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How Has the Rise of Islamism In-fluenced Christian-Muslim Rela-tions?

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Table of Contents Page

1. Introduction 5

2. Political Islam in Theory 6

2.1 ‘Fundamentalism’ 8

2.2 ‘Political Islam’ 9

2.3 ‘Islamism’ 11

2.4 Strategies Used by Islamist Movements 13

3. Implications for Christians Living Under Muslim Rule 16

3.1 The Qur’an 16

3.2 The Pact of Umar 18

3.3 The Dhimma System 20

3.4 Jizya 21

3.5 Restrictions Imposed on Non-Muslims 22

3.6 Modern Commentaries 23

4. Muslim Perceptions of Christianity 26

5. Christian Perceptions of Islam 30

6. Conclusion 34

7. Bibliography 37

1. Introduction

3 of 34The resurgence of political Islam in the twenty-first century has been accompanied by the

emergence of Islamist movements seeking to implement an Islamic ideal through radical

and often militant regimes. These movements are seen as distinct from those that exem-

plify political Islam a century earlier, however at the heart of all Islamist movements lies

the same goal: to establish an Islamic state. This shared desire for a state governed by Is-

lam is rooted in the theoretical foundations of political Islam; understanding the ideologi-

cal basis of political Islam aids the understanding of the way in which Islamist move-

ments establish the Islamic ideal. It is engaging with this discourse that acts as the start-

ing point for this study.

A new wave of political idealism emerged in the twentieth century that redefined the

Muslim world, and which scholars have sought to conceptualise in a variety of ways.

The evolution of terminology within this field reflects the evolution of the movements

themselves, which provides an understanding of the ideological framework within which

Islamism is situated. Islam is unique in its promotion of an Islamic polity, however as a

concept that has existed since the dawn of the religion, it has become firmly established

within Muslim countries. The focus of this study moves beyond the concept of an Is-

lamic state in itself, and investigates the extent to which political Islam has impacted

wider issues, in this case Christian-Muslim relations.

The early influence of political Islam on Christian-Muslim relations can be seen by ad-

dressing the historical implications for Christians living under Muslim rule. Christians

have long been the minority population within Muslim countries, and their presence often

opposed the principles set out by the Islamic state. To prevent the success of this opposi-

tion and enable Christians and Muslims to co-exist within the state, Christians were re-

stricted by the obligation of jizya, limitations on religious freedom, and the implementa-

tion of shari’a law. These historical prescriptions have undoubtedly played a role in

shaping Christian-Muslim relations, the impact of which is still present today.

The modern period has witnessed the sustained prevalence of Islamist movements in the

Middle East, as well as their appearance in Western countries. The West has become a

significant environment within which Christian-Muslim relations have developed. In or-

der to fully comprehend the nature of the relationship between Christians and Muslims,

4 of 34their distinct characteristics must be recognised. Muslim perceptions of Christianity and

Christian perceptions of Islam are influenced by different factors, however they converge

with regards to political Islam. The task of understanding the nature of Christian-Mus-

lim relations in the modern period is incomplete unless it follows the development of

these relations alongside the evolution of Islamism. Considering the way in which politi-

cal Islam has affected Christian-Muslim relations throughout history provides a better un-

derstanding of the correlation today.

2. Political Islam in Theory

In order to fully comprehend the nature of political Islam it is crucial to engage with the

theoretical implications of the issue. Political Islamic movements are by no means a new

feature of Muslim society, however the global impact of political Islam’s resurgence de-

mands that the essence of these movements is interrogated. Political Islam is constantly

evolving, demanding the creation of new terminology with which to refer to new mani-

festations of the phenomenon. New terms with different meanings and hidden connota-

tions often cause confusion within this field of study, however theoretical motivations of

political Islam are unchanging; engaging with the theoretical basis of political Islam facil-

itates the immediate understanding of the contemporary situation as it unfolds. The terms

that legitimately refer to the contemporary wave of Islamic activism are ‘fundamental-

ism’, ‘political Islam’, and ‘Islamism’. Understanding the nature of these terms is crucial

to the understanding of the movements themselves.

The motivation behind Islamist movements in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries has

shifted; in the 1970s as efforts to modernise Islam ceased and political opposition to the

marginalisation of religion was demonstrated in specifically Islamic terms. By gaining

control of the State and implementing shari’a law, Muslim countries began to Islamise

Islam.1 Islam was seen less as din and dawla, religion and state, and instead as a compre-

hensive system affirming Islam as the solution to the problems of modernity.2 Within this

1 John O. Voll, ‘Political Islam and the State’, in The Oxford Handbook of Islam and Politics, ed. by John L. Esposito and Emad El-Din Shahin, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), p. 632 O. Voll, p. 63

5 of 34context one of the most influential Islamic movements emerged with the aim of providing

Muslim societies with political anchoring. In 1928 the Muslim Brotherhood appeared in

Egypt as a socio-cultural movement intent on promoting the altruistic intentions of Islam.

The movement declared sinful the use of terror, however some of the more radical mem-

bers sought to employ military violence, which led to the movement being branded as a

sinister political party.3

The Muslim Brotherhood was one of many movements that gained ground during the

resurgence of political Islam, all of which possessed a shared essence driving their suc-

cess and unifying their goals. The contemporary resurgence has had a unique impact on

modern society due to its desire to advance an Islamic polity; the Islamic State of Iraq

and Syria, or ISIS as they have become known, sought to reinstate the social organisation

that prevailed during the Prophet’s lifetime, and in 2014 declared themselves a caliphate.

The question is not necessarily of ‘who?’ or ‘what?’, but why the twenty-first century in

particular has fallen victim to this new and unprecedented wave of Islamic activism. As

both an ideological concept and a tangible reality, political Islam is constantly evolving,

the nature of which is reflected by the array of relevant terminology.

2.1 ‘Fundamentalism’

Fundamentalism, an American Protestant term, was originally used to distinguish be-

tween Protestant churches and those of mainstream Christianity.4 Reference to specifi-

cally Islamic fundamentalism first appeared in the 1980s and quickly became used as a

blanket term to refer to all modern Islamic movements. The dictionary defines funda-

mentalism as the strict adherence to traditional religious beliefs.5 This defines those who

adhere to the fundamentals of Islam, with Islamic fundamentalism becoming a descrip-

tion of those that actively encourage fidelity to Islamic practice. The literal definition

3 Youssef Nada, Inside the Muslim Brotherhood, (London: Metro Publishing, 2012), p. 44 Bernard Lewis, The Crisis of Islam: Holy War and Unholy Terror, (New York: Random House Trade Pa-perbacks, 2004), p. 131 5 The Pocket Oxford Dictionary of Current English, Revised Eighth Edition ed. by Della Thompson, (Ox-ford: Clarendon Press, 1996)

6 of 34therefore describes all Muslims, which has led to confusion regarding the use of this

term.6

Many Muslim scholars instantly reject fundamentalism for its Christian origins; many re-

gard it as a Western term that has been superimposed upon Islam, failing to identify the

uniquely Islamic nature of Islamic activism. Applying foreign terms to the Islamic expe-

rience is an issue recognised by scholars across the spectrum of political Islam; “the West

is once again committing the fatal mistake of looking upon others belonging to a different

paradigm, from the prism of its own distorted categories of thought and history”.7 De-

spite the unprovocative meaning of the word, fundamentalism tends to conjure up images

of violent extremism and is often used to refer to Islamist activity.

The literal interpretation of fundamentalism legitimately refers to all Muslims due to their

adherence to the fundamentals of Islam, however this becomes complicated when funda-

mentalism is simultaneously used to refer to Islamic extremists.8 This is partly an igno-

rant Western categorisation of Muslims, however there may be an element of Islam that

attracts prompts collective grouping in this way. Whereas modern Christians regard the

Bible as a historical document, Muslims possess an elevated notion of the importance of

the Qur’an; the Qur’an is unequivocally regarded as the word of God, and continues to

play a central role in Muslim life. The West understands Islam as promoting the literal

interpretation of scripture and assumes that Muslims need to historicise the Qur’an to

avoid encouraging the label of fundamentalism. Nazih Ayubi recognises in contempo-

rary fundamentalist movements the tendency to assert a radical approach with immediate

action, denoting a separate category of fundamentalism: neo-fundamentalism.9 Even with

the specificity provided by this sub-category of fundamentalism, the term still fails to

capture the distinct nature of the new wave of Islamic activism, a concept more success-

fully portrayed by the term ‘political Islam’.

2.2 ‘Political Islam’

6 Lewis, pp. 33-407 Ahmad, Khurshid, ‘The Nature of the Islamic Resurgence’, in Voices of Resurgent Islam ed. by John L. Esposito, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983), p. 2258 Abdurrahman Wahid, ‘Scholar-President’, in Makers of Contemporary Islam, ed. by John L. Esposito and John O. Voll, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 2129 Nazih Ayubi, Political islam: Religion and Politics in the Arab World, (London: Routledge, 1991), p. 68

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‘Political Islam’ encompasses the twofold nature of Islamic polity: the political manage-

ment of the state and the presence of Islam within this system. It recognises Islam as ‘a

body of faith that has something important to say about how politics and society should

be ordered in the contemporary Muslim world and seeks to implement this idea in some

fashion’.10 Political Islam is a new term, however despite being tailored to the contempo-

rary situation it fails to fully portray the phenomenon. Political Islam suggests that some-

thing of a political nature has been added to the religiosity of Islam, however Islam, like

all religions, consists of a political element. Politics is inherent to religion and it is not

possible for the two to be separated. ‘Political Islam’ not only suggests that such a sepa-

ration is possible, but that the non-political version of the religion is superior. A liberal

ideology advocates eradicating religion from the public domain and in the case of Islam

would encourage a distinction to be made between religious Islam and political Islam.

Despite appearing to be unique to the Islamic experience, political Islam is strongly influ-

enced by Western liberal ideology, which suppresses the specifically Islamic nature of the

phenomenon. More so even than Christianity, Islam demands to be in the public domain;

the feast of Ramadan for example is a public ritual, as is salat and the Hajj. Confining Is-

lam to the private sphere is antithetical to the nature of the religion.

The Islamic response is not the first of its kind; it is one of a variety of global movements

in the realm of global politics that seeks an ‘indigenous form of religious politics free

from the taint of Western culture’.11 The desire for an Islamic polity is not new, but the

way in which religion is being used to ignite conflict in international politics is; political

Islam is a political ideology concerned with politicising religion for sociopolitical goals.12

Although radical manifestations of political Islam demonstrate an extremist, militant

agenda, political Islam is essentially a defensive and protective stance against moder-

nity.13

10 Graham E. Fuller, ‘The Spectrum of Islamic Politics’, in Islamism: Contested Perspectives on Political Islam, ed. by Richard Martin and Abbas Barzegar, (California: Stanford University Press, 2010), p. 52 11 Bassam Tibi, The Challenge of Fundamentalism: Political Islam and the New World Order, (California: University of California Press, 1998), p. 1012 Ibid. p. 20 13 Emmanuel Sivan, Radical Islam: Medieval Theology and Modern Politics, (U.S.A: Yale University Press, 1985), p. 3

8 of 34‘Political Islam’, unlike some of its synonyms, is not easily damaged by Islamophobic

connotations. More of a statement than a descriptive term, political Islam denotes the po-

litical activity within Muslim countries and recognises the stability of Islamic polity in

light of being exposed to modernity. One could argue that although political Islam recog-

nises the political drive within Islamist movements, it fails to highlight the authority of Is-

lam, an omission that ignores the central role of religion within political Islam. As an ex-

tension of this term, ‘Islamism’ encompasses the ideology of political Islam whilst ac-

knowledging the importance of Islam, not only in terms of its political orientation, but

also as a religious system.

2.3 ‘Islamism’

The term ‘Islamism’ was coined by Voltaire in 1828 and was originally used synony-

mously with Islam to refer to the religion as a whole. Although the term originated in the

early nineteenth century, the political connotations attributed to its use arose later, coin-

ciding with the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood. As the Brotherhood expanded, Islamism

soon became associated with intolerant Islam.14 Islamism replaced fundamentalism,

which reflects its recognition of the importance of the Islamic faith as well as its associa-

tion with political activism. The term is understood as describing ‘Muslims who are

committed to political action to implement what they regard as an Islamic agenda’.15

Islamist movements are characterised by a twofold purpose: a commitment to political

action, and the promotion of an Islamic agenda. Especially within the Western paradigm

there is a tendency to immediately associate the two aspects, political activity and an Is-

lamic agenda, with terrorist groups. Resisting the tendency to amalgamate the two mo-

tives gives rise to a broader and less provocative understanding: Islamism legitimately

refers to non-violent political action that promotes an Islamic agenda, for example exer-

cising the right to vote. Donald Emerson argues that limiting the above terms to acts of

violence or extremism is not only inaccurate but invidious towards Islam. Islamism can

14 Daniel Varisco, ‘Inventing Islamism: The Violence f Rhetoric’, in Islamism: Contested Perspectives on Political Islam, ed. by Richard Martin and Abbas Barzegar, (California: Stanford University Press, 2010), p. 3615 Donald Emerson, ‘Inclusive Islamism: The Utility of Diversity’, Islamism: Contested Perspectives on Political Islam, ed. by Richard Martin and Abbas Barzegar, (California: Stanford University Press, 2010), p. 27

9 of 34refer to Muslims who engage in non-violent political action; Muslims who support but do

not partake in either non-violent or violent political action; as well as Muslims who use

violence as a means to achieve such ends.16

The second element of the definition is concerned with the requirement of an Islamic

agenda, a concept that in itself needs further attention. The concept of a nation governed

by religion is difficult to comprehend by citizens of non-Muslim countries in which secu-

larisation and the separation of Church and State are distinct features of society. An Is-

lamic state demands that Islam is at the forefront of both the private and public realms.

As the primary source of Islamic jurisprudence, Islamist movements advance their ideo-

logical ideal by implementing shari’a law; rather than being a product of human reason,

jurisdiction is established through Qur’anic exegesis.17 The concept of an Islamic state

seems simple, however conflicting beliefs arise and even Muslim countries oppose Is-

lamist regimes, which results in the success of an Islamic state being diminished.

Political scientist Angel Rabasa recognises the association of Islamism with negative con-

notations, however he argues that rather than stigmatising Islam, the ‘-ism’ of Islamism

distances the religion from images of violence and terror. The religious, intellectual, or

political agenda that motivates Islamist movements is highlighted and the term is used in

a way that is free of derogatory intent.18 The emergence of ‘Islamism’ was inevitable be-

cause the task of distinguishing between Islam as a religion and Islam as a modern ideol-

ogy that derives its ideological content from the religion of Islam requires an appropriate

term.19 Hassan Hanafi attributes the appearance of ‘Islamism’ to the Western tendency to

substitute the Islamic worldview with an alternative ‘system’. Any term used to refer to

the Islamic situation is limited by language and cultural barriers, an issue that transcends

scholarly engagement with the study of Islam. The terminology is biased and buried be-

neath misconceptions and prejudices, as well as being a product of the Western experi-

ence of terrorism, violence, and fanaticism.20 Hanafi calls into question the extent to

16 Emerson, p. 28 17 M. Zuhdi Jasser, ‘Political Islam, Liberalism, and the Diagnosis’, in Islamism: Contested Perspectives on Political Islam, ed. by Richard Martin and Abbas Barzegar, (California: Stanford University Press, 2010), p. 10518 Rabasa, p.111 19 Angel Rabasa, ‘Ideology, Not Religion’, in Islamism: Contested Perspectives on Political Islam, ed. by Richard Martin and Abbas Barzegar, (California: Stanford University Press, 2010), p. 110 20 Hasan Hanafi, ‘The Classic Intellectual’, in Makers of Contemporary Islam, ed. by John L. Esposito and John O. Voll, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 63

10 of 34which the Western portrayal of the problem corresponds with factual information; we

must problematise the Western instinct that links Islam with violence, the biggest ob-

struction to which is the media.21

Political Islam has become embroiled with Western political ideology, and continues to

be tainted by the influence of Western media coverage. The original understanding of po-

litical Islam, which establishes the link between religion and politics within Islam, is in-

stantly lost beneath derogative references to acts of terror and violence. Muslims across

the world are actively asserting the truth of Islam; however it is undeniable that the centre

of political activity is in the Middle East, epitomised by the Muslim Brotherhood. The

Muslim Brotherhood were opposed to asserting their aims through violent means, how-

ever militant activists often began their political journey in the Brotherhood before pursu-

ing a more militant approach independently.22 Although Islamist movements oppose vio-

lence in theory, they developed against a background of imperialism, colonialism, and

tyrannical regimes, which has led to Islamists advancing the Islamic ideal by any means

possible.

2.4 Strategies Used by Islamist Movements

In order to successfully establish an Islamic state, Islamist movements require a strategy,

many of which involve jihad. From the Arabic root ‘j-h-d’, jihad means ‘striving’ or ‘ef-

fort’, however as a tool often used to establish Muslim power in the face of opposition,

jihad has become associated with armed struggle in defence of Islamist values.23 The

West identifies jihad as being an Islamic version of the Christian crusades, an inaccurate

comparison and another example of a Western term being superimposed upon an Islamic

concept. Although jihad shares some similar characteristics with the Crusades, Christian-

ity exhibited a radical departure from basic Christian values, whereas jihad purposefully

retains its adherence to traditional Islamic values.24

21 Hanafi, p. 6422 Nada, p. 155 23 Lewis, pp. 29-3124 Lewis, p. 37

11 of 34Muhammad Abd al-Salam Faraj, the head of Islamic jihad in Egypt, promoted the force-

ful implementation of an Islamic regime in opposition to the Western inspired alternative.

In Ah-Faridah al-Gha’ibah, Faraj justifies the creation of an Islamic state as being the

‘Command of the Lord’, which ‘every Muslim should exert every conceivable effort’ to

execute.25 According to Faraj it is obligatory for Muslims to ‘raise their swords’ in the

face of those who hide the truth and spread falsehoods, however jihad is not only a defen-

sive tool: ‘to fight is, in Islam, to make supreme the Word of God in this world’.26 Faraj

calls for the serious organisation of jihad activities in order to establish an Islamic state;

the traditional understanding of jihad denotes struggle without an obligation of violence,

however the Qur’anic Sword Verse encourages Muslims to ‘kill them [idolators], seize

them, besiege them’.27 Exegetes differ in their interpretation of this verse, particularly

with regards to whether the verse has been abrogated by successive verses promoting reli-

gious tolerance. Faraj maintains that the duty of jihad has not come to an end: jihad is a

duty, ‘which means confrontation and blood’.28

Islamist movements share a unique political allegiance; however their values are often

believed to be homogenous with the Islamic faith, which in turn leads to a pejorative un-

derstanding of Islam as a violent religion. Referring to ‘Islamist’ movements in a collec-

tive sense demands a comprehensive understanding of the interrelated roles of religion,

politics, and society. Engaging with the theory of political Islam is beneficial as it identi-

fies the foundations upon which Islamist movement are built. Establishing the ideology

behind this phenomenon clarifies the nature of the motivation behind the movements

themselves. The ideology manifests itself within specific Islamist movements, which

have an impact on not only the structure of society, but the relationships between soci-

eties’ members. Political Islam is constantly evolving, which means that what this study

has identified as an accurate representation of the contemporary experience will quickly

become outdated. Despite this, the process is still valuable; it identifies that which politi-

cal Islam is influenced by, and as a result explains why the resurgence of political Islam

has had such a destructive impact.

25 ‘Translation of Muhammad ‘Abd al-Salam Faraj’s Text Entitled Al-Faridah al-Gha’ibah’, pp. 159-235 <http://www.juergensmeyer.com/files/Faraj_The_Neglected_Duty.pdf> [Accessed 27 April 2015], p. 16226 Ibid. p. 19327 Qur’an 9: 528 ‘Translation of Muhammad ‘Abd al-Salam Faraj’s Text Entitled Al-Faridah al-Gha’ibah’, pp. 159-235 <http://www.juergensmeyer.com/files/Faraj_The_Neglected_Duty.pdf> [Accessed 27 April 2015], p. 199

12 of 34One way in which the impact of political Islam can be comprehended is by engaging with

the way in which Christian-Muslim relations have been affected by its resurgence. Chris-

tians and Muslims have co-existed in Muslim countries throughout history, alongside the

desire to establish an Islamic state. The correlation between these two aspects provides

an insight into the nature of their development over time, which facilitates a greater un-

derstanding of the issue in the contemporary period. The historical patterns within Chris-

tian encounters with Islam are identified through understanding the implications for

Christians living under Muslim rule. Identifying their origins within the Qur’an and the

Prophet’s regime provides a basis for understanding the way in which Christian-Muslim

relations have been affected by Islamism in the modern period.

3. Implications for Christians Living Under Muslim Rule

3.1 The Qur’an

Muslims argue that Islam demonstrates a unique tolerance towards members of other reli-

gions, an attitude al-Qaradawi refers to as ‘the spirit of tolerance’ that ‘underlies upright

attitudes, benevolent dealings, respect for ones neighbours…and is exclusively practiced

in Islamic society’.29 The origins of this uniquely Islamic trait can be found in the

Qur’an. The following Medinan verse demonstrates the spirit of tolerance:

[Believers], argue only in the best way with the People of the Book, except with

those of them who act unjustly. Say, ‘We believe in what was revealed to us and

29 Yusuf al-Qaradawi, Non Muslims in the Islamic Society, (Indiana: American Trust Publications, 1985), pp. 26-27

13 of 34in what was revealed to you; our God and your God is one [and the same]; we are

devoted to Him.’30

Muslim tolerance is also seen in accounts of the Prophet’s encounters with People of the

Book; Muhammad was known to have encouraged Christians and Jews to openly practice

their respective religions despite being amongst a Muslim majority.31

There is no compulsion in religion: true guidance has become distinct from error,

so whoever rejects false gods and believes in God has grasped the firmest hand-

hold, one that will never break.32

The Qur’an states that faith orientation is a matter of divine ordinance; God only wills

that which is beneficial to mankind. It is not for Muslims to punish those who do not be-

lieve or attempt to force conversion upon non-Muslims; mankind will be subject to the

will of God on Judgement Day.

Now the truth has come from your Lord: let those who wish to believe in it do so,

and let those who wish to reject it do so.33

These are just two Qur’anic verses that clearly encourage Muslims to accept the existence

of other religions, however in other verses the Qur’an denies religious tolerance and pro-

motes violent jihad:

When the [four] forbidden months are over, wherever you encounter idolators,

kill them, seize them, besiege them…34.

30 The Holy Qur’an, A New Translation by M. A. S Abdel Haleem, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), Q 9: 4631 al-Qaradawi, p. 2932 Qur’an 2: 25633 Qur’an 18: 2934 Qur’an 9: 5

14 of 34

Fight those of the People of the Book who do not [truly] believe in God and the

Last Day…35

Taken out of context, these verses suggest that jihad and religious freedom are mutually

exclusive, however neither verse define the purpose of war. Some scholars claim that

these verses abrogate the earlier verses that promote religious tolerance, however when

read in the context of the entire sura, the Qur’an goes on to state that the People of the

Book are to be fought only until they pay the tax36 and if the unbelievers repent they may

continue on their way.37

3.2 The Pact of Umar

Originally within the umma, the People of the Book were granted dhimmi status under the

condition that they accepted the political authority of Islam; the system granted non-Mus-

lims property, livelihood, and the freedom of worship in return for the payment of jizya

and political allegiance.38 After the Prophet’s death, the relationship between Muslims

and non-Muslims became unstable, and the rights of non-Muslims were unclear. Initially

dhimmis were not required to embrace Islam; those who did convert received no recogni-

tion for their new allegiance and they were effectively classified as non-Muslims. A re-

formulation of Muslim identity in 750 broadened the scope of the Muslim community to

provide recognition and equality for Muslims of both Arab and non-Arab origin.39 The

marginalisation of non-Muslims was recorded in the Pact of Umar, a legal document that

not only established the rights of dhimmis at the time, but governed the way in which fu-

ture Muslim states would treat non-Muslim citizens.40 Dhimmis were granted protection

from both outside aggression and inside oppression, as well as being protected from un-

35 Qur’an 9: 29 36 Qur’an 9: 2937 Qur’an 9: 538 Bruce Masters, Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Arab World: The Roots of Sectarianism, (Cam-bridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 1939 Masters, p. 2140 Habib C. Malik, Islamism and the Future of Christians in the Middle East, (California: Hoover Institu-tion Press, 2010), p. 15

15 of 34lawful acts, such as killing or theft.41 Besides these physical rights, dhimmis were granted

freedom of religion as commanded by the Qur’anic sura: ‘there is no compulsion in reli-

gion’.42 The institution of dhimmitude is effectively a contract that prescribes the obliga-

tions of dhimmis, adherence to which grants them Muslim protection and the rights ex-

pounded by the Pact of Umar.

The Pact of Umar stated that Christianity and Judaism were not to be preached openly;

religious symbols such as the crucifix and copies of non-Islamic scripture were forbidden

in public and religious processions were only permitted within a church or synagogue.

Islamic society regarded dress as the primary indicator of social class and religious affili-

ation; dhimmis were required to physically distinguish themselves from Muslim citizens,

primarily through wearing a girdle.43 A number of other restrictions were placed upon

dhimmis, many of which prohibited certain acts that were permitted to Muslims. The in-

fluence of dhimmis on Muslims was heavily restricted; Muslims were permitted to take a

dhimmi wife, however dhimmis were not permitted to marry a Muslim woman. Beyond

the realm of family law, the legal testimony of a dhimmi was not accepted if any of the

parties involved were Muslim; it was believed that their failure to recognise the truth of

Islam was indicative of weak moral values.44 The extent to which these rules were im-

posed varied; traditionalists maintain that non-Muslims are unable to inherit from Mus-

lims, and a non-Muslim legal testimony regarding a Muslim is deemed void even if it is

the only testimony available. Conversely the Hanbali's allow a non-Muslim’s legal testi-

mony to be admitted to court in the exceptional circumstances that it is the only account

available.45

3.3 The Dhimma System

41 al-Qaradawi, pp. 3-9 42 Qur’an 2: 25643 C.E Bosworth, ‘The “Protected Peoples” (Christians and Jews) in Medieval Egypt and Syria’, Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester, 62 (1979), pp. 15-1644 Bosworth, pp. 18-1945 Yohanan Friedmann, Tolerance and Coercion in Islam: Interfaith Relations in the Muslim Tradition, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 35-36

16 of 34Within Islam, Christians and Jews are referred to as ‘People of the Book’, with all three

Abrahamic traditions sharing the fundamental belief in one almighty God. Non-Muslims

are ranked within Muslim society, and the People of the Book are attributed the highest

classification outside of Islam. Despite not submitting to Islam, Christians and Jews are

granted a protected status known as ahl al-dhimma. They are recognised as sharing in Is-

lamic beliefs and being recipients of the word of God, which established the right to cer-

tain privileges. The institution of dhimmitude was established by Muhammad and be-

came authoritative in determining the way in which Islamic polity situated non-Muslims,

continuing to characterise life for Christians within certain Muslim countries. Non-Mus-

lims who live under dhimmitude are known as dhimmi, which literally means to be ‘pro-

tected’ by Muslims. Dhimmitude establishes a contract that is beneficial to both parties;

Muslim protection is offered in return for payment of jizya, a poll tax that negates the re-

quirement of dhimmis to fight in the name of Islam; dhimmis would not be valuable sol-

diers as their rejection of Islam reflects a lack of dedication to the Islamic State.46

In theory the world of Islam is in constant dispute with non-Muslims; Islam is seen as the

true path to the divine, however the People of the Book are permitted to reject the call of

dawa. The Qur’an recognises their denial of Islam and deems them to be a middle nation

that has chosen to turn their face to the truth:

‘We have made you [believers] into a just community, so that you may bear wit-

ness [to the Truth] before all others and so that the Messenger may bear witness

[to it] before you’47

Although the dhimma system guaranteed the protection of non-Muslims, it did not grant

them the freedom to openly display allegiance to their respective religions; it was impera-

tive that the superiority of Islam was recognised by both Muslim and non-Muslim citi-

zens to avoid apostasy. Dhimmitude allows non-Muslims to inhabit Muslim countries

without converting to Islam, which considering the crucial role of Islam in all realms of

life, appears to offer Christians and Jews a respected space within Muslim society. Upon

closer inspection however the system is more complex, and many scholars suggest that

46 Bosworth, p. 1747 Qur’an 2: 143

17 of 34rather than being a protected religious minority, dhimmis are better described as a toler-

ated religious minority that suffers beneath a facade of protection.

3.4 Jizya

One of the main requirements of non-Muslims is payment of a capitation tax, which is

stipulated in the Qur’an.48 Al-Qaradawi recognises a twofold significance of paying the

jizya: it is a sign of obedience to the Islamic government as well as being a monetary sub-

stitution for the military service required of all Muslim citizens.49

Although dhimmis are promised safety in Muslim countries, the verbal root of the Arabic

word means ‘to find blame’, and dhimmitude is perceived as subjugating non-Muslims,

for example in the Qur’an specification that the jizya must be paid in humiliating circum-

stances.50 Originally, paying the jizya was not a humiliating encounter, however subse-

quent interpretations of the Qur’an suggested the humiliating treatment of dhimmis was

punishment for their persistent unbelief; some sources recount the dhimmis being forced

to kneel before the collector and slapped as a ‘reward’ for payment.51

3.5 Restrictions Imposed on Non-Muslims

Other than the specific requirements of non-Muslims living in Muslim majority countries,

a significant characteristic of Muslim countries that causes issues for non-Muslims is

their being governed by shari’a law. As a religious jurisdiction, shari’a law does not

provide religiously neutral governance, which adds another element of tension for Chris-

tian-Muslim relations. Shari’a literally means ‘the path leading to the watering place’,

reflecting the understanding of Islamic law as the actualisation of submission to the di-

vine will in everyday life and jurisprudence. Shari’a governs all aspects of life: from

state affairs to individual legal incidents. The shari’a recognises a clear distinction be-

48 Qur’an 9: 29 49 al-Qaradawi, p. 1950 Malik, p. 1451 Clinton Bennett, Muslims and Modernity: An Introduction to the Issues and Debates, (London: Contin-uum, 2005), p. 162

18 of 34tween members of the state; as the Qur’an forbids forced conversion to Islam, a hierarchy

was established between Muslims, dhimmis, and infidels or polytheists.52 As has already

been seen, the primary symbol of the dhimma status is payment of jizya, accompanied by

numerous religious and social restrictions. Consideration must be given however to the

wider implications of life under shari’a law for non-Muslim citizens.

In civil matters such as murder, adultery, and theft, the law is applied equally to Muslims

and dhimmis. Inequality begins to arise when the issue concerns Muslim interaction with

a dhimmi, for example in the instance of a dhimmi testifying against a Muslim in court, or

with regards to marriage between Muslims and dhimmis. The full implications of these

restrictions cast light on the limits of the religious freedom granted by Islam; the Qur’anic

prohibition of forced conversion to Islam means that unless the state decides to banish

non-Muslims from Muslim soil, an agreement is required to enable non-Muslims to re-

main active within the state of Islam. The apparent necessity of this agreement raises the

question of whether the dhimma agreement was established in order to fulfil a social re-

quirement, or whether Muslim countries genuinely wanted to create an environment

within which non-Muslim citizens were protected. It is often assumed that Islamist movements such as the Muslim Brotherhood saw their

main goal as implementing shari’a law, however this is not the case. Youssef Nada re-

vealed that the Muslim Brotherhood wanted to rule with a democracy that if not contra-

dict the shari’a.53 Nada describes shari’a law as a science that changes over time; the

shari’a provided social and ethical guidelines during the time of the Prophet, guidelines

which are not applicable within the context of modern society.

3.6 Modern Commentaries

Dhimmitude is just one reflection of the way in which Muslim societies regard non-Mus-

lim citizens. More recently, the question of Islamic tolerance has been heavily influenced

by the rise of Islamist groups demonstrating violent jihad, which has led to the West per-

52 Qur’an 10:99-10053 Nada, p. 116

19 of 34ceiving Islam as a religion that abhors Christianity. In many cases this perception has

been supported by the institution of dhimmitude; the system grants Christians with rights

that appear to promote equality, but possess hidden stipulations that ensure the subjuga-

tion of non-Muslims within society. The nature of inter-religious relations is multi-di-

mensional in the contemporary period; although Christians and Jews are given the free-

dom to choose their own religion, this does not necessarily mean that they are permitted

the freedom of religious observance.54

Western scholars have recognised a specifically Muslim religious tolerance, which

Bernard Lewis attributes to Islam’s rejection of secularisation. The impact of modernity

is characterised by the marginalisation of religion in the West, however Muslim countries

did not follow this trend. The contrasting reactions to modernity are attributed to the his-

torical experiences of Christians and Muslims reflecting different approaches to the

church-state divide. Whilst Christians were taught to distinguish between Caesar and

God, Muslims were not. This theory is popular amongst scholars for its validation of the

Islamist ideology that rejects secularisation as anti-Islamic.55 Historians generally agree

that in the pre-modern era, Muslim societies were more tolerant of religious pluralism

than Christendom, which meant that religion did not feature in political issues; the inner

political dynamic that favoured religion-state separation did not exist.56 Positive inter-re-

ligious relations and a visibly stable religion-state foundation meant that Muslim societies

did not need to consider secularisation.

Although this theory accounts for the organisation of Muslim societies at the dawn of

modernity, it does not explain why modern Muslims have opposed secularisation in

modernity. Sociopolitical and economic factors were the cause of the gradual secularisa-

tion in the West; however the Islamic experience of secularisation has been as a product

of colonialism and is seen as an alien concept.57 In Muslim countries where secularisa-

tion has been successful, the forceful modernisation and unwanted imposition of Western

values has caused Muslims to feel alienated in their own land, with societies often being

subjected to corruption, poverty, and inequality.

54 Friedmann, p. 655 Nader Hashemi, ‘Islam and Democracy’, in The Oxford Handbook to Islam and Politics, ed. by John L. Esposito and Emad El-Din Shahin, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), p. 7856 Hashemi p. 8057 Hashemi, p. 81

20 of 34

Mawlana Sayyid Abu Al-‘ala Mawdudi is renowned for his twentieth century vision of an

Islamic state that portrayed Islam as a complete way of life, with no distinction between

the private and public spheres, encompassing ideology, civilisation, and a legal-political

order.58 Mawdudi presented a unique ideological vision of the Islamic community in

which the success of religious leadership was of paramount importance, ensuring that the

participation of non-Muslims was limited. Mawdudi implemented the dhimma system in

Pakistan, however by placing restrictive measures on non-Muslims it was seen purely as

a tool for the success of the Islamic state, rather than a system that sought to enhance reli-

gious tolerance. Mawdudi’s ‘Rights of Non-Muslims in an Islamic State’ is regarded as

the modern blueprint from which minority rights are made clear: protection under the

dhimmi contract requires jizya to be paid by all dhimmis capable of combat in accordance

with the individual’s financial means.59

Islamic theologian Yusuf al-Qaradawi, who had a prominent intellectual role in the Mus-

lim Brotherhood, is renowned for his engagement with the rights of non-Muslims and

support of the dhimma system. In 2010 however, al-Qaradawi’s views on dhimmitude

shifted and he advanced the concept of patriotic brotherhood, al-ukhuwa al-wataniyya,

which grants equal civil and political rights to both Muslims and non-Muslims.60 A num-

ber of modern Muslim intellectuals, many of whom have been secularly trained as jour-

nalists or lawyers, have mirrored al-Qaradawi’s move and have started to develop a fiqh

of citizenship for non-Muslims in the Islamic state.61 The institution of dhimmitude is

seen as prohibiting equal rights, and scholars argue that the dhimma system is not ‘an

eternal religious obligation, but a political contract which comes to an end with the fall of

the Ottoman Empire…’.62 Modern intellectuals clearly reject the dhimma system and re-

iterate that toleration is not the same as equality, which highlights the injustice within

dhimmitude.

58 Joshua T. White and Niloufer Siddiqui, ‘Mawlana Mawdudi’, in The Oxford Handbook of Islam and Politics, ed. by John L. Esposito and Emad El-Din Shahin, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), p. 14559 Bennett, pp. 160-16160 David H. Warren and Christine Gilmore, ‘One Nation Under God? Yusuf al-Qaradawi’s Changing Fiqh of Citizenship in the Light of the Islamic Legal Tradition’, 2013, <https://www.academia.edu/5357481/One_nation_under_God_Yusuf_al-Qaradawi_s_changing_Fiqh_of_citizenship> [Accessed 25 April 2015] 61 Ibid. 62 Ibid.

21 of 34The characteristics of dhimmitude, particularly in light of modern scholars’ rejection of

the system, suggest that its prevalence has diminished due to it being understood as a his-

torical social tool, however this is not the case. In April 2015 the Islamic State of Iraq

and Syria, often abbreviated to ISIS, released a video that showed mass killings of Chris-

tians in Libya.63 The victims failed to pay the jizya in line with the Qur’anic requirements

of non-Muslims, for which ISIS sentenced them to death. Reflecting the strategic ap-

proach taken by older Islamist movements, ISIS appeal to shari’a law, in which the en-

forcement of dhimmitude is encouraged. ISIS is an extreme and unprecedented manifes-

tation of political Islam, however beneath their unpredictable exterior they are working

towards the same aims as all Islamist movements: the creation of an Islamic state.

For non-Muslims living within an Islamic state, the rise of political Islam has brought

with it a number of stipulations. Historically, the dhimma system dictated the rights of

non-Muslims and many countries continue to organisation society within this framework,

even today. Christians have lived in Muslim countries since the dawn of Islam, which

has meant that an established relationship has developed between members of the two re-

ligions over the course of centuries. Christian-Muslim relations have not always been

harmonious, however the rise of political Islam has been accompanied by unique chal-

lenges to Christians and Muslims alike, which have in turn affected the nature of Chris-

tian-Muslim relations.

4. Muslim Perceptions of Christianity

The Muslim understanding of Christianity draws upon the theological differences be-

tween the two religions, as well as real encounters with Christians. Within the Islamic

paradigm, Christianity is seen as a religion gone wrong. Although the two Abrahamic re-

ligions share the central belief of one God, the way in which Christianity reveres the di-

vinity of Christ is shirk, and a sin in Islam. Islam recognises a historical corruption in

Christianity that can be attributed to a specific point in history; the original Christianity

63 Raphael Poch, ‘In Latest Video, Ethiopian Christians Murdered by ISIS for Refusing to Pay Jizya’, <http://www.breakingisraelnews.com/36817/isis-video-double-mass-killings-ethiopian-christians-middle-east/#8z7YJu1lfxRSehKH.97> [Accessed 25 April 2015]

22 of 34preached by the Prophet ‘Isa shared in the Islamic doctrine of tawhid and devotion to

monotheism, and foretold the Coming of Muhammad. Islamic scholar Muhammad Abu

Zahra suggests that although Jesus professed tawhid, the chain of authority between Jesus

and the Council of Nicea was broken, and the call to tawhid was lost.64 Christianity con-

firmed its departure from the truth of Islam by professing the divinity of Christ and af-

firming the doctrine of the Trinity, a belief that directly threatens Islam as a clear demon-

stration of kufr, unbelief.65 Christianity further denied the authority of Islam by rejecting

the prophecy of Muhammad, the truth of which Islam believes has been deliberately erad-

icated from Christian scripture.

Although some Muslim scholars recognise the success of Christianity in the modern

world, the theological differences and unstable historical experiences have influenced the

environment within which Christian-Muslim relations are built. Islam directly associates

Christianity with its political and social context: the West. This unavoidable connection is

toxic to Christian-Muslim relations as it causes Muslims to become suspicious of the

West, and in turn Christianity. As Christianity is seen as a Western phenomenon, the two

concepts are inseparable in Muslim minds.66 The intrinsic link between the two often re-

sults in Christianity being created into a demonised caricature with a highly politicised

agenda. Polemical Islamic literature confronts the theological differences between

Christianity and Islam and portrays Christianity as a villainous religion in an attempt to

promote the authority of Islam and justify the social segregation of non-Muslims.

Despite recognising that the fundamental beliefs of Islam are reflected in other religions,

Muslims maintain that Islam is the one true religion. One of the most prominent polemi-

cal figures in Islam was Sayyid Qutb, a political activist who sought to highlight Islam as

a complete way of life, a minhaj, rather than a combination of religion and state.67 This

perception of Christianity was the starting point for Sayyid Qutb, however his explication

became particularly extreme; Qutb recognised the programme of jahiliyya, a state of ig-

norance that originally described pre-Islamic Arabia, but which Qutb applied to modern

64 Hugh Goddard, ‘Muslim Perceptions of Christianity’, (London: Grey Seal, 1996), pp. 59-60 65 Goddard, pp. 67-69 66 Kate Zebiri, ‘Muslim Perceptions of Christianity and the West’, in Islamic Interpretations of Christian-ity’ ed. by Lloyd Ridgeon, (New York: St. Martins Press Scholarly and Reference Division, 2001), pp. 179-18067 O. Voll, p. 61

23 of 34society.68 He saw the world as being in a state of paganism, in which false gods were

worshipped and the values of atheism, materialism, and secularism were advocated.69 Pa-

ganism was introduced by infidels in the Roman Empire and whilst Islam uprooted pagan

practice, Christianity and paganism became intertwined: the political manifestation was

the Roman Empire, and the religious manifestation was the Roman Catholic Church.70

Despite originating in the common Islamic belief that Christianity faltered from the true

path of Islam, Qutb’s belief that all non-Muslims are unbelievers and sinners is not shared

by the majority of Muslims. His radical approach is reflected in his understanding of al

jihad, which for Qutb is an instrument for the implementation of submission to God and

Islam.71 Islam’s struggle to defend the deity of God entails a waging of war that will stop

only in the event of the aggressors agreeing to pay the jizya.72 Qutb’s justification for ji-

had is expressed in his commentary of Q 9: 32-3, which calls for Islam to deny the infi-

dels’ efforts to extinguish the light of God, allowing the divine will of Islam to prevail

over other religions. Non-believers reject not only Islam but the propagation of Islam and

therefore the will of God.73

According to mainstream Islamic law, the world is divided into two political realms: dar

al-Islam, the House of Islam governed by shari’a law; and dar al-harb, the House of War

which exists outside of Islamic law. Islam is not protected in the House of War, and Qutb

maintains that Islam cannot co-exist under a non-Islamic political order: God’s will is in-

compatible with jahiliyya. Qutb’s application of the Qur’anic concept of jayiliyya to

modern society is a provocative statement that implies the ignorance of even People of

the Book, who are usually seen as distinct from unbelievers. It highlights Qutb’s de-

monised understanding of Christianity; Christianity shares in Western colonialism and

has imposed itself upon Muslim societies in an attempt to eradicate Islamic creed.74

Qutb’s ideology dictates a three-fold purpose of jihad: to protect Muslims from being led

towards Christianity or Judaism; to encourage the propagation of Islam; and to establish

68 Neal Robinson, ‘Sayyid Qutb’s Attitude Towards Christianiry: Sura 9:29-35 in Fi Zilal Al-Quran’ in Is-lamic Interpretations of Christianity, ed. by Lloyd Ridgeon, (Richmond: Curzon Press, 2001), p. 16069 Moussalli, p. 12270 Ibid. p. 12371 Ibid. p.12572 Ibid. p. 16573 Ibid. p. 16974 Ibid. pp. 126-127

24 of 34and defend the authority of God within the world. In response to the threat of jihad, non-

Muslims have three options: to surrender and convert to Islam, to pay the jizya as indica-

tive of stopping resistance, or war.75

The concept of hakimiyya, divine governance, is central to Qutb’s ideology and maintains

that the Qur’an is the true source of legislation, which must be the central source of guid-

ance in everyday life. Qutb is enigmatic in his perception of the jahiliyyah state of the

world and claims that in order to escape the influence of infidels, Muslims must draw

upon the Qur’an and separate itself from the jahili society, replacing it with an Islamic

system.76 Once the shari’a has been accepted as authoritative, the theoretical devotion to

the divinity of God can become an active movement, which is guided by the the universal

law of shari’a; ‘only when all individuals are equally subject to a law which is not man-

made…can humans claim to fulfil their highest purpose, that is, of worshipping God’.77

Qutb offers one of the most prominent exclusivist discourses within the field of political

Islam. However despite his radical approach to Christianity and Judaism, he does not ad-

vocate the abolition these religions; Qutb instead endorses hakimiyya as protection of Is-

lam from a non-Islamic agenda. Whether engaging with particularly extremist interpreta-

tions of Islam, or a more moderate perception of the political climate, Islam does not seek

to extinguish religious diversity. Nevertheless, the stereotypical perceptions of West un-

equivocally assert that Islam rejects the existence of other religions. So where has this

misconception come from? If Islam does not promote the abolishment of Christianity,

does that render it is a Western idea?

Religious diversity is acknowledged as an inescapable dimension of Islamic society.

With this in mind a question arises as to why a stereotype exists in which Islam rejects

other religions. This is not a true characteristic of Islam, so where does this misconcep-

tion come from? The rise of political Islam was accompanied by a prevalent Islamic

polemic against Christianity: can the same parallels be drawn between political Islam and

the appearance of the disillusioned Christian perceptions of Muslims?

75 Robinson, p. 12876 Bennett, p. 20077 Bennett, pp. 201-202

25 of 34

5. Christian Perceptions of Islam

Christians and Muslims have been interacting with one another throughout history, long

before the rise of political Islamic movements in the modern period: ‘from the seventh

until the twentieth century most Christians have seen in Islam the enemy and the adver-

sary, even the mortal enemy and the most dangerous adversary, and have been thinking

of battles and “crusades” against the Muslims’.78 Christians saw it as their duty to em-

bark on missionary activity to declare the truth of Christianity to Muslims, an approach

taken by Andre d’Alverny, a Jesuit missionary who claimed that other religions are ‘natu-

ral’ religions, the fruits of man, rather than a truly divine belief system.79 The Christian

approach matured in 1965 in Nostra Aetate, which encouraged Christians to recognise

that similarly to Christianity, Muslims worship the one God, living and subsistent, and

venerate Jesus as a prophet.80 The document promotes the reconciliation of Christians

and Muslims in order to develop mutual understandings, social justice, and moral val-

ues.81

Whereas the Christian denial of the prophecy of Muhammad remains a key component in

Muslim perceptions of Christianity, the theological differences between the two religions

seem to be less prominent in Christian perspectives of Islam. It appears that Christians in

the West respond primarily to modern Muslim activity from the safety of their own envi-

ronment, whereas Muslim encounters with Christianity are more tangible within the ex-

perience of the Middle East.

Christians in the West encounter Muslims on two levels: in everyday life within a multi-

cultural society, and through media reports of the unfolding political situation in the Mid-

dle East and their impact on the Western world. Unfortunately, rather than compartmen-

talising the opposing encounters with Muslims, the two converge. The West perceives Is-

lam as a single unit rather than as a multifaceted religion with distinct schools of thought

78 Islam and Christianity: Mutual Perceptions Since the Mid-20th Century, ed. by Jacques Waardenburg, (Leuven: Peeters, 1998), p. 2179 Waardenburg, p. 2280 Ibid. pp. 24-2581 Ibid. pp. 24-25

26 of 34and the West creates a stereotype by which all Muslims are branded as extremists. For

this reason Christian perceptions of Muslims must be understood in light of the Western

tendency to stereotype, rather than cultivating an understanding from informed encoun-

ters with Muslims.

The West often remarks that Islam is opposed to democracy, a comment that seems to be

supported by the Islamic insistence on din and dawa as one and the crucial role of Islam

in both the private and public realms. The extent to which this claim is accepted by Islam

depends on the context within which democracy is understood. Youssef Nada claims that

it is not possible to speak of a single democracy and rejects the claim that Islam and

democracy are opposed to one another. Islam is attempting to formulate its own version

of democracy despite not being compliant with the characteristics of Western democratic

systems.82 The West often criticises Islam for adhering to a historical system that is in-

compatible with features of the twenty-first century, a criticism that reflects an inaccurate

understanding of the Islamic approach to government. Democracy is accepted so long as

it adheres to the principles of Islam, a stipulation that is difficult to implement due to the

varying methods of Islamic interpretation. Islam does not need to be secularised, but in-

stead needs to be interpreted in light of the influence of the twenty-first century. Democ-

racy is unbiased, however when it is understood as a modern Western construct, this

characteristic is ignored. Islam sees modernity as giving rise to evolution, relativism, and

secularism, values that would inevitably destroy the indigenous culture of Islam.83

It is an unfortunate but undeniable truth that the West labels Muslims as inherently vio-

lent. This characterisation stems from the Western assumption that political Islamic

movements explicitly employ violent regimes. This misconception of the nature of politi-

cal Islam is encouraged by the media’s portrayal of incidents in the Middle East, and

whether out of fear or mere ignorance, this attitude is extended to Muslims as a whole.

Christians reverse the Muslim understanding of Christianity as a religion diverted from

the right path by claiming that Islam is a heretical religion.84 Islam is neither the total

negation of Christianity nor a partial affirmation of it, but rather a religion that embraces

both of these positions.

82 Nada, p. 10783 Maryam Jameelah, ‘A Voice of Conservative Islam’, in Makers of Contemporary Islam, ed. by John L. Esposito and John O. Voll, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), pp. 58-6184 Norman Daniel, Islam and the West: The Making of an Image, (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1997), p. 209

27 of 34

Christian-Muslim relations are evolving on a daily basis, however there is a distinct lack

of literature dedicated to the subject. In light of recent developments within the realm of

political Islam, the gap in literature neglects a prominent aspect of this field of study.

Scholars have dedicated themselves to understanding the nature of the Muslim under-

standing of Christianity, which is perhaps attributed to the nature of political Islam’s fo-

cus. From the twentieth century onwards, political Islam became particularly vocal about

its desire to implement an Islamic State within the Middle East. In light of this, the rela-

tionship between Christians and Muslims has been considered from within the Muslim

world, from the experience of Arab Christians living under the dhimmi system. It is only

in recent years, particularly in the shadow of 9/11, that the perspectives of Western Chris-

tians have been seen as being relevant to the issue. This imbalance needs to be addressed

by scholars, particularly in light of the prevalence of extremist movements such as ISIS,

who are redefining what it means to be an Islamist. Muslim presence in the Western

world has heightened due to the increasing multi-cultural status of the West; the activity

of Muslims has also been more prevalent in the media and events in the Middle East are

at the forefront of the Western mind. The rise of political Islam has influenced the West-

ern perception of not only Islamist groups but of Islam as a whole, which has given rise

to a distinctive anti-Islamic attitude, which is often dubbed as Islamophobia.

Nada responds to the way in which the West alienates Islam by highlighting the similari-

ties between Islam and Christianity: to attack the concept of Allah is to attack the concept

of Christ.85 The Western image of Islam has been blurred by events such as the Crusades,

and acts of terrorism committed in the name of Islam. Although al-Qaeda and ISIS pro-

mote an Islamic agenda, they are not representative of the religion of Islam.

6. Conclusion

The rise of Islamism has had a major influence on not only Muslim countries, but West-

ern societies that have fallen victim to religiously motivated acts of extremism. As the

prevalence of Islamist movements has increased, so has their hold over society; the radi-

85 Nada, p. 189

28 of 34cal regimes implemented by many contemporary manifestations of political Islam invoke

fear as both Muslim countries and the Western world recognise the unstoppable unpre-

dictability of these movements. The ideology of political Islam is anchored by allegiance

to Islam: there is no God but Allah, Muhammad is the messenger of Allah.86 This unwa-

vering devotion to Islam, paired with the desire to establish a Caliphate under the gover-

nance of shari’a law, is the basis of the unique nature of political Islam.

The terminology within this field of study seeks to capture the ideological framework of

political Islam, a complex task in light of cultural and linguistic obstacles. Fundamental-

ism particularly struggles to effectively capture the phenomenon; as a Western term it de-

tracts from the central role of Islam, which immediately leaves fundamentalism lacking.

Although political Islam appears to be a neutral term, it also originates in the West, this

time as the product of a Western liberal ideology. Despite being a highly charged term,

Islamism most successfully captures the nature of political Islam as it specifically recog-

nises the promotion of an Islamic agenda.

Christians have inhabited Muslim countries throughout history, however simply by being

Christians they oppose the concept of an Islamic polity. For Christians living under Mus-

lim rule, provisions were put in place to enable them to remain members of the Islamic

state, the first official record of which is found in the Pact of Umar. The institution of

dhimmitude provided Christians with protection in return for the payment of jizya and po-

litical allegiance to Islam. Within this setting, Christian-Muslim relations were stable as

the members of both religions understood their role within society. The level of tolerance

exhibited by Muslims is often called into question, and certain restrictions, particularly

restrictions of religious adherence, suggested that Christians were a subjugated religious

minority.

The historical treatment of Christians provided the foundations upon which Christian-

Muslim relations in the modern period have been built. Islamism in the twentieth century

reasserted the desire to establish an Islamic state, however it is undeniable that the mod-

ern experience of political Islamic movements differs from that of older movements pro-

moting the same aim. The Muslim Brotherhood promoted non-violent means of estab-

86 The Shahada: the Islamic creed and one of the five pillars of Islam

29 of 34lishing an Islamic agenda; however activists such as Sayyid Qutb and movements such as

ISIS have demonstrated the merciless enforcement of militant regimes. Understanding

Christian and Muslim perceptions of one another reveals that both religions hold appre-

hensions about the other, and Islamic polemical literature and Western media coverage is

responsible for many negative connotations.

The combination of the historical implications for Christians in Muslim countries and the

tensions between Christians and Muslims as the product of the emergence of Islamism

have undoubtedly created a hostile environment within which Christian-Muslim relations

have developed. Modern society has brought with it the tendency to homogenise reli-

gious believers; Muslims become extremists, and Christians are feared for their associa-

tion with the West. The status of Christian-Muslim relations is complex; Christians and

Muslims have been interacting since the dawn of Islam. The issue is by no means new,

however Christian-Muslim relations have certainly been faced with new issues in light of

the rise of Islamism. Political Islam has played a major role in influencing Christian-

Muslim relations; the recent emergence of movements such as ISIS who implement a pre-

viously unseen Islamist tactic have stunted the development of positive inter-religious re-

lations.

The ideology that underpins political Islam is still present; however the manifestations of

this ideology are still evolving, far beyond anyone’s expectations. The acts committed by

Islamist movements in the name of Islam ignite fear within society and paralyse any abil-

ity to respond. What has been assumed about the phenomenon of political Islam is now

redundant, and the future of Christian-Muslim relations is uncertain. Regardless of the

direction in which Islamism moves, the influence of twenty-first century Islamist move-

ments on Christian-Muslim relations is clear. In the same way that the influence of the

Prophet’s regime and the institution of dhimmitude influenced Christian-Muslim relations

is still visible today, the impact of ISIS will remain even if when movement ceases to ex-

ist. The rise of Islamism has influenced Christian-Muslim relations in numerous ways.

Historically prescribed restrictions for Christians in Muslim countries rendered the nature

of Christian-Muslim relations unstable, however the modern period has cultivated a mis-

conception of intolerance, which has left Christian-Muslim relations in a state of hostility.

Islamist regimes are undoubtedly responsible, however just as the future of political Islam

30 of 34is unknown, so is the future of Christian-Muslim relations. There is no reason to believe

that the further evolution of political Islam would not remedy the negative impact of the

twenty-first century, and serve as the basis for positive relations in the future.

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