1

Nour Kouzbari

DomesticWorkinLebanon:Whataresomeofthemainfactorsthatcontributetothecontinuedexploitationofwomenmigrant

domesticworkersinLebanon?

2

ThispaperispartofIWSAW’sOccasionalPaperSeries.

IWSAW publishes scholarly papers and action research on topics across a wide range ofdisciplinespertainingtowomen’sempowermentandgenderequalityintheArabregion.

Withinthisframework,IWSAWaimstowidenthescopeofresearchonwomenandongenderissues in the Arab region or in the Arab diaspora, by publishing an Occasional Paper SeriesstartinginJanuary2017.

For this series, IWSAW welcomes submissions from academics, researchers, activists, andpractitionersonany(contemporary)subjectthat isrelevanttoawideraudience.Examplesofthiscouldincluderesearchontheimpactofthewomen,peaceandsecurityframeworkintheGulfStates;studiesonlivelihoodsofSyrianrefugeewomeninurbanareasinJordanorLebanon;resarchonchanginggenderrelationsduetourbanization;orevaluationsofprogramsaimedatengagingmenandboysintheMaghreb–tonamebutafew.

The IWSAW Occasional Paper Series Submission Guidelines can be requested fromiwsaw@lau.edu.lb.

Abouttheauthor

NourKuzbariisaninternationaldevelopmentconsultantandcurrentlyNon-FinancialServicesResearcherattheLebaneseAssociationforDevelopment"AlMajmoua".SheassistedIWSAWwithitsdomesticmigrantworkersprogramin2016.Ms.KuzbariwrotethispaperaspartofherfulfillmentoftherequirementsforthedegreeofM.A.SocialAnthropologyofDevelopment,SOAS,UniversityofLondon.

Beirut,April2017InstituteforWomen’sStudiesintheArabWorld(IWSAW)LebaneseAmericanUniversity

Copyright©NourKuzbari/IWSAW,2017

3

TABLEOFCONTENTS

ExecutiveSummary

1.Introduction...............................................................................................................................6

2.TheSignificanceofFemaleMigration……………………………………………………………………………………8

3.TheRoleoftheKafalaSystemandRecruitmentAgenciesinLebanon………………………………….11

4.TheMadamandMaidRelationship…………………………………………………………………………………….14

5.Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………18

References…………………..…..…………………………………………………………………………………………………….20

4

EXECUTIVESUMMARY

ThispaperexaminesmigrantdomesticlaborintheMiddleEast,withanemphasisonLebanonas a case study. Lebanon has caught the spotlight formistreating womenmigrant domesticworkersintheMiddleEast,andthisresearchfocusesonthedifferentfactorsthatcontributetothatmistreatment,concludingthatoneshouldseethesefactorsnotasisolatedbutasmutuallyenforcing. The paper is divided into three parts, each part deals with a specific factor thatcontributes to the continued exploitation and mistreatment of this group of women. Part Idealswiththemigrationprocessasawhole,andhowthisprocessitselfiscontributingtotheirill-treatment.PartIIrelatestoboththekafalasystemandrecruitmentagenciesinLebanon,andPart III looks at the relationship between Lebanese employer and domestic worker in thehousehold, and further delves into how thesewomen dealwith the day to day demands oflivinginLebanon.

Pande (2013) argues that the portrayal of violations ofMDW’s rights as abuse of one set ofwomenbyanothersetisproblematicasitprivatizestheproblemofworkersanddelegatesittothehousehold,andindoingsoabsolvesthestateofitsresponsibility.Pandefurtherclaimsthatthe focusonabusiveemployers takesattentionaway fromthe rootof theproblem,which isthe sponsorship system, also known as the kafala system. Although Pande’s argument isconvincingandstatesthatthekafalasystemisacrucialfactorcontributingtotheexploitationofthesewomen,thereisalsomoretobesaidabouttherelationshipbetweenthemadamandthemaidinLebanesehouseholds.Furthermore,theinvolvementoftherecruitmentagencies,both inthesendingandthedestinationcountriesplaysan importantrole.Studiesbythe ILO(Khan& Harroff-Tavel, 2011) also emphasize that the kafala system is considered exploitivebecauseofthewayittiesthestatusoftheworkerwiththatoftheemployer,asevereproblemthatcanbereformedonlythroughpolicymeasures.

Manyauthorshavecomparedtheprocessoffemalemigrationtothatofslavery.Forexample,JureidiniandMoukarbel(2004)andBales(2012)arguethatthesituationofmostWMDWscanbedescribedascontractslavery.Theyexplainthatalthoughslaveryhasbeenabolished,itisnotaboutowningthesewomeninatraditionalsense,butratheraboutcontrollingthem.IexaminethispointwhenIdiscussthemadamandmaidrelationship.

Other authors such asMoors andDeRegt (2008) andGamburd (2000) describehowgenderpredominates at various phases of the migration process, beginning with how the workersleave their country of origin to the pointwhere they enter their country of destination. Theeffectsoffemalemigrationalsoseemtobeproblematicinthisregard.InGamburd’scase,shefocusesspecificallyonSriLankaas thehomecountry,andonthe impactofmigrationonthefamiliesleftbehindthere.

In Lebanon, reliance on women migrant domestic workers (WMDWs) continues to grow inimportance.SinceLebanonisapatriarchalcountrydominatedpoliticallyandreligiouslybymen,andgiven itshistorywiththecivilwar, it isperhapsnotsurprisingthattheplightofWMDWshas not been considered as a priority in policy making. The situation has been furtheraggravated latelyby theconsiderable instabilityanddysfunctionof theLebanesestate.Allof

5

these factorsmeans the neglect of the plight ofWMDWs in Lebanon. The general status ofwomeninLebanonfurtheraddstothecomplexityofthesituationwhenitcomestoexaminingWMDWsinthecountry-althoughthismaybetrueformostcountries intheMiddleEast.Asopposed to local Arab women, MDWs who come from Asia and Africa are at more of adisadvantagebecauseLebaneselabourlawsdonotprotectthemasthelawscannotbeappliedtotheprivatehousehold.Consequently, theycannotclaimtheminimumwage,demandtimeoff,orreceivecompensation,andarelegallybarredfromjoininglabourunions(Pande,2012).Asofearly2015,thisisbeingchallenged,butisnotyetresolved1.

1 AunionforDWsisstillnotrecognized,butwouldensuretherightoffreedomofassociationforDWs,whichinturnwouldstrengthenthelegalprotectionmechanisms(HumanRightsWatch,2015).

6

1. INTRODUCTION

Almost1in4Lebanesehouseholdshasamaid(Jureidini,2011)

Domesticworkers constitute a large segment of today’smigrantworker population, and themajorityofthemarewomen.WomenMigrantDomesticWorkers(WMDWs)2,asMoorsandDeRegt point out in their chapter on Migrant Domestic Workers in the Middle East, are aninteresting category because of the specifications of their position (2008). They are not onlymigrants but also employees in the private sphere, which is not recognized as a site ofemploymentincountrieslikeLebanon.

Manyfamiliesneeddomesticworkerssothattheycanpursuetheirownemployment.Throughmyresearch Iwillanalyzeasocial issuethathasalwaysbeenproblematicandtounderstandwhyithasbeenasourceoftension.

I will begin by first examining the significance of female migration, as abuses and violenceagainstwomencanoccuratanearlierstageofthemigrationprocess,evenbeforearriving inthe destination country. I will focus on issues that women face throughout the migrationprocess,suchasthedifferentreasonswhytheychoosetomigrate,howleavingtheirhomecanaffect the family they leavebehind, and the changing gender roles. Themigrationprocess isalsoimportant intermsofunderstandinghowgenderimpactsthelivesofthesewomenfromthemomenttheydecidetomigrateandthroughouttheirjourney.Iwillthendiscussthekafalasystem; i.e.: the system of monitoring migrant workers as well as the role of recruitmentagenciesinthesendingcountriesandthedestinationcountries,andexplainhowitisoneofthemain contributing factors leading to the abuse and continued exploitation of these women,focusingspecificallyonwhyit issuchacontroversial issueinLebanon.Finally, IwilldetailthespecificaspectsoftherelationshipbetweentheLebaneseemployerandthedomesticworker.Generally,thesedomesticworkersarealmostalwaysseenasthevictimsbutinrealitytherearetwo victims: the madam and the maid. I will also demonstrate how legal andemotional/physiological factors come together, contributing to the continual exploitation ofWMDWssincetheyfacelegalbarriersandsocialstigma.Iconcludethatitisinfactthekafalasystem, as well as other issues, which exasperate the already tense emotional situationbetweenthemadamandmaid.

For this paper, I primarily relied on secondary data, scholarly books and articles, as well asresearchreportspublishedbyinternationalNGOsandLebaneseorganizationsandinstitutions,andtheLebaneseMinistryofLabourwebsite(whichhasnotbeenupdatedsince20123).

2 I use the abbreviations WDMW, WMW, MDW and DW interchangeable. The words maid, helper, and/oremployeearealsoused.3ThisfactfurtheremphasizesthatthereisnoprocessofmonitoringthesituationofMDWsinLebanon.

7

Abriefhistoryofdomesticserviceintheregion

The world’s highest share ofmigrant population can be found in theMiddle East (Baldwin-Edwards,2005:2). Lebanon ishost toa largemigrantpopulation including refugees,asylum-seekers,aswellasbothlegalandillegalworkers.Inthissection,Iprovideabriefbackgroundonthehistoryofdomesticworkwithintheregion,withparticularreferencetoLebanon.DrawingmainlyonJureidini’swork,Idiscussthecivilwarandtheeffectsithadonpatternsofdomesticworkwithin the country. It isworthnoting that Lebanon is known tobe amigrant-receivingcountry as well as a migrant-sending country4, but in this paper I focus on Lebanon as adestinationcountry.

Jureidini andMoukarbel (2004) believe that Lebanon is an interesting country to studywithregardstoMDWs,especiallysincetheendofthecivilwar(1975-1990).Beforethecivilwar,itwas common for local Lebanese girls and women to work as maids. Women from othernationalitiesalsoworkedasmaids,includingSyriansandAlawites(1920sto1950s),Palestinians(1950s) --whooften came from the refugee campswithin Lebanon -- and Egyptians (1960s)(Jureidini, 2009). Itwasoften considered thenorm forapoor Lebanese family to ‘give’ theirdaughtertoawealthierfamilysoshecouldworkasamaidintheirhousehold,atleastuntilshereachedpubertyandthenmarried.AccordingtoJureidini(2009:82),thesegirlswerebasically‘adopted’ intothefamily.Beingbroughtupinprestigiousfamilieswasofgreat importancetothegirl’sparentsas itoftenprovidedherwithan informaleducationandasalary.Theyoungemployedmaidwassometimesconsideredanadoptedchild,andsotheemployingfamilyoftenassumedtheroleofherbiologicalparents(Jureidini&Moukarbel,2004).Shewouldcareandraisethechildrenofthefamily,eventhoughinsomecircumstancestheyoungwomanwouldbeaboutthesameageasthefamily’schildren. Itwasasthoughtheyoungmaidsweretheir“fictionalkinorsiblings”(Jureidini,2009).TherewereundeniablymoresimilaritiesbetweentheLebanesefamilyandtheworkerthanisseentodaywithwomenworkerscomingfromabroad.

Dueto thepolitical tensions following thecivilwar,LebanesehouseholdsstoppedemployinglocalArabwomenasmaids. Itwas thought that bringingArabwomen into their householdsafter such a period of hostility was an enormous and unnecessary risk (Pande, 2013).MeanwhileintheGulfcountries,thesuddenoilboomledtoanincreaseinthehiringofforeignworkers,whichwas laterreplicated inLebanon.AccordingtoJureidiniandMoukarbel(2004),thecombinationofthecivilwar inLebanonandthesuddenoilboomintheneighboringGulfledtoanincreaseindemandforMDWsfromabroad,whichwasgradualatfirstbutincreaseddrastically after hostilities ceased in 1990 (p. 589).Other factors,whichplayed an importantroleinthereplacementofArabmaidswithforeignmaidswasthefactthattheywerecheapertoemploy;andtheyusuallyworkedlongerandharderforlowerwagesthanLebanesenationals(Jureidini,2001).Eventually,itbecameshamefulforlocalLebaneseandArabwomentoworkasmaids (even thosewhomightbeclassifiedaspoor),as itbecameassociatedwith thenotionthatawomanwouldneverfindahusbandandmarry ifshewereemployedasone(Jureidini,2009).Inaddition,Arabmaidswereoftenthoughttomakemoredemandsthanforeignmaids;a detail whichwas no longer agreeablewithmany Lebanese employers. Conversely, foreign

4 Duringthe1975-1990civilwar,manyLebaneseweredisplacedand/orleftthecountry.

8

maidswerenotalwayspreferredastheywereoftenregardedasbeingindifferent,especiallyinterms of their affection.5 Either way, a shift took place. Being a domestic worker meantbelongingtoa lowstatusthatcarriedacertainstigma.Becauseof this,manypoorer familiesstartedsendingtheirdaughterstofactoriesinstead.“Thepatronageandsenseofobligationtolong-servingmaidsmoreorlessdisappearedinLebanon”(Jureidini,2009:95).

2. THESIGNIFICANCEOFFEMALEMIGRATION

Theexperienceoffemalemigrantsdiffersfromthatofmenfromthemomenttheydecidetomigrate(GlobalMigrationGroup,2010,p.45)

Migrationisrecognizedasbeneficialtobothsendingcountriesandreceivingcountriesasitcanrelieveunemployment pressures in the countries of origin andhave an impact on thehomeeconomiesintheremittancesthatmigrantwomensendbacktotheircountries(Esim&Smith,2004). This can be an empowering experience formigrant womenwho find themselves themainbreadwinnersoftheirfamilies.Yetatthesametime,migrationcarriesrisks,especiallyforwomen. In this section, Iwill investigate themigration process as awhole by examining thereasonswomendecide tomigrate, and the impacts thismigrationprocesshason the familyunit.

Migration has always been considered a ‘male phenomenon’ (Moukarbel, 2009: 12; Caritas,2008).Asthemainbreadwinners,theywereresponsibleforprovidingforthemselvesandtheirfamilies.Nowadays,thisrolenolongerjustappliestomenasinbothrichandpoorcountries;fewer families can solely rely on a male breadwinner. Since the 1980s, there has been anincrease in thenumberofwomenwhomigrateglobally (Caritas,2008).This isalsowhentheterm ‘feminization of migration’ appeared (UNINSTRAW, 2007). However, there is still adisagreementregarding theusageof thephrase itself,as theremaynothavebeenanactualincreaseintheparticipationorthenumberofwomen,butratherthedifferencemayhavebeeninthewaywomenmigrated.6Nevertheless,thismeansthatratherthanjoiningtheirhusbandsorothermalefamilymembersabroad,womennowmigratedtoseekjobsoftheirown,eithertoprovideforthemselvesortheirfamilies.Asearlyasthe1950s,womenhavebeenmigratingfrompoorerArab countries to thewealthier ones. Largenumbers of Palestinian, Syrian, andEgyptianteacherswerehired,forexample,toteachingirls’schools,asteachingwasandstillisconsideredoneof themost respectable typesofemployment forwomen in theMiddleEast(Moors&DeRegt,2008).Forthisreason,themigrationofwomenwithintheMiddleEastisnotacompletelynewphenomenon.

5 AsJureidni(2009:94)notes,LebanesemaidsareconsideredmoreloyalandsensitivesincetheysharethesameArabheritageastheiremployer.6 Itisarguedwhetherduringthisperiodtherewasanyrealnumericalincreaseinthemigrationofwomenorwhetherthewomenwerepreviouslyneverreallyaccountedforsincetheyweremigratinginordertojointheirhusbandsorfamiliesabroad(UNINSTRAW,2007).

9

AsmentionedbyEhrenreichandHochschild(2003),migrationofwomenhasassumedaspecificpattern,i.e.fromthethirdworldtothefirst.Theauthorsbelievethatthelifestylesofthefirstworld are only made possible by a global transfer of the services associated with a wife’straditional role (such as childcare and homemaking) from poor countries to rich ones. Sincewomeninthefirstworldstartedtoincreasinglytakeonpaidworkoutsidethehome,andsincethe men did not take on any shared responsibilities (Caritas, 2008: 8), the void of care forchildrenandthehomewasfilledbyevenpoorerwomenfromthethirdworld.Womeninpoorcountries,then,haveanincentivetomigrateandreplacefirstworldwomenintheirdomesticrole. Ehrenreich and Hochschild (2003) see this as a ‘care deficit’, which has emerged inwealthiercountriesasmorewomenenteredtheworkforce.“Thecaredeficitinthedevelopedworldprovidesanoutletforthecatastrophicfailureofdevelopmentpoliciesworldwide,whichresults in growing unemployment, reduced social services, and increased poverty”(UNINSTRAW, 2007). These two classes of women (first world and third world) are broughttogethernotascareer-orientedwomenwhostruggletoachievecommongoals,butasmistressandmaid,employerandemployee(Ehrenreich&Hochschild,2003:11).

Theneedfordomesticworkers

Inmanycountriesaroundtheworld,thelackofcertainfacilitiesforchildren(decentdaycarecenters)andtheelderly(respectableretirementhomes)createsademandforDWs,asdoesthedeclining social benefits and the longevity of the elderly population (Caritas, 2008: 8). ThesefactorscontributetoahighdemandforMDWs,especiallyintheArabworld,wherethenumberof migrating women is rapidly increasing. “As rich nations become richer and poor nationsbecomepoorer,thisonewayflowoftalentandtraining”,asHochschildcallsit,“continuouslywidens the gap between the two” (Ehrenreich & Hochschild, 2003: 17). It is an effect ofneoliberalismthattherichgrowricherandthepoorgrowpoorer.

Mostwomenwhodecidetomigrateareactuallyprofessionalsandcommittedcareer-orientedwomenintheirhomecountries.Duetothelackofopportunitiesintheircountryoforigin,theychoosetodevaluetheirqualifications,outofnecessity,inordertoenterthelabourforceandmigrate.Thereality isthatbydoingso,theyoftenlosetheopportunityto improvetheirownlives,whetheritbethroughfurthereducationorcareerpaths;aphenomenonknownbymanyauthorsasbraindrain(Caritas,2008:9;Ehrenreich&Hochschild,2003:17).Inadditiontothis,anotherphenomenonthatoccursiscaredrain;wherewomenwhonormallycarefortheyoung,theold,andthesickintheirownpoorcountriesendupmovingtocarefortheyoung,theold,and the sick in rich countries (Hochschild, 2003: 17). As is the casewith brain drain, whereskilledmigrants become an economic loss for the sending country, care drain describes thesituationwherethewomanbeinghiredasacareworker isa lossofcare forthechildren leftbehind. In that way, a global constellation arises that somehow mirrors the traditionalrelationshipbetweenbothsexes(Ehrenreich&Hochschild,2003):thefirstworldassumestherole of a stereotypically traditionalmale head of household; onewho is pampered, entitled,unabletocookorclean,andthereforemustrelyontheassistanceofothers.Inturn,thepoorercountries takeon the traditional roleof awomanwithinahousehold;onewhohas typicallynurturing attributes such as patience and sympathy. “In the end, both first world and third

10

world women are but small players in a larger economic game whose rules they have notwritten”(Ehrenreich&Hochschild:20).

Renegotiatinggenderroles

Migrationhasalsoforcedbothmenandwomentorenegotiatetheirtraditionalgenderroles.According to Gamburd, “the migration of labour to the Middle East has created manychallenges to local gender ideologies” (2000: 22). Upon the migration of a family member,theseideologiesandgenderroles(whicharesodeeplyingrained)arealsochallenged.

While it is obvious that through migration, migrants themselves experience many changes,peopleoftenforgetthatthefamiliesleftbehindalsofacemanystruggles.Womenofallclasses,religions,andmarital statuses travelabroad in search forwork.According toCaritas,womenfacemoredrasticdecision-makingand financial restrictions thanmendo (2008:4).However,thereasonsformigrationcannotalwaysbesimplyreducedtohelpingtheirfamiliesfinancially.Manywomenendupmigratinginordertopayfortheirowndowry;forexampleinSriLanka,wherewomenpayforallcostsassociatedwithamarriage, includingthewedding,thehouse,andthefurniture(Mansour,2005).Hunger,extremepoverty,impoverishment,aswellashighunemployment rates in sendingcountriesalsoserveascrucial factors inmigration (Gamburd2000;Caritas,2008).Meanwhile, thehighdemand for femaledomestic servants isa colossalpull factor. Beyond these push and pull factors,Gamburd (2000)mentions thatwomenmaychoosetogoabroadtogetawayfromtheirfamilies,oreventoescapebadmarriages. Inherarticle‘Notallowedtolove’,Moukarbel(2009)alsoreferstothis,revealingthatthepush-pullmodelseesmigrationasasensiblechoicebutdoesnotaccountforothersocialandeconomicpressuresthatmightaffectthereasonswhywomenchoosetomigrate.

Deeplyrootedgenderrolesremaincentraltobothmaleandfemaleidentities.Forexample,inthecaseofSriLanka,Gamburd(2000)demonstrateshowmostmarriedmenwhosewivesgoabroad often remain unemployed, relying on the remittances of their wives7, while themother’s role as cook, caretaker, is most often given to other women in the family. In thisgendered division of labour, childcare and cooking aremarked as female roles and as such,mostmenwouldfeelthreatenedbycarryingoutsuch‘women’swork’.The‘mothering’role,asGamburd puts it, therefore becomes redistributed among multiple people (2000: 193).Furthermore,femalemigrationcansymbolizetheinabilityorfailureofamantoprovideforhisfamily(Gamburd:194).Menmayfeelalossofself-worthoncetheyarenolongerperceivedasthe breadwinner, leading many to resort to alcohol. For the men who do perform what isconsidered as a ‘woman’s role’, “they both challenge and reaffirm older concepts of genderrolesandfamilyresponsibilities”(Gamburd,2000:187).

Migrationhasalsobroughtchangesinwomen’srolesasmothers.Migrantwomencancometomother twosetsof children: theirbiological children fromadistanceand thechildrenof thehouseholdtheyliveandworkin.Insuchascenario,bothsetsofmothers,theemployerandthe7 AccordingtoEhrenreichandHochschild(2003),thegovernmentsofsomesendingcountriesactivelyencouragewomentomigrate,thereasonbeingthatmigrantwomenaremorelikelythanmentosendtheirwages(remittances)backtotheirfamilies,ratherthanspendingitonthemselves(p.7).

11

employee,tendtorelyonwhatiscalledsubstitutemothering(Moukarbel,2009).Thewomanhiresanannytotakecareofherchildren,andyetthenannyherself,assumingshedoeshavechildren,isatthesametimereliantonherfamilyinherhomecountrytotakecareofherownchildren.“Betweentheemployers’family,themigrants’family,andthefamilywhostepsintocareforthemigrants’household,thereisacontinualredistributionofjobs,roles,labour,loveandmoneyinthereproductionofchildren,families,andlaborers”(Gamburd,2000:196).

3. THEROLEOFTHEKAFALASYSTEMANDRECRUITMENTAGENCIESINLEBANON

Underthekafalasystemthemigrantworkermaybeidentifiedasa‘guestworker’butisoftentreatedasadisposableeconomiccommodityatthemercyofhersponsor

(MigrantForuminAsia,n.d.,p.4).

In this section, the laws andpractices that restrict labourmobility in Lebanonarediscussed,furthercomplicatingandrestrictingWMDWsaccess toany legal statusaswellasbasicsocialandlabourrights.

Lebanonisacountrywhereforeignworkersaregovernedbythekafala(sponsorship)system.Therefore,inorderforaMDWtoenterLebanonlegally,shehastobeformallysponsoredintothe country by either a Lebanese agency or an employer. Furthermore, as will be shown insubsequent paragraphs,WMWsare excluded fromnational labor laws and are thus, in legalterms,notconsideredasbeingrealworkers.Domesticworkisalsoconsideredanunregulatedsector of the labourmarket. Therefore, much of this work remains invisible (Esim & Smith,2004).

The kafala systemwas put in place in order tomonitor foreignMDWsduring their contractperiods.Itprovidesawayforgovernmentstodelegatetheresponsibilityofmigrantstoprivatecitizensorevencompanies (Motaparthy,2015). Thehistoryof thekafala systemstems fromthe Bedouin principle of hospitality, which sets its requirements in the treatment andprotectionof foreignguests, includingdomesticworkers (Khan&Harroff-Tavel,2011,p.294).According to Bedouin tradition, if a traveler were found wandering the desert in need ofshelter, it became the duty of whoever came across them to feed them, shelter them, andallowthemtostayforaslongaswasneeded.Nowadays,beingakafeelorasponsortoaDWisrarelyseeninapositivelight.ThereforethekafalasystemisoftenthoughtofasthesolereasonfortheabuseofDWsandisinneedofeitherreformorcompleteremoval.

Thekafalasystemcreatesacycleofdependencyinwhichtheworkeriscompletelyreliantonhis/her employer for shelter, food, etc. For the most part, the worker cannot leave thehousehold without obtaining permission from the employer or work in parallel with otheremployers unless they have consulted the original employer. Doing either one of those twoactionsisconsideredtobeillegal.Underthissystem,theemployerplaystworolesfortheDW:that of employer, and that of kafeel or sponsor. Being a kafeelmeans the employer is fullyresponsible for the domestic worker in the host country, and so “becomes the mediator

12

between theMDW and the state” (Hamill, 2011: 27). However, it is theMinistry of InteriorratherthantheMinistryofLabourthat isresponsibleformanagingtheemploymentoftheseworkers (Khan&Harroff-Tavel,2011:297).BecauseDWswork in theprivatesphere (homes)rather than in the public sphere (offices/companies/organizations), the national labour lawdoesnotapplytothem.Muchoftheexploitationalsostemsfromthisfact.Thesystemachievestwogoals:(1)itmeetsthedemandforlabour;and(2)ensuresthattheseworkersremainonlyas temporary residents in the country (Khan&Harroff-Tavel, 2011), which is another factorcontributingtotheircontinualmistreatment.

Inadditiontothekafalasystem,recruitmentagenciesinLebanonalsoplayalargepartinthetreatmentofDWs8.InLebanon,manyagenciesallowthesponsor/employertochooseaworkerbasedonnothingmorethanaphotographandabriefdescription,suchasage,maritalstatus,andnationality;andishirednotjustforherphysical labourbutalsoforheremotional labourand personality traits (Moukarbel, 2009). Lebanese women differ in their preferences whenchoosinganappropriatehousemaid.Forexample,manymadamswantyoungwomensincethiswillmean that shehasnoorminimumpriorexperience inhousework,and is thus ‘new’and‘fresh’ and can be taught from scratch. Other madams prefer the maid to be old andunattractive,henceabletocontrolhersexualdesires.Othersstillhaveapreferenceforwomenwhoalreadyhavechildrenoftheirownsincethatmeanstheywillbetenderwiththeirchildrenas well, as the president of SORAL (El-Bourji) further confirmed in a personal interview(13/7/2016).Nevertheless,hebelievesthatitisequallytheresponsibilityoftheagenttomakesurethatasuitableDWischosenforahousehold’sspecificneeds.Otherwise,thingscaneasilygowrong. If, forexample, theemployerhasyoungchildren,theagentshouldadvisethemtochooseaDWwhoenjoys takingcareofchildren,andmostprobablyhaschildrenofherownback in her home country. This way, it prevents future unwanted problems. His office evenoffers the DW a questionnaire asking her if she is willing or unwilling to do certain tasks.Unfortunately, thismethodofadvisingthemadamandaskingtheDWherpreferencesrarelyoccursinLebanon.

The process of randomly “selecting and being selected” (Abdulrahim, 2010: 14) is quitecommoninLebanonandisthefirststepwhereboththeemployerandtheDWaredeceived.For themostpart, theDWisvulnerable to thevicissitudesof theemployer.Additionally, thefactthattheemployermaywishtoreturntheworkerbacktotheagencyifsheorhedislikesherorisnotsatisfiedbyherperformance,furtheremphasizesthefactthatshecanbetreatedlikeanobject.OnceinLebanon,manyofthesewomenendupwaitinginroomsintheairportuntiltheiremployersareabletopickthemup.Moreover,theirpassportsareveryoftentakenawayfromthem9,andaregiventothesponsorsoncetheyarrive.Despitethisbeingillegal, itcreates“acycleofdependency”,asPande(2013:426)explains,betweentheemployerandthedomesticworker.Bymakingtheworkerdependentontheemployer,notonlydoesitcreatea

8Althoughacodeofconductwaslaunchedin2013providingguidancetorecruitingagencies,itisnotenoughbyitself.ThecodeofconductdoesnotreplacetheimportanceofhavingstronglegislationinLebanon(OHCHR,2013).9 Passportwithholdingisagainstthelawandyetmanymadamsstilldothisbecausemostrecruitmentagenciesoftentellthemtodosoclaimingthatitiswithintheirrighttodoso.

13

basisuponwhichviolationscanoccur,butitalsoallowssuchviolationstocontinueunrecordedandunpunished(Pande,2013).

Hamill (2011) and Jureidini and Moukarbel (2004) point out that WMDWs are generallydeceived about their conditions of employment, and thus, can be placed in the category oftrafficking, more specifically contract slavery. They are misled into believing that they areenteringintoa legitimatecontractualrelationshipwithobligationsandresponsibilitiesbackedbylegalauthorities(Jureidini&Moukarbel,2004).Forone,theymaysignonecontractintheircountry of origin, and then another contract upon their arrival in the destination country, aclearexampleofdeception.Moreover,thelanguageofthesecontractsmightnotevenbeonethattheyarefamiliarwith(forexample,signingacontractinArabicwhentheydon’tknowthelanguage).Furthermore,manywomenstrugglewhileborrowingmoneytopaytheagencyfeesin their home country, and as a result end up in debt even before they arrive at theirdestination. Usually, they return thismoney from their first fewmonths of salary. All thesereasonsessentiallyputtheworker inahighlyvulnerablepositionuponarrival inLebanon.Ontheotherhand,theLebaneseemployeralsopaysfeestotheirrespectiveagencyinLebanonforthe worker: her work permits, airfare, residency permit, health insurance etc., thus mostemployersbelieveitiswithintheirrightsasemployersandaskafeelsofthesewomentoplacerestrictionson them.One formof restriction,particularly soearlyon, is called themandatedsalaryreduction(Jureidini&Moukarbel,2004).Thisiswhereherfirstthreemonthspaymentiswithdrawntobegiven to the recruitmentagency; theycouldalsoplayapart in this,as theymayasktheemployer/kafeeltodosoeventhoughattimes,theemployerwouldbegenuinelyin the dark aboutwhat is really going on, given that it is illegal to reduce a helper’s salary.Hence,theemployerisoftenunawarethatsheorheistrulycommittingafelony.AccordingtoPande (2013), there is a perception that the employer/sponsor has bought the MDW, andthereforeownsher,and itseemstheagenciesoftenact inthe interestoftheemployersandnottheworkers(KAFA,2012:22).AnincidentinOctoberof2014,however,haschallengedthis.TheLabourministerorderedtheclosureoftwoDWrecruitmentagenciesinsouthernLebanon,for breaking regulation aswell as violating human rights (Al-Akhbar, 2014). Thiswas a goodexampleofcompetentLebanesegovernmentaloversight,andthuspresentshopeforbothDWsandLebanesefamily’swishingtohirethem.

AccordingtoJureidini(2011),theexistenceofcontractsdoesnotguaranteerights,evenwhenthecontract specifies thatabusivebehavior isunacceptable.While consideredmandatorybyboththeLebanesegovernmentandsomeofthesendingcountries,contractsareoftenignoredbecause there are no official sanctions available for breaking themunder Lebanese law – atleaston thepartof theemployer.TheDWwouldnotknowhowtochallenge the law inanycase.Likewise,therearenomechanismsinplacetoprotecttheworkers.Suchpoorstructuralconditionscanbemadeworsethroughpersonalabuseinthehousehold,mostofwhichwillbediscussedinthefollowingsection.

14

4. THEMADAMANDMAIDRELATIONSHIP

ManyLebaneseemployershaveinaccurateandincorrectinformationaboutthecontractandregulations,andthisinfluencestheirbehaviorwiththeDW

(Getyourfactsstraight,n.d10)

According toMoukarbel (2009), employers exercise anextreme formof power that is unlikeany other employee/employer relationship. Abdulrahim (2010) explains that policies andinadequate regulations are responsible for determining the living conditions of DWs inLebanon,andamongthemaincircumstancesaffectingthemaretheattitudesandpracticesofemployers.

In Lebanon, the pre-arranged relationship between the DW and the employer is a verymultifaceted one. As mentioned, not only is she or he the employer, but kafeel as well.Therefore,employersaregiventhefullresponsibilityoflookingafterthedomesticworker.Thiscreates a very unique but complex relationship between both parties. As such, one mustrecognize that DWs are not the only victims in this situation; Lebanese employers can bevictimstoo11.Inmanycases,theyarebothvictimsofagreaterinjustice.Themadam12mayalsobecome,atonepointoranother,trappedintheviciouscycleofnurturingyetabusingthemaid.

Control

Onewell-knownmethodofcontrollingMDWs(althoughnotallmadamsdothis) isrestrictingtheir movement. “It is a form of imprisonment that has become part of the normativeexpectationsoftheemploymentrelationship”(Jureidini,2001:10).MostDWsmusteitherseekpermission, or go out accompanied. Lebanese employers often view and/or justify suchpracticesbyconsideringthemasnecessarymeansneededforprotectingthemselvesandtheirDWs.They claim that Lebanese society isdangerousandDWsare “naive childrenwhocouldeasilyfallpreytodelinquentmen”(Abdulrahim,2010:17).Moukarbel(2009)labelledthisactasanindirecttypeofpowerknownasmaterialism,wheremaidsareoftenviewedashelplesschildren in need of direction. Some Lebanese employers feel that in order to protectthemselves they must deny the workers some of their rights. Because the worker is themadam’s full responsibility, anything that happens to her can reflect negatively on theemployer.

10ApamphletcontainingdataandstatisticstakenfromanationalstudybyAUB,incollaborationwithKAFA,Anti-SlaveryInternational,andILOinBeirut,Lebanon(2015).11Forexample,inlate2015,accordingtoTheDailyStar,membersoftheAssociationtoProtectFamilyPrivacyandtheWorkerheldanewsconferencearguingthatLebanesehousewiveshavebecomevictimsthemselves,astheentireimageofLebanesefamiliesandhousewivesisbeingtainted(Obeid,2015).12InLebanon,themadamofthehouseholdisnormallytheonewhotakestheresponsibilityoftrainingandlookingafterthemaid.

15

Furthermore, since madam and maid are both women in the private household, this addsfurtherstresstoanalreadytensesituation.Thepositionofauthorityistraditionallyconsidereda masculine role but since madams assume this role, it becomes more of a nurturing roleinstead(Moukarbel,2009).Tryingto“embellishtheexploitationbygivingitafamilialcontext”(Moukarbel,2009),inotherwordstreatingtheDWlikesheisapartofthefamilyiscommon.A2010 study by KAFA delineates on this issue: though it is common for Lebanesemadams toconsider their maid as a family member, she still “remains the vulnerable party in theemployer-employeerelationship”(Abdulrahim,2010:20).“Thedichotomybetweenrightsandresponsibility”(Abdulrahim,2010:17)seemstobetheunderlyingprobleminsuchcases.

SomeLebanesefamiliesdonotknowwhattoexpect intermsofrightsandresponsibilities inregardstothemadam-maidrelationship.Andthemaidherselfhasoftennoideawhatherownrightsandresponsibilitiesaretobeginwith.GrantingtheDWadayofffromwork,forexample,was viewed to be a question of employer preference rather than a right to freemovement(Abdulrahim,2010).ThisviewthatDWsareonlyinLebanontoworkwascommonamongthepeople KAFA interviewed, and it has become the norm that “the denial of basic rights canbecomesoengrainedwithinthesocialstructural fabricandbecomesunseenorunnoticedbythemajority”(Abdulrahim,2010:13).

Formingcommunities

Theinabilitytocommunicatewiththeoutsideworldcanalsobeseenasahindranceinthedailylives ofMDWs.However,MDWs in Lebanonhave found away to overcome this problem incertainsituations.This iswherepublicandprivatespacescomeintoplay.AccordingtoPande(2012),there is limitedprivatehomespaceavailablefora live-inhousemaid.Herbedroom, ifavailable,isone.Thekitchenandthebalconyarealsodeemedappropriatespaces,astheyarespaces where she works (cooking and cleaning in the kitchen and hanging laundry on thebalcony). Since the employer’s home space is restricted, the DWmust search elsewhere, inmore public spaces, for any privacy. Even then, many housemaids may face restrictionspreventingthemfrominteractingandsocializinginthesepublicspaces.

Pande (2012) mentions three activities during which WMDWs can form networks with oneanotherandbuildcommunityties.Thefirstactivityiswhatshecalls‘balconytalk’.Thisactivityis for the most restricted of live-in DWs who are not allowed to leave the house of theiremployer. According to Pande (2012), this is step one in forming a community and also infindinglargersupportstructures;whichisextremelyimportantgiventhatthesewomenareinanewcountry,dealingwithanewculture,andstrugglingwhilelearninganewlanguage.Assuch,it is crucial for themto formsuchcommunities.Acrossbalconies,womenconsultandadviseone another on all kinds of issues, including whether they were given access to their ownpassport,howthepaymentmethodworks,andinwhatmannertheyshouldnegotiateproperlywiththemadametc.“Thebalconytransformsfromaspaceassignedtorestrictedlive-instoanavenueforforgingstrategicdyadswithworkersintheneighboringbalconies”(Pande,2012).

AfurtheravenueinformingbroadercommunitiesamongChristianMDWsisthroughchurches.For thosehousemaidswhohavea littlemore freedom(butarestill considered live-ins), they

16

maybeallowed togo to churchona specificday. Inher fieldwork,Pande (2012)discoveredthatmany services are not limited to religious prayers andworship, but alsowhat she calls‘practical prayers’. Practical prayers teach thesewomenhow to avoid certain situations, andencouragethemtorespecttheirmadams.“Thesewomenhavenopriortieswitheachother,andareoftennot fromthesamecityorevencountry,butwhatbindsthemtogether is theirworkstatusandexperienceasMDW’s”(Pande,2012:395).Practicalprayershelpthewomenunderstandtheirrighttoworkinanenvironmentfreefromabuse.Pastorsalsosupportthesewomenandteachthemhowtoovercomedifficultsituationsincludingverbalorevenphysicalabusefromtheiremployers.

A further space where women come together is through rented apartments or illegalcollectives. Similar to church spaces, “rentedapartmentsbecomespaceswhereWMDWsarecounselledonpracticalways to resolveemployer/workerconflicts” (Pande,2012).Unlike theabovetwospaces,thesespacesareformaidswhohavebecomeillegalbyrunningawayand/orbecomingfreelancers.Suchspacesbecomeareaswherethesewomencanseekhelpandadvicefromeachother,much like theother two spacesmentionedabove.Although itmay seemapositivething,thefactthatthesewomenhavetofindpublicspacesforthemselvesmayleadtoissueswithstereotypingandracism.

Racism,stereotypes,andlegalstatus

MDWsinLebanoncanbeclassifiedintooneofthreetypes:live-ins,runaways,andfreelancers.Normally, women entering the country via recruitment agencies work as live-ins. In otherwords,theyworkona legalcontract,and live intheemployer’shousehold,thereforerelyontheemployerfortheirneeds.Ontheotherhand,therearefreelancers.Forthemostpart,beinga freelancer arises out of necessity.13 As opposed to live-ins, freelancers work without acontract and so can change employers as frequently as theywant or need. In countries likeLebanon where the kafala system is enforced, the freelancing lifestyle becomes a possiblealternativeoptionforthem.AlthoughbymakingaDWillegalassoonassheleavesthehouseofheroriginal sponsor, the system itself createsanewpopulationofeasilyexploitableworkers(Pande,2013:431).

Freelancersnormallyworkonanhourlybasisforoneormoreemployers.Thisway,manyclaimthere ismore freedomofmovement. Salaries are often higher, asmaidswould be paid perhour insteadofperdayormonth.Despitethesepositiveaspects, itmaybemorechallengingfor themaid to earn a living for herself, in otherwords, less stability. For example, shemayhave to work for multiple employers in the course of one day, which can be extremelyexhausting. In addition, living conditions alsopresent a challenge, since thehelperwouldnolongerbelivinginheroriginalemployer’shouse.Assuch,themaidsneedtopayfortheirownrent, clothes, foodetc. In somecircumstances, shewouldendup livingwithotherWMDWs;however, for themost part, many DWs find themselves unable to do so for one reason oranother.Therefore,theymustrelyonmaledomesticworkers,preferablyoneswhohavepriorexperiencelivingandworkinginLebanon.Insuchcases,themanmaysometimesenduptaking13 I.e.:breachinghercontractbyleavingheroriginalemployer.

17

advantageof the situation, oftentimesusing her sexually in return for shelter, food, etc. (El-Bourji, personal interview, 13/7/2016). In many parts of Lebanon, freelancing is actuallyincreasing in popularity, despite it technically being illegal, as one can findwomenwilling toworkveryeasilybywayofotheremployers.Althoughitmayseemlikethereismorefreedominfreelancing,therearealotofsacrificesonehastomake.Itisastruggletomakealivingeitherway.Assuch,“MDWsfacestrongtensionsbetweenwhatislegallyallowedandwhatissociallyacceptable” (Moors & De Regt, 2008: 154) adding to the social stigma of DWs, which isworsenedwithracism.

ManyLebaneseemployersprefercertainmaidsoverothers.Suchpreferencesincludeethnicity,religion,andthelegalstatusoftheDWinthecountry.Forexample,Filipinawomenareoftenmoresoughtafterthanothernationalities,asmanyofthemtendtospeakEnglishfairlywell.MostLebanesefamilieswithchildrenhireFilipinawomeninordertoteachtheirownchildrenEnglish.ThiseventranslatesintoadifferenceinsalariesbasedonnationalitiesasexploredbyMoors andDe Regt (2008). Trust and cleanliness are other important reasons justifyingwhysome employers tend to favor Filipinas over other nationalities, as they tend to be morefastidiousthanothernationalities.Nepaliwomenforinstancearedescribedasrespectableandcompliant,Ethiopianwomenasstubbornanddifficulttodealwith(Moors&DeRegt,2008).

Religionalsoplaysanimportantroleinselectingasuitablehousekeeper.Whatisinterestingtonote is that for thehouseholds in Lebanon thathave children, these choicesaregivenmuchmoreimportanceastheDWwilloftenbecaringfortheemployer’schildrenaswell.Asaresult,mostemployerspreferiftheirmaidssharethesamemoraloutlooksandbeliefsastheydo,andpossiblyiftheyspeakthesamelanguage.Allthesereasonsaretransferredbywordofmouththrough employers and recruitment agencies as my interview with the president of SORALrevealed (El-Bourji,13/7/2016).Evenpeoplewhoconsider themselvestobeamongthemosteducated of employers will still have some sort of hierarchical approach, which has beencompletely normalized and which they can simply label as a personal preference (Jureidini,2001).

Otherpossiblereasonsforabuse

InhisstudyonthepsychologicalfactorsregardingtheabuseofMDWs,Jureidini(2011)arguesthatoneofthereasonsDWsareabusedmightbebecausemarriedLebanesewomenarealsooftenabusedsuchthattheytakeouttheirfrustrationsonthemaid,intheformofbothphysicalandverbalabuse,whohappenstobeattimestheonlyotherdefenselesswomaninthehousewhomtheycan thendominate.The frustrationpassesdown thehierarchal socialorder fromthehusbandtohiswife,andalmostalwaysendsupaffectingthemaid.Inparallel,thehusbandand/orothermalemembersofthehouseholdmayalsoendupabusingthemaidintheformofsexual abuse. Another possible explanation is that MDWs are accustomed to being in asubservientpositionintheirhomecountry,thereforetheycontinuetoassumethisroleintheirnew lives in Lebanon, and basically succumb to any type of abuse at the hands of theiremployers.AnotherreasonquotedbyJureidini(2001)isthatLebaneseareraciststobeginwith.Domestic workers are not seen as equal to the Lebanese, and are often addressed as abed(slave),yabint(girl),srilankieh(SriLankanwomen)orphilipinieh(Filipinowomen).Inthecase

18

ofthelasttwoexamples,employersoftenrefusetorefertotheirmaidsbytheirfirstnamesandinstead simply reduce their identity to that of their country of origin (scapegoating). ThisobjectificationiswhatenablesemployerstotreattheirDWsasunequalsubhumanslaves.Suchharshness is often considered normal procedure where the employer properly trains thedomesticworker.

TheLebanesetendtohavealimitedunderstandingofforeigncultures,especiallywithregardtothenationalitiesofMDWs,whichcouldexplainwhythislackoftrustexistsbetweenthemaidandthemadam.AccordingtoJureidini(2011),thisislikelyduetothefactthatLebanonneverhad any sort of historical connection to most of the countries where MDWs originate.Therefore the links between racism, scapegoating and domestic issues can all contribute tomistreatment. Accordingly, all of the above-mentioned factors become very critical for thecompleteunderstandingof thecultureofabuse.Afterall, themaid isnotonlyaccomplishingtasksbutalsoperformingarole(Moukarbel,2009).

5. CONCLUSION

ThispaperhasarguedthattherearenumerouscausesleadingtothecontinuedexploitationofWMDW’s in Lebanon. In the first instance themigration process as awhole affectswomen.They, both the maid and the madam, are exploited by the emotional factors in theirrelationship,which isunderpinnedby the inabilityof the state to regulate the systemwithinwhichtheyoperate.Secondly,themainreasonbehindtheirexploitationcanbetracedbacktothe maids who are forced to live with an employer, often have their passports and legaldocumentsconfiscatedandthusarelefthelplesswithinthesocietywithinwhichtheylive;worklong hours, receive unsuitable or no training from the host countries, and being made torespectandcatertoparticularexpectationssetbythemadamsinLebanon.Thirdly,thelackofunderstandingoftherightsandresponsibilitiestheemployershavetowardstheirmaidsmeansthat they are vulnerable and inmany cases inevitably exploited. In otherwords,many DWsenterLebanon ignorantof itsculture,withoutvalidcontractsandhavenotbeen informedofthenatureofdomesticworktheyareexpectedtoundertake,noroftheirrespectiverightsandduties. Employing families alsohave to learnhow to adjust tomigrantworkers coming fromdifferentcultureswheremostofthemwillknowverylittleaboutthisnorofthebackgroundoftheiremployees(Jureidini,2009).Finally,whatmakesthesituationworseistheattitudeoftheauthorities towards thismatter, inadequate frameworks tosupportannulled/failedcontracts,also bans onMDW traveling to certain countries (mostly by the sending country in order tokeeptheircitizenssafe),agencydecisions,andthelike.

Control,theformingofcommunities,andracismcombinetocreatetwoseparateentitiesinthehousehold:themadamandthemaid.Similarly,IhaveexplainedhowtheDWexistsasasocialgroup;onethatisentirelyseparatedfromtheLebanesesocietyinthepublicsphere.Lookingatthe factors combined, they serve to explain the discrepancy between the groups and theirresultingbehaviours.Theseperformanceshavebecomeinherenttotheseroles,andasaresult,

19

translate toabusivepracticesnot justatapersonal level,butalsoatemotional,physicalandlegallevels.

Many say that from a legal standpoint, the kafala system is primarily to blame for theobservablediscriminatorypractices.Yettheabolishmentofthekafalasystemitselfwouldnotmean that the bad practices and attitudes would end entirely even though it would enableMDWs towork legally. In reality, thekafala systemexasperates thecomplicated relationshipbetween the employer and the DW by, for example, preventing a maid’s movement.Furthermore,suchbehavioursandattitudeshavebecomesointernalizedbymanymadamsandmaids, due to their daily interactions, so that it would be difficult to sever, even with thepresenceofanewlegalframework.AsolutiontothiscouldbetoallowMDWstoworklegallyinthe country without sponsorship, which could alleviate some of the legal issues relating torecruitment agencies. However, even with this small change, there is no doubt that theprincipalissueswouldremainunresolved.Inordertoremedythat,therehastobeconsiderableeffort to humanise the relationship between madam and maid, and eliminating the socialstigmaofdomesticworkandwhat itmeans tobeamaid.Once that is completed, thenandonlythencanlegalreformtrulysucceed.

MDWsfacenumerouslegalbarriers,makingitdifficultforthemtoseeklegaladviceandhelpincancelling a contract or resolving issues with the madam. All this forces them to resort toinformalsupportsystemssuchasbalconytalk.ThisstrengthensthebondsbetweentheMDWswhilstmarginalisingtheminsociety.Hence,theremustbeareformthatalsobreaksthiscycle.For instance, making this matter of marginalization a state concern (public as opposed toprivate)mayhelppreventsuchmistreatment.Alternatively,anothersolutioncouldbethroughtheuseofbothshortandlongtermcontractsthatwouldbegiventoMDWsdependingontheneedsofthemaidandmadam,keepinginmindthatbothshouldbegivenlegalprotectionandrights. Thiswould give the employer and theDWmore peace ofmind. Understanding howthesefactorsinteracttocreatethistragiccatch22situationiscrucialtotheunderstandingofthecontinuedexploitationandmistreatmentofMDWsinLebanon.

Furthermore,manywomencomplainthatthetrainingthattheyreceiveintheirhomecountryiseithernotsufficientornon-existent.Afterall,theyhavetolearnhowtocarryoutaplethoraoftasksliketakingcareofbabies,cleaning,cooking,andusingelectronicdevices,mostofwhichthey have no experience. According to Mansour (2005), in Sri Lanka, it takes 12 days or amaximumof fourweeks to train thedomesticworker. Interestinglyenough,Mansour (2008)also explains how some countries train both the maids and the madams of households.However,thereappearstobenosuchrequirementinLebanonsomethingthatprobablyneedsfurtherexamination.PerhapsanotherfuturesolutioncouldbemandatorytraininginLebanonbeforeorevenwhile thesewomenareworkingwith theLebanese family.At the same time,host families need to better understand those whom they are employing, and be betterprepared for the inevitable cultural differences and be sensitive and sympathetic to thecircumstancesofthesewomen.

20

REFERENCES

Abdulrahim,S.(2010).Servant,daughter,oremployee?ApilotstudyontheattitudesofLebaneseemployerstowardsmigrantdomesticworkers.Retrievedfrom:http://www.kafa.org.lb/studiespublicationpdf/prpdf9.pdf

Al-Akhbar.(2014).Lebanonclosesdownrecruitmentagenciesfor“violatinghumanrights”.Retrievedfrom:http://english.al-akhbar.com/node/21950

AUB,KAFA,Anti-SlaveryInternational,andILO.(2015).Pamphlet.GetYourFactsStraight.

Baldwin-Edwards,M.(2005).MigrationintheMiddleEastandMediterranean.Retrievedfrom:http://www.mmo.gr/pdf/news/Migration_in_the_Middle_East_and_Mediterranean.pdf

Bales,K.(2012).DisposablePeople:NewSlaveryintheGlobalEconomy(3rdEdition).California:UniversityofCaliforniaPress.

CaritasInternational.(2008).TheFemalefaceofMigration:BackgroundPaper.Retrievedfrom:http://www.caritas.org/includes/pdf/backgroundmigration.pdf

Ehrenreich,B.,&Hochschild,A.R.(2003).Globalwomen:Nannies,maids,andsexworkersintheneweconomy.NewYork.MetropolitanBooks.

El-Bourji,H.(2016,July13).PersonalInterview.Beirut,Lebanon.

Esim,S.&Smith,M.(2004).GenderandMigrationinArabStates:TheCaseofDomesticWorkers.Retrievedfrom:http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---arabstates/---ro-beirut/documents/publication/wcms_204013.pdf

Gamburd,RuthM.(2000).TheKitchenSpoon’sHandle.TransnationalismandSriLanka’sMigrantHousemaids.NewYork.CornellUniversityPress.

GlobalMigrationGroup.(2010).InternationalMigrationandHumanRights:ChallengesandOpportunitiesonthethresholdofthe60thanniversaryoftheUniversalDeclarationofHumanRights.Retrievedfrom:http://www.globalmigrationgroup.org/sites/default/files/uploads/documents/Int_Migration_Human_Rights.pdf

Hamill,K.(2011).TraffickingofmigrantdomesticworkersinLebanon:Alegalanalysis.Retrievedfrom:http://www.kafa.org.lb/StudiesPublicationPDF/PRpdf37.pdf

HumanRightsWatch.(2015).Lebanon:RecognizeDomesticWorkersUnion.Retrievedfrom:https://www.hrw.org/news/2015/03/10/lebanon-recognize-domestic-workers-union

InternationalLaborOrganization.(2013).SocialworkerstomediatebetweenemployersandmigrantdomesticworkersinLebanon.Retrievedfrom:http://www.ilo.org/beirut/media-centre/news/WCMS_220432/lang--en/index.htm

21

Jureidini,R.(2001).WomenmigrantdomesticworkersinLebanon.Retrievedfrom:http://www.esclavagemoderne.org/media/oit_2002women_migrant_domestic_workers_lebanon.pdf

Jureidini,R.(2009).Intheshadowsoffamilylife:TowardahistoryofdomesticserviceinLebanon.JournalofMiddleEastWomen’sStudies,5(3),74-101.

Jureidini,R.(2010).TraffickingandContractMigrantWorkersintheMiddleEast.Retrievedfrom:https://www.academia.edu/1206706/Trafficking_and_Contract_Migrant_Workers_Ray_Jureidini

Jureidini,R.(2011).AnexploratorystudyofpsychoanalyticandsocialfactorsintheabuseofmigrantdomesticworkersbyfemaleemployersinLebanon.Retrievedfrom:http://www.kafa.org.lb/studiespublicationpdf/prpdf38.pdf

Jureidini,R.&Moukarbel,N.(2004).FemaleSriLankandomesticworkersinLebanon:Acaseof‘contractslavery’?JournalofEthnicandMigrationStudies.30(4),581-607.

KAFA.(2012).Policypaperonreformingthe“sponsorshipsystem”formigrantdomesticworkers:TowardsanalternativegovernanceschemeinLebanon.Retrievedfrom:http://www.kafa.org.lb/StudiesPublicationPDF/PRpdf47.pdf

Khan,A.&Harroff-Tavel,H.(2011).ReformingtheKafala:Challengesandopportunitiesinmovingforward.ILORegionalOfficefortheArabStates.AsianandPacificMigrationJournal,20(3-4),293-313.

Mansour,C.(2005).MaidinLebanon(Documentary).Beirut:ForwardFilmProductionandCaritas.

Mansour,C.(2008).MaidinLebanon2:Voicesfromhome(Documentary).Beirut:ForwardFilmProductionandInternationalLabourOrganization.MigrantForuminAsia.(n.d.).ReformoftheKafala(sponsorship)system.Retrievedfrom:http://www.ilo.org/dyn/migpractice/docs/132/PB2.pdfMoors,A,&DeRegt,M.(2008).MigrantdomesticworkersintheMiddleEast.InSchrover,vanderLeun,Lucassen,andQuispel.IllegalMigrationandGenderinaGlobalandHistoricalPerspective.IMISCOEResearch.AmsterdamUniversityPress.151-170.

Motaparthy,P.(2015).UnderstandingKafala:Anarchaiclawatcrosspurposeswithmoderndevelopment.Retrievedfrom:http://www.migrant-rights.org/2015/03/understanding-kafala-an-archaic-law-at-cross-purposes-with-modern-development/

Moukarbel,N.(2009).Notallowedtolove?SriLankanmaidsinLebanon.Mobilities,4(3),329-347.

22

Moukarbel,N.(2009).SriLankanhousemaidsinLebanon:Acaseofsymbolicviolenceandeverydayformsofresistance.Amsterdam.AmsterdamUniversityPress.

Obeid,G.(2015).NewNGOdefendsfamilies’treatmentofdomesticworkers.Retrievedfrom:http://www.dailystar.com.lb/News/Lebanon-News/2015/Jul-24/308051-new-ngo-defends-families-treatment-of-domestic-workers.ashx

OHCHR.(2013).Lebanon:Acodeofconducttorecruitmigrantdomesticworkers.Retrievedfrom:http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/LebanonCodeOfConduct.aspx

Pande,A.(2012).Frombalconytalkandpracticalprayerstoillegalcollectives.GenderandSociety,26(3),382-405.

Pande,A.(2013).Thepaperthatyouhaveinyourhandismyfreedom:Migrantdomesticworkandthesponsorship(Kafala)systeminLebanon.InternationalMigrationReview,47(2),414–441.

UNINSTRAW.(2007).Gender,Remittances,andDevelopment.Retrievedfrom:http://www.renate-europe.net/wp-content/uploads/2014/01/Feminization_of_Migration-INSTRAW2007.pdf

27