live with others. And to follow the

rules which are set by someone, then you must learn to

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follow.

I: What is missing to your friends to be democratic?

Eh... perhaps some seriousness. They are not so much

interested in democracy. " (D. 14 years old).

The Third Cognitive-Hold: Life Contexts

An important suggestion that in this chapter has

been the subject of debate is the fact that people learn

democracy if the schools or other educational

institutions they attend are built, designed and

intended as democratic situation. I have met the same

idea in the words of one interviewee:

“ It's not that you say: now we learn democracy! Rather

it is how you grow up, because if I were born in another

country I would not even know democracy does not even

know what that is. What I am saying is that becoming a

democratic person in a country that is not democratic is

hard. ” (L . 16 years old)

If democracy is thought as an attitude, the interviewees

have realized how democracy is an event-related, is

contextual located. So, where is democracy? Some

participants outline a developed theory that democracy

is only possible between equals. In fact, democracy

presupposes a certain symmetry in potential functioning

(Nussbaum would say: capability to educate) and

conditions. In life contexts where there is not the

symmetry between the social actors, democratic style is

more difficult to realize.

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" I: But then democracy is only in the Parliament?

No no no ... but between people mature, surely [...]

democracy I see it as something where people are equal,

no? Also ... not only mature... but of course it also

pertains to children ... " (S. 16 years old).

" For democracy we need to focus on classroom, to a level

where we are all equal, therefore, not in the family,

and [...] where there are no hierarchies ." (L. 16 years

old).

At School

It is noted that data from the high school students

interviews show that more adolescents grow more they are

not inclined to accept a certain lack of democracy, in

this case, of shared decision-making in the classroom.

The classroom environment is in the hands of the

teacher who decides and, therefore, chooses the

relational style. The way the teacher presents

her/himself was seen as characteristic of the presence

or absence of democracy in school.

" I: If I understood correctly, democracy is when, for

example, in classroom decisions are taken together.

Isn’t?

Although there is a figure higher than the others, it

should, before acting, hear the views of others and try

to put together the various ideas in function of our

good, in the sense that, as she/he should teach us,

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she/he must do our good but she/he may do so by

following the proposals that we give. " (A. 17 years

old).

The interviewed also proposes an example of a teacher

who leaves no spaces due to the students of his class,

because she has always to put marks and almost as

punishment. She does not want reasons to hear: " The

problem is that we had tried to say: Teacher, look ...

she does not care anything. " (A. 17 years old).

Such attitudes, especially during adolescence, are

counterproductive, from the students words: the

classroom climate that the teacher, above any other

actors, influences increases the willingness to

learning. For some there is not democracy at school for

two reasons. The first reason is the futility of

meetings done and that makes the perception that this is

a way to pretend democracy.

" At school in theory there is democracy: we have

representatives of class but in reality, the meetings

are futile and the principal decides or whoever is above

him. The school system does not seem very democratic.

There are not shared choices. " (L. 16 years old).

The second reason concerns the use of the word as a

primary form of communication policy that requires first

honesty, but also courage.

" In my house there is democracy, we always say

everything. A school is ... many people do not say

certain things. They are hypocritical, because they are

afraid of being judged and then are quiet. [...] At

school, there is no democracy because there are many

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hypocrites and there are people who feel superior to

others, and those who are weaker, however, suffer and

not try to rebel or to say what they think seriously.

They miss some courage for being democratic, which is

something that must start from you, or get the drop that

makes the vase overflows... " (Li. 16 years old).

In Family

The family is designed both as a place of exercise

for the ideas exchange and as the place of acceptance of

the lack of democracy. If people understand the

differences of position and role of parents, they tend

to justify the lack of democracy due to a recognized

asymmetry:

" There is a big difference between people and therefore

it is right that ultimately the most important decisions

are taken by the people that allow you to remain in the

family. " (A. 17 years old).

" Here in this family is the most democratic thing

because we seek to discuss. The quarrels certainly are

not lacking... But there are parents who still remain

above anything and anyone. Eh ... But in any case

before… we discuss among us. " (M. 13 years old).

Among Friends

Within the peer-group democracy is not often

exercised either because there is no need (the

comprehension among friends is often very quickly) or,

as often happens during adolescence, friendship is

suddenly dismissed. A citation, however, incorporates

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the idea that to address and discuss democracy, rather

than living it, as can happen in the family, a major

obstacle seems to be immaturity. With friends, one does

not experience it, at least consciously, democracy and

the democratic decision-making style for two factors:

" Yes... they always seem… I don’t know! Immature. Maybe

I too, sometimes. Yes but I’d like to be able to talk to

someone who… ‘I also hear you talking of serious things "

(S. 16 years old)

The other reason is the dictator style of some

friends, especially within peer-group relationship,

where the group is the privileged relations someone may

have. This happens particularly when children attend

middle schools:

" Well, with my friends, I don’t know... Sometimes there

are people who want to stay on top of others. That is,

look for...

I: Why?

I do not know... they feel braver, for example, or have

done so, have it within them and can not calm down.

I: Do they bother you?

But after a while, that is, if they play, ok, it’s fine.

But after, if it is repetitive it bothers " (M. 13 years

old).

During The Free Time

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During free time, an adult who takes decisions instead

of young people and does not involve the anyone is

generally not accepted. While the house is not chosen,

the family is not a choice, what to do during the free

time is a choice for adolescents which invest resources

and energy, time and desire. A typical case is the

football team. During the workout, you live a sense of

team and hard work together. Nevertheless, the

competition destroys the democratic climate and makes

heavy the attendance for people who are not up to.

" No, that just is not a democracy. Because is the coach

who decides and then you have to listen to the coach and

that's all. That is, no more democracy. He decides and

you must adapt. Stop. "(D. 14 years old).

But not just football, even leisure activities in

general, during which the child decides to attend an

informal extracurricular context:

" Eh ... gives me a little nuisance. Because, in short, I

am also pleased to give my opinion, therefore, when

someone decides not asking me makes me annoyed ... but

not to me in particular but to the group that... " (D. 14

years old).

First Metaphor of Signification: Democracy as Freedom

The metaphor helps to move from a denotative level

of the concept of democracy to a connotative one.

Through the metaphors, knowledge is produced. That is

why democracy needs of metaphors to be explained but

also to be understood. One of the metaphors used more is

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democracy as freedom. What is freedom? It is primarily

freedom of opinion:

" In dictatorship you are not free; in a democracy you

are free. You have ... although that is still to follow

the rules ... laws to be observed, however, you can keep

your freedom of individual who thinks, acts with his

head and not doing what says ... the supreme dictator,

because if not he kill you. " (A. 17 years old).

The metaphor of democracy as freedom serves to explain

what generally differs democracy thought as a form of

power that affect the daily lives of individuals by the

lack of freedom or other forms of government.

Secondly, the freedom is limitation of external

conditioning within the relationships the interviewees

have. The difficulty of saying opinions, for example,

while the situation of having freedom and opportunity,

consists in being free to say own thoughts.

" Learning to listen, learn to say things even if others

judge you and trying to be free, perhaps, but in the

right things. That is to say having a precise concept of

freedom. " (S. 16 years old).

The freedom of expression and opinion is not a task in

itself, in the ideas of participants. It serves mainly

to improve the state of things and to reach the truth,

which it is confused with the right and the idea of

justice:

" The dictatorship comes to the truth of one person, not

the truth of all. With dialogue, hearing the views of

all we can arrive at a solution that is truer in

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general, it is even more right. " (S. 16 years old).

" Freedom as knowing how to choose what is right and what

is wrong. " (M. 13 years old).

It is not the freedom to do what you wish, as in the

utilitarian tradition. Indeed, sometimes in limited

situations, it is necessary to defend freedom with

coercion:

" The worse [situation] is that leads you to think that

it is the right thing for you ... that there is a

dictator who commands there and does not let you make

decisions. " (A. 17 years old).

Second Metaphor of Signification: Democracy as

Consideration

A second and beautiful metaphor comes from the words

of the youngest of those interviewed but underlies, or

at least seems to underlie, each of speeches on

democracy made by the participants. This metaphor is

democracy consideration, that is to say democracy as the

moment when boys and girls are heard, seen. In the adult

world this idea of democracy would make them feel worthy

of speech. Democracy as consideration recalls the right

to citizenship closer to the idea of democracy as

habermasian exchange dialogue. The participants pointed

out that the dimension of the esteem of others, in

general, is the starting point of experiencing the

values of democracy and democratic nature of certain

life situations. A coach who does not listen and give

right to speak, an educator who does not ask and does

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not seek confrontation over decisions, a parent who does

not care of objections, friends who are not interested

to hear other views, etc.

" [at home] At least before everyone wants to know the

opinion of all. That for me is good because then I have

not the age that I can choose what I want. But I am

considered. I think I am a considered person. " (M. 13

years old).

Nevertheless, there is also another form of

consideration that it is equally important: not only

being heard is part of this "democratic" consideration

but also living contexts of Justice. Indeed, young

people have often said that a choice made by an adult

was not right because she/he did not take into

consideration the ideas of others, and in this case, of

the interviewee. This point is crucial to understand

what the interviewees say about justice in a democratic

context or situation.

Justice is not only something, which concerns the

policies distant from the people but also involves the

relationship of education in the micro level. Seeing

themselves as considered persons is the starting point

for journeys of real participation. Thinking about

justice in contexts and interactions, especially school,

could be the starting point for the construction of

democratic and fair situations. This seems to intersect

some of the results presented in Chapter 3: the

“consideration” seems to be a strong metaphor to outline

the profile of democratic levels of life places of young

people. As previously supported, democracy and education

are situations: in these situations (family, leisure,

school, etc.) what can be a useful educational track is

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to understand what could help being intersubjectively

considered and consider.

Finally, I would add to the definitions of democracy

that are in this chapter also this one:

“ Democracy has many meanings: legally is the power of

the people but in my opinion is also being themselves,

not afraid to tell their own views and on the political

side is also a possibility of choice. " (Li. 16 years

old)

Conclusions and Research Topic

The SJE is the critical moment to decline, in the

reality of human beings education, social rights which,

unfortunately, are often thought of as right to social

minimum. Within this line, the SJE is based on two broad

categories: the first is the right and the idea of

justice, the second is democracy as a model of

administration of power that affects the organization of

educational institutions. In this case it would affect

the construction of a proper training system and the

education of democratic individual personality. In fact,

only educating to democracy is possible to give impetus

to the critical strength of SJE.

The reflection on democracy reveals how one can be

educated to democracy through the everyday life

contexts: more they are democratic more they educate.

The education right is at the heart of social democracy

and education of capabilities. In other words, the

education right is the core of intentional processes to

make individuals ready for free exercise of their full

potentialities in personal freedom. In this sense,

education and the education right are topics that are in

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the "before" and "after" of democracy. The education

right is a precondition, form, and future of democracy.

1) The education right and education are the premises

of democracy because democracy is born in a culture

that fosters development. The pedagogical

reflection, especially phenomenological (Bertolini,

2003) and pragmatist (Dewey, 2000) one, pointed out

that education is inherent to the construction of

human and any coexistence is in fact possible

thanks to the culture and the transmission of

certain social values.

2) The education right is the form of democracy: the

maintenance of a particular government is by

consensus and by proxy. That is, democracy needs

competent people whose format is critical in the

direction of knowing how to renew institutions and

continually re-found principles governing

democratic coexistence.

3) The education right is the future of democracy:

without education is not possible to think that

individuals will have the opportunity to enhance

and improve their condition. Since democracy, like

any cultural product, something perfectible, it is

necessary that democracy itself implements and

maintains rigorous education that will enable all

individuals to develop their capabilities.

Education and self-education is a basic social

right, more so in a democracy that needs to invest on

their own citizens. In Italy, a liberal policy has no

particular sympathy for public schools and for

everything related to the development of the potential

capabilities of citizens. Procedural democracy that

forgets the concept of social change and social justice,

tries to maintain the status quo that often could

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coincide with the interests of a class, a demos, which

is in power.

The outlined theoretical premises are functional

for the identification and placement of the research

topic for PhD thesis. It was necessary to deepen in

which relationship are the addressed areas: Rights,

Social Justice , Education and capabilities’ approach, in

order to build an empirical research in education.

Schooling is the key point to discuss, starting from a

practical and real phenomenon, about democracy as it

substantiates within the disciplinary discussion of

pedagogy.

The fruit of decades of political rights of

children showed the binding of a "right" education

system. This principle is not in accordance with the

reality in those cases where the assurance processes of

right were in practice declined as a guarantee of the

right of some, usually those who are in the main stream.

The question of right, especially the social right,

draws, however, a universal dimension, that is valid for

all and always, regardless of contingencies. In other

words, activating processes for guaranteeing rights, in

particular the education right, should always be

present, even in the presence of only one child, that

takes not part of the same conditions of the majority of

children.

In Italy, we are experiencing factors that are

challenging a right that is vital for social democracy,

point of arrival of Education and central issue of

capabilities. As Nussbaum noted repeatedly, the

differences put the crisis in contemporary educational

system such as persons with disabilities, women, elderly

people and foreigners.

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A declination of the social minimum right concerns

situation of Italian school. In addition to the

education policies of recent months that are depriving

the Italian education system of the effectiveness of

inclusive and democratic pedagogy, there is another

phenomenon: the inclusion of pupils without Italian

citizenship in school.

The migrant students not depart from the same

conditions as Italian students, especially as regards

knowledge of the language of the host country. This

calls into question the issue of social justice in terms

of capabilities, what would be the "right"? Giving them

the opportunity to go to school? This is the right to

social minimum. Nevertheless, it is not the "right".

Giving them hospitality in schools? This is not

democracy but it would still be not the "right". As said

in the course of the chapter, giving them the

opportunity to increase their capabilities, primarily by

removing obstacles, is the “right”. Teaching language is

only the first of other corollaries of this statement.

The Italian school has activated modes and

significant experience, but not linked to the entire

education system. This is not decreed that the school is

totally without instruments. The peculiarity of the

Italian school is the fact that every school is

structured independently, in the organization and

teaching. This has ensured that good practice will lose

in the failure of communication by school to school.

What is certain is that in Italy, since 1999 with

Article 45 of Presidential Decree No. 394, the practice

to accept students without Italian citizenship of new

migration has been introduced. The first among these

practices is the Protocol of Acceptance (Favaro &

Bettinelli, 2000).

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It is not enough to write what the school must do

to secure the education right: the reality of the

process of acceptance can be very different from the

statements of principle. Moreover, the meanings teachers

give to the Protocol, as well as to all practices that

are in place, may be different from the intention of the

legislator and compared with SJE. What I have inquired

lies at the problematic crossroads of education right,

activated modes of guaranteeing the right and

accommodating students without Italian citizenship:

securing the same opportunities for learning and

maturation that the Italian students have. The

phenomenon is a litmus test of the sense of the

education right and sense of the level of democracy in

Italian schools.

In addition, migration challenges national education

systems in the effectiveness of guarantee of the

education right. It also shows that even international

law has felt the need to put in writing the rights in

intercultural way. The Convention against Discrimination

in Education 4 of 1960 adopted by the United Nations

Educational, Scientific, Cultural Organization (UNESCO),

says in Article 1 that

the term 'discrimination' includes any

distinction, exclusion, limitation or preference

which, being based on race, colour, sex,

language, religion, political or other opinion,

national or social origin, economic condition or

birth, has the purpose or effect of nullifying or

impairing equality of treatment in education.

4 Enforced by the Italian legislation with the Law No . 656 of 13 July 1966.

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The International Convention on the Protection of the

Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their

Families, in 1990, Article 30, states that children of

immigrant workers,

shall have the basic right of access to

education on the basis of equality of treatment

with nationals of the State concerned. Access to

public pre-school educational institutions or

schools shall not be refused or limited by

reason of the irregular situation with respect

to stay or employment of either parent or by

reason of the irregularity of the child's stay

in the State of employment.

The migration would show more manifestly dynamics

that would exist even in normal conditions. Because the

arrival of foreign students is increasingly massive and

increasingly widely involving the Italian school. In

Chapter 4 I shall introduce the results of a research

conducted by the method of Grounded Theory, to outline,

in light of what I have sustained above in this chapter,

how the school guarantees the education right in the

context of inclusion of foreign pupils.

Nevertheless, in the next chapter, I shall

introduce, however, the research methodology and explain

how I have used the method of GT. Insert after a

theoretical chapter, a methodological one is important

to share how I thought, reflected on research and

research data. Indeed, while Chapter 2 was the place

where I have explained my position as disciplinary and

theoretical researcher, the next chapter will serve to

inform the reader how I used the method that has enabled

me to reach the conclusions of Chapter 4.

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CHAPTER 3 – RESEARCH’S METHODOLOGY

Introduction

In this chapter, I shall discuss the methodology and

the method used in the empirical research on the

processes of inclusion of students without Italian

citizenship in the Italian school. This social

phenomenon that is taking place increasingly in Italy,

is a critical moment with regard to the guaranteeing of

the education right, a social rights which today is,

first, considered essential to the coexistence among

different people and to the progress of the society,

but, on the other side is being challenged by several

issues.

This chapter makes the research path clear and is

about how I have reached the conclusions set out in

Chapter 4. While in Chapter 2, I have addressed more

extensively the implications of Social Justice Education

(SJE) from a theoretical point of view, while making the

area of research comprehensible, in Chapter 4 I will

present the results of research. The importance of

outlining the path of a qualitative research after a

theoretical chapter, is dictated by the fact that, in my

opinion, it is necessary considering the empirical

research in education as a means through which create

contents for and give meaning to educational theories.

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The SJE, in fact, outlines several practical guidelines

for setting democratic and inclusive contexts with the

goal of a fair education.

Nevertheless, it remains a theory, not founded in

any type of data. It is under the light of theory, one

can make sense of a qualitative research. This chapter

is, therefore, a meta-reflexion about strategies I have

implied, about ways of collecting and analyzing data.

Its importance is the possibility that gives the reader

to understand the methodological steps that led the

researcher to make certain statements. Each qualitative

research is a world apart, but not because of it, can

not be shared with others. The chapter wants to keep

track of methodological choices and the research path.

Just to make it the theory emerged from the analysis

the most possible shared, I shall introduce the research

method used, having outlined my position epistemological

and methodological in the research and debate on those

criteria for knowing phenomena. I shall explain what I

intend for Grounded Theory (GT), method of research for

the exploration of social processes, and how I have used

it. My main reference is the so-called Constructivist

Grounded Theory (Charmaz, 2000, 2006), although I have

used it with little changes. I shall gut the research

design in all its components and operational practices:

I shall describe the main setting of research, the

access to the field and theoretical sampling. The

chapter on methodology will end with some reflections on

the validity in qualitative research and Grounded Theory

in particular.

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Research Design

Research Question

You cannot study democracy in abstract terms but you

must study it in terms of “situation”. Democracy in

education is a situation , as I said in the Chapter 2. It

has, therefore, the characters of an educational

situation: the first characteristic of a situation in

education is being intentional, or being designed and

intended as a democratic event. In its inherent

intentionality (see Bertolini, 2002 and 2005), an

educational situation is in dialogue with the ethical

choices that drive the educational processes. The

values, chosen by the teachers and educators, play an

important role to configure or less an educational

situation as a democratic event. What are the democratic

educational situations one could study? For this

research, a particular educational situation has been

chosen: the intentionally democratic school and its

practices.

Democratic education is a situation in which the

purposes and ways are consistent with the values of

democracy. In other terms, I should refer to democracy

as other researchers qualified it, that is, as attitude

and behaviour (Osborne, 2001), not only of individuals

but also of educational intentionally democratic

institutions.

In addition to what school, as privileged

educational agency, proposes in terms of intentionally

constructed curriculum also conveys other types of

curriculum, whose messages’ meanings are hidden and,

according to Critical Pedagogy (Dewey, 1969, 2000;

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Goodman, 1992; Freire, 2006), have a great influence on

educational processes and real learning / understanding

of the intentional curriculum. In other words, as I

argued in Chapter 2, democratic education is declined

not only in contents and knowledge but also regarding

the context and, in particular, the way it was designed.

The organizational arrangements choices speak, in fact,

about democracy and sometimes reveal discrepancies

between what is taught (the civic education) and what is

taught that do not have any practical realization.

Therefore, research will take into account not only what

is being done to accommodate foreign students but also

how it is done.

The research question of my PhD thesis face both the

theoretical assumptions already explained in Chapter 2

and the fact that studying democracy in education means

studying specific situations, in this case the school. I

then asked: in today's Italian realities, what are the

situations, which challenge the construction of

democratic situations at school? What issues are the

teachers facing in terms of organization and democratic

management of the Italian school? What are the relevant

social processes to the school may disclose the

democratic aspects of this institution?

Among the social rights, I have chosen the education

right whose warranty the school was designed by the

Italian Constitution for. What are questioning the

education right, now? I have selected a particular and

limited phenomenon that is emerging more and more and

that is creating concern and confusion in school life:

the insertion in the Italian school of the students

without Italian citizenship even during the school year.

How does the school guarantee, if it guarantees, the

right to study in this limit-situation where the right

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is clearly challenged? What is happening? This was

indeed the question that has generated the research

path. Then I rephrased the question of research as it

was emerging from analysis of data: how did the school

pass from a problem to solve to right to guarantee?

Epistemological and Methodological Assumptions

A qualitative research design is an ambitious

project that is rooted on two important pedestals: the

ontological/epistemological and methodological

assumptions. I decided to tackle these two moments of

reflection keeping them in a single paragraph to

emphasize that the epistemology/ontology and methodology

are strictly linked each other. What unite them are the

question of research and the nature of the phenomenon,

to which the research question refers (Morse & Richards,

2002). The coherence of these factors in a qualitative

research design is important to make reason of the self-

correcting nature of qualitative research (Morse et al.

2002). As there is not a hypothesis to be confirmed and

the research project is not very predictable in advance,

its internal consistency, otherwise known as internal

validity, is established by the internal correctness,

the rigor and the possibility to share. Clarifying the

position of epistemological and methodological research

helps, in fact, to understand the research path that is

unique and personal, and limit the randomness of the

choice of methods and strategies for collecting and

analyzing data.

Stop talking about Paradigms!

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With the structure of scientific revolutions (Kuhn,

1999), the scientific community has realized that to

change science, its priorities and its research objects,

you must change the paradigm which science refers to.

There is, or is it better to assume, there was a

dominant paradigm, a way of understanding the

construction of knowledge, from which a science was

considered "normal" because the most accepted by the

scientific community. Since the ’60s, we are seeing a

paradigm shift and the epistemology, from the sciences

court deciding what science is and what is not

(Bertolini, 2001), is becoming the way to construct new

knowledge and to respond the question: how do we know

the reality? What is knowledge? How could we go in

search of true knowledge? (Lincoln & Guba, 1985;

Mortari, 2007).

The consequence of this change of epistemological

role obliges the researcher, especially the qualitative

one, to clarify her/his position regarding the reality

and knowledge, to build and share with the scientific

community of colleagues the how of achieving certain

results, then the research’s method. In other words,

epistemology had to become the premise of qualitative

research because regarding to paradigms, the dominant

one was no longer able to understand and drive a

methodology that would be able to study complex

phenomena such as psychosocial processes, lived and

experiential meanings, cultures and sub-cultures. Some

see a confrontation between the dominant paradigm and

naturalistic-constructivist paradigm (Lincoln & Guba,

1985), the first of these is the transformation of the

positivist paradigm in post-positivist, while the second

is the paradigm of qualitative research.

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However, it is even true that in recent years both

qualitative and quantitative researchers can not

disregard the fact of living in an era called of the

post- (i.e. post-modern) or for those like myself, at a

time when the paradigm that is more capacity for

scientific research is the complexity (Morin, 2000 and

2001). If two are the consequences of post-positivist,

namely reductionism and determinism, the consequence of

accepting this paradigm shift is that of the

proliferation of paradigms (Donmoyer, 2006) that is not

always useful and fruitful for qualitative research as

it identifies the paradigm, making it so individually

thought and unrecognizable by the scientific community.

In this time, marked by post-modern hermeneutic on a

side and by demand of taxonomies, on the other, the

paradigms have diversified and in this multiplication

seem to have lost the meaning of knowledge. It seems, in

addition, that the proliferated qualitative paradigms

are in a level of subservience to the strong paradigm

(Kuhn, 1999) that in educational research is still the

paradigm of verifiability and generalizability.

Facing the crisis of knowledge, the scientists have

counteracted by multiplying the visions of the world.

But, it seems avoiding to talk about dominant paradigm

(Donmoyer, 2006) more productive and creative for

research, because among implicit and explicit scientific

positions

“We are virtually all constructivists now,

so, in essence, at the epistemological

level, the paradigm wars have been won by

those who embraced

naturalist/constructivist/interpretivist

thinking. Even researchers who hold onto

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the notion of objectivity normally

understand that the concept is only a

regulative ideal, not something that can

actually be attained. And those who

continue to frame their work and discourse

in cause–effect rather than constructivist

terms also, at some level, understand that

they may be employing a functional fiction

rather than a description of reality.

After all, once we accept the proposition

that reality is socially constructed, it

makes little sense to talk about the true

nature of reality. Epistemology trumps

ontology, in other words, and the best we

can do, once we have embraced a

constructivist view of knowledge, is to

base our decisions on utilitarian rather

than on realist grounds.” (Donmoyer, 2006,

p. 24).

My paradigmatic choice could therefore be, even

provocative, to say nothing about paradigms because the

complexity of the world around us is there for all to

see. Rather I think more interesting reflecting on the

philosophical style, which, within the recognized and

already-applied single new paradigm, each researcher has

to do research and to position itself in reality.

The Absolute Rule of the Phenomenon

Closely linked to the epistemology there is the

research methodology. It is necessary that I make the

difference between the words methodology and method

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clear, first. Often the two terms are synonymous and

sometimes several misunderstandings could interfere. For

my part, the method is the road that runs to reach the

knowledge: in it there are strategies for collecting and

analyzing data. The methodology is the study of research

methods. It may divide into complex methodologies and

reductionist methodologies. I do not think proper to

think that the methodologies can be distinguished by the

use of quantitatively or qualitatively oriented methods.

A few years ago, it was allowed to argue that in

fact “although qualitative and quantitative methods

might occasionally be mixed, one could not

simultaneously embrace the positivist paradigm, on the

one hand, and the naturalistic/constructivist paradigm,

on the other, without becoming an intellectual

schizophrenic […].” (Donmoyer, 2006, p. 13). But in

recent years, we have seen an increase of spurious

methods, whose hybridisation allows the researcher to

use both quantitative data, as percentages, statistics,

and qualitative data, like stories, "artistic" data

(from art based research), without recurring to the

post-positivist paradigm for the use of one or

constructivist paradigm for the use of others. For many

years the scientific community in North America has been

reflecting on multiple or mixed methods, in which,

leaving aside the specific applications, has admitted

the use of strategies for collecting data, sampling,

analysis from quantitative traditions, without

compelling researchers to embrace epistemology and

methodologies of positivist science. This does not seem

to upset the structure of qualitative methodology

because this type of contamination is not only tolerated

but also accepted.

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What then changes the recognisability of the methods

is not so much the presence of numbers or stories,

figures or qualitative data, as a way to reflect and

take into account the process of knowledge production.

The reductionist approaches, then, are those methods

that see knowledge as a result of highly experimental

and post-positivist research in which “only randomized

experiments produce truth” (House, 2006). The adjective

"reductionist" is not to be considered only in relation

to the techniques and strategies of knowledge

production, but also in terms of ethics and policy

research. In fact, the dominant paradigm would push

researchers not only to use reductionist methodologies

but also to concentrate on research topics regardless

what would right or not to seek, how and to what

purpose.

Instead, the term of complex methodology means that

it refers to a spectrum of possibilities that are in

methodological accordance first with the research

phenomenon, in terms of knowledge of the object and

production of new knowledge about the object in

question. The complex methodology does not reduce the

truth only to experimental nature process, but puts in

relation knowledge production with a universe of systems

that it involves (the researcher, culture, politics, and

age related to the same search). This kind of

methodology is open to the complexity and prevents to

science progression for accumulation but on the

contrary, allows the phenomenon to be investigated

according to its deep and overall appearance.

The complex methodologies, therefore, are suitable

to investigate not only qualitatively but also

quantitatively phenomena of the real world, depending on

the phenomenon itself and not by ideological assumptions

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of the researcher, who are both political and ethical.

Denzin, Lincoln & Giardina (2006) outline how in U.S.

policy the process of knowledge production is

politically driven and not chosen for the sake of

knowledge. “The scientifically based research movement

(SBR), first introduced by the federal government in the

Reading Excellence Act of 1999 and later incorporated by

the National Research Council (NRC), has created a new

and hostile political environment for qualitative

research.” It is a re-emerging scientism, just to an

expression of Maxwell (2004), a real methodology serving

the government.

From this, the researcher can easily see that if the

methodology can be coupled to a government that makes

decisions and to take decisions which means investing

money, then the method has the capability to be a

political choice. That is why it is important to

consider the dictatorship of the phenomenon as a source

of the methodological choice: the phenomenon to study

should suggest the methodology to be followed. I could

ask: if I want to investigate a research topic that

includes a social process as the inclusion of foreigners

in the Italian school, should I use a reductionist

methodology? Should I use tools and strategies that

remain blind in front of political and ethical

complexities of a so problematic issue? Why do

governments tend to subsidize reductionist methods

rather than complex methodologies? The answer to the

latest question is simple: the complex methodologies

that tend to maintain complex phenomena even in the

final report, make political decisions difficult. Are

measured data preferable because they have the aura of

objectivity and generalizability? Nevertheless, as the

measure is strictly linked to the tool you use and

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objectivity is really an aura. Measured data are not

preferred because objective rather because linked to a

strong epistemology, to the so-called "normal" science

(Kuhn, 1999) that ensures the fairness of proceeding,

and because through this epistemology clear decisions

for politicians seem to be easier to make. Lather (2004)

calls this the "Bush Science". What is certain is that

the political decisions on evidence are not always

useful and positive ones. Other evidences, in my opinion

should support and assist policy decisions and in

particular the evidences, theories, discoveries of

methodologically complex research.

I have chosen to use the complex methodology from

the nature of the phenomenon to be investigated. In

fact, the area of investigation call a variety of

levels: the educational, political and values’ ones. The

reductionist approach is not capable of understanding

these three levels in a wide gaze. According to the

husserlian phenomenology, then, the phenomenon, which

appears to us should determine the limits of its proper

knowledge. Every phenomenon is itself and it is knowable

from its ontological features. The complex methodology

that I have chosen seems to be particularly useful to

follow the shape and characteristics of the social

phenomenon that I studied because it is flexible enough

to deal with the educational ethical and political level

of education, but not so large not to mark the

boundaries and limits of the phenomenon. The social

phenomena are social constructions by symbolic

interaction (Blumer, 1969), but the interpretations of

these constructions are not endless. They will always be

new because of the role that the researcher has within

the complex methodologies: she/he is part of the

methodology and construct knowledge (Caronia, 1997).

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The Role of the Point Of View

If the phenomenon is demanding as regards the

assumptions of the methodological position, is also

worthy to note the key-role played in terms of

discipline within the chosen methodology. Much of the

research is related to discipline or field of study from

which you look at a particular phenomenon. The field of

study has its say in methodological choices. The complex

methodology appears to be necessary when the phenomenon

of research is seen through the eyes of pedagogy and

education. The choice of methodology is strongly

influenced by what the specific discipline deals with

and, consequently, by its definition, although taken in

the broadest sense. In this case, the assumptions that

researchers possesses as disciplinary background "shape

research topics and conceptual emphases" (Charmaz, 2006,

p. 16).

Method

The Grounded Theory (GT) is a “general research

method” (Glaser & Strauss, 1967), mostly used in

qualitative field as a tool for constructing theories

and interpretative models based on data deriving from

psycho-social processes.

The GT provides an abductive data handling and an

induction of the interpretative categories, shared with

participants. The proceeding is not a priori. In this

sense, the researcher is driven by data and emerging

categories, to select other participants or other

contexts, to find different and even contrary

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situations, in order to reach a more profound

explanation of the phenomenon of study and, finally to

promptly identify the epistemic weaknesses or to take

other routes based on data interpretation. Nevertheless,

the interpretation is not the ultimate goal of GT. Its

determination is to construct a theory that works,

adhering to the data, and relevant (Glaser & Strauss,

1967). The theory is not predetermined, but it is

gradually and continuously constructed through the

collection and analysis of data, as its way of reasoning

is abductive. Once collected the data undergo the coding

and conceptualization process. Any new information is

then compared with the categories already available,

thus enriching the properties of the theory that

gradually takes shape. In a second phase, more of

analysis than of data collection, the labelling of

previous categories are constructed in dialogue with

other categories, to create a more coherent body of the

theory, concepts of a higher level, based not on

ordinary language, but on the terminology of the scholar

and, thanks to literature, the scientific community.

Through the comparison among categories and terminology

constructed categories are resized, thereby generating a

small number of more meaningful, valid formulations,

applicable to a larger number of situations, by virtue

of the high level of abstraction achieved. Finally, the

GT is written from categories that have become

conceptually dense rather than purely interpretation.

This method can grasp the social processes along with

meanings that participants attach to their world.

Kathy Charmaz (2006) has reformulated the definition

of GT as a general method arguing that in practice, the

GT is a set of guidelines or methods to collect and to

analyze qualitative data and build theories "grounded",

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rooted in the data. It is not therefore a narrow set of

rules but rather a methodical series of pathways that

allow the researcher to be creative, heuristic without

this being synonymous of improvisation or invention.

Since its birth, the GT has undergone some

interpretations. For some it was a research method tout

court, for others a set of methods, or a methodology

itself. In my point of view and the way in which I

understood and used it, GT belongs to the complex

methodology since, as mentioned, is a method or a

combination of methods, which do not reduce the reality

to what can be measured with statistics and numbers. The

GT proposed by Glaser and Strauss in 1967 was in part

positivist (Charmaz, 2000), because they thought the

data, qualitative and quantitative, although taken as a

complex data, would exist regardless of the role and of

the initial theoretical position of the researcher. Any

data would correspond to an objective reality. Glaser,

then (Glaser, 2002), has returned several times in

clarifying his idea of GT. If we can rightly claim that

the GT concepts are the results of the process of

conceptualization and so, “that concepts are abstract of

time, place, and people, and that concepts have enduring

grab” (Glaser, 2002), we can not consider a method as

something abstract of time, place and people (see

Holton, 2007), always valid. As knowledge production,

the GT transcends the descriptive level, but cannot be

considered itself more than a product of human knowledge

and, consequently, GT cannot transcend time and space

but is the result of constructed and thought human

activity. Among the definitions of GT, the Glaserian

school insists on supporting the GT as a methodology

rather than as a complex method. According to the

position of Holton (2007) is unnecessary to speak of

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schools of thought or epistemological and methodological

assumptions since the GT transcends this concern and the

issue of paradigm is seen as limiting the research,

hindering with a further set of preconceptions that

would undermine the emergence of the theory. From a

constructivist point of view, it is essential to be

aware of the own worldview. The utility of this is

understandable especially when a researcher do a GT in

practice. When one reflects, for example, about a

research topic Glaser (1978) would suggest to identify

the "main concern" of participants, the main cause for

concern. In constructing a theory that works and makes,

as its consequence, the applicability of the theory

possible in similar contexts (Tarozzi, 2008th), the

subject of research might be suggested by the problems

and difficulties experienced by participants. This

quickly would lead to the identification of the social

process that lies behind phenomena. Nevertheless, as

Charmaz (2006) sustained, a researcher can not pretend

that the "main concern" would be objectively given by

the participants voice. On the contrary it is

constructed by the researcher’s understanding of the

meanings that participants give to that question.

“Nevertheless, researchers, not participants, are

obligated to be reflexive about what web ring to the

scene, what we see, and how we see it.” (Charmaz, 2006,

p.15).

I used then, the GT as a complex research method,

referring mainly to claims of Charmaz (2000, 2006). This

approach suggested me not standardized rules for the

data collection and analysis, but several principles to

which I have referred to emerge a theory from data that

was constructed from my scientific position

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I have chosen the constructivist GT (Constructivist

Grounded Theory), in which knowledge is

intersubjectively built, because the phenomenon of

investigation of my doctoral research required special

attention to all the figures involved in this process.

In other words, the choice of this method was suggested

by complex nature and systemic social process that it

owns. The reality of the school lives of its meanings

that are continually negotiated by teachers and those

who work in the school. I inserted my researcher’s

activity in a already started social dynamics that have

within them the shared meanings. I have chosen the GT

also because through its practice, the researcher is

capable of constructing a "developmental theory" (Glaser

& Strauss, 1967), that is a theory about a process,

which changes and changes over time. In my opinion, it

is especially suitable to study a phenomenon that in

many Italian schools are brand new, but in others has

already become an almost routine of school management.

Moreover, GT means tension to construct a theory.

Because of this, I have not taken care of statistical

representativeness of the sample, because on the one

hand, there were not variables to be verified by

hypothesis, and on the other hand, theory, which does

not precede the collection of data but it follows it, is

the final point where the entire process and strategies

tend.

What is the meaning of theory I mean and that lead

the GT on the education right? The definition (Charmaz,

2006) of theory that seems to be positivist is that,

given a general theory a researcher must understand what

relations are between the abstract concepts that cover a

wide spectrum (wide range) of empirical observations. In

this case, we seek causes, or connections between

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phenomena that would emphasise generality and

universality issues. Here the theory was conceived as a

rigorous and traceable explanation of particular

phenomenon whose meaningful negotiations between

participants and researcher are searched. The first

definition recalls the so-called "Objectivist Grounded

Theory" which sees the data as real in themselves, the

participants are "data" and are not part of the theories

(Glaser, 2002). Here, the data are not produced by the

social interaction but simple collected or discovered.

The second, however, refers to the Constructivist

Grounded Theory, for which data are made of the

interaction the researcher has with the context, and the

participants. Indeed “Constructivist grounded theorist

take a reflexive stance towards the research process and

products and consider how their theories evolve, … both

researchers and research participants interpret meanings

and actions” (Charmaz, 2006, p. 131).

The principle of theory construction has also

adjusted the data analysis. Beginning with rigorously

following data and emerging conceptual cores, I then

continued to major abstraction levels until the last

one, the theory. A GT should maintains even at the end

contact with the data from which I theorized. According

to Turner (1981), there are two types of theories and

processes to construct them:

- A theory emergence process: is the process of

generating ways of thinking about data that arise

from reflective and interpretative reading. In this

stage what emerges is a set of impressions, bulk

data, applications and limited explanations about

the phenomenon;

- A theory construction is the process by which the

researcher creates more including categories, find

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connections, and relationships between them. It is

not just a description: The theory is the meaning

of the entire research work.

This second theorisation path could not be developed

without applying what Glaser and Strauss (1967) called

the constant comparison . Indeed, to do this, I compared

the conceptual construction and data from which concepts

were emerging, along with classes, events, and remarks.

That would be what is preparing the ground for the

insight, true driving force of the theory construction.

It points out the mechanism of metaphor, that makes

connections between distant concepts, produces

inferences and generates new knowledge on a conceptual

higher level (Tarozzi, 2008a , p. 15). This method

should be used along with theoretical sampling (Glaser &

Strauss, 1967) to produce the theoretical properties of

each category and give greater consistency and validity

to the emerging theory.

Setting

I mean setting the privileged place of study from

whose issues I read the question of the education right,

social rights, and democracy in education. As already

argued in Chapter 2, democracy is researchable in

contexts where their guidelines and shared values refer

to democracy. The school in Italy represents the state

that educates and undertakes education of new

generations. It is governed by law and is one of those

institutions wanted by the Constitution: the school is

an allegedly educational and instructive institution,

capable of reaching at least up to 16 years old people

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for the completion of compulsory schooling, all young

people, girls, and boys. Objective of the school is

reaching a level of education, which should be equal for

all. For this reason, I have chosen the school, because

is conceived as a privileged place where education and

politics intersect.

In addition, pedagogy and empirical research in

education must go back to think about school. The

Italian pedagogy, leaving out the studies on schooling

issues, it seems lately interest in educational

processes outside the school environment, leaving

schooling issues to other figures with other

professionals such as psychologists, sociologists,

counsellors. My prerogative was to enter a school and do

research.

As I argued in Chapter 2, the school is the appendix

of the democratic management that takes care of

education of young generations. The pupils of the

school, for the simple fact of living within the

national territory, have the right to access the

training system of the country. The Italian Constitution

wanted the school. Subsequently, laws and regulations

have maintained the education system as public and not

private, while giving the school its managerial

autonomy. This means that the sense of the school

regards the entire country and not the local

peculiarities. It is particularly important to the

school to ensure the education right for all.

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The field’s access 5 was a long and very tiring

activity. The researcher who intends to deal with

school, in fact, must often wait long periods for

physically entering school. This is because the school

has its schedules and teachers are always busy working

on many fronts. Above all, key informants I needed to

collect data were people with tight deadlines, either

for the managerial role (I am thinking of school

managers, principals, educators) or for timetables of

the organization of school, that does not allow many

moments during mornings.

The Covered Path of the Theoretical Sampling

The sampling and data collection are two central

processes to a qualitative research. In the case of GT,

sampling and data collection are inextricably linked to

define the theory. In fact, the choice of participants

is independent from the type of data the researcher

needs: data to be collected or already collected inform

on how keeping sampling in a particular direction. To

highlight the path of action and then choose the

participants to contact, going back and forth to the

data is necessary. Moreover, even in a GT data analysis,

collection and sampling are conducted simultaneously and

affect the search process. The information that

gradually constructs explanations, conceptually dense

abductions, makes the researcher to rethink and

5 The research I am presenting in its methodological part has gained the approval by the Ethical Committee of the University of Trento. Even among difficulties to explain a priori which kind of steps I had to do I have delineated a path to cover. I have thought about possible participants to involve, as well. I delivered to them the consent forms and the research project outline. I have received a positive result from the ethical review process with the requests of little modifying. In particular, I was asked to clarify the sampling. This is not easy to predict and is not linear, as well, especially in a GT.

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reprogram choices. For the sake of exhibition clarity, I

divided the sampling, data collection, and analysis of

data in three separate paragraphs. This is a useful

device for the sole purpose of explaining in detail the

process of research using the GT. In fact, many parts of

the process cannot be divided in practice because there

are methodological overlaps.

Sampling featuring the GT is the theoretical

sampling. It is a kind of sampling that begins in

advanced stages of research. In the beginning, the

research has sought participants who were informed about

the phenomenon I wanted to investigate. Normally this

sampling is called "purposive" or "initial" (Charmaz,

2006). Where is it easier to encounter the phenomenon of

inclusion of students without the Italian citizenship?

Where schools have a high percentage of foreigners, was

my reply. The choice of the first school started from

consulting data from the Ministry of Education on

students with non-Italian citizenship attending Italian

compulsory school. The annual report on the presence of

students without Italian citizenship in school that the

Italian Ministry of Education published in March 2008,

and the result of a number of other surveys conducted in

the previous periods (October and November 2007),

clearly shows the composition of migration flows with

regard to the school population. Below I have included

tables that I consulted for the choice of school to

start collecting data through interviews.

Municipality Province Presence

Novellara Reggio Emilia 23,2% Calcinato Brescia 23,1% Susegana Treviso 22,0%

Porto Recanati Macerata 22,0%

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Martinsicuro Teramo 21,6% Carpenedolo Brescia 21,5%

Asolo Treviso 21,0% Novi Di Modena Modena 20,8%

Crevalcore Bologna 20,4% Borgonovo Val Tidone Piacenza 20,0%

Tabella 2: Dalla Tab. 23 – Incidenza degli alunni con cittadinanza non italiana sulla popolazione

scolastica in totale nei piccoli comuni – a.s. 2006/07, Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione, Alunni

con Cittadinanza Non Italiana, marzo 2008. Da www.istruzione.it

Municipality Non Italian Students every 100 students

Milano 14,2% Alessandria 13,9%

Prato 13,7% Reggio Emilia 13,0%

Torino 12,6% Cremona 11,9% Brescia 11,8%

Piacenza 11,7% Modena 11,1%

Pordenone 11,1%

Tabella 3: Dalla Tab. 24 – I comuni italiani capoluogo con la più alta incidenza di alunni con

cittadinanza non italiana rispetto alla popolazione scolastica – a.s. 2006/07, Ministero della

Pubblica Istruzione, Alunni con Cittadinanza Non Italiana, marzo 2008. Da www.istruzione.it

"Milan confirms itself as the capital with the

highest incidence of foreign pupils: 14.2%, the increase

in a year was 1, 5%. Among the major cities, there is

Torino, with 12.6%, at fifth position, however, preceded

by Alexandria, Prato, and Reggio Emilia.

Municipalities with school population more than 1000

units, exceeding the 10% attendance of foreign students

from 166 to 246, have increased significantly in a year.

It almost doubled those that exceed the 15%, from 33 to

52 (Table 23). The photograph of multicultural school of

small municipalities shows us another, even a third

Italy, after that of major cities (the primacy of Milan)

and provinces, small and medium (the primacy of Mantua).

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This is the school of Novellara, Calcinato, Susegana,

names unknown to most and yet very representative of the

widespread and multifaceted characteristic of

immigration.

Another interesting fact of the geography of the 52

municipalities that exceed the threshold of 15% is the

presence of locations even in Central and Southern

Italy: Porto Recanati in the Marches, Martinsicuro in

Abruzzo, Santa Croce Camerina in Sicilia.

Another significant datum is that some of these

little cities are in mountain communities, in particular

of the Appennino: Fornovo Val di Taro (in the province

of Parma), Bibbiena (Arezzo), Vergato (Bologna). Taking

as reference, however, even the smaller municipalities,

with more than 100 students, 1336 are those that exceed

the threshold of 10%, while in the school year 2005/06,

were 1066. 6”

This report relates that small municipalities with a

greater than 15% incidence have tripled in two years

confirming a widespread and varied presence, not only in

big cities but also in small towns, in the valleys, or

in peripheral areas. The document contains a list of

these small and medium municipalities where on the top

appears the city of Novellara in the province of Reggio

Emilia. Novellara has one middle school with 23.2%

students who do not have Italian citizenship of the

total students. This figure became, after 23.3% in

internal documents of the school. This percentage

indicates that recognising the presence of the

phenomenon I wanted to study would be easier. 23% was

the highest percentage among the non-provincial capital

municipalities. I have therefore decided to start from

6 Source: data and comments retrieved 16/09/08 from http://www.pubblica.istruzione.it/mpi/pubblicazioni/2008/allegati/alunni_n_ita_08.pdf

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this school and taking phone contacts. I sent the letter

of presentation, with my curriculum vitae. It is

important to create a climate of confidence in those who

decide the entry of the researcher in the structure, in

this case the school. To do this I thought that being

available and dealing with transparency could help my

welcoming inside the school. The principal seemed

immediately available and invited me to a meeting of

teachers and educators who have discussed about the

immigrant students of the institute. Thus began the path

of data collection.

I have chosen to start the path of data collection

from some teachers so-called key informants that is to

say people in direct contact with the phenomenon of

acceptance and education of immigrant students arriving

in the course of the year. This step is the only of

theoretical sampling that can be programmed in advance

(Tarozzi, 2008a, p. 103), because it gives the green

light to the research process and not starts from

theoretical constructions that initially the researcher

can not hold on risk of not making a theory "grounded"

but "grand" (Glaser & Strauss, 1967), or confirms the

theory.

The theoretical sampling should not be confused with

the "purposive" sampling or other types of sampling

whose aim is (Charmaz, 2006):

- to address initial research questions;

- to reflect population distributions;

- to find negative cases;

- until new data emerge.

The theoretical sampling follows the emerging theory and

drives in seeking of new participants in order to

saturate the identified categories, develop a more

complex theory that is not a static description of a

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population: “it pertains only to conceptual and

theoretical development” (Charmaz, 2006, p.101).

The emerging theory that took into account only the

first really studied contexts suggested that the

processes of acceptance and inclusion of foreigners in

the course of a year could be influenced by the

political climate of the local school referred

administration. It was necessary to understand if the

reception of foreigners took place in that way in

Novellara because it was a left-wing municipalities or

for other reasons. It could be supposed that in a right-

wing centre the issue would change. The second school

that I have chosen was Calcinato in the province of

Brescia. This school is the second in the list of the

Ministry. The scholastic Institute of Calcinato (BS) has

the presence of students without Italian citizenship to

23.1% of the total population of the school.

From the first interviews, the participants revealed

that the issue of acceptance and even resource involved

the local authority. The study of the phenomenon, then,

involved the relationship between the local school and

the local authority. The emerging category that concerns

the political and partisan management of migration in

relation to the school, suggested the theoretical

sampling to proceed outside the school. The data

revealed that the guaranteeing of education right that

takes place at school, was actually played in liaison

with the local community and, therefore, together with

local administrators and their political beliefs.

Therefore, I interviewed assessors and municipal

officers, and gathered information and data related to

the political-administrative issue of the town of

Novellara and the town of Calcinato.

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An event not expected was interesting: I was invited

to participate in a meeting for exchange best practices

between the association "Millevoci" of Trento that deals

with intercultural education and training of teachers of

the Autonomous Province of Trento and the Scholastic

Provincial Office of Brescia. For the last few years, it

is very active in making the experiences of integration

and hosting of foreign pupils in schools in Brescia

known and shared.

The researcher GT is asked to stay open not only to

the data but also to the possibility that researching

gives. It would be possible to have been denied my

participation, but perhaps the research would have lost

an important figure: the vitality of some institutions

in the share of educational pathways. The flow of real

experiences and participants’ projects can be time

consuming but is of unquestionable value to both deepen

the research and to enrich the researcher. This was a

fortuitous event but very important to clarify and make

categories related to the path of compulsory education

in Brescia more complex. It was a great help to see a

reality of a provincial capital city school, which for

years has turned to the issue of foreigners and to

listen how teachers and those work for the goal to

welcome and integrate students and students without

Italian citizenship speak about their work.

In formalized situations, it is inevitable that the

data are strongly selected by the organizers and then

that I was able to collect only what has been budgeted

to be shown. To enrich this data with an internal point

of view, I have asked to interview the principal of the

school that she has activated several activities for

welcoming immigrant students. I asked questions about

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specific practices and the evolution that has led the

school to operate these decisions.

Subsequently, the emerging theory suggested that in

larger cities and provincial capitals, schools could

rely on greater financial aid, by the local, for

example, or by groups and volunteers. In Reggio Emilia,

capital of the province, I interviewed a teacher who saw

a girl entered "savagely" during the year in its class.

The school has not activated anything for welcoming her.

After this interview, another category was to be

thorough: how and when do schools activate? What the

data suggested to me was that the school is activated

when there are many foreigners, and do not operate when

the guaranteeing of the education right is delegated to

external resources.

At this point, to make theoretical sampling relevant

to the construction of the theory, I have chosen a

school where even with low numbers of foreign presence

has been organized and activated routes of welcoming.

This is the case, or the situation that contrasts with

the category that the researcher has outlined

previously, and that leads him to reconfigure a category

that includes even more the case. The theoretical

sampling (Charmaz, 2006; Tarozzi, 2008a), when applied

consistently, helps the researcher to outline the

properties of a category, to identify variations of a

process, to specify the properties relevant categories.

The school identified for having features that until

then in research schools had not selected, was the

school of Cittadella, in the province of Padova. The

study and theoretical reflection on the negative case

not only revealed a differentiation of the category but

has also proposed a relationship between certain

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categories on the link between local authorities, the

needs of the social help and the school.

Finally, always looking for other specifications and

changes in the categories of activation and

accommodation of students with non-Italian citizenship

in school education, I have chosen a big city, a capital

of a province and region, which is Milan. I have

interviewed a teacher of a middle school to explore

differences in relation to specific social context. In

the final part, regardings the category of activation of

the school and teachers in relation to the resources of

the context, I selected the case of some schools in

Rovereto, a city of the Autonomous Province of Trento

that have special funds that can be used to activate

pathways to guaranteeing the education right.

Finally, having built the explanatory model that is

in Chapter 4, I was confronted by interviewing some

teachers as a way to obtain feedback about the theory

that I had built.

Here I have introduced a diagram to make visually

the theoretical sampling, stressing the categories for

which I have chosen certain contexts and participants.

Figure 1 : The covered Path of the Theoretical Sampling

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Data Collection

Interviews

The conducted interviews were 37, of which 36 were

audio recorded after asking permission to participants

and then transcribed word by word. The interviews were

the average duration of 45 minutes each.

The first 10 listed interviews were on the

perception of what can be understood by democracy

between 13 and 19 years. These interviews were conducted

in the early 2007. The remaining interviews have been

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made thereafter between January ’08 and September ’08.

Among these interviews is also recorded a round table

with the Director of the Provincial School Office of

Brescia, teachers and responsible for intercultural

education of various schools in the province of Brescia

and teachers and responsible for several schools of the

Autonomous Province of Trento, took place on 30/04/08 at

the Vocational Institute “A. Mantegna” in Brescia.

Below is the report of interviews by date, by place

of execution and by information on the participant or

participants involved.

Table 4 : Interviews conducted

Code Time Place Partecipant(s)

M. 13anni 11/02/07 Domicilio Alunno di scuola superiore di

primo grado

D. 14anni 15/02/07 Domicilio Alunno di scuola superiore di

secondo grado

Li. 16anni 11/02/07 Domicilio Alunno di scuola superiore di

secondo grado

L. 16anni 4/02/07 Domicilio Alunno di scuola superiore di

secondo grado

S. 16anni 3/02/07 Domicilio Alunno di scuola superiore di

secondo grado

A. 17anni 4/02/07 Domicilio Alunno di scuola superiore di

secondo grado

R. 17anni 4/02/07 Domicilio Alunno di scuola superiore di

secondo grado

P. 18anni 18/10/07 Domicilio Alunno di scuola superiore di

secondo grado

I. 18anni 18/10/07 Domicilio Alunno di scuola superiore di

secondo grado

G. 19anni 3/02/07 Domicilio Studente universitario

Ìn.demo 1ND 28/01/08 Istituto Comprensivo “L. Orsi” –

Novellara (Re)

Insegnante con ore a

disposizione per il percorso di

alfabetizzazione.

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Ìn.demo 2NE 28/01/08 Istituto Comprensivo “L. Orsi” –

Novellara (Re)

Educatrice alfabetizzatrice per la

scuola secondaria di primo grado.

Ìn.demo 3NVP 29/01/08 Istituto Comprensivo “L. Orsi” –

Novellara (Re)

Vice-preside dell’istituto

comprensivo per la scuola

secondaria di primo grado.

Ìn.demo 4ND 31/01/08 Istituto Comprensivo “L. Orsi” –

Novellara (Re)

Insegnante curriculare di scuola

media con stranieri neo arrivati in

classe.

Ìn.demo 5ND 31/01/08 Istituto Comprensivo “L. Orsi” –

Novellara (Re)

Insegnante curriculare di scuola

media con stranieri neo arrivati in

classe.

Ìn.demo 6ND 13/02/08 Istituto Comprensivo “L. Orsi” –

Novellara (Re)

Insegnante curriculare di scuola

primaria con stranieri neo arrivati

in classe e responsabile del

progetto intercultura.

Ìn.demo 7NRP 11/04/08 Sede del Comune di Novellara

(Re)

Dipendente comunale

responsabile della relazione con

l’istituto comprensivo.

Ìn.demo 8NSS 12/04/08 Istituto Comprensivo “L. Orsi” –

Novellara (Re)

Studenti cinesi della scuola

secondaria di primo grado.

Ìn.demo 9NM 12/04/08 Istituto Comprensivo “L. Orsi” –

Novellara (Re)

Mediatore culturale di lingua Urdu

– Punjabi.

Ìn.demo 10NRP 19/04/08 Sede del Comune di Novellara

(Re)

Assessore presso il Comune di

Novellara Assessore con delega

a: Cultura della partecipazione,

Programmazione e Controllo dei

Servizi al cittadino.

Ìn.demo 11BDUSP 30/04/08 Ufficio Scolastico Provinciale di

Brescia

Dirigente dell’ Ufficio Scolastico

Provinciale di Brescia

Ìn.demo 12e13BDE 30/04/08 II Istituto comprensivo - Brescia Educatore e docente addetti al

percorso di alfabetizzazione.

Ìn.demo 14e15BPreside 30/04/08 II Istituto comprensivo – Brescia Dirigente scolastico.

Ìn.demo 16BTavola 30/04/08 Istituto Professionale di Stato “A.

Mantegna” – Brescia

Preside dell’Istituto Professionale

“Mantegna”, referente dell’USP di

Brescia per l’intercultura.

Ìn.demo 17BRCTI 06/05/08 Istituto Comprensivo “D. Alighieri”

di Calcinato (BS) – Sede del CTI1

Responsabile CTI 1 di Calcinato

(BS).

Rovereto De Gasperi 1DT 07/05/08 Scuola Media “A. De Gasperi di

Rovereto (TN)

Insegnante di lingua presso la

Scuola secondaria di primo

grado.

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Rovereto De Gasperi 2DM 07/05/08 Scuola Media “A. De Gasperi di

Rovereto (TN)

Insegnante di scienze e

coordinatore del consiglio di

classe.

Ìn.demo 18RD 21/05/08 Nei pressi della Scuola Media “A.

Manzoni” di Reggio Emilia

Insegnante curriculare con una

studentessa neo arrivata nella

sua classe.

Ìn.demo 19BRP 21/05/08 Sede del Comune di Calcinato

(BS)

Assessore con delega alla scuola

del Comune di Calcinato (BS).

Ìn.demo 20aB 21/05/08 Istituto Comprensivo “D. Alighieri”

di Calcinato (BS) – Sede del CTI1

Insegnante distaccata

sull’alfabetizzazione degli stranieri

in una scuola primaria del

Comprensivo di Calcinato (BS).

Ìn.demo 20BDD 21/05/08 Istituto Comprensivo “D. Alighieri”

di Calcinato (BS) – Sede del CTI1

Insegnanti dell’Istituto

Comprensivo di Calcinato (BS), di

scuola primaria e secondaria di

primo grado, funzione obiettivo

per l’accoglienza degli stranieri.

Ìn.demo 21BD 21/05/08 Istituto Comprensivo “D. Alighieri”

di Calcinato (BS) – Sede del CTI1

Insegnante della scuola primaria,

alfabetizzatrice.

Ìn.demo 21CDa e b 30/05/08 Scuola Media “Pierobon” di

Cittadella (Pd)

Insegnante curricolare, funzione

obiettivo per l’intercultura e

Dirigente scolastico.

Rovereto De Gasperi 3DS 18/06/08 Scuola Media “D. Chiesa” di

Rovereto (TN)

Dirigente scolastico.

Rovereto De Gasperi 4VM 18/06/08 Scuola Media “A. De Gasperi di

Rovereto (TN)

Vice preside della Scuola

Secondaria di primo grado.

Rovereto De Gasperi 5VE 18/06/08 Scuola Elementare dell’Istituto

Comprensivo “De Gasperi” di

Rovereto (TN)

Vicaria responsabile della scuola

primaria.

Ìn.demo 22MDa e b 16/07/08 Domicilio Insegnante curriculare di una

scuola secondaria di primo grado

di Milano.

The interviews were semi-structured as the focus of

research was limited to the phenomenon of acceptance and

welcoming of students without Italian citizenship.

Nevertheless, this has not meant the exclusion of

questions that have then actually widened the topics of

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discussion to other phenomena related to teacher or

administrator professionalism.

I followed two schema of interviews. I used the

first one for the initial interviews. While the

categories were formed, I followed a pattern of specific

questions to saturate the emerging categories.

First outline of questions 1. Questions on welcoming students without Italian citizenship in school; 2. Questions about professionalisms involved and relationship between them; 3. Questions about the history of the school; 4. Questions on relationship between schools and local authorities; 5. Questions about funds and objectives of projects; 6. Questions on perceived problems concerning migration; 7. Questions about school routine. Second pattern of questions 1. Questions on the criteria for inclusion in the scholastic routine; 2. Questions about perceptions of teachers about the phenomenon; 3. Questions about the role of politics in school projects; 4. Questions on the perception of welcoming newly arrived foreign students; 5. Questions about political and intra-school obstacles to implement adequate education; 6. Questions about the school's internal resources and external resources (networks of solidarity).

Documents and Extant Texts

Another important source, as a methodological

choice, for constructivist GT research (Charmaz, 2006)

and for the development of the theory on the guarantee

of the education right, is the set of all documents and

texts that schools produce. These are "extant texts":

"researcher varied documents that had no hand in

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shaping" (Charmaz, 2006, p.35). These are not real data,

but an additional source of information for revealing

discrepancies between what it is said the school does

and what it is really done. In fact, I have treated the

interviews as a source of rich data for the emergence of

the interpretations and ways of thinking and referring

to the practice of hospitality. These documents are a

secondary source, but for this not less important. They

were useful to reflect on how schools communicate

officially, what it does. Like every public

organizations, the Italian school is heavily

bureaucratic structured: school texts, regulations,

protocols, circulars, decisions that leave trace. These

tracks are very important for understanding the

background of school life. As the general design of the

research suggests, these documents cannot be considered

objective or referring to objective facts. The

comparison between the declared and the practiced has

shown the existing discrepancy and helped me to

understand what "really" happens when students without

Italian citizenship access schools even during the

scholastic year.

Together with the documentary production of schools

that I visited, I also used documents from the general

organization of the educational Italian system.

Precisely as the Italian school is the last appendix of

the bureau administered by the Ministry of Education,

all documents produced are part of a number of laws,

decrees, and guidelines that are national influencing. I

thought, therefore, I should take into consideration the

documents that relate to the more extended reference for

the production of bureaucratic schools in Italy, and in

particular:

- the Italian Constitution;

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- Law School;

- ministerial circulars.

Moreover, I also examined other documents as:

- Declaration of the Rights of Children (1989);

- Declaration of Human Rights (1948).

I have chosen to include these documents because

participants in some interviews cited them. According to

Charmaz (2006), it is important that the researcher

involved in cultural environment considers how and from

what the participants ideas and practices come from.

Here I inserted the key documents that I have

utilised to add meaning to data. I divided the documents

into three categories:

- In the first category I have listed documents that

schools that have been part of this research gave

me;

- In the second category I have listed the sources of

Italian legislation and international conventions

on the education right and intercultural schooling

dimension;

- In the third category, there are several texts on

educational guidelines and policies of the European

community, Italian State and the Italian Ministry

of Education on foreigners, the social and human

rights.

From schools:

- POF (Formative School Plan) dell’Istituto

Comprensivo di Novellara, a.s. 2007/2008;

- Istituto Comprensivo di Calcinato: “Come funziona

la scuola a Calcinato”, edizione multilingue;

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- POF dell’Istituto Comprensivo di Calcinato con il

progetto accoglienza, note sull’educazione

integrazione alunni stranieri (Cd-rom);

- Capoferri, P. (a cura di). I territori

dell’intercultura. La scuola bresciana: un modello

possibile. Vannini editrice, Brescia, 2008.

- Protocollo di accoglienza dell’Istituto comprensivo

di Cittadella (PD).

Sources Italian laws and international conventions:

- Constitution of the Republic of Italy: in

particular Articles. 10, 30, 31 and 34;

- Directive or C.E. 77/486 of 25/07/1977;

- D.P.R. 10 September 1982, n. 722 - "Implementation

of Directive EAEC No 77/486 on the training of

immigrant workers ";

- C.M. 16 luglio1986, No 207 - "Schooling pupil

gypsies and nomads in kindergarten, elementary and

secondary level I".

- C.M. 8 September 1989, n. 301 - "Creation of

foreigners in school: the promotion and

coordination of initiatives for exercising the

education right";

- C.M. 26 July 1990, n. 205 - "The school pupils and

foreigners. Intercultural Education ";

- C.M. 31 December 1991, n. 400 - "Enrollment of

pupils to schools, primary and secondary grade I

and II", in particular paragraphs 6 and 7 (the CM

has been updated with CM No 363/94);

- C.M. 12 January 1994, n. 5 - "Enrollment in schools

and in institutions at all levels of foreigners

without residence";

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- C.M. 2 March 1994, n. 73 - "Intercultural dialogue

and democratic coexistence";

- D.L.vo of 16 April 1994, n. 297 - "Act of

education", in particular articles. 4 (European

Community), 115 (children of citizens) and 116

(children of non-EU nationals), 117 (health

certificates), 131 (recovery activities in

elementary school);

- C.M. n.257/94, application of 'art. 3 of D.I. 15

April 1994, n. 132, in particular projects lett. F)

and G) for activities against the drop and the

inconvenience, business psychology;

- C.M. of 16 February 1995, n. 56 - "European Youth

Campaign against racism, xenophobia, anti-Semitism

and intolerance";

- C.M. of 6 April 1995, prot. No 3711 - "Enrollment

of pupils to schools of all levels";

- D.M. 15 June 1995, n. 209 - "The programs'

administrative action for 1995";

- L. 6 March 1998, n. 40 - "Discipline of

'immigration and the status of aliens" (in

particular articles. 35, 36 and 37);

- D.L.vo July 25 1998, n. 286 - "text of provisions

governing immigration and the status of aliens" (in

particular, Arts. 38 and 39);

- C.M. 19 October 1998, n. 423 - "The School and the

rights of children 's and' adolescence";

- C.M. 22 December 1998, n. 489 - "Forms for

enrollment students";

Contract Labor or National Integrative, 31 August

1999, in particular, art. 37: "Features

instrumental to the training";

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- Directive of 3 September 1999, n. 210 - "Lines of

address for updating, in-service training and

professional development of teachers, in

particular, art. 5;

- D.P.R. 31 August 1999, n. 394 - "Regulations on

Implementing Rules of the text of the provisions

concerning the discipline of 'immigration and the

status of foreign nationals under Article 1,

paragraph 6, of DL 25 July 1998, n. 286 "(suppl.

ord. OJ No. 258, November 3 1999);

- D.P.R. 9 December 1999, n. 535 - "Regulations on

the tasks of the Committee for minors";

- C.M. March 23, 2000, n. 87 - "Entry of foreign

children in classes of schools at all levels";

- C.M. 28 April 2000, n. 132 - "Information on rules

and procedures relating to the request for

recognition of qualifications obtained abroad by

Italian citizens";

- C.M. 26 October 2001, n. 155 - "Schools in areas

with high immigration process";

- L. 30 July 2002, n. 189 - "Changing the rules on

immigration and asylum" (Law "Bossi-Fini");

- D.L.vo of 15 April 2005, n. 76 - "Definition of

general rules on the right and duty to education

and training, under Article 2, paragraph 1 letter

c) of Law on March 28 2003, n. 53 "(G. U., No. 103,

May 5 2005);

- C.M. 24 March 2005, n. 41 Art.9 of C.C.N.L. Sub

School 2002/2005 - "Measures to encourage projects

related to areas at risk, high-immigration process

and against marginalization school - AS 2004/05 ".

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Publications of the European and Italian institutions on

education, citizenship, human rights:

- Education for Democratic Citizenship, 2001-2004 -

All-European Study on Policies for Education for

Democratic Citizenship (EDC) - Regional Study

Southern Europe Region da

http://www.coe.int/t/dg4/education/edc/default_EN.a

sp ;

- Regional European Meeting on the World Programme

for Human Rights Education (WPHRE) da

http://www.coe.int/t/dg4/education/edc/Source/Pdf/I

nterinstitutional_Cooperation/WPHREFinalReport1_Tib

bitts_en.pdf ;

- Not Nationality Students with Italian by

www.istruzione.it ;

- Directions to the curriculum for kindergarten and

the first cycle of education, Roma, September 2007;

- Lines of address on citizenship and democratic

legality, in October 2006;

- The Italian way for inter-school and the

integration of foreign pupils, National Observatory

for the integration of foreign pupils and

Intercultural Education, October 2007 by

www.istruzione.it ;

- Indices of Integration of Immigrants in Italy, V

Report by www.cnel.it .

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Data Analysis

As mentioned above, data analysis was carried out

simultaneously to their collection. Here I shall explain

how I have analyzed data, outlining the ways of coding

that I followed. In this section, I shall mention how I

have used the memo and coding strategies.

Memos

The activity of memoing is central to the

construction of a GT because the memo is an instrument

used to follow the path from data to theory. It is an

intermediate stance between collecting data and writing

the first research results, according to Charmaz (2006).

According to Glaser (1978) the memo serves to reach 5

main objectives:

1) raising the research to the level of

conceptualization and abstraction;

2) developing the properties of categories;

3) making hypothesis of relationships between

categories or their properties;

4) beginning to integrate the connections with other

categories to generate theory;

5) starting positioning the emerging theory with other

theories that may be more or less relevant for the

purpose of research.

The memos are not data, rather are part of the

broader process of theorising. That is why Glaser (1978)

suggests keeping separate data and memos (Glaser, 1978).

Indeed, it is a process of distillation. Therefore, the

memoing is the distillation of data in thoughts,

theoretically dense concepts, susceptible to explanation

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of the context from which they are drawn (see Lempert,

2007). One of the key words for memoing is "freedom"

(Glaser, 1978) that does not mean fantasizing on the

data but feeling free to grasp suggestions from the

data. The memo is a kind of "hidden" data of the GT

research because follows the thoughts and reflections of

the researcher in various stages of the process.

The memo may be either structured or free,

analytical or narrative. I preferred to use the freest

memo because it allows me to open research data to

further connections and ideas. A structured and

analytical memo would not make me focus on suggestions

and possible interrelationships between the data, the

categories I was building because its concentration more

on form than on contents. According to Charmaz (2006) a

prerequisite of writing memos is to "tolerate ambiguity"

because creativity is not always something clear and

well defined in the minds of the researcher.

I wrote several memos related to interviews: notes

collected in memo after each interview and during

analysis through the software NVivo 7, which became the

annotations at the bottom of each interview. At a later

stage, around May / June 2008 I began to write memos

related to labels and categories, again using the

"annotations" tool of NVivo. I filled three large memos

after troubleshooting meetings I had with the thesis

supervisor and the group of researchers who work with

me. I have drawn up the first memo from the recording of

an assessing meeting with my supervisor, which took

place on 26/05/08. Taping meetings is a suggestion of

Glaser (1978) to avoid having interruptions in the flow

of writing.

Two other important memos were written during the

report of research results with the group of colleagues

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of my university’s department (meetings occurred on

27/05/08 and 03/07/08). These moments were important

because I have chosen to select the relevant categories,

"cut the dry branches" of the theory, namely those parts

who, arbitrarily, I decided not to be central in the

handling of results.

Coding

The first step to construct a theory based on the

data collected is the process of coding. The qualitative

coding is the process of definition, grouping and

accounting data (Charmaz, 2006). The coding is all the

procedures and techniques to conceptualize the data

(Tarozzi, 2008a, p. 84).

There are some methodological claims to make a

theory truly "grounded". A coding is a structured

process, I could identify procedures more or less rigid,

which depend on the school of grounded theorists: while

Strauss & Corbin (1998) outline steps required coding to

increase the level of detail of encoding, Glaser (1978)

maintains a more theoretical oriented stance. I applied

the guidelines Charmaz (2006) indicates: three main

phases of constructing codes. The first one is the

initial phase which involves the processes of naming or,

as I prefer to call them, of indexing. The second phase

is focused coding during which I should have selected

the labels and more dense concepts and leave those the

open coding underlines but the focused coding has shown

as secondary because new ideas have emerged during the

encoding or because have lost the character of

sensitizing concept . The third step which is the

theoretical coding (Glaser, 1978; Charmaz, 2006), is the

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conceptually highest moment of the coding process whose

objectives are to develop categories through a hierarchy

as well as deepening operations. Among these categoris,

the central category (core category) emerges. The core

category is the central node of the theory, which

explains the analyzed process and serves to complement

and define the general theory.

In practice, the method of coding that I used starts

with the indexing, Glaser (1978) would use the term

"fracturing". I intend for indexing the initial coding

suggested by Charmaz (2006) and Tarozzi (2008a), which

processes data so analytically to highlight the meanings

and actions (Charmaz, 2006) that occur in interviews and

in the data, I have. So I coded line by line, accident

by accident, omitting word by word coding as the data

that initially I analyzed were the first semi-structured

interviews very discursive and broad themes. Certainly,

I did focus on keywords that constitute the general

meaning of each piece of text so as to give them labels,

albeit provisional. This way of codifying allowed me to

start emphasizing contextual analysis of actions and

events (Charmaz, 2006). At this stage I used extensively

the software NVivo 7, which allowed me to make In Vivo

codes emerging. In Vivo means labelling strings of text

for keeping the words of participants, who had a great

evocative power and explanation of the phenomenon, of

which you were talking about. In this phase of coding, I

was open to the data, sometimes experiencing a sense of

disorientation. Hundreds of codes for each interview

analyzed can create confusion. After analyzing the first

10 interviews, which were linked to the first sampled

context, I began focused coding, first of all by

grouping codes that appeared most frequently, then

naming these groups trying to use the label of the more

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significant code. I was also helped by drawings,

sketches made by hand or by using Power Point

presentation and NVivo 7, to design and have under a

single glance the characteristics of each group and the

whole of codes of each category. After some categories

were outlined, I have focused my self to the theoretical

coding. Initially I have tried to sketch the core

category and then I was back to the data, because as

Glaser (1978) stated, coding is often a step forward and

two backwards. The data were re-read with the help of a

colleague of mine. We have exchanged our own interviews

and, after having read and commented them, we have

shared thoughts and impressions. This moment was very

useful to reach the core category, still vague and not

fully defined. An external point of view is important

for increasing the qualitative research credibility. The

external audit is essential to weave eyes on data and

realize if the conclusions that the researcher achieves

are arbitrary or even recognizable from outsiders.

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144

CHAPTER 4 – RESULTS

Introduction

In the previous chapter, I have explained how I used

the GT as a method that provides guidelines to achieve

results in a rigorous manner. In Chapter 2 I have placed

the theoretical concepts I have used as starting point

from which to look at the results.

Writing the results of a research is a process of

narration. A researcher in the result chapter is

supposed to write the story of her/his intellectual and

conceptually dense journey (Silverman, 2000). However,

as this is a qualitative research, writing is reporting

the words of participants, their states of mind, and if

the investigator has been professional, is also

underlining their point of view. The empathy as an

instrument of gaining knowledge, empathy in sharing the

results of a research is the measure of consistency

between the data, analysis, and results.

So we can understand how the research is really in

communicating it, because there is research if it is

shared. Words are important and are not used here to

give a hard connotation of the studied phenomenon but to

evoke the meaning that the phenomenon has in the life of

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145

the school and for those involved in school. Already

giving the title to a research is an important point,

certainly not secondary. One of the first titles was

composed during conceptualization: the education right

in school. This indicated the centrality of the

education right with an emphasis on the case of

acceptance of foreigners in Italian school as a

phenomenon that could be a litmus test of whether or not

school guarantees the education right. This title was

mainly the theme guiding the process of my research. At

the end of the research, the most appropriate title

seems to be that of the core category that indicates

processes that occur at school every time the school

tries to guarantee the education right for students

without Italian citizenship: structuring conditions.

I shall introduce the results, explaining the actual

situation of the Italian school from the its

regulations, norms to underline what the school already

possesses. I think it is important to emphasize what

already exists in schools as resources by default to

face the dynamics of the process of guaranteeing the

education right more effectively. Later I shall explain

the results of the data analysis. Beginning to introduce

the process, I will outline its categories,

subcategories and properties that have emerged from the

data. The research reveals how to deal with welcoming

immigrant students. The first participants’ perception

is the process of welcoming as an educational emergency

a term that describes an emergence of new demands and

problems, first, and that raises disorientation and

fatigue, because, like any other kind of emergency, the

phenomenon of integration of not Italian pupils is not

expected neither wanted. I have chosen to introduce the

GT using participants’ words that describe the process

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to highlight the positive aspects of change that the

school is experiencing. Nevertheless, I shall not hide a

certain concern and criticism in presenting the process.

I believe that this research can be a beginning for

implementing the dynamics of adjustment of the new and

unexpected that migration will bring.

The school’s default

What does being a teacher today in the Italian

school mean? Which kind of means does the school have by

default? The teacher is an important figure who should

know how to manage relationships with the learners and

perform a cultural change. Treating the education right

of students without Italian citizenship does not mean

putting into the background the right to education tout

court, on the contrary, it would outline the its

specificity. In fact, as the capabilities’ approach

suggests, guaranteeing the education right to immigrant

students is different from guaranteeing it to other

social group, as the capabilities to be educated are

different.

The education right declined on foreigners, is close

to that in Chapter 2 was called to the minimum social

rights. That will be the starting point for the study of

SJE to school.

The teacher works with a range of issues affecting the

management of the classroom, the college faculty, and

the outside. This means managing the chaos of needs of

which every pupil is a vehicle, which increasingly draws

a deficiency of education, cultural gaps, and special

needs students. The school is often the privileged place

of interception of the needs because the problems are

discovered at school. The instruments that the training

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of teachers and the school provides are often inadequate

to address needs and issues that do not compete to them

but concern the individual sensitivity and receptivity

of teachers. Compensating for social shortcomings and

family responsibility is not recognized either

economically or professionally but it is one of urgency

that the teacher is called to deal with. The arrival of

children who do not speak Italian is not the only issue

of the classroom management. It goes with issues of

pupils who live a hardship, persons with disabilities,

accomplishing the curriculum, corrections of

verification, and the relationship with the principals,

colleagues and parents. The teacher is the central node

of the last appendix of a system that is called to

instruct and educate the new generations of a country.

The question of the education right for students without

Italian citizenship is, then, the litmus process of

guarantee of the right. The inclusion of foreigns helps

to understand what happens in school when you must give

education to all, as the laws would prescribe.

Then, a long list of expectations of parents, of

ministerial officers who require ever more commitment

without adequate remuneration and drastic cuts weighs on

the school. Other expectations are those that come from

policies of integration: we read in the fifth report of

CNEL " Indexes of integration of immigrants in Italy ",

for example, that

schools must be open to intercultural education

and respect integrating education of all

students, new citizens of globalization, and of

course solve the specific linguistic and cultural

mediation needs, especially with the family, for

the successful integration of young immigrants.

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They are also widely advocated lines to follow for

preparing Protocols of Acceptance, training pacts with

the territory for education and training in contexts

inside and outside the school.

Although the phenomenon of acceptance of students

without Italian citizenship began a few years ago to be

particularly significant and burdensome in terms of

numbers, the Italian school is formally ready. The rules

and guidelines of the Ministry of Education have long

prepared tools and useful directions. What has the

school? On December 6 th 2006, the former Minister

established a national observatory for the intercultural

and inclusive education of foreign pupils in order to

implement the full right to educate people with foreign

nationality, experimenting and learning new ways to

monitor the integration process. The problem, then, of

the arrivals at school lies not only in schools but is

considered in the higher spheres of Italian educational

system management, as well. There were also published

guidelines for the acceptance and integration of foreign

pupils, important tool for schools. This document helps

schools to manage with the ministerial documents on the

issue of the education right, including laws about the

immigration to Italy. The second part of this text is

particularly relevant because it provides operational

indications about what schools should do to make

effective the education right:

- A balanced distribution of the presence of

foreigners in the classrooms;

- How to accommodate the students without Italian

citizenship;

- Routes for achieving the degree;

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- The teaching of Italian as second language (ISL)

and language learning;

- The orientation to other schools;

- The help and using of the linguistic and cultural

mediators;

- School staff training;

- Evaluation of foreign pupils competencies;

- The teaching materials, intercultural libraries,

and textbooks.

This is a practical guide for what schools are

actually doing. Nevertheless, the issue at this point is

that guidelines are not enough. The understanding how

the processes of implementation of these lines works is

necessary. More complete publication is The Italian way

for intercultural school and the integration of foreign

students , pedagogically advanced document whose the

inapplicability or the reasons for delay in its

implementation this research partly explains. Indeed,

despite the problem of foreigners in the school is

perceived in all areas of the Italian education system,

the Ministry top administrative travels in a march

faster than what happens in schools and in institutions.

The studied contexts showed how, in terms of

statements of principles, schools and ministry are on

the same line. However, if you look at how they are

implemented, there is a variety of accommodative,

removal dynamics. The Italian school is a highly

bureaucratic, inflexible, and slow in applying the

directives. This leads to a delay in education compared

to the stresses from the ministry.

From the law to practice

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The ministerial circular of the 80s and 90s were the

first to suggest proposals for educational factual

schooling of foreign pupils. The circular entitled

Schooling gypsies pupils and nomads in kindergarten,

elementary and secondary education No. 207 of 1986 poses

as a fundamental objective of the right to study, the

education of immigrant children in school with the call

for equal educational opportunities . The text recalls

the bilateralism of education obligation, that is not

only the duty of children to attend school, but also the

duties of school to serve them of the best service

possible, respecting cultural diversity. For this

purpose, the circular suggested to improve the education

offer through Protocol of acceptance between provincial

school offices and structures of territory, as the best

strategy for the development projects and enabling

effective intervention.

After 1989, the focus of the first documents of the

Ministry of Education was on regulatory aspects of the

school. Therefore, there was attention to the child as a

person and the value of education. In the same year the

New York Convention and the general way of looking at

the children changes, making them the subject and no

longer object of the legislation. By Ministerial

Circular No. 301 of 1989, entitled Inclusion of

foreigners in school: the promotion and coordination of

initiatives for the exercise of the right , there is a

change of the way we spoke about education of foreign

children. This was the first circular of the Ministry

dealing specifically with foreign children. It was a

circular issued by the National Commission on Inclusion

of foreigners in school , established by the Ministry of

Education the same year. The process is translated into

a series of circulars, however, without leading to an

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organic law: here stresses the opportunity that every

school should be in contact with communities and groups

of immigrants in order to facilitate an interactive

environment. The conditions of departure compared to the

language and culture of each pupil and the availability

of suitable teachers are the parameters that schools

must necessarily take into account, designating

immigrant pupils to certain classes. It notes also the

possibility / need to enrol students with poor knowledge

of Italian language to lower age’s class, although it

could be unfavourable if provided only for lack of

mastery in the language. Appropriate strategies

(workshops, training groups, etc.) and available

resources to fill the gap with specific language

consolidating would be employed. This decree also

provides for the promotion of the language and culture

of origin with those of compulsory matters included in

the curriculum.

For what concerns teachers, the circular talks about

the legislation until then, that is to say the Law No.

270 of 1982 and Law No. 517 of 1977 7 that provide the

availability of teachers to work “with students who have

specific learning difficulties”. Nevertheless, there is

no mention of qualified teachers, with appropriate

requirements in there. About what regards teaching, much

space is given to the implementation in the class of

“relational climate”, which should give communication

stimuli to newcomers through the participation of adults

who are able to do by interpreters.

7 Important for legislation school is abolishing the differential

class provided by Articles 11 and 12 of Law No. 185 9 of 31 December 1962, configured as choosing of the state the inves tment on teachers of the responsibility of all students, also if arri ved during the year. For some participants in the research, differ ential classes, in fact, would be a way to raise the final educatio nal responsibility from teacher in terms of living and learning in the classroom.

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The choice of intercultural education is with the

C.M. No. 205 of 1990, entitled The obligatory school and

foreigners students. The intercultural education . Up to

the C.M. No. 73 of 1994 considered the cornerstone of

intercultural education in Italian school.

Already in 1994, Italy had experienced several

migratory waves of a certain consistency and even the

school has been facing the issue for some years.

Although the terminology used in the latest circulars

and guidelines was refined and speaks with ease of

interaction, the theme of acceptance and uprooting of

the original living context, the Italian school

experiences, according to the research results, a strong

emergency position.

Law No. 40 of 1998 about immigration reaches an

avant-garde position, that was not changed by the Law

so-called Bossi-Fini No. 189 of July 30 th of 2002. This

Law amends the previous legislation on immigration and

asylum right, but not the procedures for registration of

foreign pupils in schools, which continues to be

governed by the D.P.R. No. 394 of 1999. Law No. 40 has

given particular attention to intercultural education,

saying that the school community accepts the language

and cultural differences as value for founding mutual

respect, the exchange between cultures and tolerance; in

order to do so, it promotes and fosters efforts to

welcome, to protect culture and language of origin and

to implement intercultural activities.

The practices to accept students without Italian

citizenship of new migration are so introduced. The most

important of these practices is the Protocol of

Acceptance (Favaro & Bettinelli, 2000). This is a

document that should be approved by the college faculty

and contains elements, principles, guidelines for

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inclusion and integration of immigrant pupils, defining

the tasks and roles of school. The protocol of

acceptance will:

- Build "best practices" for the host school;

- Facilitate the entry of students without Italian

citizenship in school;

- Support newly arrived students in the phase of

adaptation to the new environment;

- Foster a climate of acceptance and attention to

relationship among peers that would prevent and

remove any obstacles to full integration;

- Create a conducive environment for meeting other

cultures and the "stories" of each child;

- Promote communication and collaboration between

schools and local offices on the themes of

acceptance and intercultural education with an

integrated training system.

The moments that the protocol identifies from the first

host to the full enjoyment of school life are:

- Enrolment in school;

- Meeting for the first knowledge;

- Outlining the criteria for inclusion in a class

preparing to host processes, intercultural

education and teaching Italian as second language;

- Activating practice with the territory the school

is.

The protocol provides that each host school would have

an established committee composed with some teachers (3

or 4) of the host school that will meet when a new child

arrives to design its inclusion, to analyze its

situation. The committee also meets to monitor existing

projects, partly because the protocol is an open-ended

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working, so susceptible to changes in light of the

results and experiences.

What is not taken into account in the D.P.R.,

however, is the school life and issues that make

intentions and the guidelines vain. The contribution of

this research is, therefore, to understand what happens

and through what process the school guarantees the

right, actually. Writing what the school should do to

secure the education right is not enough: the reality of

the acceptance process can be very different from the

statements of principle. Moreover, the meanings that

teachers give to the Protocol, as well as to all

practices that are in place may be different from the

intention of the legislator, on the one hand, and

compared with an education consistent with the Social

Justice . What I have inquired lies at the crossroads of

education right, the guaranteeing the right, and

activated modalities to ensure the right of pupils

without Italian citizenship in terms of same learning

opportunities and maturation of Italian students. This

phenomenon may become a litmus test of the sense of the

education right and sense of the level of democracy in

Italian schools.

Structuring conditions: theory of the process in

guaranteeing the education right

I started the interviews for this research after

having built a proper application of research that

helped me to understand what questions would then

actually ask to the participants. I started to make

contact with the participants and schools chosen towards

the end of 2007. The first months of 2008 were full of

reflections about the research question and on the path

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paved so far. The question that I had built in mind and

with which I started interviewing at the end of January

2008 was: what happens in the school when a foreign

student arrives, even during the year? I made the

participants explain, then, the protocols of acceptance,

what happened, who were the school protagonists of the

first reception. The school pointed out that the

possibility of moments of welcoming was due to the

municipality’s commitment, its sensitivity, namely the

fact that it perceives this as a problem of the

territory. The education right and the guarantee is not

affordable by the school only. Using this first

explanatory category, I studied other school, thinking

that the school became active requesting funds because

of large numbers of foreign students at school.

In the meanwhile, I have collected data relating to

categories, which include internal management immigrant

students: what happens in classrooms? How do

schoolteachers react? What were the problems they face?

What changes in their routine when a student who does

not speak a word of Italian arrives in the classroom? I

was in clarifying and outlining some of the main

categories, but the lived reasons of school’s activating

were still not clear to me. Therefore, I continued to

analyze the interviews, looking for teachers, school

leaders, and cultural mediators to try to saturate the

categories that were related to intra-school processes.

The second direction, that of understanding of the role

of the local politics in a dynamic not only within but

also outside the school slowly emerged from the data.

Through theoretical sampling, I sought a school

where, despite low numbers, paths according to the

guidelines of the ministry were implemented. I thus

found that schools with 23% of pupils without Italian

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citizenship, as well as schools with 11% activate

welcoming activities and Italian as second language

classes.

A double trail to explain the processes of the

guarantee of education right in a problematic situation

was creating: what happens when a foreign student

arrives? In addition, how does the school guarantee the

education right? This dual-track moves around the

reasons for which the school is also working to enable

the newly-arrived to stay well in school. It is a given

that the school activates such activities. From context

to context, the mode of activation and acceptance

changes, but one factor does not change: the reason for

this activation. To comprehend its meaning, I came to

the constant comparison of contexts and words of the

participants. The arrival of pupils during the year

results in a destabilization and a change of the

structure and planned order. The school is considered a

high level of entropy environment and to lower this

level of chaos are put in place two general strategies.

The first is to rely on receptivity (the participants

have appointed "sensitivity") of some teachers who feel

the need for further care of immigrant students to build

for them a soft place where to settle. The second

strategy concerns, however, the organization of the

school as institution that is affected by educational

priorities. In other words, within the grounds of

activation of the college teachers, the sensitivity or

receptivity to some teachers who are aware of the

problem that the school is going and try to solve the

problem. While, the reasons that relate to a re-

organization of the school is back to basic choices of

individual schools that, especially on thrust of

principals, outline educational priorities to use

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internal and external resources to fund educational

projects for welcoming, special training the newly

arrived students.

This dual track was built by collecting the concepts

so far emerged in two broader categories. The two

fundamental categories could explain not only what

happens when a foreign student accesses school but also

why this happens, for what reasons, in light of what

decision-making and for what purposes.

Moreover, the conceptual labels were collected in

different conceptual areas. For the construction of sub-

category “Sensitivity/Responsiveness” were identified

three areas: the area that refers about what is being

done to insert foreign pupils in class and in the path

of literacy and also outlines the meanings and

experiences of the welcoming process. It also regards

the problem of evaluation of immigrant students as a

moment that puts into crisis the consolidated modality

of assessment that teachers have towards the Italian

students and the working climate that regards the

difficulties and solutions to overcome in building a

more favourable, more receptive climate to accept the

immigrant students in school’s everyday life. For the

construction of sub-category "educational priorities", I

have highlighted four main areas: the first is the

structured vision by teachers, principals, and

politicians about the phenomenon of migration and the

arrival of foreign students in course of the year. This

area is important because the interpretation of the

phenomenon influences the choice of educational

priorities. The second area is the issues about the

activating process together with resources availability,

which affects the modes of activation of the studied

schools. The fourth conceptual area is the policy, which

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has proven to be fundamental protagonist in the

management of the processes of integration especially

when the school is unable to meet the needs related to

foreign students, both in terms of training needs and in

terms of social assistance.

The scheme I have included below is the coding

system or the interface between the emerging theory and

analysis of the interviews. I utilized this coding

system to put in order the conceptual labels I named the

concepts, to eliminate those concepts that would led me

away from the research question interests and to make in

a visible way the general system of meanings emerged

from the interviews I have analyzed. Later this coding

system was sharpened in conceptually abstract

specifications I shall expose later.

Table 5

Coding system of the sub-category of Responsiveness

Inclusion Accoglienza per conoscere il bambino e i suoi problemi Accoglienza per creare un ambiente soft Alfabetizzatrice per volontà Attivarsi come dovere del docente Attivarsi come fare un triplo lavoro Attivarsi come non delegare la responsabilità formativa C’è anche una scuola che se ne frega – “un problema in meno” Ci devi mettere del tuo Dipende molto anche da chi hai a gestire tutta la problematica Disponibilità per i problemi Fallo tu… I loro sono stati anche i miei guai Ignoranza da parte di chi gestisce il problema Il docente che si mette nei panni Insegnante barriera Insegnanti che fanno delle ore in più Insegnanti referenti molto in gamba

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Inserimento per età Inserimento per fisico Integrazione come rispetto Integrazione più difficile alle medie Integrazione più semplice alle elementari L’aspettativa degli alunni non è letta La disponibilità Lo straniero porta malattie Lo studente straniero non andrà al liceo Lo studente straniero non sarà mai un medico - a ognuno il proprio Non si trovano generalmente bene in classe Obiettivo generale: integrarli nella classe Prima l’italiano poi le materie Primo disagio è la lingua Prof. non gradiscono Rimangono degli sconosciuti se non valorizzati Ruolo della scuola – accoglienza, agio e appartenenza Sbolognare Scaricare sui laboratori di L2 Scelta della classe: si valutano i problemi interni Sentirsi vicini a loro per esperienza Sta in classe magari in un angolo e non fa nulla Te lo danno sulla porta Tutela del diritto

Assessment Accoglienza per i trasferiti - valutare che cosa hanno fatto Alle elementari si parla ora di come si valutano le capacità Alle medie sono stretti i professori chiedono… Ansia per le verifiche alle medie Aspettare i loro tempi Bene! Perché in classe non gli faccio fare niente Buono di incoraggiamento Coinvolgere - materiale individualizzato Contenuti diminuiti + educazione Costruire il giudizio sul comportamento Dal dormire sul banco al rompere le scatole Dare il pacchettino pronto Devi cambiare la didattica Di un italiano. Dobbiamo cercare di uniformarlo per metterlo alla pari con il programma… Didattica che non aspetta i tempi Didattica vecchio stampo come rigidità Discipline inutili per i primi tempi Docenti che hanno materiale pronto e altri no - percorso interno alla scuola Eh, sì. Secondo me ti dico alle medie si vede di più perché vengono valutati come incompetenti Elementari tempi lenti + semplice

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Fare paragoni con la classe I docenti hanno importanza - più coinvolti quelli che italiano I ragazzini stanno fermi e non riesci a valutarli Il discorso dell'alfabetizzazione passa Il laboratorio linguistico luogo in cui lo straniero si riconosce come partecipe Il ruolo dell'insegnante inflessibile Il vero problema sono le materie Il voto dell'educatrice ratificato dall'insegnante In classe si privilegiano alcune materie Insegnanti leggono il disagio come voglia di non fare niente Insegnanti mettono in discussione l'attività che viene fatta fuori Insegnanti non gradiscono giochi di presentazione Intraprendenza individuale L’impatto con l'italiano specifico - i testi scolastici bloccano lo studio L’insegnante non riesce a fare niente L’insegnante si attiva - valutazione come propulsione La bocciatura non perché manca la conoscenza La condizione di vita degli studenti non influenza la didattica La fatica di fare le fotocopie La valutazione come diritto La valutazione storna l'omologazione Lavoro individualizzato nessuno Libri non semplificati lingua veicolare per la valutazione Loro tendono a non fare - passività Nella mia ora non fanno niente Nelle materie di studio non c’è modo, a meno che il prof. non attivi una modalità Non chiarezza della legge in termini di valutazione stranieri Non è che l'obiettivo è appunto che devono imparare alla perfezione l'italiano. Non essere esigenti - premio Non gli interessa - solo la lingua e il lavoro a casa Non lasciarli mai senza far niente Non personalizzare troppo Non riuscire a valutarli Non tutti accettano gli obiettivi diversi Problema più forte alle medie Produrre molto materiale Resistenza a fare didattiche diverse Rigidità dell'insegnamento alle medie complica Rivalutare l'incapacità linguistica in processi di crescita più ampi Sapere anche correggere determinate verifiche che non

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esaltanti Se si vede che può fare qualcosa Se va fuori non è valutabile Valorizzare quello che lo straniero conoscere-inglese Valutare un po' anche globalmente anche per incoraggiare Valutazione appaltata Valutazione e bocciatura solo in percorsi individualizzati Valutazione senza comprensione Valutazioni forti alle medie Voti - chiudere un occhio

Working environment Climate

Attivarsi - fare le cose insieme ma non c'è tempo Caos totale nel gioco delle figure Collegamento tra scuole per la traduzione modulistica scolastica Dare gli strumenti per star bene E quindi ci sarebbe bisogno per lo meno di uno spazio… Gestire il caos - tra accettazione e resistenza Il coordinatore è molto attento in questo andare a cercare che cosa è stato fatto. Il team degli insegnanti Incontri da intervallo L’insegnante di sostegno risorsa tampone se casi lievi L’insegnante educatore come supplenti alle famiglie La formazione come diminuzione dell'emergenza - cosa può l'insegnante La scuola che supplisce sta tirando gli ultimi La scuola fa assistenza solo se fa bene il suo lavoro La scuola segnala + la rete dovrebbe gestire le segnalazioni Mediatori come lavoro verso l'accettazione Non ci si può limitare all’oretta di insegnamento dopo devi approfondire la cosa Non flessibilità di orari Pacchetto di ore per uniformarli Però non c'è una formazione. Scuola non più fatta di classe qualità pregiudicata dalla quantità Soddisfazione nel lavorare con gli stranieri Sofferenza per mancanza di integrazione - elementari Tempi per socializzare Vivere la sconfitta del dialogo

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Table 6

Coding system of the sub-category of Educational

Priorities

Structured Vision

Accettare o meno il cambiamento professionale Cambiare anche la testa di noi italiani Cerchiamo prima di risolvere il problema Consapevolezza che il fenomeno non è passeggero Consapevolezza di processo continuo Fenomeno affrontato alla garibaldina Fenomeno del nord Gli insegnanti non capiscono il bisogno di educare gli atteggiamenti Gli stranieri sono un problema Il retro pensiero di tutti è che la scuola sia un grande asilo In ottica completamente assistenziale L’arrivo degli stranieri non fa fare scuola L’insegnante lascia fare L’insegnante nega - non vede il problema La scuola ha molti costi - stranieri come peso Ma era pochissimi, non c’era alcune attività. Non c’è mai stata una visione strutturata del problema Non è emergenza se si preventiva Non ti puoi improvvisare con grandi numeri Presenza impressionante Relazione con lo straniero ha il tono dell'eccezione Risposta più sociale che scolastica Scuola come stare con gli altri imparare socializzare Scuola tampona una situazione che nel sociale non è sistemata Se il comune non guarda l'incremento si uccide Si inquadrano i ragazzini subito secondo preconcetto Tamponare e essere organizzati Unico fine l'integrazione totale ma è utopico Vogliono integrarsi

Activating/Resoruces

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2 settimane di accoglienza Accoglienza di 2 giorni negli altri paesi Alfabetizzazione tutto l'anno All’inserimento selvaggio Arrivi frequenti - difficoltà di gestione Burocrazia - moduli tradotti e mediatore Classi a modulo con numeri di stranieri più alti Dal tamponare gli arrivi al gestirli Dirigenti che hanno molte ore riescono a fare una cattedra per gli stranieri Fare il protocollo Fondi del CSA per pagare docenti interni per quelli che non seguono alfabetizzazione Garantire la continuità Garantire la non estemporaneità Giocare con tutte le figure I numeri non permetto di seguire il dichiarato Improvvisazione e precarietà L’accoglienza è dalla seconda elementare in avanti La novità - non L2 ma intrecci e classi aperte La scelta degli orari scolastici è degli italiani Logisticamente non è semplice Mancano i fondi per il terzo livello Risorse comune e CSA Si fa l'accoglienza, con persona apposta Un disastro se non si fa alfabetizzazione Utilizzare come mediatore i ragazzini

Politics

Associazioni di educatori - rete di comuni Comune solo di fronte a politiche di coesione Cooperative - rete di comuni Dare agli enti locali Disponibilità economiche spostate in base a scelte politiche Educatori pagati dal comune Favorire percorsi sul territorio Il comune aiuta a risolvere il problema dell'arrivo - emergenza Il comune aiuta tanto Il comune arriva dove i fondi della regione e i tagli non garantiscono Il comune è interessato - per agganciare una famiglia nuova Il comune prende le distanze dal fenomeno dell'indifferenza al diverso Il comune supplisce ad una carenza del diritto all'istruzione che non gli compete Impostazione politica - creare momenti sul territorio L’accoglienza è così perché c'è il comune L’accoglienza viene fatta dal comune pagata dal

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comune Le insegnanti si sono inventate il progetto e il comune finanzia Le manifestazioni del territorio sono lontane dai problemi scolastici Le priorità per il comune e per la scuola sono diverse Lo stato deve prendere in mano Normativa impedisce classi di accoglienza Ogni comune di fatto è lasciato solo di fronte a questo fenomeno qua Politica che contrasta Quindi ci sono molte risorse. Poi c'è un comune che investe molto. Rapporto piccoli enti locali - scuola Rete di comuni Scuola appalta l'accoglienza al comune - nuovo cittadino che arriva Se il provveditorato interviene alleggerisce i comuni che sono sensibili Sentono che è un comune che è accogliente Senza risposte dall'alto si tampona Si sta costruendo un tavolo allargato scuola-servizi-forze dell'ordine Tagli agli organici - supporto dall'esterno Territorio sensibile che crea momenti di scambio Una municipalità che deve farsi carico un po’ di capire

The scheme explains the construction of the

conceptual areas of sub-categories, divided by the two

main categories: that of “sensitivity/receptivity” and

that one of “educational priorities”.

The construction of the sub-category on intra-school

dynamics (sensitivity/responsiveness) describes the

modalities, the directions that they can take, and the

influences which they live experiences in regard of the

experiences within the school. The three conceptual

areas that are frequently raised in respect of this

category come from the data about the modalities of

acceptance and inclusion of newly arrived students,

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which changes when certain factors change. Factors that

are correlated with the third conceptual area: the

working climate. The second conceptual set, most felt in

middle school environment, is inherent to the terms of

evaluation, or rather "the question of assessment".

Facing the arrival of a foreign student in the

classroom, many teachers are unprepared, living loss,

fatigue of having to get involved in de-structuring

their evaluation criteria and, sometimes, to call for

their creativity.

The constant comparison of contexts and of the

intra-school dynamics has revealed also factors of why a

school is active. Beyond how it actives, we understand

that it is not so much the presence, even massive, of

foreign students, but the assiduity of arrivals that

destabilises the normal school routine. Each time, in

fact, you have new students, the school should then

include them in a classroom. This is the right to social

minimum, as I said in Chapter 2. If these arrivals are

repeated over time, the school, noticing that the

phenomenon is not transitory, but that there is a high

probability of recurrence, becomes active and tries to

give the processes of inclusion a protocol, approved by

the staff, and a shared mode to cope with the emergence.

The concept of emergency is a central point. There is a

"immigrants" emergency at school when arrivals are

frequent and the school does not have tools.

The assiduity of the arrivals not only destabilises

the secretariat of the school, the teachers who will

then add a seat in their classroom, but also challenges

the entire organization of school if the school has

taken as a priority resolving the educational

deficiencies of the just arrived students. The

conceptual areas related to sub-category of educational

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priorities are four. The first is what I called

"structured vision" that Is to say the proper knowledge

and awareness of both the migration phenomenon, and the

implications and consequences of it on the education

system. The second conceptual area concerns the

commitment of schools and institutes in activating

acceptance processes. The third as the fourth conceptual

set are linked to second. In particular, there are the

resources available or to make available for school and

the political influences on the resources and, indeed,

on the processes the schools might activate.

What I have just stated is a photograph of data,

concepts emerged, namely a synchronic analysis. Through

the constant comparison of contexts, I can draw some

procedural developments, comparing schools that are

active since short time and schools that have a longer

tradition of activities related to foreign students. It

would result a diachronic stance of analysis. In fact,

if you look at the data with particular emphasis on

time, you can decline the categories of responsiveness

and choice of educational priorities as chronological

processes.

According to a chronological course, facing the

phenomenon of sudden arrival of foreign students, the

school, within it, reacts with rapidly entering the

newly arrived. The information, but also customized

educational programming, the interest and care of newly

arrived are a “corridor fact”, " everything takes place

in staff room " (20BDD). In other words, teachers do not

have the time and resources to think about the placement

and management of foreign students. In fact, who does

respond to educational requests is the contact person

for foreigners or a "sensitive" and responsive teacher,

willing to spend herself or himself for them.

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As regards, however, more experienced schools, they

build tutored entries, with some meetings with the

family of origin, the cultural mediator. Having

structured moments for minute meeting among teachers is

routine for them. These moments would help a better

accessing to familiarize the just arrived students with

the school environment.

We might also realise how the construction and

acceptance of certain educational priorities is linked

to the perception of the migration phenomenon and,

consequently, the arrival of foreigners at school.

Teachers and school leaders conceive the phenomenon as a

transitional or running low that is why activation would

be an energy waste. Enabling organization would be so

determined by resolving a temporary emergency. In this

sense, the school does not put in adequate resources;

resources intended both as economic resources and as

human resources. We meet, so, schoolteachers or

educators without any special preparation or training

for Italian as second language or intercultural

education. The concept of phenomenon as transient leads

the contexts not to do projects in collaboration with

local administrations that could give the school a

continuity of resources, as it happens in schools with

more management experience. These are schools that have

begun to give systematic answers, thanks to strong and

secure partnerships with local public administration.

These schools have achieved what some participants

described as "structured vision", i.e. a thought and

informed understanding of migration and the implications

for the teaching organization.

In naming these two sub-categories, I considered

important to focus not so much on synchronic, but rather

on the diachronic to positively nuance what schools are

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putting in place. I called these two categories in this

way: “responsiveness sharing” and “structuring

priorities”.

The two main processes that the arrival of foreign

students active at school, tend to make the most shared

possible the responsiveness and sensitivity that only

some teachers show, but that seems to be a prerequisite

for good acceptance. The second process, which concerns

the organization of the school, says a central demand

that is the choice of priorities, without which many

internal and external resources are not used and/or

invested in educating the just arrived students. This

process outlines further that intercultural education is

becoming a priority, which requires the commitment of a

systematic response, rather than an isolated

intervention linked to the sensitivity of teachers and

principals.

To give a name to the core category, you must

understand how these two sub-categories arise in

relation to the research question: what happens in

everyday school life, where the school faces the

guarantee of the education right for newly arrived non-

Italian students, even during the year? How these two

categories are in relation to my interpretation of the

phenomenon, namely the gaze of SJE on the education

right?

It is accepted by all the fact that the hosting of

foreign students is a right. That is the case of medical

care right too. Education is also a right that is not

questioned. So, at least about right to social minimum,

the entry of foreign students in Italian schools is

guaranteed.

Social rights are declared as conforming the rule

and what inspired the law (3NVP): the school has the

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duty to ensure that the education right will be given to

everyone. The declared is not what really is implied and

might not be linked to the aims of the host paths and

the actual entry of foreigners into school life. Under

the light of what I said above, in Chapter 2, there is

the need to eliminate the obstacles that obstruct the

creation of paths for guaranteeing the education right

by the school, and to deal with those migration-related

limits: no language skills, diverse economic

opportunities, cultural differences, etc.

In light of the understanding of right as a social

measure of a democratic context, such as functional

right to growth and development of human personality in

its full potential, these two sub-categories are

prerequisites for the guarantee of the education right.

It is on this that in the near future, school will meet

challenging issues for a full guarantee of the education

right of newly arrived students without Italian

citizenship.

I called the core category "structuring conditions":

the process through which the Italian school is trying

to overcome the emergency and those temporary

interventions targeting foreigners with the aim of

formalizing best practices and of rationalizing the

internal and external resources. The meaning of this

term is, therefore, to outline how the school reacts to

and to what directions are going in order to make the

education right effective. The core category informs the

final goal of a adequate training and of embedding it in

the routine school life.

Here I inserted the scheme of the process underlying

the definition of the theory. The various parts will be

presented along the chapter. The figure, for now, wants

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to illustrate the complexity and interrelationships of

all variables competitors in the process.

Figure 2: The two subcategories and the main concep tual areas.

Teachers have reported how to deal with what is the

problem of foreigners only if they were helped, or,

better, put to "be in the conditions". Only if the

school system could create a climate of effective work,

teachers could deal with the education of students

without Italian citizenship. All the schools I visited

have activated something for these students. This did

not mean, however, the guarantee of a right, as the

right goes far beyond the opportunity to attend a

literacy course rather than sit in class with the other

students, immediately after their arrival in Italy.

Schools tend to make the host process a school habit, in

order to go from the problem of foreigners to a

systematic response to actual right. Structuring

conditions means making those extemporaneous answers the

essential prerequisites, the preconditions that allow

the inclusion of foreigners in schools and training

courses, with the goal of the guarantee of the education

right.

The idea of structuring the core category suggests

regards the activation of ways that intend to formalise

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the teachers’ commitment. The “structuring of the

priorities” category depends on several actors and is

played outside the school.

The characteristic of the whole process is that the

Italian school tends to become experienced and trained,

trying to share and to expand the zone of influence of

the responsiveness of teachers through which the

processes of inclusion are implemented. It is not a

secret, in fact, that school, made up of different

people with dissimilar investment on their work, manages

to bring forward projects thanks to the responsiveness

of some teachers. This term refers to the "sensitivity",

a word much used by participants in the sense of

responsiveness, openness, which consists in noting the

needs of context and assume them. It is about teachers

who have an educational thrust in most schools. This

subcategory covers the dynamics that were found inside

the school life. It reveals the thoughts of teachers in

perceiving and interpreting the issue of inclusion of

foreigners. The school is trying to make the

responsibility shared among colleagues. This is the

process by which accepting students turns from a

teachers’ " mission " (21CD) to the call of entire school

involvement. There is also to underline that this

process is challenged by dynamics of the removal of

newly arrived students within the school.

The second conceptual sub-category, as said,

explains what is happening in very concrete terms. This

subcategory replies to questions like: what does the

school implement, specifically? What changes in the

organization and work of all professionals involved?

What should schools do to exit from emergency? The

direction of these changes, or sometimes arrangements,

are taking is that of building a structure that allows

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wide activation rather than a short-range activation in

the management of internal and external resources, which

are capitalized by educational priorities. This category

covers, then, the interface with local authorities,

municipalities, provinces and, in one case studied, the

region.

It has proved as crucial to the guarantee of the

right, the presence, or absence of "structured visions"

of the phenomenon of immigrants in a given territory.

Here is strongly felt the influence of the role of

principals and responsive teachers. Nevertheless, the

role of the local authority and, more generally,

politics and parties’ ideology is important. The

structuring of educational priorities within the school

context is not something that can be resolved within the

walls of the school but can be seen, often positively,

helped by competition from local and external funds. The

organization of a structured organizational vision in

the school affects educational priorities. The immediate

connection is with the SJE, that is the critical aspect

of education policies that decide, from a conscious,

structured, and realistic image of the reality, what are

the priorities and what are the most important

objectives that the school should pursue.

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Model

Figure 3: Model exemplifying the polarizations of t he general

process.

The arrival of a child from another country at the

school generates a process of managing a problem and

simultaneously leads to bring this problem to effective

resolution. It is accepted by all participants that

education is seen as a right to be given to everyone,

even those who do not have Italian citizenship and even

children whose parents do not have residence permission.

The school, therefore, is always active. In other words,

school assumes the arrival of a new student, even if

foreign. Activation is understood as succession of acts

to include the just arrived student. The activation has

differences based on wide-range or short length goals. A

school is familiar to assiduous arrivals of non-Italian

student when has prepared both internal and external

resources to employee before the arrival of immigrants.

The dynamics of general acceptance is situated in a

continuum that ranges from an issue to solve to the

guarantee of a right. In practice, this means that the

school is moving from improvisational educational

response to an inclusive system and network. The

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characteristics of the concept of arrival as a problem

have emerged on many levels. When the arrival of a

foreign student is a problem?

- When the school does not wait the arrival of

foreigners during the year;

- When there is a protocol of acceptance;

- When the school did not have properly structured

vision of migration;

- When the school is not flexible in the using of

available internal resources;

- When the context requires "strong evaluations";

- When teachers are not flexible in dealing with

students that need to go back and forth the class;

- When foreign students create confusion in school;

- When foreign students have also economic, health

and familiar problems;

- When teachers do not understand that preparing and

testing different materials is included in their

commitment and responsibility;

- When the role of ISL teachers and other

professional figures is not clear;

- When you have so many other things to do before

taking care of just arrived students;

- When foreigners are a burden and a nuisance;

- When the school does not have a supporting network;

- When the policy of the local government is an

impediment to obtain resources.

If we look instead at the process of structuring the

conditions, namely the education right, it is necessary

to specify the terminology. As the process related to

the conditions underlies the guarantee of the education

right, the final point of arrival is not the authentic

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guarantee of the right, rather is an optimal

possibility, that is the best, for now, the school can

offer to guarantee a future. The path the school has

undertaken is not for emancipatory and thus to render

effective the education right, rather is towards the

actual pre-conditions of the students’ empowerment.

Being receptive towards foreigners and structuring of

educational priorities to get funds and resources to

foreigners are the preconditions. I called what the

school is doing to guarantee the education right the

optimal guarantee zone.

The properties of this zone trace the ways in which

the tension to the education right, as the final goal of

this process, has to be understood. Where, then, does

the arrival of students without Italian citizenship meet

the optimal guarantee zone?

- When the school awaits the arrival of foreigners;

- When the school has shared with the college staff a

protocol of acceptance;

- When the school has structured an intelligent and

informed vision of immigration and the consequent

impacts on the educational system;

- When the flexibility of time and organization is

functional to the empowerment of the foreign

students’ capabilities;

- When the responsiveness of teachers is almost

general;

- When the assessment is calibrated on the

differences of the newly arrived students and

regards their capabalities;

- When teachers are flexible in the planning the

classroom work;

- When the school has provided network services and

support from social workers;

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- When the roles and responsibilities are clear and

well distributed;

- When the priorities of educational institutions

include the care of newly arrived;

- When the school chooses professionals according to

set criteria;

- When the local policy is favourable to help the

school in welcoming immigrants in the territory and

creating fertile ground for intercultural

processes.

This model offers a framework for everything that

results from the data: the factors that influence the

process are part of a set of polarities, i.e. delaying

factors and facilitating factors. The model indicates a

shift from a form of educational care depending on

purely individual commitment to a more intersubjective

and shared responsibility.

These factors are linked to three different levels

of school management: the first level is individual that

relates to personal and professional characteristics of

teachers and draws the already mentioned responsiveness

or sensitivity, in opposition of the perception of

irritation that foreigners in the classroom may cause.

The second level is that of school as an organization,

which includes issues related not only to internal and

external resources, but also to how schools use them: in

a case, I have called them dedicated resources, while in

the opposite case I use the term delegation. The third

level is that more properly extra-scholastic and

political: policies influence the phenomenon of

inclusion and guarantee education right for just arrived

students without Italian citizenship.

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Responsiveness VS Nuisance

It is necessary the presence of a certain

willingness of teachers to ensure that the student is

accepted into the school in a positive and constructive

way. This is the first and most important scholastic

resource because is part of human capital, which is made

available freely for the needs of the context. It is

true that this availability should not become a sort of

volunteer work because it would not be a continuous and

effective response to problems. From the data, in fact,

emerges that the teachers’ commitment is due to a sort

of partial “ maternage ” and a personal satisfaction.

The first and perhaps irreplaceable resource is the

teachers’ responsiveness, that in their capacity to

note, detect and try to solve the educational needs of

the school. In this category of teachers, I found both

teachers who have chosen to have a role for organizing

the education of foreigners in the whole school, and

those teachers who have decided to make several hours in

the mornings available to strengthen the language skills

for completing their timetable at school. Above all,

there are teachers who have chosen to be completely

involved in ISL education projects. The reasons for this

choice are: a will of change way of working, because

they would like to get involved in a different way of

teaching and because of personal responsiveness. A

participant said: “ Generally, there is no will to be

completely involved in ISL education projects ” (20aB),

because teachers prefer not to have to deal with

foreigners. These teachers are those who also reported a

situation of personal discomfort within the school, for

two sets of reasons. The first is the feeling of

loneliness and abandonment in proposing and pursuing

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initiatives related to foreign pupils. The second is the

awareness of being charged of problems that would not

compete to the teachers because they would call into

question the person underneath the teacher.

Facing cases where teaching is the last concern,

since only the school intercept the needs of people who

have not the capability to speak Italian, we might

reversely react: this is the "nuisance", that sometimes

is almost repulsion. For those who foreigners, far from

being a resource albeit painful, they are a burden, a

nuisance because the word resource to name the presence

of foreigners at school hides a set of issues, as

activating something to educate ISL students or just

arrived students is, in fact, having to do more job.

Soon then there is what some students interviewed

reported as their main scholastic activity: " I slept ",

in class, preferring to follow the extra curricular

activities because they give them “ the opportunity to be

somebody ”. The category of nuisance as a factor that

delays the implementation by the school of paths for

guaranteeing the right was built mainly by participants’

words, especially by those of foreign students and those

who have made a realistic description of the class life.

Teachers have thus urged colleagues to " Do not forget

them ", because they " feel put aside ", " not involved ".

Under the label of nuisance, I also added those

situations in which teachers, even if they fully

understand the discomfort that the newly arrived

students may prove, prefer focusing on the class

management rather than improve educational care for

immigrants. In addition, it is good to remember that the

classes are always very numerous, and the high numbers

increase classroom difficulties. The idea the teachers’

behaviour seems to suggest is to make resistance to

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change the class management as a naïve way to limit, if

not decrease, the entropy in the classroom and reverse

the now almost obliged request of personalized

itineraries.

Dedicated Resources VS Delegation

The intra-collegial level lives the path towards the

effective assurance of education right between two

extremities: seeking and dedicating resources to ISL

teaching and the welcoming of foreigners, on a side,

and, on the other one, the temptation of delegating to

others the education of them. In this terms, teachers

would not take the educational responsibility into

account seriously. In particular, the internal resources

that the school owns that are available hours to the

college staff, and funds from the CSA (provincial school

office) to be spent for employee supplementary

educators, are dedicated to the school only if the

educational priorities are shared within the school. An

initial response to the arrival at school of foreign

students is not that of " playing with the scholastic

schedule ", that is to say allowing time to be available

for supporting, strengthening the language skills of

these students. What is happening, but that previously

the school was used to do, is to be characterized as a

so called “ school plot ”, in which the organizational

flexibility is interweaved to the teachers’

responsiveness in a form of “ intra-school synergy ”.

Beyond the hours and teachers’ responsiveness, the

school uses external funds specifically for foreigners.

In fact, there is a risk, as in some schools of short

tradition in facing foreigners’ arrival happens, of

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creating a sort of organizational chaos, that not all

teachers want to manage or include in their agenda.

Down the road, there is the delaying factor of

delegation: " let us leave others do that " (17BRCTI) is a

phrase taken from a participant’s comment. Accepting or

not a greater load of work affects the relationship that

teachers have with pupils in their class, but also

influences the organization or, rather, the success of

organizational and educational practices. Teachers do

not agree, in this chaos, the disorder of personal

organization, because " teachers do not understand that

is their job ". In this chaos, the role of each is not

clear. There are so delegator attitudes: untrained

curricular teachers tend to decrease the degree of

entropy delegating the assessment to those involved in

ISL education. They accept that the foreign student

leaves their class, and they " go forward its own way ”,

without changing teaching modalities or getting

information about the learning process the student is

doing. The difference between the category of “ being put

in a conditions.. ." and the delegation is that

requesting opportunities to have time, tools and

resources to deal with the problem of foreigners does

not mean leaving the commitment and educational

responsibilities to others. However, it would mean

accepting the complexity of required operations of

individual teachers and enabling more intersubjective

modes of education and teaching in a collaboratively

way.

Endorsing Politics VS Prejudicing Politics

The school is interfacing with the local

(municipality, county, region) policy to meet the needs

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that are found within the school. What positively

influence the entire process of “structuring conditions”

are also the political priorities. Guaranteeing the

education right is matter of not only single schools but

also of what is going on outside the school. This would

measure the success of education projects for foreigner

students. In fact, schools use funds and support

services of the territory the school are. In other

words, we understand that in different policies exist

different management of the process of guaranteeing the

education right. I have then built two categorizations

of policy: a supportive one and the prejudicing one. For

endorsing policy, I mean a political style that is

responsible and attentive to the needs of the territory,

with special attention to the integration of foreigners.

The school is a valuable resource for the government and

for the local administrations as every young children

pass through it. This endorsing policy occurs mainly in

small municipalities. In large municipalities,

provincial capitals of the region, for example, schools

are struggling to have close contact with politics, or

rather with the people who make political decisions.

This is a prejudicing policy as it prejudices the

effectiveness of listening local citizens needs. In

fact, in large municipalities having contact with

decision makers is hard as there are numerous filters

among citizens and politicians. Nevertheless, it is

prejudicing also, where the local authority does not

share with schools the same educational priorities. If

political priorities are not intertwined with schools’

priorities, the possibility to get funds for special

education tutoring projects is limited.

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Structuring priorities

The school autonomy is guaranteed by the Italian

rules. On it, the choices and educational organization

are based. In other words, as a teacher made me noticed

during an interview, " every school is to be studied per

se [...] the schools make up initiatives " (22MD).

Moreover, given the school autonomy, the researcher has

to analyse each context with its specific designed

guiding principles. One could say that every school has,

thanks to autonomy they enjoy, a specific educational

culture. In this sense, data analysis and comparisons of

different research contexts has unearthed the ongoing

process constants, not regardless the specific nature of

each but making what from context to context occurs

emerge.

“Currently, the regulatory framework, based on

autonomy of educational institutions, namely the D.P.R.

No 275 of 1999, is the main instrument to address all

the scholastic aspects, such as the integration of

foreigners, requiring the construction of appropriate

and specific solutions” 8. These solutions depend on

having structured a vision of the immigration’s

phenomenon.

The understanding of a problem is not always the

same from context to context. Some schools perceive the

phenomenon of foreign students and, more generally, the

phenomenon of immigration, as a transitional one. Those

schools have not prepared the access of foreign

students. Therefore, the immigrant could come to a

school: " ... where maybe was not even put a seat for

him " (20BDD). The unequipped schools still experience

this embarrassing situation. School readiness primarily

8 From Guidelines for the reception and integration of for eign pupils , Ministry of Education, www.istruzione.it .

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means a school that prepares a desk and a chair in the

classroom for welcoming the new student.

Although, the presence of foreign students in

schools is increasing o, especially in Northern Italy,

the structuring of priorities is not tied to the number,

but to the assiduity of arrivals that do not allow the

school to continue to not consider this. A teacher said:

" We did not understand that they will arrive " (22MD).

The assiduity leads the teachers to be aware that the

phenomenon is not transitory but increasing. The problem

exists if schools do not expect foreigners. Giving a

real interpretation of the immigration, not linked to

the needs of stability of the school, discriminates

between prepared and unprepared school. In the first

case, the school is thought of as driven by the needs of

students, in the second case as guided by the need to

resolve an emergency. The so-called “wild” inclusion is

due to the improvisation of unready schools. In this

case, accessing ISL education training is very slow;

teachers do not have adequate tools to meet the new

educational needs.

That is why there are numerous complaints among

teachers: the school has now been defined as " great

asylum ", or the place where " until there is spot, come

in !" (11BDUSP).

Having awareness that the phenomenon of immigration

is not transitory and that the school is heavily

invested by it is primarily the prerogative of receptive

teachers. Comprehending the problem is the first step in

the construction of educational priorities, related to

guarantee the education right of just arrived foreign

students.

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Phenomenology of activating processes

What makes a school activate? In the first moments

of the research I have consulted the percentages drawn

by the Ministry of Education. I have therefore chosen

schools with the highest number of pupils without

Italian citizenship because there it was easier to

detect the presence of the phenomenon I wanted to

inquire. What does the arrival of students without

Italian citizenship causes?

Prima facie, I seemed so intuitive that what did

make school activate welcoming processes and pathways of

ISL for foreign students was the high number. In other

words, the school makes every effort to ensure the right

to all if foreigners are present in large numbers.

However, schools do not activate special education

courses because of large numbers of foreigners but

rather because of the assiduity of arrivals: more are

entrances and more there are opportunities to find

schools equipped to build processes of ISL, for example,

or simply bureaucratic arrangements that allow teachers

to know they reach a new student in class. The question

of the education right remains open. In fact, we cannot

think of ensuring the right only in cases of arrivals’

assiduity or high numbers. A right is such, regardless

of contingencies: it is the right of a single as well as

a huge number of individuals. It is clear that there is

a place in school for the every newly arrived student,

but that does not meet the guarantee of a right. As I

have written in Chapter 2, giving everyone the same

training does not mean trying to give everyone the

chance to improve personal skills. For this, answering

the question of the guarantee of the right is not easy.

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It is necessary to understand how schools activate, the

reasons of the activation.

The question can be split into other littler

questions: how does the Italian school surpass the so-

called emergency? Which kind of resources the school may

put in? The experiences I have collected can be divided

into two categories. The first is the schools’

activation that I have defined a short-range activation

since the emergency is not completely absent in the

management because of the discontinuity of resources.

The second is the wide-range activation that experienced

schools implemented in terms of systematic response to

deal with issues related to foreigners at school.

From a short-range activation…

The activation of schools in general suffers as

mentioned above, of educational priorities that are

chosen by the college faculty and the head-teacher,

first. Characteristic of short-range activation is

concrete answers more or less appropriate to the needs

and demands, which have an immediate results, but only

related to the "here and now" of the school management.

The results are time-limited responses that can be act

in a few days, months but when school resumes in

September, should be recast, and rebuilt. This type of

activation is based on the availability of some

responsive teachers who agree to take the responsibility

of organizing moments dedicated to foreigners. It works

primarily thanks to internal resources that are the

school and teachers completely involved in ISL education

projects. Only under the light of the educational

priorities, the internal resources become dedicated

internal resources.

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The so-called “ playing with the scholastic schedule ”

is the resource that in the recent past allowed school

to respond immediately to education emergencies.

Therefore, it is also in reference to foreigners.

“ Playing with the scholastic schedule ” is very complex,

particularly with regard to the middle school as

teachers who rotate on a single class are many. This

resource often creates confusion and disrupts what is

the personal agenda of each teacher. This first resource

requires a certain degree of both bureaucratic and

personal flexibility. The chaos might destroy the

meaning underneath this organisational commitment:

enhancing and empowering the language skills and the

behaviour of just arrived students. Nevertheless, having

to stay with the foreign students often creates

discomfort because it disturbs the individual

organization. Consequently, teachers often do not

respect the organizational order painstakingly designed

and composed. Another factor involved is bureaucratic:

often the available hours teacher has are used for

deputizing colleagues.

"There are hours provided, of co-teaching for us,

teachers of Italian language, as we have hours in

excess. For example, I have 2 hours more, this year. I

had made at the beginning of note on foreigners. That

is, I would be entered as co-teacher in some classes, I

would have taken a kid and worked with him for a while.

In the end, these two hours has regularly gone in ...

in... substitutions! Not paid because not listed as… and

during the last staff meeting I will tell this. Oh ...

if we can maintain at least two hours ... or not even

call it "co-teaching", rather call it replacements! Then

call it availability for replacements. […]. Because

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they, poor, at the beginning when they see that you

really take care of them, you deal with them, they

really like this! After, they always wait for you:

'then? Teacher! When do we return in the special class?

'. They see you passing by and telling: 'No, I am sorry

I have to do a replacement'. I would have seen them

twice during the year." (18RD).

There are different situations where there are

teachers completely involved in ISL education projects.

On the other hand, where, simply, in terms of resources,

the reach of most schools, the co-teaching is truly

dedicated because the school’s staff feels as very

important educational priorities to work with

foreigners. There was a situation where the principal

had to “impose” and control the co-teaching activities.

This type of activation seems to be a fluctuating

answer to a problem that remains. Teachers have not

tools to meet solutions and there is the habit of

delegating others. Only the responsive teachers sustain

the various activities for foreigners and provide the

"ready-to-use package", that is to say they prepare

materials, books, etc. for colleagues that, on the

contrary, never would do anything for just arrived

students.

… To a wide-range activation

" Now it is habitual ". The phrase regards those

schools that have decided protocols of acceptance and

begun ISL training. In other words, in wide-range

activation, the resources are invested in a lasting way

and the school focuses on the acceptance of a situation

in which resources are being rationalized. In a school,

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for example, colleagues of the same matter work

together, one the in classroom and another one with the

foreign student. This will not only build collaborations

between colleagues in the same school but also sharing

of the student. The activations of short-range already

tend to create synergy. As for the wide-range

activation, this synergy becomes habitual. This type of

activation recalls to the strongly related category of

the climate of work. The concept of planning merges

these two categories because, without designed projects,

there is no wide-range activation, and planning is among

the characteristics of a working climate favourable to

guarantee the education right.

The specificity of this category resides, then, in

the characteristics of an increase of collegiality in

the management of the phenomenon.

Resource and Politics

This last polarity concerning resources relates to a

different area emerged from the data analysis. To

activate the school refers to the territory and in this

case to the local administration. The request for

external funds is met only with planning projects that

are the result of the commitment of responsive teachers.

The interplay of influence on the process of

guaranteeing the education right is linked to the size

of the municipality the school is. The physical

proximity and the closeness of purpose and priorities

helps the school to create a " breeding ground " for

communication between institutions and to receive

economic aids. In other words, as mentioned above,

endorsing policy makes synergy easier between local

offices and schools, while a policy that I call

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prejudicing obstruct, but do not block the activation

school, as it is too close to ideological position and

contrasts the phenomenon of migration. The

municipalities administered by a prejudicing policy

leave schools to be the only resource of territory for

foreigners. The school would become the only place site

where the newly arrived with their families can be

accepted and accompanied in knowing the new reality of

life.

The constancy of responses to the foreigners’

educational needs refers to the constancy of getting

funds coming from outside. This is inherent to political

issues of a territory that affect the availability of

funds. The issue of the " breeding ground " questions what

is pursued by several ministerial documents: to identify

common operational strategies in collaboration with the

various institutions, associations, and educational

agencies of the territory. In fact, the breeding ground

promotes aid to schools and tends to identify

educational pathways for foreigners. If the local

authority does not feel the problem, the retrieval of

funds could be very complicated, as well as their

consistency over time and the preparation of long-range

activation could be uncertain. However, what is

" breeding ground "? This is not the banal political

climate of the local government. This denotes closeness

of the policy to school, in several meanings. The first

one is the physical proximity: there are local

administrations far from citizens. The Ministry of

Education, for example, is farther than the province,

which is farther than the municipality. The second type

of closeness is conceptual: being close to a problem

means understanding the consequences of it, for example,

realising that the immigration phenomenon is not

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passenger would drive local authorities to invest

resources. This is the case of the municipality said

"concerned" of the first reception of foreigners. A

concerned municipality would fund easily inclusion’s

routes through the school. The municipality is close to

the needs of the school also because schools are the

place for supervising the immigration’s flow.

Therefore, if there is proximity and continuity

between the educational priorities of a school and the

policies, institutions may find a meeting point in

scholastic projects. If, however, there is not proximity

between schools and local authorities, this would have

an effect on especially the wide-range activation

because resources might be discontinuous or because

local authorities might carry out their contrasting

ideas.

"I n other situations where there is instead the same

political climate, there are enormous difficulties!

Huge! Even, the disbursement of contributions is binding

on certain areas and not others. Then the school

principals with all the good will they have, face big

problems. " (17BR).

Not the political climate, but the receptiveness and the

proximity of intentions are what help the process of

structuring educational priorities for the guarantee of

the right. There is also the fact that the local

authority reference is the province, or region:

institutions distant from the needs of the base.

" ... The fact remains that things should be addressed.

Obviously with a policy that is responsible, however,

because in small municipalities, the administrator is in

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direct contact with citizens and, therefore, there are

not intermediate steps. " (19BRP).

In large municipalities and provincial capitals,

there are many filters between the citizens and

administrators. The role of local administration in

interfacing with the school is supported mainly by

provincial school offices that manage the resources of

teachers for ISL education training, and network

projects. In areas where the U.S.P. fails to intervene,

schools call for local authorities to take action.

The political resonance in the processes of

acceptance and guarantee the education right affects a

lot of serenity of schoolteachers.

Sharing Responsiveness

This category is on multiple fronts connected with

the previous one. Stroking separately is a way to

underline the specific processes within the school and

to better clarify its limits. In reality, in fact,

splitting the first from the second category would be

pretence because the processes that occur arise on a

continuum that calls into question these factors:

- Responsiveness of teachers

- Opposition of teachers

- Planning capability of schools

- Setting a wide-range or short-range activation

- Presence of support networks

Many of these features were previously listed. The

specificity of this category covers the following

conceptual nodes:

- modalities of inclusion

- assessment of foreign students’ knowledge

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- relationships among colleagues and working

environment climate.

Phenomenology of welcoming

What happens when a just arrived foreign student

accesses the school? As a general principle, there is a

protocol of acceptance, a document that is accepted by

the school staff containing elements, principles,

guidelines for inclusion and integration of immigrant

pupils, defining the tasks and roles of school. The

protocol of acceptance will:

- Build "best practices" for the host school;

- Facilitate the entry of students without Italian

citizenship in school;

- Support foreign students in the phase of adaptation

to the new environment;

- Foster a climate of acceptance and attention to

relationships that would prevent and would remove

any obstacles to full integration;

- Create an conducive environment to meet other

cultures;

- Promote communication and collaboration between

schools and territory on the themes of acceptance

and intercultural education with an integrated

training system.

The protocol of acceptance is divided into parts that

schools have used as a form to write the own protocols

of acceptance. These parts are:

- Aims and objectives, often reported from the text

of the ministerial legislation

- Contents of administrative nature (documents

required for accessing school), contest about

educational-didactic issues (criteria for inclusion

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in the classroom, intercultural education, ISL) and

contents regarding relationships with the

territory. Some schools add contents related to the

health aspects

- Presentation of the "intercultural" or the

"foreigners" commission of the school with their

responsibilities and commitments.

The moments that the protocol identifies from the first

host to the full enjoyment of school life are:

- Enrolment in school;

- The meetings for the first knowledge;

- Outlining the criteria for inclusion in a clasroom

preparing to host processes, intercultural

education and ISL teaching;

- Activating projects with the territory the school

is.

At this stage, schools should specify the documents and

information to be requested, as well as notices, forms,

information notes about the school should be written in

the languages of origin. Those collected documents

should to be delivered to parents to help their

understanding of the Italian school system. This is not

always done. The delivery of bilingual documentation, as

well as the display of warnings and advices in the

bulletin boards, offer a face-friendly school, rather

than the idea of an institution closed and little

comfortable. In addition to the administrative aspects,

the teachers should collect a range of information about

the foreign students that allow the principal and the

staff to take appropriate decisions, about both the

class where the student has to enter, and about

educational paths to be activated. The first knowledge

meeting can revolve in a meeting with parents and an

interview with the student, possibly in the presence of

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a language mediator. At this stage, teachers collect

personal information on the personal and scholastic

history of the student, about the family situation, as

well as interests, abilities and skills possessed.

Nevertheless, not always this collection happens in all

schools.

The cases of school contexts studied reveals an

interesting path that goes from the establishment of

quick placement, which some teachers called " wild

insertion ", towards a guided welcoming process.

The mere inclusion does not exhaust the guarantee of

the education right. To the question: is the education

right guaranteed? We can answer positively if entering

into a class, having a desk, having classmates would be

sufficient. However, the education right covers much

wider fields of intervention. Among these, the first is

the difference between entering and welcoming. Entering

means the entry into the school of a student. Therefore,

the secretary chooses for the class the student enters.

The welcoming process is designed as important moment of

mutual understanding between the institution and the

foreign family, between the new teacher and pupil.

The collected cases may give an idea of what happens

in the early days, since, namely, the foreign student

goes to school to be enrolled until she/he joins the

class.

The family arrives in the school administration

office: here the family may find forms only in Italian,

not translated forms. Alternatively, it might find an

information flyer in its language that explains how the

Italian school works. Now some schools include the

student in the class. The teacher coordinator may also

not hear about this inclusion, or, as in the case of an

interviewee, she/he can find this out the day before.

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The secretary used to deal with non Italian people

usually calls the language mediator through which it

tries to reach information from parents or the student.

If the mediator is not available, because the school is

not prepared to welcome foreigners or because the school

did not get funds for employee a mediator, she/he may be

replaced by the ISL teacher.

Over time and through the assiduity of arrivals,

schools use external services, such as language

mediators. Those schools that do not use external

services are in the range of those schools that imply

the “ wild insertion ” because in a very short time, they

insert the student in class. It was found that the “ wild

insertion ” is not because of inefficiency, rather

because of inadequacy. The idea that often pushes the

school administration office to include the student

immediately is because doing so would mean taking care

without delay of the student’s good. Those schools,

however, that have already tried different ways, thanks

to external forces, take their time. The inclusion in

the classroom is the last step in a journey aimed at

making the transition from one culture to another as

soft as possible. Some schools have chosen to prepare a

period to form ISL workshops, where there is the

possibility of using external educators paid by local

administration or by the school. Some other schools have

prepared, during the period before entering the

classroom, the entrance tests on knowledge of Italian,

as also the assessment would fall within the education

right, especially in the middle school in which the

production of tests and the subsequent assessment is one

of the most heard issues. The tests are for the first

pedagogical knowledge of the foreign students.

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“But do not go just like that!”

“But do not go just like that” (2NE), I was told.

Often teachers simplify the complexity of welcoming with

some tricks: for example, with certifying foreign

students, as they were students with disabilities

because this would give them the opportunity to be

followed by a supplementary teacher. In addition,

relying on the presence of a compatriot within the class

of arrival is taken as an excuse to not implement the

welcoming, thinking that this could be the replacement

of it. This is irrespective of what the Guidelines for

the reception and integration of foreign pupils

suggested: “ Within the schools, the most common

orientation is to promote the diversity of nationalities

in the composition of classes, rather than forming

uniform classes based on religious or territorial origin

of foreigners ”.

An interesting fact that influences the entrance of

the student in class and the choice of the class is the

list of criteria used. In the protocols of the analysed

schools, the reference to the ministry guidelines and

good sense has to be noticed:

- Number of students attending the same class;

- More problematic as the presence of pupils with

disabilities;

- The age of the just arrived foreign student.

The criteria for assigning a class must be clearly

specified in the protocol of acceptance by the college

faculty on the basis of the provisions of Art. 45 of

D.P.R. 31/8/99 No. 394; the students in the age of

compulsory schooling are enrolled in the corresponding

class for age, unless the teachers' college deliberates

to enrol them in a different class, taking into account:

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- the schooling system of the country of origin,

which can determine the entry to a class

immediately lower or higher than at the

corresponding age;

- Detection of skills, abilities and levels of

preparation of the foreign students;

- Curriculum of the country of origin;

- The school certificate possibly possessed by the

foreign student.

Margins of flexibility in choosing the class of

arrival are evident. For a correct decision in addition

to the previously acquired information is necessary to

have information on educational systems of countries of

origin, the nature of their curricula, and duration of

the school of origin.

Nevertheless, this does not always happen. There are

tacit other criteria which refer to factors related to

the responsiveness of teachers and simplification of the

problem. In other words, the presence or absence of

responsive teachers influences the choice of a class

rather than another. Often a teacher fights for not

having a foreign student in her/his class, others that,

in contrast, have many more. A phrase in the information

ministry has left margins in the choice of the class:

"the general criterion to enter the student according to

age remains. Slippage of one year on lower class must be

weighed very carefully in relation to the benefits that

could make. Different choices will be evaluated case-by-

case by educational institutions”. The staff of teachers

decides placement in classes different from those of the

age. The decision on a class is accompanied by

identifying pathways that will be implemented based on

available resources. The protocol describes the types of

assistance that the school is able to turn out. There

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are several models of intervention that combine in

diversified way the availability of resources, specific

needs, learning goals.

To promote the full integration of children into the

broader social context and to combine education with

equal opportunities, the school needs the resources of

the territory, the collaboration of services,

associations. The first place of collaboration is to be

left to the local administrations to build a network of

interventions that would remove any obstacles and

encourage a culture of hospitality and cultural

exchange.

Here I report in a schematic way what the studied

contexts say they do, compared to what the conducted

interviews have shown they really do. The case is that

of schools with a long tradition of including processes

and hosting paths. In this case, the protocol of

acceptance is replaced with documents for internal use

more complex and structured or with educational projects

designed to seek external funding. These are the

contexts that have enabled pathways designed to

guarantee the education right of newly arrived students.

Among the schools that have participated in the

research, these are the contexts of widest organization

and sensitivity towards foreigners. The shortcomings of

other contexts are reported in the “practiced” column. I

deleted intentionally, in reporting projects, everything

that was linked to intercultural education, although

widely discussed in the documents, but is outside the

topic of the research.

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Declared Practiced

Context n° 1 Context n° 2

Goals’ Project

- Favorire l’integrazione degli alunni

stranieri promuovendo attività di

supporto per la prevenzione del disagio

scolastico, che nasce dalle difficoltà di

comunicazione linguistica e dalle

diversità culturali;

- realizzare il progetto accoglienza per

gli alunni stranieri mediante le persone

incaricate;

- favorire un inserimento graduale nella

struttura scolastica, garantendo ai neo-

iscritti pari opportunità;

- promuovere attività di sostegno e di

recupero per gli alunni stranieri o italiani

in situazione di svantaggio

- creare la consapevolezza nei

docenti che l’integrazione degli

stranieri e il superamento del disagio

scolastico richiedono nuove strategie

educative, metodologiche e didattiche

che si acquisiscono attraverso una

formazione permanente

- Promuovere lo sviluppo di un sistema

integrato, che favorisca:

o l’integrazione dei minori stranieri,

nella scuola e nel territorio, nel

rispetto delle diverse culture;

o lo scambio e il dialogo

interistituzionale

o la partecipazione e il confronto tra le

famiglie;

o la diffusione di una cultura

dell'accoglienza, dell'ascolto e del

dialogo;

- Fornire le strumentalità di base della

lingua italiana parlata e scritta nelle

situazioni di vita più comuni, in modo

adeguatamente strutturato.

- Promuovere l'apprendimento dei

linguaggi specifici per affrontare i testi

scolastici, anche in funzione del

proseguimento degli studi.

- Favorire la conoscenza delle “culture

altre” da parte degli alunni italiani e dei

docenti, in un’ottica di effettivo

interscambio.

- Promuovere occasioni di formazione

nella scuola e sul territorio sulle

tematiche interculturali.

- Produrre, sperimentare e

documentare “buone prassi” educative,

attraverso una rete di interventi

condivisi, sia di tipo organizzativo che

didattico, al fine di ottimizzare le

risorse.

Welcoming

Condivisione in rete di modalità di

accoglienza.

- Un referente ATA segue le procedure

per l’iscrizione dell’alunno straniero,

fornendo alla famiglia modulistica

L’accoglienza si pone come primo

momento importante e delicato; deve

essere funzionante ed efficace tutto

l’anno in quanto il flusso migratorio

cambia intensità ma resta continuo.

The described goals reveal a

lack of analysis that the

research showed: in the

acceptance of foreigners falls a

will of change the school

environment. The objective of

creating staff awareness, for

example, identifies what in this

research was supported in the

section on creating a climate of

work and evaluation, in the

second project called “inter-

institutional exchange.” Lacks,

in fact, in the school both a

trained professionalism and

moments of dialogue between

the figures involved in the

phenomenon of welcoming

foreigners.

The difference of these two

projects concerning the point

about welcoming regards the

level of explanation for the

presence of dedicated human

resources and the criteria for

inclusion of newly arrived. In

the first one, are explained

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bilingue ed accertando scolarità

pregressa, situazione familiare e

giuridica;

- assegnazione dell’alunno straniero

alla classe;

- un “insegnante tutor-funzione

strumentale”, o docente del modulo o

della classe si incarica di comunicare

con la famiglia, anche attraverso i

mediatori, di compilare la “biografia

linguistico/culturale dell’alunno”,

osservando i bisogni, le potenzialità, le

abilità e di seguirlo nella delicata fase

dell’inserimento.

È comunque doveroso inserirli

cercando di non sconvolgere gli

equilibri creati all’interno del gruppo-

classe.

Con questa premessa, per una scelta

oculata della classe o della sezione di

inserimento di scuola primaria /

secondaria di 1° si ritiene importante

valutare quanto segue:

A) L’ inserimento di ogni alunno

avviene nel rispetto della normativa

vigente.

B) I criteri per la scelta della classe e

della sezione di inserimento sono:

1)La valutazione della scolarità

precedente, desunta dalla copia del

documento di valutazione o

dall’autocertificazione del genitore;

2)L’inserimento nella classe

corrispondente all’età anagrafica in

caso di frequenza regolare nel paese di

provenienza e di corrispondenza

dell’ordinamento degli studi.

3)L’inserimento nella classe

immediatamente inferiore o superiore

rispetto a quella dell’età anagrafica, in

caso di non corrispondenza

dell’ordinamento degli studi.

4)L’inserimento nella classe inferiore, in

caso di totale mancanza della lingua

E’ stato predisposto un protocollo di

accoglienza che definisce tutti gli

aspetti di carattere amministrativo,

organizzativo e pedagogico-didattico.

Il gruppo che si occupa della prima

accoglienza:

• interviene al momento dell’arrivo;

• organizza un incontro-colloquio

con la famiglia e il mediatore

(consegna di materiale informativo

bilingue);

• predispone le attività di

accoglienza (che ha una durata di

15 giorni);

• valuta l’adeguato inserimento

nelle classi;

• collabora nello studio e nella

realizzazione di progetti (modalità

di intervento del mediatore

culturale, attività di intercultura,

alfabetizzazione);

• valuta la risposta

comportamentale che il ragazzo/a

si dà nella nuova realtà in cui

viene a trovarsi.

Il bambino straniero viene accolto

possibilmente da un insegnante e da

un mediatore culturale in base alle

disponibilità e alle risorse presenti.

In questa prima fase, che ha una

durata di 15 giorni, l’alunno:

1. instaura un rapporto di relazione e

di collaborazione con gli

insegnanti incaricati

dell’accoglienza;

2. conosce l’ambiente,

l’organizzazione e le regole della

scuola;

3. stabilisce i primi rapporti con i

compagni.

Durante la 1° e la 2° settimana,

l’alunno frequenta la scuola solo al

mattino per 4 ore dal lunedì al venerdì,

con l’insegnante/educatore incaricato

clearly the roles, tasks, timing,

while the second one leaves the

definition of the roles

"according to the availability

and resources."

This is in line with what was

said about the chaos and

disorganization that often

schools experience and shows

that a working climate

facilitates the emergence of a

sense of discomfort caused by

the arrival of new students. In

fact, no clear roles have not

become a mode of sharing

responsibility, or, as one

participant said, to have "the

boy shared" (R4VM) that is,

collectively take what happens

at school in account. Rather

threatens to turn into a proxy to

others who say "let us leave

others do that" (17BRCTI), in

a cumbersome work of

teachers.

The criteria for inclusion are

dashed in the first draft. These

criteria are mostly taken from

the Ministry of Education

documents. To these, schools

will add others. In the second

case, both the ministerial and

those specific criteria of the

context are left implicit. In

doing so, however, it still gives

space to those “lived” criteria

mentioned above, namely the

availability of some teachers,

their sensitivity and their

attention towards foreigners is

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italiana e di iscrizione ad anno

scolastico inoltrato (II quadrimestre).

C) L’assegnazione alla classe è

effettuata dal Dirigente Scolastico,

sentito, in modo non vincolante, il

coordinatore della classe.

Nella scelta della sezione, sia per la

scuola primaria, sia per la scuola

secondaria di 1°, sono da considerare

inoltre i seguenti aspetti:

*la numerosità della classe;

*la presenza di alunni diversamente

abili (è opportuno valutarne di volta in

volta la gravità) e il supporto

dell’insegnante di sostegno;

*la presenza nella classe di alunni

stranieri di altra nazionalità;

*la presenza nella classe di alunni

stranieri della stessa nazionalità o

parlanti la stessa lingua del neo-

arrivato (questa presenza è da

considerarsi una risorsa);

*la lingua imparata dall’alunno nel

paese di provenienza, come seconda

lingua di studio.

D) Qualora ne sorgesse la necessità, in

corso d’anno, il Consiglio di Interclasse

o di Classe interessato, convocato e

presieduto dal Dirigente Scolastico,

acquisito il parere favorevole dei

genitori dell’alunno, valuta se per

l’alunno sia bene continuare la

frequenza scolastica nella classe di

inserimento o trasferirlo nella classe

immediatamente precedente o

successiva.

E) Conclusa la fase dell’inserimento,

trascorsi i giorni necessari per

l’adattamento alla nuova situazione

(almeno 5 giorni), l’alunno viene inserito

nel laboratorio linguistico di

alfabetizzazione per l’acquisizione della

lingua italiana. Sarà l’insegnante

coordinatore di classe della scuola

dell’accoglienza. In questa fase

verranno proposte prove d’ingresso

relative alle competenze linguistiche di

base, utilizzando materiali dove la

comprensione sia facilitata dal disegno,

e alle conoscenze logico-matematiche.

Alla fine della 2° settimana l’alunno

verrà inserito nella classe in base ai

criteri espressi nel protocollo di

accoglienza dell’Istituto e ai risultati

della prima fase di accoglienza. Dalla

3° settimana in poi l’alunno sarà

inserito per alcune ore ogni giorno nel

laboratorio linguistico di livello base

(primo livello) e per le restanti ore

scolastiche l’alunno parteciperà alle

attività della propria classe. All'interno

della scuola è attivo un gruppo di

lavoro che si occupa della

realizzazione del progetto e della

relativa valutazione, attraverso incontri

previsti all'inizio, in itinere e alla fine

dell'anno scolastico. Sono stati

elaborati vari documenti differenziati

per le diverse fasi del progetto:

per l'accoglienza sono stati predisposti:

- un protocollo di accoglienza;

- una lettera di benvenuto tradotta

nelle varie lingue

- sintesi del POF tradotta in varie

lingue;

- questionari bilingui di raccolta delle

informazioni;

- prove d'ingresso per valutare le

competenze generali degli alunni

neo-arrivati;

- una scheda di valutazione iniziale al

termine dell'accoglienza.

the criterion added.

Both projects suggest more

deferred entry timetable

compared to the "wild"

inclusion that many other

schools continue to implement.

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secondaria e un docente dell’equipe

pedagogica della scuola primaria che

prenderà accordi con il docente

alfabetizzatore stabilendo i tempi e le

modalità dell’intervento.

Italian as Second Language

Il progetto prevede:

- attivazione laboratori di L2,

nei vari ordini di scuola,

organizzati con materiale

idoneo per le sue diverse

fasi: prima alfabetizzazione;

attivazione di percorsi di

consolidamento e sviluppo;

apprendimento della lingua

per lo studio (testi facilitati

e/o semplificati).

- ore di insegnamento

aggiuntivo, progettate dal

modulo o dal consiglio di

classe, per seguire l’alunno

con percorsi individualizzati

in delicati momenti

dell’inserimento, quando

incontra difficoltà nelle

strumentalità di base e/o

nella fase di preparazione di

test di fine anno scolastico.

- All’interno della rete del CTI

si stanno elaborando

curricoli comuni, in chiave

interculturale, a partire dal

prossimo anno scolastico e

curricoli disciplinari

semplificati per gli alunni

stranieri.

Trascorso il tempo necessario per un

adeguato inserimento nella classe, gli

insegnanti inseriscono l’alunno neo-

arrivato nel laboratorio di

alfabetizzazione di lingua italiana L2

per l’acquisizione linguistica. Imparare

la lingua diventa da quel momento

l’obiettivo primario dell’alunno/a

In base alle competenze linguistiche

degli alunni presenti nella nostra scuola

l'alfabetizzazione è stata organizzata

attraverso la formazione di gruppi di

livello.

LIVELLO BASE alunni non italofoni

arrivati ad inizio d'anno o in corso

d'anno, direttamente dal paese

d'origine (A1-A2 in base al framework

europeo).

Le attività saranno finalizzate alla prima

alfabetizzazione (acquisizione di abilità

di base relativamente alla

conversazione, alla scrittura e alla

lettura).

LIVELLO INTERMEDIO alunni che

sono in Italia da almeno un anno (A2-

B1in base al framework europeo )

In questo gruppo saranno inseriti quegli

alunni che hanno già frequentato per

almeno un anno il laboratorio di L2, che

hanno acquisito una prima conoscenza

della lingua italiana, ma che

necessitano di ampliare e sviluppare le

strutture della lingua, il vocabolario, la

conoscenza grammaticale e il lessico.

LIVELLO AVANZATO alunni che sono

in Italia da almeno due anni (B1-B2 in

base al framework europeo)

In questo gruppo saranno inseriti quegli

alunni che hanno già acquisito una

prima conoscenza della lingua italiana,

ma che necessitano di ampliare e

perfezionare le strutture della lingua, il

vocabolario, la conoscenza

grammaticale e i linguaggi specifici

(anche in vista del proseguimento degli

studi).

In reality, behind the

differentiation of language

levels in which insert foreign

students there is the presence

of literate teachers not always

competent and trained. In

addition, where is not the lack

of training to undermine the

effective implementation of

projects, is the large number of

foreign students attending

workshops of Italian as second

language. The level that has

never been activated in the

contexts studied is the

advanced one.

Because of the large number of

students and the inadequate

number of teachers or teachers

of literacy, there are not

planned customized itineraries.

Only in one case, the low

presence of teachers has been

transformed into a resource by

using new ways of learning,

active and creative, where

students learned by using the

theatre and corporeality.

There are a maximum of two

modes of action on Italian as

second language: the first

focuses on the Italian language

in context, namely the

language to communicate, to

give the condition for entering

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straniero/a.

Ecco perché ciascun insegnante

considererà prioritario questo rispetto

all’insegnamento di altre discipline.

Se in fase di valutazione periodica

(quadrimestrale o altro) gli insegnanti

non avessero elementi per formulare un

giudizio relativamente ad alcuni ambiti

disciplinari, potranno annotarlo

esplicitamente sul documento di

valutazione dell’alunno/a. In parallelo

sarà l’insegnante alfabetizzatore ad

allegare una griglia di valutazione che

fa riferimento alla sua

Programmazione. Tale allegato dovrà

contenere gli obiettivi raggiunti, quelli

da raggiungere, le difficoltà incontrate, i

successi ottenuti e la valutazione del

comportamento dell’alunno/a, durante

le ore di alfabetizzazione. Per ciascun

alunno che segue il percorso di

alfabetizzazione verrà redatta

un’apposita scheda in cui viene

annotato annualmente il numero di ore

di alfabetizzazione di cui ha usufruito, il

livello del laboratorio ( di prima,

seconda alfabetizzazione), il livello di

acquisizione della lingua raggiunto alla

fine di ciascun anno scolastico, in base

ai livelli concordati in riferimento al

framework europeo, il docente

responsabile dell’alfabetizzazione.

Per l'alfabetizzazione si utilizzano:

- prove di verifica differenziate in base

ai livelli degli alunni;

- osservazioni sistematiche;

- framework europeo di riferimento;

- scheda di valutazione

individualizzata

Materials, instruments and methods

Sono stati condivisi:

- protocollo di accoglienza;

- scheda per la biografia

linguistica dell’alunno

straniero;

- schede bilingui per

iscrizione, colloqui, organi

collegiali, gita…;

- parole per accogliere in

diverse lingue;

- informazioni sui diversi

Il progetto intende creare occasioni di

incontro dando importanza alle

relazioni sia nella fase dell'accoglienza

che nei laboratori linguistici, ma

soprattutto all'interno delle classi per

un'effettiva integrazione, non

dimenticando il difficile momento della

migrazione, il disorientamento iniziale e

il forte bisogno che molti bambini hanno

di sentirsi accolti e accettati. Partendo

dal presupposto che l'implicazione

the life of the classroom. The

second, however, is the

language of the study, as a

vehicle for learning the

language to communicate. The

Ministry of Education

suggested a joint approach

involving all the teachers

together to literacy curriculum.

In examined contexts, is

preferred the language to

communicate where there are

internal and external resources

to lighten partially the work of

teachers in the classroom, or

when the evaluation is

considered "strong", is now

working on the language of

study with the objective to

provide teachers curriculum

votes. It is noticed how in the

first context is relativized

assessment waiting the student

maturation. The risk, however,

is to delay the full inclusion in

the classroom as it is the

privileged place for

socialization and emancipation.

Apart from the contexts in

which teachers are left to

themselves in finding materials

in the construction of suitable

pedagogical methods, more

trained schools tend to keep

track of best practices and to

share them activated with the

college teachers. However, the

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Paesi di origine;

- materiali di sintesi dei vari

corsi su: glottodidattica,

proposte operative per

l’accoglienza e l’integrazione

scolastica;

- proposte di programmazione

individualizzata, criteri per la

valutazione, criteri per la

stesura di testi

semplificati….

affettiva ed emotiva, sono alla base di

qualsiasi apprendimento, i docenti

cercano di utilizzare metodologie che

favoriscano il raggiungimento di un

clima positivo di ascolto e di

accoglienza.

Abbiamo attivato:

� lavori di gruppo, di tipo cooperativo,

in classe;

� momenti di conoscenza per favorire

l’inserimento di nuovi alunni stranieri,

privilegiando aspetti ludici per i più

piccoli e attività più strutturate per i

più grandi;

� tutoraggio da parte degli alunni

soprattutto in fase di accoglienza;

� uso di nuove tecnologie e di

strumenti multimediali come supporto

alle attività didattiche.

Risorse umane

Docenti di classe; docente del CTI;

docenti della scuola primaria incaricati

per l’insegnamento agli alunni stranieri;

docenti della scuola secondaria di

primo grado disponibili ad effettuare

l’alfabetizzazione agli alunni stranieri;

docenti esterni incaricati per

l’alfabetizzazione; docenti della

commissione per l’integrazione degli

alunni stranieri; personale della

segreteria e collaboratori scolastici

interessati all’integrazione;

psicopedagogista per il supporto alle

famiglie e ai docenti per problematiche

educative che riguardano gli alunni

stranieri; operatori socio-assistenziali

del comune e dell’Asl.

Un docente interno, un docente

esterno e altri docenti disponibili in ore

aggiuntive per l’accoglienza.

Un docente interno/un mediatore per

l’alfabetizzazione.

difference that we see between

the two contexts is the more or

less ample space left to the free

initiative of teachers. This

means, as research has found,

more or less space left to

individual responsiveness or

receptivity. The first context,

having provided services such

as the CTI (Local Intercultural

Centre) offers resources, more

effective and professional

tools.

Apart from the contexts in

which human resources are

reduced to teaching curriculum,

we understand from this

prospectus as a strong choice

of educational priorities ports

not only more extensive levels

of activation but also a large

presence of figures that can

take load of the education of

foreign students. Although

much of what is still be doing,

is due to the availability,

sensitivity of the few.

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“Wild insertion”, but what kind of school

welcomes?

The most problematic aspects regarding the welcome

and school management have emerged in schools that have

not a long tradition and experience in facing the

arrival of foreign students. Moreover it is

understandable that the schools are unprepared if their

teachers are unprepared to deal with this phenomenon. As

the school is made by people when I ask: but what kind

of school welcomes, I ask the data to tell me what

teachers do, what teachers think and how they react.

As has been argued, the just arrived students find some

receptive teachers, sensitive to their needs. In schools

of recently activation, those teachers are the measure

of welcome. The possibility that the just arrived

students would have personalized itineraries is not

high; there is the dynamic of the delegation, where

there is the presence of an ISL teacher and in the worst

situation, there is the removal by the teacher when the

student returns in the classroom.

The foreigners’ removal

That conceptual node that I called removal emerged

from the interviews as a way the teachers have to react

to inclusion of just arrived students without Italian

citizenship. This attitude is often implicit or

disguised behind the alibi and is a reaction of those

who have been called "cold" teachers.

" by colleagues of the class she works is probably not

helped because the other teachers... are very cold,

insensitive, and with little interest to them (to

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foreign students) " (4NE).

The properties of this attitude derive from the fact

of seeing the foreigner as a burden and nuisance.

Teachers who feel like that do not care about foreign

students they have in their class. This indifference

often has been justified by the teachers using the fact

that foreign students:

- do not have any interest in understanding the

Italian culture;

" So, we do not teach the history of the unification of

Italy ... as it cannot interest them. The history like

the unit of Italy, as... it is important for us,

Italians, but I do not know if it can affect me, if I

were Chinese. " (1ND).

- Are still and silent when they are sitting at the

desk and this attitude is read as disinterest:

" The English teacher comes and says: 'ah but when they

are with me in my hour they do nothing'. Then they start

coming to the ISL class even during the hours of

English. Then: Ah, but in my hour ..." and then in the

end… I am open, ok… in the sense that if the teacher

say: 'those are not doing anything, I prefer they follow

you class’, ok, I’ll take them. " (2NE).

- Tend not to do:

" I am very lucky because I work with numbers and this is

a fairly universal language, because I teach math, so if

they want to follow me, if there is by their own the

willingness to do, we have a common language that unites

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us quite well. But very often you have to insist with

them because the attitude that they easily assume is an

attitude of passivity. Tend to do it: You have to ask

... because otherwise they tend not to do " (4ND).

In these cases, the path of ISL is not so much

thought as a way of carrying out a right but a privilege

granted by the school. In fact, there are so many other

needs that invest school.

" Think only about the cost, even ... this school, how

many funds, the economic availability are moved over

them, because for example... I become bad… In the sense

... to me is fine anyway so because on the contrary we

would not solve the problem. But we did not handle the

reception of foreign students, probably those funds that

the municipality used to pay workers on foreigners would

use for bullying [...] because the economic availability

is still the same... they are only moved following the

choices are made, projects, ok? There are projects that

compared to others have a stronger priority. "(4ND).

There are two alibis that serve as excuses for not

taking in charge the foreign students within the

education and class management: the workload that

normally commits a teacher is the most frequent excuse.

" You have three thousand other things to do: the

examination, reports and so then unfortunately you can

not focus on these things. So the poor…either asleep or

is full of rage and then explodes, poor thing! " (18RD).

But where there are other figures that revolve around

education of the just arrived student, teachers tend to

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delegate. The class then becomes a " parking place " where

" you forget them " with the consequent perception that

the foreign students have of being " set aside ".

" The teacher has an important role. When they begin to

return to the classroom (after the ISL training), these

children should be prized, otherwise they remain

unknown, strangers, ‘ok, they are part of our class but

...' " (5ND).

The teacher " pretends they are ok ", in terms of " I treat

them like everyone else ", pointing to a fictitious

egalitarianism. Often the data shows the exhortation:

you must " allow them to be somebody ", " having the

watchful eye on them ", but the idea, which contrasts

with that of ISL teachers, is that they " tend to do

nothing ". That standing the situation, teachers prefer

the students follow the ISL course, as much as possible.

Teachers think they would better be outside the class,

as far as schools have the ISL teaching classes. This

denotes an educational delegation. However, this is a

temporary delegation, because the teacher cares the

student only if she/he does and if is successful. If the

foreign student cannot do the same the other students do

because she/he is just arrived, because she/he does not

master the Italian language, teachers do not want

her/him in their classroom.

" Someone just says: 'Ok! Until they have learned some of

Italian...' Then when teachers begin to understand that

they can work even in class... " (2NE).

The temporary delegation of teachers leaves the

commitment of educate foreign students to other

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professionals, if there are any, that actually supply

and, sometimes, simplify, or even replace the teacher.

A final conceptual node that I shall introduce here

but that it requires further development is the so-

called instructive compromised purpose emerging from the

participants of my research. Their words emphasize how

the school is not a vehicle for emancipation. In

particular, there are no paths that would pursue

excellence as the discrepancy between the foreign

students and native Italian speaker students’ language

skills is likely to affect their feasibility. The school

should not empower because:

" I do not say that they should become the president of

the republic, nor to be the primary of a hospital, the

head of the surgery department. Perhaps some jobs are

more burdensome, which perhaps they cannot afford,

however…" (1ND).

There is not emancipation because the educational goals

are limited to what teachers can do within their

routines. At the end of the middle school, teachers will

aim to improvise the final examination and, briefly, to

ensure that the examination could be defined " decent ".

Consequently, the explanation of foreign students’

scholastic success that maybe occur unexpectedly, is due

to personal characteristics of the students, their

positive character, and is not due to the formative

implemented proposal.

Creating a favourable working environment climate

The underlying direction of the category of sharing

responsiveness is to create conditions for teachers that

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would support them in hiring the problem. Dealing, in

fact, with the education right of foreign students,

means in practice giving ways, time, tools and resources

for teachers. This happens only after they have solved

the needs that the presence of immigrants poses. There

are cases where the teaching is the last concern:

situations in which foreign children live in severe

deprivation, or work during the afternoons to help

families to achieve a better income. The school is an

institution that first intercepts these difficult

situations. Foreign students have no adults of reference

but parents and teachers. There are schools that are

active in the guarantee of other social rights as the

health care, aware that if you do not meet the primary

needs, education would be superfluous.

" ... If basic needs are not accommodated, at some point,

the culture becomes an unessential need. First you must

ensure ... lack of food ... clothing ... and of course

... but you, if you meet a person in need… how can you

tell him: 'I’ll teach you the lesson about Dante'? Eh

... firstly I’ll give you something to eat then I’ll

teach the lesson... " (14B).

This category debates the role of the school and its

spheres of competences, including traditional cultural

transmission and growth of skills. The school’s goals

are put into crisis if it does not try to satisfy the

foreign student’s basic needs. In Italy, the school

seems to supply the social welfare system. The issue of

immigrants has highlighted this phenomenon. Even,

teachers feel as they are substituting social services.

Is it not the case for rethinking the school in light of

these phenomena? These social responsibilities are

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accepted only by the number of teachers who are not deaf

to the needs of foreign students.

Creating a good working environment climate is, in

other words, sharing educational responsibility of the

just arrived students. They should be accepted and not

only included.

The assessment: “The foreign student as a didactic

issue and not behavioural problem”

From the perspective of teachers, foreigners at

school are not a security problem, but they are a factor

that tests the school organization that involves a

multiplicity of factors. Foreigners, as suggested by a

teacher, are a " didactic issue and not behavioural

problem " (R2DM). This means that foreigners do not give

problems of behaviour and conduct, but challenge the way

of teaching the matters. The main issue the teachers

face regards how to teach and to assess them. Especially

with regard to the middle school, evaluation is

perceived as the main tool for teachers to ensure their

role as bearers of education. The teaching is challenged

by the phenomenon of acceptance and inclusion of non-

Italian students for two sets of reasons. The first is

the fear of not having marks to sign and the second is

the rigidity the teachers have in thinking the

assessment as a contractual obligation. Participants

have spoken of "fear" in not being able to give marks,

as they do not have evidences to assess skills or

competencies of foreign students. The lack of assessment

would raise the fear of not having points to justify the

foreign students’ education and would lead to

recognition of non-implementation of personalised

education. Therefore, the assessments given by other

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figures, such as educators or ISL teachers, are

disregarded.

" Activating means accepting the foreign student in

class… trying to build for him the best route. It means

that we need to share because as teachers we cannot

delegate an educator or other teachers, which then have

a limited liability on these guys. We are the bearers of

education, from an institutional point of view we are

the educators, in all respects. " (4ND).

Two main solutions are found: the first is the

simplification and the second is flexibility. Certain

ways of teaching seems to be a tripping stone for the

inclusion of foreigners in school and for the guarantee

of the education right. The assessment is the instrument

used to make foreign students actual members of a

community. This should be a tool and not a goal of the

scholastic system. Where the assessment there is a goal,

there are many problems associated with resistance of

teachers who initially are unprepared in assessing

foreign students. So, on a hand, the teachers delegate

the problem of evaluation to another teacher, namely the

ISL teacher. On the other hand, if the assessment is a

tool, then it serves not only to put in place

educational choices (for example when a teacher chooses

to not admit a student to the final exam) but also to

try to not homologate all students to an ideal

prototype. If the assessment is meant as a tool, the

adjustment of teaching will be configured in terms of

guarantee of personalised education.

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Figure 4: Factors influencing foreigners’ evalutati on.

The debate on the evaluation is very strong, mainly

in the middle schools, less in the primary schools. Law

has left the schools alone. While D.P.R. No. 394, of

1999 mentions the adaptation of curricula by the college

teachers for just arrived foreign students, it does not

say anything about an accordingly adjustment of

assessments. Therefore, assessment is up to the

responsiveness of teachers whose sensibility could push

them to consider the personal initial differences.

" It is indeed a matter of sensibility: there is a

colleague that (introduces the just arrived student) and

that makes this situation a tool to pass 2/3 hours of

lesson in a different way, by enriching others and

giving value to this child. There are colleagues who do

not say... they go ahead on their way, they cannot be

detached from their way of doing lesson. " (20BDD).

Not all teachers agree to formulate diversified

educational goals, because it is difficult, because the

teaching routine is stronger than the requests for

change and update it. The importance of the

"responsiveness" lies in its characteristic of being a

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facilitating factor of the teaching adaptation process:

" … but it is inevitable what was said earlier on

teaching practices. Or you adapt them or you fail. Some

do so for a natural talent, for responsiveness or

because they have an educational thrust " (20BDD).

If for some the priorities are disciplines and

knowledge, this means that the heart of the problem is

not the students and their capabilities to educate, but

the concern to keep unchanged the own teaching

methodology. Hence, the fear of not having

demonstrations elements. The first question that a

middle school teacher asks to her/himself, facing a just

arrived foreign student is: how may I assess her/him?

The problem of evaluation of foreigners has not yet

addressed in a systematic and shared way.

How is the school trying to solve this problem?

Where the evaluation has not yet addressed, the problem

is not solved. Where, however, the assiduity of arrivals

has also led to criticise the traditionally understood

assessment, two directions were detected. On the one

hand, teachers tend to simplify goals. Simplifying does

not mean lowering the level but declining educational

objectives. It lowers the level, undermining the

educational purpose of school, when teachers do not care

of foreign students. A second trend is to make the

assessment flexible, sometimes even spread over time.

According the guidelines suggested by the Ministry

of Education: "One of the priorities in the integration

of foreign pupils is to promote the acquisition of a

good competence in written and spoken Italian, within

the receptive and productive forms, to ensure one of the

main factors of school success and social inclusion.

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The foreign pupils at the time of their arrival,

must compare with two different instrumental languages:

- The Italian language of the concrete context, which

is essential for communicating in everyday life

(the language to communicate);

- The Italian language specific to understand and

express concepts, to develop the learning of

various disciplines and a reflection on the

language itself (the language to study).

The language to communicate can be learned in a time,

which can fluctuate from one month to one year in

relation to age, language of origin. To learn the

language to study, however, it may take some years,

given its specificity. The study of the Italian language

should be included in the daily life of learning and

education of foreign students, with language workshop

activities and pathways and tools for teaching Italian

intensively. Learning and development of Italian as a

second language (ISL) should be the focus of teaching.

It is necessary, therefore, that all teachers of the

class of any discipline, are involves". How can we

assess the language to communicate? An enlightened

school manager supports:

" You cannot evaluate the communication in Italian as

learning. Because that is learning a language. Because

one can know more things than… if speaks in his own

language ... eh! " (15B).

The prevailing trend in the studied contexts is to

prioritize moments of intensive ISL courses to

facilitate the job of curricular teachers who are

struggling with the disciplines, matters, production of

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tests, etc. Nevertheless, this sometimes turns into a

delegation of educational responsibility.

It also true that the language to study would allow

a faster entrance in class for the foreign students, so

satisfying that educational intercultural goal taken by

the Italian school, that the integration is done in the

classrooms.

What is certain is that the general direction is

leading the school towards greater assessments’

flexibility even bureaucratic and administrative. Within

certain high schools, foreign students can be enrolled

without having already passed the examination of the

previous school grade, with the clause that they would

pass the examination before other qualifying

examinations. On the other hand, middle schools are

giving the opportunity to the foreign students to be

examined using their foreign language as one of the

discipline to assess. Waiting for the maturation of the

just arrived foreign students is making teaching more

flexible.

Conclusions

In this chapter I have written the results of the

qualitative research conducted with the method of

Grounded Theory that has revealed how schools are

struggling not only with the assurance processes of the

education right, point of arrival of SJE, but with the

structuring of the conditions, which would open the

field to those processes. In other words, to meet the

demand of research: how does the school move to the

right from the issue of integration of foreigners in

school? It has been argued that what is happening, it is

not the real guarantee of the right, because the data I

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have does not allow me to support this. Rather the

dynamics in place push schools to face the problem

according two directions: sharing the teachers’

responsiveness and structuring educational priorities in

organising the school life. These two sub-categories are

the fundamental prerequisites to the education right for

all.

Moreover, the results shown here were chosen because

of proximity from the core category . As you can see, in

fact, the outline of the general process would have

other conceptual areas not described in the chapter. It

has been a choice. I outlined the most relevant ones to

discuss the critical issues and the integration of

foreigners in Italian public school in connection with

what I have argued in Chapter 2. What has been included

here is enough to understand how, in terms of SJE and

social education right, the phenomenon of foreigners in

the school is the litmus test of a democratic context:

democracy, which wants all schools have the right to

enrol, is not in itself guaranteeing the effective

pledge of education right. To ensure the guarantee by

the school the “structuring the conditions” process is

required to make teachers’ responsiveness and structured

education priorities a continuous and systematic answer

of the school context.

In the next chapter, I shall discuss the findings in

the light of my theoretical position and other empirical

researches on the integration of foreigners into the

school. In addition, I shall introduce extensive data

from other researches’ results to give the political and

social background that is here missing because of, as I

will say later, the research method used.

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Chapter 5 – Conclusions

Introduction

In the presentation of research results, I never

referred to scientific literature. The meaning of this

choice is because I did not want to add other voices to

those of the participants. Each Grounded Theory would

not need the analysis of literature (Glaser & Strauss,

1967; Glaser, 1978) as each GT is something original per

se. As Silverman (2000) states, the discussion of the

results should not be an overview of what has already

been said on this subject, but should be a sort of

dialogue with the results of a research and the

scientific world that this theme handled. Moreover, I

shall outline the strengths and limitations of the

study.

Structuring conditions

What is happening in school can be read both as

positive and as negative at the same time. Even if

struggling, schools are reaching what the rules show it

is necessary to guarantee the education right.

Education, in my view, is not dissociated from

instruction and teaching, despite having different

characteristics.

Does the Italian school activate? Yes, it does

active in a intercultural manner. Nevertheless, does the

Italian school guarantee the education right? The answer

is very problematic and can not leave teachers

indifferent. The right is partly guaranteed to the

extent when there are assiduous arrivals. So one may

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wonder: but what happens when arrivals are not

assiduous? The education right is not questioned, what,

however, is still not fully clear is the union of the

education right with dynamics of welcoming, listening,

empathy. It is easier to find primary school teachers

already accustomed to a work of education, and through

this move to the contents of disciplines than middle

school teachers, which have great difficulties in

changing the personal didactic methodology. The equal

education for all is a chimera: the equality of

treatment is not the measure of the guarantee of a

right. In fact, when teachers treat their students as if

they were equal, they would refer to a wrong idea of

teaching but also of school’s goal. Often teachers that

giving the same education to all is the right thing to

do but they do not take into account the diversity

capacities and possibilities of departure of each

student. Perhaps, human beings are equal in training

only potentially. This means that if the school really

wants to give everyone the same, then it is necessary

that the teacher personalizes the education as much as

possible. The difference guarantees equality. E

customizing becomes synonymous not only of fatigue,

“ double commitment ”, as a teacher said, but also of

different approaches, due to different students.

Nevertheless, this would be not possible in the current

state of things if teachers were not placed in "the

conditions of act". In addition, being in the in the

conditions means beginning paths of sharing education

responsibility. This would be feasible where the roles

of all the professionals are well sorted and finalized.

This does not mean having more teachers in the school,

but rather clarifying roles and functions, thinking that

the classroom does not exhaust the teacher’s commitment.

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In fact, the education right requires less

“classroom” and more group, more cooperative learning,

more socialisation. Less “classroom” means that the

education of foreign students is achieved outside the

routine of the classrooms. Using, for example,

cooperative learning rather than the frontal lesson

would improve skills and competencies because it would

give more opportunities for foreigners to interact with

peers and, most importantly, their teachers. Only then,

teachers also would find relief from the many tasks that

stifle the true purpose of school: emancipation.

Teachers expect to care pupils without the Italian

citizenship, only after they have reached a certain

level of knowledge. Nevertheless, in creating a good

working environment climate, the school is being

equipped to make a systematic response to the problems,

in the direction of guarantee the education right. To do

that, schools should progressively more rely on external

professional aids. An important key role is played also

by the teachers’ training and education. A good one may

contribute to create a good working environment climate

and may allow teachers to consent to their

responsibility on the class management.

As several schools still deal with the arrival of

foreign students as the main educational emergency the

school is facing, there is the tendency to recruit non-

trained teachers who know nothing about intercultural

education, ISL teaching. However, if the school has

prioritised the management of foreigners, already is

trying to base its activities on in-service training.

Therefore, the theory of guarantee the education

right outlines that schools are setting the

prerequisites of the education right implementation. In

fact, without sharing the responsibilities and

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constructing the educational priorities for foreigners,

the schools cannot start guaranteeing the education

right.

Limitations

The structural limit of qualitative research is the

dimension of generalizing the results. Research on host

processes does not want to be always valid in any

contexts. Instead, I concentrated on how the processes

were implemented and lived, then the meanings that are

given to the practices by the actors. The theory

outlines further steps immediately viable and useful,

which are adapted to first of all studied contexts, but

that may be to some extent transferred to other

contexts.

The utility of the theory of " structuring the

conditions " is greatest in those contexts that

experience similar situations. The structuring of the

conditions is, in other words, a substantive and

contextual theory. If the meanings of practices of

acceptance and integration of foreigners are linked to

the research participants and, for that reason, can not

be generalized to other contexts, the dynamics of

structuring of priorities and sharing responsiveness

might be transferred and explain similar dynamics in

other contexts. GT abstracts several aspects of

phenomenon that become useful categories for explaining

what happens elsewhere.

There is also another structural limit correlated to

the method used, the GT. This limit is evident in two

areas of conceptual research.

The GT is a research method for studying

psychosocial processes (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Glaser,

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1978; Charmaz, 2000, 2006) events or phenomena related.

In this way, as GT focuses on specific contexts, it

loses the wider cultural background. In other words, the

tools and strategies for collecting data do not allow GT

to explore the wider political, social, cultural milieu.

For example, the conceptual category that I just

introduced, the " compromised educational purposes " was

crucial to answer the question: does the Italian school

guarantee the education right as I outlined it in

Chapter 2? Developing this category would give more

meanings and contents to SJE approach, but answering

that question would have meant that I should have chosen

a different strategy for collecting data such as a wide-

ranging research.

In other words, I should look into the category of

compromised educational purposes , including them in a

different and wider research design. The mixed method

research would be suitable to overcome the GT

limitations. GT, in fact, focuses on social processes in

terms of preconditions.

Discussion: extensive data

If there are aspects of novelty of this study, the

first one lies in the perspective I used. The viewpoint

of including students in the course of the year as a

process put in place by the Italian schools to ensure

the education right is relatively new in Italy. Usually

the studies made on the education of foreigners taken

into consideration factors such as cultural provenance

(Portes & MacLeod, 1996) for example, emphasizing the

intercultural dimension as conceptual focal point. The

focus of this study, however, is not so much on

intercultural education, rather on Social Justice

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Education (SJE), theoretical panorama not systematically

introduced in Italy, or at least, not until considered

as a framework of study and education policies. There

are some exceptions: Zoletto (2007) for example,

illustrates the ideal process and desirable meanings to

give to the phenomenon of integration of foreigners in

the classroom. Starting from the definition of culture,

not as something fixed but fluid, the author outlines

how both the teacher and the student live a dimension of

mutual cultural estrangement. His theoretical

assumptions are similar to those of SJE: border studies,

cultural studies, and post-modern thought.

Moreover, in Italy, the thinking of Paulo Freire

who, as mentioned in Chapter 2, is the inspiration of a

certain SJE still has great influence.

On the idea of pedagogy of human rights, there is a

theoretical literature that has not evolved into

empirical researches (Cambi, 2003; Marino, 2003;

Maltese, 2003; Sabatino, 2008).

The emphasis on the processes of guarantee of

education right has led me to construct a theory, called

" structuring the conditions ", that explains what happens

in the Italian school when foreigners students arrive,

even during the year , to allow them to follow the

training. In the previous chapter, I stressed how the

process of structuring the conditions lies in two

different levels: that of teachers lived experiences and

that of the school’s management and organisation. Few

other studies are in the middle ground between the

teachers’ experiences and the school’s organisation.

While research and studies that have as their starting

point a strong critic orientation that guides their

thoughts, this research has allowed the interdependence

of the two levels to emerge.

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The research did not reveal how to respond to the

question: does the Italian school guarantee the

education right? Instead I can answer the question about

what is happening in Italian schools to ensure the right

to foreign students. The answer is structuring the

conditions that precedes a real guarantee of the right.

Does this mean, then, that the school does not guarantee

the education right? The answer to this question is not

simple.

To answer this question I should rely, as I said

earlier, to external research, condictive extensively to

give reasons of the wide social background.

One of the reasons why the answer to this question

is very complex regards the impressive data of 42.5%

(source: www.istruzione.it ) of foreigners that do not

accomplish their curriculum. I may assume that,

somewhat, the education was not directed to guarantee

the right of 42 students out of 100. Some of the

explanations of that can be reached from the dynamics I

showed before:

- Removal;

- The compromised educational purpose;

- The foreign student as a problem;

- The short-range activation;

- The delegation;

- A not structured vision of the immigration;

- A discontinuity of resources.

This 42% is an average between different school’s level.

"In the first class of primary school, there is a delay

of foreign students of about 10.7%. However, the gap

compared to Italians, grows enormously with the progress

of the level of schooling. In the third grade of middle

school, the schooling delay of the foreign population is

60.5%. In the high school level, during the third year,

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there is the highest percentage of delays among all

school levels: 74.6%." (Sabatino, 2008, percentages

retrieved by the author from www.istruzione.it ).

In Italy, the CENSIS Foundation published in the January

2008 a survey 9 on schooling experiences and outcomes of

immigrants. There are significant correlations with the

results of my GT. These data also give to my research a

quantitative thickness essential to approach the answer

to the question about whether school guarantees the

education right. The survey was conducted using

interviews during May 2007. Thirty-four municipalities

were selected and 414 teachers were interviewed. All

those teachers had in their classes a foreign student.

In addition, 608 mothers of foreign pupils were

contacted. The sample includes 105 schools (64

elementary schools and 41 secondary middle schools).

Even the CENSIS survey shows a positive situation in

terms of activation processes, without hiding some risks

and problems. " The Italian schools are fairly well

equipped to handle the first phase of integration, and

relationships between different actors in the system

(teachers, pupils, parents) are fairly straightforward,

thanks mainly to voluntarism of many teachers ". This is

what I have called "responsiveness" of teachers facing

the educational emergency of foreign students at school.

While the report highlights the "voluntary" nature of

dealing with foreign students, the reference to the

volunteer would not be correct. In fact, it is true that

"the teachers reported as the first problem the lack of

support from experts/mediators […] of a network of

support from local institutions and national", but the

term “volunteer” would indicate activation as it would

not be one of the teachers’ tasks.

9 Lived experiences and the school outcome of immigrant children in Italy, CENSIS 2008.

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According to CENSIS survey, the activation would be

due to the strong presence of foreigners in numerical

terms. " The inclusion in school and relationships

between the different actors of the system (teachers,

pupils, parents) are straightforward and require no

special action until the numbers of immigrant students

remain low. Where pupils immigrants are a significant

presence there has been activation by the teachers and

school leaders that generates responses that, until now,

has been positive and in line with those set out in the

Ministerial documents ". This figure does not find

confirmation in some schools, such as the scholastic

institute of Cittadella (PD), which have enabled

activities even with a small presence of foreigners. The

GT has revealed that it is not so much the number rather

the ongoing assiduity of arrivals that destabilises the

school organization. It is also true that the activation

is dictated by other factor, clearly outlined by the

theory " structuring the conditions ", which is the

awareness and receptivity of teachers, leading schools,

even with low numbers of foreigners, to be active.

In line with my research findings, are the survey’s

data about the distance of the reality from a widespread

realization of " equal opportunities. The distance would

caused by differences among schools and regions, by the

solitude of many teachers, by the lack of functional

relationships with other areas of social intervention in

the territory, by the limited available resources,

resulting also in the best situations a the lack of

strength and continuity of actions ".

This is the point that most concerns the effective

guarantee of the education right: " it is now time to

move to wider-range interventions, which should be well

concerned of the final outcome and the continuation of

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school career in a logic of equal rights and equal

opportunities. To date, in fact, the data indicate that

the success of school pupils with non-Italian

citizenship remains limited, drop-out rates are above

average, and the risk of dispersion is higher than that

of Italian peers ".

This notes that the integration of foreigners in

Italian school not only proves difficulties in

guaranteeing the education right in its full meaning,

but also makes “more evident the endemic problems of

which always suffers the Italian school, from lack of

teacher training, scarcity of technical equipment and

appropriate media, the prevalence of a italic-centric

culture, to the weakness of models, albeit important and

innovative, such as school autonomy and forms of social

participation of families".

Below I have inserted a figure from CENSIS survey

that resumes some of the data I have presented in the

previous chapter, especially about the so-called "lived"

criteria for the inclusion of foreign students in class.

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Figure 5: From CENSIS (2008) – Lived experiences and the school

outcome of immigrant children in Italy .

It is interesting to note that the 73.7% of the

studied cases schools accept all the foreigners arriving

during the year. The law determines the possibility of

access at any time of year. Only the 49.3% and 45.8% of

respondents said that their school activates a specific

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protocol of acceptance and provides a special committee

for supervising the host process (Censis, 2008).

Less than half of respondents notes collaborations

with local authorities, which the GT reveals as the

first and indispensable factor for including foreigners

in a “soft” way.

It is understandable, then, how much answering the

question of the guarantee of the right is difficult

because the quantitative indexes reduce to varying

percentages the educational success that transcends

quantifiable terms. The education right is guaranteed if

the schooling success refers also to a good and positive

relationship between teachers and foreign students. To

do that, it is necessary that schools decide for certain

educational priorities and become a welcoming place.

What is certain is that the percentage of schooling

delay can talk about a not entirely positive situation

for the guarantee of the right.

That schooling success, the delay of foreign

students is a paradoxical situation. The GT highlights

that according to teachers foreign pupils are highly

motivated and often working with them gives much more

professional satisfaction.

The Schleicher (2006) interpretation of PISA 2003

data showed this unusual situation. Foreign students are

more exposed to scholastic abandonment and at the same

time they have higher levels of motivation. The PISA

results suggest that a high proportion of immigration

not necessarily affect the integration. Indeed, there is

a significant association between the number of

immigrants and school performance of foreign students

and natives students. Foreign students are more

motivated and have positive attitudes toward school. In

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no country 10 of the PISA 2003 report, foreign students

have revealed strong differences in learning provisions.

Nevertheless, despite this, they have lower levels of

results significantly if compared with the results of

natives. Moreover, countries where there are slight

differences in scholastic outcomes between foreign

students and their native peers, tend to have second

language support programs in act for long time, with

relatively clear objectives. In countries where the gap

is more consistently, the second language education is

activated only in a sporadic way (Schleicher, 2006).

Discussion: other researches

Studies on foreigners and the school have from time

to time addressed the question of the teachers’

discourse on foreigners, in terms of social

representation, racism, prejudice, etc., or have focused

on structural aspects, such as the organization of

classes, differential classes, and more.

The specific nature of the GT is to have built a

category for the explanation of both those areas and

have shown how, within the SJE framework, the discourse

and organization have multiple references in ensuring

the education right. Supporting therefore that the right

ends in the classroom is not consistent with the results

and may not be plausible. This means that what a teacher

says or thinks of the phenomenon of arrivals of students

without Italian citizenship influences education and can

undermine the goodness of ISL teaching and school

success. 10 The participant country were: Australia, Austria, B elgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, Luxembourg, Holland, New Zealand, Norway, Switzerland, U.S., Hong Kong-China, Macao-China, Ru ssian Confederation, England, Finland e Spain.

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But if we look at the literature on the integration

of foreigners that is flourishing in Italy (Besozzi,

2002; Giovannini & Palmas, 2002; Palmas, 2002;

Giovannini, 2006) we may find the same dichotomy:

teachers, on the one hand and context on the other hand.

As Goodman (1992) argues, the schooling of all is

contextual set of practices, curriculum, involvement and

relationship with the teacher. The results of GT would

seem to fall into an already wide-ranging debate.

However, to answer the question that I asked above, we

need to make incursions that would cross research

evidences with the results of other researches.

I state that the literature suggests quite critical

answers. Researchers in education that have considered,

for example, the education of Latin Americans, describe

situations in which foreign students are ignored,

devalued, and even humiliated. An important reference is

the ethnography of Valenzuela (1999), which has

developed a theory, with many very significant

correlations with my theory, named: Subtractive

Schooling . The researcher showed how social, cultural

and linguistic resources, put in place by the teachers

of a high school in Texas, in practice have exposed the

students to school failure. Indeed, students of colour

continually perceived a lack of " genuine care " in

schools to the point of experiencing the same schools as

subtractive.

Teachers

A research conducted by Michael, Andrade and

Bartlett (2007), argues that a positive student-teacher

relationships is a key element of students success: a

strong and constructive relationship helps to establish

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the identities of bilingual students as people and as

individuals. The study of these researchers has happened

in a particular context: a school to learn English where

almost all the teachers spoke Spanish, the language of

immigrant students. This would be one of the reasons

that foreshadow the school’s success, but among them,

the researchers include also a high degree of

expectations, a good personal relationship with

students, and their families.

The GT research identifies, from this point of view,

an inability of teachers to comprehend the disaffection

among students, opposing situations of removal or

justification: " but he does not speak, is silent " that

is to say, “ he is not interested ”. As supported in

Chapter 2, listening to the others is very important for

building a democratic context. According to these

authors, an environment where the teacher is able to

listen to students, is an environment that increases the

chances of school success. From this point of view, the

role of teacher is irreplaceable.

ISL and the assessment of foreign students

One of the issues that inclusion of foreign has

shown is the lack of flexibility of teachers in finding

new forms of assessment. The middle school teachers have

reported discomfort in trying to change the already

possessed assessment criteria. In this way, it has

revealed a fossilization of professional routine that

foreigners put in crises. The evaluation of teachers

cannot, in other words, be "interculturally" declined,

namely understanding the specific differences that these

students have. Teachers, however, perceive the

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assessment, as a very important thing. Nevertheless,

these teachers prefer to remain with their habits.

The assessment is an essential tool for two kinds of

reasons: the first is for the emancipation of foreigners

while the second is for the detection of a problem

especially within middle school, namely the obsession of

disciplines.

A research in schools of Turin (Demartini, Ghioni,

Ricucci & Sansoè, 2008) says that all studied schools

were equipped for the ISL teaching courses. However,

often, this was the only intervention "by virtue of its

character of 'first concern'." (p. 136). The GT reveals

that ISL courses are often the only intervention of the

school, as well. That would be because the education of

capabilities is a problem, namely the education of

potential functions that would allow foreigners to get

the chance to enjoy the education right.

According to Michael, Andrade and Bartlett (2007) in

assessing, the school would play with culturally

arbitrary categories and expectations that label in a

punitive way the students are not adapted to these

parameters.

A specific diversity of teaching and assessment of

L2 is the so-called “inter-language”, a phenomenon that

is often confused with a total indifference towards the

educational activities and which affect the assessment

of many foreign pupils. The term “inter-language” is

defined as the phase of transition from native language

to Italian stage during which foreign students use a

rather rough language.

The “inter-language” advantage is to make the

concept of mistake out of date; it is replaced with

terms like "learning strategy" or "new language

approach" (Pallotti, 1998). The literature on the issue

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notes that in language learning there are constraints

that can be distinguished by "external" and "internal"

factors. I shall introduce this topic because it is

important to note that, in fact, the evaluation of

language learning is difficult, but at the same time as

far as the teachers do not deal with the problem, they

will greatly mistake the assessments and thus undermine

the training of foreigner students.

Language learning is conditioned, externally, by the

material that is proposed. Another factor conditioning

is the social interaction: interaction in class is very

important, because it promotes learning, especially in

the beginning. In this negotiation, the foreign student,

if feels a not welcoming climate, if she/he is judged

incompetent, is likely to stand in silence. The third

factor (Tosi, 1995) that influences the language

learning is the socialization, conditioned by micro and

macro-social factors whose control is not easy. For

example, the "social dominance" of a group of native

people or a group of immigrants who feels bad accepted

is very different. There are also internal factors such

as emotional, attentive, and cognitive aptitudes that

affect learning.

The GT reveals that all of these teachers are not

aware and do not take into account all these influences.

The assessment is naïve or strongly simplified.

Organization of the school context

The priorities structuring did not support the fact

that the inclusion of just arrived students made the

school a better place. This phenomenon is still seen as

a problem and not as a resource. A manager of a

provincial education office claimed:

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“ We can say that foreigners are enrichment, not a

problem... this is said by one that is not involved in

the education of foreigners. Even ours are an enrichment

and yet have they are a problem! So, let’s try to solve

the problem. And the poor teachers who have 20 students,

3 Italians and 17 foreigners... you must tell me how

they are a resource? They are a problem but it does not

mean we do not want to fix it. It means that we must

solve it in professional terms ... because, ok they are

a resource but you do not have the teachers, you do not

have the financial resources, you do not have the space,

you have no support, you do not have anything... ”

(11BUSP).

Moreover, the CENSIS (2008) survey, called " Lived

experiences and the school outcome of immigrant children

in Italy ", reports how the foreign students’ entrance

would reveal an unprepared school on several fronts.

Portes and MacLeod (1996) argue that the context

plays a decisively more important role than the

qualities of the individual, in this case of the foreign

student. This contradicts the common sense of teachers

for which those same qualities would be the real reason

for success or failure at school.

The GT demonstrates that we need a lot more than ISL

courses to guarantee the education right. A similar

conclusion was reached even by a study conducted in a

school, called Kousanar Middle School (fictitious name)

in the United States (Gitlin, Buendía, Crosland &

Doumbia, 2003).

The authors have done a research taking into account the

discursive practices within the school, how, that is,

they have helped to enhance and direct the formation of

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identities, the activities and decision-making processes

with particular reference to the practice of teaching

English as a second language. They simultaneously used

other sources of data such as architecture of school,

the administrative guidance of the community, the

implementation of certain school policies. The approach

used was to seek "the factors underlying the actions of

marginalization, relationships, and policy" (Gitlin,

Buendía, Crosland & Doumbia, 2003, p. 95). These

researchers have realized that in providing routes for

ESL was happening something more. Students were

experiencing a simultaneous and contradictory process of

inclusion and exclusion. Exclusion practices were

legitimized by a rare and occasional inclusion. Students

studying English as a second language were at same time

accepted and not accepted.

“The overall effect is that student success or failure

is seen as an individual issue. The perception is that

the school did what it needs to do (i.e., to treat all

students the same), and now it is up to the students to

move up the meritocratic ladder. Hidden within this

ideology is the way that welcoming and unwelcoming

worked together to place students in the Kousanar ESL

program on the margins of school culture"(Gitlin,

Buendía, Crosland & Doumbia, 2003, p. 103).

The involvement in school activities is very

limited: the authors noted that in this school

assemblies see the presence of foreign students as

marginal. Even the activities of mutual intercultural

understanding have given the impression to pose foreign

students to the edge of a main culture.

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There are many points in common with the process

outlined by GT. The suggestions that come from the

theory of my research and from that of these authors is

that, generally, to guarantee the right we need more

then the opportunity to learn the a second language. In

a subtle and complex way, educational experience would

not only produce the margin and the centre, or, as I

argued, the guarantee of the right to a social minimum,

but would put the students themselves at the margins.

The highlighted process of the structuring of

conditions , will tend to eliminate the risk to

marginalize foreign students as the structuring of

priorities ultimate goal is to allow foreigners to enjoy

the centre of the school.

According to Gitlin, Buendía, Crosland and Doumbia

(2003) the process of marginalization within the school

would be motivated by:

a) The concern of teachers for the intensification of

work;

b) Concern of the White middle-class community of

seeing their privileges eroded;

c) The tension to the assimilation of differences;

d) The concern that the opposition of immigrant

parents to cultural adaptation of their children

would undermine their welcoming at school.

The GT, in terms of SJE, notes, on the positive side,

that schools do not usually implements policies of

exclusion of students, but that, on the negative side,

schooling cannot always be defined as an opportunity for

emancipation. The GT agrees with the concern of teachers

for the intensification of work and commitment.

My GT has only sketched the problem of perceptions

of immigrants parents. The conclusion of the research of

Gitlin, Buendía, Crosland and Doumbia (2003) is in fact

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consistent with the Critical Pedagogy , in evidencing the

concern of whites for their eroded privileges.

Participants to my research, teachers and principals in

the first place, have minimized what parents argued

about the Italian school, which was not so much about

some eroded privileges but about the impression of a

quality impoverishment of the school.

Another research points out the structured vision as

a phenomenon of background: Demartini, Ghioni, Ricucci

and Sansoè, (2008) call it the "‘presence of only a

lens’ in analysing the reality by the Italian school

system." (p. 135).

According to the Critical Education (Giroux, 1994,

2003), the school creates and forms the identity of

pupils. This would prejudice the opportunities and

success at school. Although the tension of structuring

the conditions is towards a greater inclusion of just

arrived foreign students, the educational practice is

not yet designed in accordance with the capabilities to

be educated. On the guarantee of the right, there are

two lines of thought. According to the liberal

perspective, how many resources an individual has, would

be the measure of her/his quality of life. So in school,

how many are the things you give to foreigners, this

would be the level of guarantee of the education right.

The research shows that this is not the case. According

to capabilities approach is not, for example, how much

money a family has to determine its level of welfare.

Therefore, in school is not how many hours of lessons

foreigners have to determine the level of welfare of the

education right. Rather, the difference is in the

prerequisites the schools have or have not accomplished.

This point is understandable, in Chapter 4, where

the reason for a successful schooling is found only in

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239

personal characteristics. This is important to

understand what underlies the process of ensuring

education right and, in particular, what it is opposing

to it. The school success is an individual matter

because schools can do all of what is supposed to do. As

this is not enough, the purpose of the educational

processes of education is compromised.

To conclude: what we should do?

The answer to the question of whether the school

guarantees the education right is not positive. In the

absence of a real guarantee, we will concentrate

structured to make the conditions systematic for a

future implementation of the right. This might not be

the full social education right but is already a way to

move forward from mere guaranteeing the right to a

social minimum.

The theory of the structuring conditions is in line

with the suggestions of other researches on the issue of

foreigners in class and is relatively operational

immediately. In fact, this theory can answer the

question: What should a school do to guarantee the

education right? First, we must build the conditions,

enhancing the responsiveness of the whole school system

and organizing educational priorities. Only by so doing

we will be able to face the issue of the real

emancipation of foreign students. Only by structuring

the conditions, we will ensure the education right for

all.

However, in practice what can the principals and

teachers do? What operational information derives from

GT?

Education Right

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240

First, the figure and the role of principal who

ultimately is the responsible for what happens in a

school are crucial. The manager must:

- Form a committee of teachers, those sensitive who

want to commit themselves in welcoming and

educating foreigners;

- Build a protocol of acceptance and ensure its

implementation;

- Construct a school schedule that takes into account

the educational needs of foreigners;

- Plan moments of collegial and small groups

reflection;

- Organize meetings for information on immigration

and its consequences on schools and education.

In this way, the principals would take the role of

propeller for change within the school. Teachers must

think the school organization in a flexible manner,

especially as regards the construction of the schedule.

The educational priorities of foreigners must drive the

organization to allow teachers to take care of foreign

students and give them hours of upgrading language. To

make this effective it is necessary that all those who

deal with foreigners meet together with the class

teachers of the just arrived student.

The school administration office must provide

bilingual documents and moments of meeting with the

cultural mediators and families. No one should have

hurry in including foreign students in a class, but

provide a reasonable period to familiarize with the

environment.

The school must then seek relationships with local

authorities and with other schools throughout the

territory to find funds to finance projects of

linguistic mediation and to collect ISL educational

Education Right

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241

material: this would create an atmosphere of serene work

and would be a way of structuring a very useful network.

Finally, on the question of responsiveness and

receptivity of each teacher we may not work much,

because that is what is left to personal awareness. We

may work on the removal of the foreigners in order to

make it a clear thought to increase the teachers’

awareness of what happens in the classroom and what it

means in terms of right. Often teachers lack a

structured social and political vision of the

phenomenon. In fact, having, in other words, a

structured vision of what is happening around the school

and how this would affect the school could lead the

school to work towards a long-range activation.

To begin to guarantee the education right for all is

necessary working on preconditions, optimizing internal

resources, giving a precise direction to the educational

priorities. For many teachers, educating the foreigners

seems to be a novelty, but they should comprehend that

will be more and more part of their professional

competencies.

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INDEX

CHAPTER 1 – FOREWORD _____________________________________________________ 2

THE WARRANTY OF THE EDUCATION RIGHT _________________________________________ 2

EDUCATION AS A RESEARCH-DRIVEN SCIENCE________________________________________ 7

WHAT IS HAPPENING WITHIN THE COMPULSORY SCHOOL?______________________________ 11

CHAPTER 2 – SOCIAL JUSTICE EDUCATION AND SOCIAL RIGHTS_______________ 14

INTRODUCTION_______________________________________________________________ 14

SOCIAL JUSTICE EDUCATION (SJE) _______________________________________________ 19

Social Rights: Goals for a Just Education _______________________________________ 22

The theoretical foundation of SJE _____________________________________________ 29 The Rawls’Theory of Justice and Education ___________________________________________ 30 The Capabilities’ Approach for a “Just” Justice ________________________________________ 37

What is a capability? _______________________________________________________ 41 Rights or Capabilities?____________________________________________________________ 44

DEMOCRACY AND SJE _________________________________________________________ 46

What is Democracy?________________________________________________________ 49

First front: Education as a contextual science ____________________________________ 60 Rights within contexts ____________________________________________________________ 66

Second front: a democratic Education __________________________________________ 69

DEMOCRACY THROUGH YOUNG PEOPLE PERCEPTIONS_________________________________ 75

The first cognitive-hold: the own education ______________________________________ 79

The second cognitive-hold: individuals’ democratic values__________________________ 81

The third cognitive-hold: life contexts __________________________________________ 84 At school ______________________________________________________________________ 85 In family ______________________________________________________________________ 87 Among friends __________________________________________________________________ 87 During the free time______________________________________________________________ 88

First metaphor of signification: democracy as freedom_____________________________ 89

Second metaphor of signification: democracy as consideration ______________________ 91

CONCLUSIONS AND RESEARCH TOPIC _____________________________________________ 93

CHAPTER 3 – RESEARCH’S METHODOLOGY __________________________________ 99

INTRODUCTION_______________________________________________________________ 99

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RESEARCH DESIGN___________________________________________________________ 101

Research question_________________________________________________________ 101

EPISTEMOLOGICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL ASSUMPTIONS ___________________________ 103

Stop talking about paradigms! _______________________________________________ 103

The absolute rule of the phenomenon__________________________________________ 106

The role of the point of view _________________________________________________ 111

METHOD __________________________________________________________________ 111

SETTING___________________________________________________________________ 117

THE COVERED PATH OF THE THEORETICAL SAMPLING _______________________________ 119

DATA COLLECTION __________________________________________________________ 128

Interviews _______________________________________________________________ 128

Documents and extant texts _________________________________________________ 132

DATA ANALYSIS ____________________________________________________________ 139

Memos__________________________________________________________________ 139

Coding _________________________________________________________________ 141

CHAPTER 4 – RESULTS ______________________________________________________ 144

INTRODUCTION______________________________________________________________ 144

THE SCHOOL’S DEFAULT ______________________________________________________ 146

From the law to practice____________________________________________________ 149

STRUCTURING CONDITIONS: THEORY OF THE PROCESS IN GUARANTEEING THE EDUCATION RIGHT154

Model __________________________________________________________________ 173 Responsiveness VS Nuisance _____________________________________________________ 177 Dedicated Resources VS Delegation ________________________________________________ 179 Endorsing Politics VS Prejudicing Politics ___________________________________________ 180

STRUCTURING PRIORITIES_____________________________________________________ 182

Phenomenology of activating processes ________________________________________ 184 From a short-range activation…___________________________________________________185 … To a wide-range activation _____________________________________________________ 187

Resource and Politics ______________________________________________________ 188

SHARING RESPONSIVENESS____________________________________________________ 191

Phenomenology of welcoming _______________________________________________ 192 “But do not go just like that!” _____________________________________________________ 196 “Wild insertion”, but what kind of school welcomes?___________________________________ 205

The foreigners’ removal _______________________________________________________ 205 Creating a favourable working environment climate ______________________________ 209

The assessment: “The foreign student as a didactic issue and not behavioural problem” _ 211

CONCLUSIONS ______________________________________________________________ 216

CHAPTER 5 – CONCLUSIONS ________________________________________________ 218

INTRODUCTION______________________________________________________________ 218

STRUCTURING CONDITIONS____________________________________________________ 218

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Limitations ______________________________________________________________ 221

DISCUSSION: EXTENSIVE DATA__________________________________________________ 222

DISCUSSION: OTHER RESEARCHES_______________________________________________ 230

Teachers ________________________________________________________________ 231

ISL and the assessment of foreign students______________________________________ 232

Organization of the school context ____________________________________________ 234

TO CONCLUDE: WHAT WE SHOULD DO? ___________________________________________ 239

BIBLIOGRAPHY ____________________________________________________________ 241

INDEX______________________________________________________________________ 262