CHAPTER3

Differentiation, Stratification And Power

CONTOURS OF THE INDIAN GLAMOUR ECONOMY

When I was Miss India we won things that would make us good homemakers, like sewing machines, and fridges, and irons ... they expected us to do that for our homes! And a gold set, nominal cash - which of course at that time was a lot. But today's girls are given job opportunities, they are given contracts, so that they can earn. They are given computers, things which can ... you know ... put them on par with men. At that time it wasn't like that. Here now they encourage you, earn your own money. That time they said, no, you stay at home and look after your husband. look after the home with your fridge and iron and sewing machine ... ! It's very different now.

- Meera, winner of the Miss India title in the mid 1970s

This chapter attempts to sketch with broad strokes the major changes

that have taken place over the last three decades in scale, structure and

membership in the field of glamour, and plots the emergence of a new

'glamour economy'. Against this backdrop, we undertake an examination

of one of the segments of the glamour economy, the Lakme India Fashion

Week, as representative of the 'field' in a cohesive form. Through a reading

of the spaces, boundaries and inter-relationships between members as

observed in the Fashion Week, we attempt to understand the social

infrastructure and political economy1 of the industry.

I. THE EMERGENCE OF A GLAMOUR ECONOMY

In the 1970s and 1980s, glamour remained confined to the few film

magazines of the time. There was no fashion 'industry' or fashion

designers and the only beauty products that were available were limited in

1 'Political economy' refers to the incorporation of the understanding of power relations underlying economic transactions based on the assumptions of the 'free market' and 'autonomous individual'. As a theoretical tradition, it emerged as a critique to economic liberalism and was made popular by theorists Ricardo, Marx and Wallerstein. A political economy analysis has an emphasis on power relations and underlying realities of any economic transaction such as individual constraints, economic inequality between groups and exploitation of one group by another. For more see Holton, 1992.

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range and brand. Beyond the powder, cold cream and lipstick, there was

little else that was ordinarily consumed by the middle classes. The more

discerning consumers depended on 'foreign· brands, brought back from

visits abroad, or from relatives and friends in foreign lands, while within

the country smuggled goods sometimes found their way into markets.

Advertising remained limited to the Doordarshan TV channel and Vividh

Bharti and All India Radio stations on radio, the State-owned media, and

some magazines. There were broadly three categories of magazines:

women's magazines that focused on matters of the household targeted at

the housewife as the reader; film magazines provided the element of

glamour and gossip; and political magazines such as India Today,

Sunday, or the Illustrated Weekly.

Commercials were shot in Bombay, usually \\ith women from Bombay.

Other than the client, the advertising agency and the models chosen for

the ad, there were rarely third party mediators to manage the making of

an ad film or for an advertising shoot. A limited number of film makers

and photographers (and advertising agencies/professionals) from Bombay

did most of the assignments. Models for the ads were recruited by

'spotting' young women in colleges and public places in Bombay (where

the adverti.sing agencies and filmmakers and photographers were based)

and at the Miss India pageants. Participants in these contests were

usually Western-influenced elite. Meera, one of the respondents, recalls

how she was actively pursued by representatives of Femina and Eve's

Weekly (the two women's magazines that held such contests) and invited

by the editor herself to participate in the Miss India contest.

Fashion shows were limited to the State held Trade Fair shows held at

Pragati Maidan in Delhi, and shows organized by textile mills to exhibit a

new range of their fabrics. Being a tool for entertainment, a fashion show

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would involve dancing and choreographed routines, other than just

walking onstage to display garments. Fashion shows therefore, were

largely textile driven, with the largest shows usually being State­

sponsored and event-based. One of the choreographers involved in these

shows at the time, Mrinal, remembers that there were very few designated

'choreographers' at the time that specifically focused on fashion shows.

Mrinal and her business partner had a theatre and stage craft

background, and took the initiative of pitching for a contract with the

Trade Fair after some experience at the college level of producing and

choreographing such shows. They won the contract and grew as

'choreographers' for such shows from then on. Shows at the Trade Fair

were often linked to the theme of the Trade Fair (such as SAARC

cooperation or sports) and had to be 'choreographed' accordingly, usually

in collaboration with State emporia for the relevant textiles. These shows

were a massive draw at the Trade Fairs, and were again more oriented

towards entertaining the masses visiting the fair towards the evening.

Other categories of fashion shows were more exclusive, such as shows

held for the opening of shopping arcades in five star hotels such as the

Oberoi or the Taj. These were small-scale events with low visibility

catering to a select elite clientele. The women exhibiting the clothes in

these shows were mostly college girls from elite institutions in the city,

and from upper class Westernized households.

Women modelling for these shows were expected to do their own hair and

make up, and bring their own clothes, shoes and accessories. Support

structures were minimal and there were no specialized services for hair,

make up or styling. Women were not required to walk with a special

'catwalk' (the stage was not in the form of a long ramp as it is today) and

were not trained in ramp walking. All that was required was to walk with

grace. Instructions given to models, recalls Niharika (from the first

generation in the sample who started modelling in the late 1980s) were to

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"walk as if you have a set of books on your head", a practice often done by

women from upper class households groomed at finishing schools. The

initial generation of models was 'trained' to walk in this manner by former

models that were mostly Anglo Indian women from Bombay. As fashion

shows required women to wear Western clothes, it was usually more

Westernized women used to wearing such clothes who would model them.

The clothes were rarely revealing and the extent of skin showing,

remembers Mrinal would be halter-neck blouses showing the upper back,

worn only by a few women who were comfortable with it.

The first time ramp modelling came into some prominence was in 1989

when international fashion houses from Europe, Pierre Cardin and YSL,

came to India. With the media build up around this, and selection of some

Indian models to go to Paris, ramp models came into the spotlight.·

While the ramp modelling and the fashion industry were still nascent in

the late nineties the advertising industry had developed significantly and

offered wider career opportunities to women as television commercial

models. Advertising began to look outside Bombay for new faces, and even

though only Doordarshan and cinemas existed as the medium of

advertising, popular jingles and campaigns made many models household

names and gave them a 'star status'. Television commercial models were

far more prominent than ramp models, paid more, more dependable

source of income, and have always had a higher status than ramp models.

With the onset of liberalization in the 1990s, things changed dramatically.

The import-export restrictions were lifted, and items which had been

luxury goods earlier with high levels of taxation began to flood the market

at affordable prices. This was accompanied by a boom in advertising,

supported by the multinational clients and products entering the Indian

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market, and the explosion of TV channels due to satellite media as well as.

other magazines.

Much of the dramatic prominence of the industry was due to the

spectacular international success of India at beauty pageants, the turning

point being the year 1994 when India won at both Miss Universe and Miss

World contests (see Kishwar, 1995). Along with this, the early 1990s also

saw the first batch of fashion designers from a freshly instituted National

Institute of Fashion Technology (NIFT, set up under the Ministry of

Textiles in 1986) in Delhi, and commitment and vision from the State to

establish Indian textiles and Indian fashion on the world stage. As the

experiment of NIFT proved successful, private fashion design schools came

up across the country giving an impetus to fashion designing as a

vocation. This in turn saw renewed interest in the 'fashion show' as a

forum for exhibition of clothes designed by the new, growing breed of

designers.

The focus through this decade however stayed on the Miss India pageant

which was going through various important changes, becoming a serious

business venture that evolved a regimental training programme to prepare

selected finalists for two stages of rigorous training - the first round to

prepare 25 short listed contestants for the actual pageant, and thereafter

to train the winners of the pageant for the international pageants that they

would go on to represent India in. (This training programme is examined

in detail later in chapter 6.) In fact it was this training programme that is

credited with having gotten India six international titles within one

decade. As the Miss India pageant became more popular, local contests in

colleges and in small towns also burgeoned, with women from smaller

towns and non-elite backgrounds battling social and family constraints

and joining the field.

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Glamour Becomes Big Business

By the year 2000 the glamour economy had become big business. A

proliferation of pageants. small town contests. college fashion shows,

contests. talent hunts and titles appeared across the country. as well as

model hunts and reality shows on TV (which invariably involve a

'makeover' or a glamourization of the winners of the hunt or the finalists

by professional stylists and make up artists). With branches of NIFT all

over the country and the massive increase in advertising. fashion and

modelling became legitimate career options.

The art of presentation of fashion shows changed, with a more Western

aesthetic (unless it was an India-themed show). Shows were no longer

only 'entertainment' but more business-oriented, aimed at highlighting the

garments or style of particular designers. Older 'entertainment' shows

remained, although they also changed in form, with greater influences

from Bollywood and mainstream fashion shows. The format of the show

changed, with a longer ramp replicating the Western runway becoming the

central piece of a fashion show. Unlike in the past. models today do not

have to bring their own clothes, make up or do their own hairstyles.

Everything is provided for, as the styling is done according to the concept

of the show or shoot. A battery of make up artistes. hair stylists. colorists,

fashion and accessory stylists and other specialists form the line-up

backstage to attend to each model according to the creative brief given by

the designer and choreographer.

Today most fashion shows are organized not by government agencies but

by private sponsors for their own publicity or for commercial benefits to

designers. There is a proliferation of shows all over the country, Popular

hubs are Chandigarh. towns in Punjab (where disposable income is high,

according to the designers) Jaipur. Kanpur, and Meerut in the northern

states. Models are from diverse backgrounds, not necessarily from

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Western, upper class families. Western clothes are common amongst

young people in urban areas today and therefore the ramp experience of

garments is not too far removed from their real life.

Although Indian victories at international beauty contests have abated

and reached a saturation point2, the Indian beauty pageant industry has

evolved. The 'expertise' that manufactures these beauty queens has come

into its own, to the extent that women from other countries are coming to

India to train for international pageants with these e)l.-perts. In a new type

of 'pageant tourism', developing countries such as Afghanistan or Lebanon

send their participants to learn from the training programmes; it would

seem that India, like the notorious Venezuela, has perfected the business

venture of manufacturing beauties.

Scalar Expansion and Functional Differentiation

As we have seen above, the glamour industry has seen a more inclusive

growth with its net cast wide over a cross section of members. The form

and structure of the industry have also been transformed over the last two

decades, the last decade in particular. The dominant characteristic of this

change has not only been the 'ballooning' or the expansion in terms of

scale of the industry, but also the accelerated differentiation of tasks and

services and the emergence of ancillary economic activities that support

fashion, beauty and glamour. This has given rise to an intricate web of

economic interdependences which we can loosely term as the 'glamour

economy'. We can get a sense of this web by examining the various kinds

of services which are linked to three dominant elements of the world of

glamour: the beauty pageant industry, the Fashion Week, and the

advertising industry. In the diagram below, we map out these elements.

2 There is also a 'Mrs. India' contest today in addition to the Miss India and many others; these have different aims- while Miss India showcases 'global India', Mrs. India reflects the ideal modern wife.

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Other sponsors: prize gifts/ jewellery I tiara/ advertising contracts/ Hotel/

hospitality Industry

Figure 7 beauty products and cosmetic companies

Main sponsors: Ponds/ Feminr.t./ Times Group

Contest/event related groups:

Event management company Public relations company Performers for the event­dance troupes, MCs/ show host, Bollywood stars, singers, musicians etc. Celebrity judges Film Production house(if there is going to be a reality TV show. or a curtain­raiser I teaser I ads to be telecast prior to the event) Television channels- who may compete for the live telecast of the event Sponsors of parts of the TV telecast

MISS INDIA PAGEANT

Trainers and support crew (for the one month training programme for all finalists before the actual contest) :

Speech and diction expert Physical fitness expert Art of Living/ meditation/ yoga expert Gym trainer Choreographer /Ramp-walking trainer Consultant for Question-Answer round/ IQ development Stylists Designers Hair and make up experts/ Cosmetologists Nutrition experts/ institutions such as VLCC 'clinic' Hair treatment experts Skin specialists Dental procedures specialists Consultants for cosmetic surgery Grooming consultants Panelists from the film industry and past winners to give talks on the glamour world Photographers

TV channels

Fashion designers Accessory designers

Daily Newspapers Business dailies and magazines Fashion and lifestyle magazines Women's magazines (both Hindi and English)

Advertising agency

Main sponsor: Lakme Other sponsors: Samsung, Fosters, Royal Challenge, etc ..

coordinator I Modelling agencv

Production House

Photographers

Stylists

State: FOCI, Apparel Export Council of India, State media

Clients (elite/ patrons) International buyers National buyers

Fashion design students, helpers, teachers, retail specialists. trend forecasters, apprentices of rlesil'nf'rs

Speakers invited to speak at morning semL'1ars: advertising professionals, CEOs of retail companies, even icons of Indian textile industry -Fablndia, Craftmark, Khadi and so on.

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Today choreographers, trainers3,

grooming consultants, yoga and

fitness experts, cosmetologists,

meditation experts, nutritionists,

dermatologists, dental surgeons and other experts are responsible for the

generation and maintenance of the glamour economy4 • Retail specialists

analyze emerging trends in apparel creation and trade, trend forecasters

predict the kinds of fashion trends which are imminent in the coming

seasons based on the political and economic environment of nations as

well as the world, fashion journalists write authoritatively on the creative

element of fashion and the 'meaning' of trends. Event management

companies, public relations specialists and marketing gurus facilitate the

projection and sale of these events and trends in the public sphere.

We can see from the diagram the 'functional differentiation' that has

emerged and the creation of a social system in itself, similar to Luhmann's

'autopoietic system' (1994). Social systems theorist Niklas Luhmann

identifies an autopoietic unit as a system that makes itself through a

network of interactions that take place within its own well-defined

boundaries. It generates and maintains itself, but is not strictly closed. It

interacts with the open environment as well in different ways.

The above system also interacts with the outside environment- primarily

through the media and satellite television (in fact, this performs one of the

most important functions of the glamour economy: embedding it in public

3 These trainers are important for other "makeover" efforts - a new term (called a magic mantra by the media) that refers to the transformation of ordinary individuals to "bring out the best in them". Various experts manufacture this makeover, to the extent that it has become a flourishing industry of its own. Former model, now grooming consultant Noyonika Chatterjee worked on VIVA, the all girls pop band created by Channel V's reality TV show Popstars, for four months. She says, "We had to teach them how to walk and how to stand, how to sit up straight, how to use their body language, even how much to laugh- they'd laugh likejunglees! There's a lot to learn about projecting yourself." (in "Makeover Magic", op cited.)

4 George Armelagos, an anthropologist at Emory University calls this shift the King Henry VIII and Oprah Winfrey Effect. In Tudor England it took hundreds of gardeners, farmers, butchers, to keep Henry VIII fat. In America today, anyone can be fat without help but it takes a "new set of vassals - personal trainer, nutritionist, personal chef- to keep (popular talk show host) Oprah from looking like Henry VIII". ("A Fat Lot of Truth", article by John Tierney, in Asian Age, 1 May 2005)

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consciousness and facilitating consumption) - but also in terms of

commercial linkages with the international. local and 'underground'

fashion and apparel markets.

For example, the fashion industry is linked to the international fashion

and retail market in overt and covert ways. Some international retail

stores like Selfridges (UK) and Saks Fifth Avenue (USA) procure garments

from Indian designers, and often have India-themed shopping festivals

(like the successful month-long Bollywood themed festival in Selfridges in

2002); other countries, especially with sizeable Indian populations such as

in the Middle East also have a high demand for Indian designer wear.

Other than direct trade, various international design and retail houses

outsource their embroidery, textiles, and other piecework to Indian

designers and crafts-persons. This back-end integration has been in

process for many years now. For example, designers like Armani, Versace

and Zandra Rhodes get their embroidery and beading work done in India.

Hollywood also out-sources some of its design work to Indian shores; the

feature film Troy featured gowns and robes designed and manufactured by

Rangarsons in Connaught Place, Delhi.5

Not only linked to an international space but the fashion industry is also

linked to the local 'underground' market that is famous for 'copies' of

designer wear, particularly traditional wedding garments. Copies of bridal

outfits by well known designers can be bought in markets like Chandni

Chowk or Karol Bagh for one fifth of the original's cost.

According to systems theory one can define modem society structurally in

term of functional differentiation (Luhmann, 1994). In the case of the

5 "EastSide Story: India's Conquest of the Fashion World", in Rave Magazine, 3: 6, September 2004

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glamour economy, the differentiation has intensified and percolated to

various levels over the past few years. For example, there is now a

differentiation in the kind of models suitable for different kinds of

assignments - television, print, and for the ramp - and for different

markets (examined in detail in chapter 6). The director and CEO of Elite

modelling agency in India, and godmother to many young models, speaks

from the point of view of the modelling agency and sheds light on this:

My Bombay models are totally different from the Delhi models. Delhi is all about

fashion and shows. and Bombay is all TV commercials. So Bombay there is no

height criteria. you don't have to be absolutely skinny, you don't need to walk the

ramp, you don't need to have that ramp attitude ... you have to look like the

conventional pretty girl-next-door with a dazzling smile. We are also now

providing models and actors for television serials and soaps. For that it is a totally

different look. So you know, when you see a person, you slot them into a certain

market. If it's fashion, then we'll tell them they need to be in Delhi, if we see a

commercial face in Delhi - there is no commercial work in Delhi - we ask them

whether they want to move to Bombay. For the international market the look is

very different. The standard Indian commercial look would not work for us in the

West. I mean, those girls wouldn't get picked up in the West. Now what the West

wants is a very anonymous kind of look - . someone who can't be identified as

being from a certain place, someone who people would keep guessing where she is

from. That's a very global look. And it's a very ... bland kind of look. But that

doesn't work for the local market.

Further differentiation is evident in the phenomenon of 'body models', or

those who model specific body parts. In the advertising industry all sorts

of body part shots are outsourced to second tier models, from hair, hands,

feet, back, chest, underarms and so ons, as it reduces costs and solves the

problem of bigger actors/models waiting around for a 'simple hand shot'.

Images that appear as a whole (for example, a beauty queen advertising

for a jewellery brand) are actually an assemblage of body parts of different

6 'Anatomy Lesson', article in Indian Express (The Sunday Express Eye) IS September 2005

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persons (the shots of her hands, on which the ring dazzles, are not really

hers).

Within the advertising and beauty I cosmetics industry also, there is

differentiation in the conceptualization of elements of beauty that are used

in positioning brands and promoting products. For example, market

research has identified eight types of beauty, or "beauty territories" as

they are called in advertising jargon7 - natural, vibrant, classical,

narcissistic, virginal, ethereal, glamorous, and seductive. Brands decide

which "territory of beauty they can own and build"S. The fashion industry

also differentiates in its conceptualization of femininity and masculinity -

for instance, 'boho chic', 'ethnic', 'classic', 'organic', 'Victorian', 'power chic'

are references to fashion styles which represent a particular type of

femininity. This kind of differentiation is a key feature of the new glamour

economy as it has emerged in India today, and reflects similar trends at

the global level.

Membership: An Inter-generational Comparison

Here we draw from our sample to assess the broad trends that can be

seen with regard to membership in the modelling and fashion industry.

The last two decades have seen a democratization of the industry. One can

see a certain de-classing, which begins in the middle generation with

young women drawn from non English-speaking, middle classes such as

the famous Madhu Sapre. Madhu hailed from a traditional Maharashtrian

family and won the Miss India title, later gaining third position in the Miss

7 Seminar presentation by Madhukar Sabnavis. Ogilvy & Mather Advertising Agency, India at Lakme India Fashion Week, 21 May 2005, New Delhi. 8

For example, Lakme projects its products as being for the natural beauty, the cosmetics brand Garnier projects itself as being fresh and vibrant, for "Miss Sunshine" as their advertisements show (with the use of fresh fruits and bright colours). L'Oreal prefers to position itself as being for glamorous beauties and therefore uses film actresses to endorse them. Film director Yash Chopra projects his heroines as 'ethereal' beauties.

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Universe contest in 1992. Such women became the role models for girls

from traditional and modest socio economic backgrounds, and it was

established that no elite background was necessary to be successful in

this field - the requisites could be acquired with dedication and exposure.

Following this taste of international success, the value of the Miss India

pageant was raised, demonstrated by the fact that the prize money was

raised from Rs.7000 to Rs.100,000 in the next year itself. While 1994 is

popularly termed as the watershed year for Indian beauty contests, it is

actually 1993 that set this turn. Along with the rise in stakes, this was

also the first year that the nation saw a live telecast of the contest on

satellite television, thereby taking the contest from being a local Mumbai

function to an international event. The allure of the world of glamour was

beamed into every home with a television.

On disaggregating the data on places of origin (see Figure 5) into different

generations (see Figure 8). we can see that while all the first generation

were from Delhi or Mumbai the majority of the third and current

generation are from small towns. Figure 8 shows the widening net of the

glamour industry across consequent generations.

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Figure 8

Places of Origin -A Comparison Across Generations

• First Generation

• Second Generation

0 Third Generation

0 Current Generation

As the supply of eager aspirants swelled, the demand (although the

industry itself was expanding) did not quite match up, and the nature of

the industry itself changed. The industry itself was informal, unregulated

and witnessing the mushrooming of small 'agencies' that promised to

make stars out of aspiring models on payment of substantial 'signing

amounts'. Many of these 'agencies' turned out to be fraud, and

disappeared from their temporary offices once having collected signing

amounts from aspiring models. Today there is an increase in the

hardships and struggle necessary to enter and sustain in the industry,

and increased vulnerabilities for young uninformed women. The entry of

international agencies in the last three years have contributed to reducing

the vulnerabilities of some of the population and bringing in some

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semblance of organization in the industry by representing the interests of

a (small) set of models affiliated to them.

While the industry was less organized and less segmented in previous

decades, women working in that generation did not feel they were

particularly vulnerable as, having been 'discovered' and mentored by

established names in the industry, they had not gone through a period of

struggle. The middle generation of models comprises of many strong single

women, who see themselves as pioneers in making their own destiny. They

are currently contemplating other careers, seeing an imminent end to

their own stint in the fashion industry.

While there is still some hesitation in turning to cosmetic surgery in this

generation (although there is certainly contemplation) the younger

generation has already tried out various procedures - from non invasive

procedures like laser removal of facial hair, to invasive ones like

rhinoplasty (a nose job). The middle generation has tried its hand at

modelling abroad, and returned to India enduring several problems. For

this generation, working abroad remains the ultimate dream. The middle

generation is defensive and tight lipped about sexual harassment in the ·

industry, while the current generation is more open about it, and anxious

about their safety.

A culture of 'mentorship' is evident in previous generations in the

industry. Women from the first and second generation were mentored by

photographers or choreographers, those who gave them their first break or

in some cases (of the second generation of models in particular) senior

models who turned to choreography or trained them to catwalk when they

joined the industry. As a result there is a special bonding between the first

and second generations of models in the form of friendships and a

recognition of the role of the first generation in paving the way for the

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second generation, and showing them 'how to' model. This kind of

mentorship is absent in the third and current generation, who are more

isolated from one another and from the previous generations .. Earlier

generations also feel there was more autonomy in their time to "be

themselves", and they did not have to fit in to any prescribed looks or

body type or even way of walking9. The 'catwalk' today has changed from a

natural graceful glide to an aggressive walk that is copied from the West.

The newer generations also show a different relationship to the industry -

they do not see themselves as part of a creative revolution, but as

individuals operating in a modern industry. This is in sharp contrast to

the middle generation, which reflects a certain pride in their association

with the industry, seeing themselves as relevant actors in the growth of

the fashion industry, as part of a revolution that occurred through the

nineties.

Today. being part of the glamour industry means much more struggle,

and much less rewards, more competition and insecurity. Designers,

choreographers, clients all resort to cost cutting and hire newer models

who are eager or willing to work for any amount. even free. This has

brought down the general rates of the industry, and raised the hardships

of young models who are living in paying-guest (PG) accommodation and

forced to maintain a flashy lifestyle or invest in expensive clothes or shoes

so that they are able to 'look' the part, yet hardly being able to afford the

profession because of low, inconsistent earnings.

Women in the third and current generation go from local contest to

contest in the hope of a win that will lead somewhere and open some

9 Cover story "Past Perfect! Role Models", Brunch, Hindustan Times Sunday Magazine, 26 June 2005. Former model Nandini Sen is quoted here as saying, "I had buck tooth and it was alright. No one said I had to wear braces."

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doors. This dependence on all kinds of contests is peculiar to the newer

generation. Contests include mainstream beauty contests, model hunts,

reality shows on television, local pageants at the town or college level, and

pageants of armed forces personnel like the Navy Queen ball. These

pageants serve multiple purposes - not only are they an entry point into

the industry, they are also a training ground for the skills required in the

industry, the biggest training ground being the Miss India pageant, and

are considered to be a bonus on any CV. Following a stint in a contest

(even better if they win), a model is justified in raising her rates. It is a way

of shifting to another level of remuneration.

A new phenomenon called the 'grooming course' has also become a

popular method of attaching oneself to the actors in the industry and

entering the charmed circle in some way, accessing critical knowledge

about self-deportment and grooming. There are about half a dozen well

known grooming schools in Delhi which have been set up over the last·

three or four years. Most of these grooming schools have been set up by

former models or choreographers (such as the Meyhar Bhasin Academy or

The Ramp) or also double as modelling agencies (such as Elite). The

grooming schools are joined not only by aspirants of the glamour industry,

but also people from the corporate world, women about to be married,

businessmen who need to travel abroad and interact with others, and call

centre personnel. The CEO of Elite says that people who come to Elite for

lessons in grooming range from corporate senior and junior management

to hotel front office staff to even drivers of cabs from car-hire companies.

As she says, "Everyone's recognized the importance of good

presentation. "10

10 "Makeover Magic/ Picture Perfect" Cover story of BRUNCH, Hindustan Times Sunday Magazine, I May 2005

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The beauty pageant however remains the most prominent and popular

route into the glamour industry Figure 9 shows that only 13% of the

sample did not participate in any contests.

Figure 9

Participation in Beauty Contests of Respondents

Model

Did not participate in any contest

13%

Glad rags 7%

Miss India 30%

17%

A generation wise dis-aggregation of this data shows that there is a

consistent participation in the Miss India pageant across generations

whereas participation in model hunts and other contests are

predominantly by third generation and current generation models.

Figure 10

Participation in Beauty Contests - A Comparison Across Generations

Miss India Local Gladrags Model No Contest hunt Contest

• First Generation • Second Generation

I 0 Third Generation • Current Generation 1

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Choreographers and modelling agency representatives feel that the age at

which girls join the industry is going down today with girls as young as 16

years approaching them for work. On average it is at 20 years that women

take up modelling more seriously (even if they have merely dabbled in it

prior to this). This is in sharp contrast to the West where girls as young as

14 or 15 years are seen on the ramp because of their underdeveloped

bodies. lanky frame and youthful innocence that many designers prefer.

The current generation faces competition from women from Brazil. Russia

and other East European countries. who have found some success in the

Indian glamour economy because of their Western looks. Many Indian

clients and advertisers prefer to use these models in their campaigns for

various reasons - they often charge less than prominent Indian models,

they are assumed to be less fussy about wearing certain kinds of clothes,

and most importantly, establish the brand being advertised as an

'international' brand 11. A reverse migration is visible as a trend in India,

where the glamour economy has seen the influx of white women from the

countries mentioned above trying their hand (sometimes successfully) in ""' this field. Also competition are a substantial number of young women and ;._

men from the Indian diaspora in the UK. USA, Canada and Australia, who

are making their way back to India to try their luck in Bollywood and the

glamour world in general. These young men and women are seen to be

uniquely advantaged, as they have the Western panache (and accents) to

penetrate the social hierarchy of the glamour industry.

11 It is ironic that as international brands and multi national corporations sel!k more 'oriental' faces or the 'global face' to model their products (such as Asian British model Saira Mohan, called the "perfect face" on the cover of Newsweek November 2003), Indian companies are using white Western looking models for a similar purpose. A report says that blonde, blue-eyed models help give Indian brands like Maruti a cosmopolitan, international feel. (Cover story "Foreign Bodies", Brunch, Hindustan Times Sunday Magazine, 2 May 2004)

97

Although there is a greater demand for female models, a recent trend in

the industry is the rising number of young men seeking work as models.

This is because of the increasing acceptance of the 'metro sexual man' 12 as

a profitable role model for masculinity, the de-stigmatizing of beauty

routines for men and the perceived 'big bucks' to be made in the field. The

situation of a large number of competitors for a small number of available

jobs makes the aspiring male models vulnerable to various kinds of

exploitation. The CEO of Elite modelling agency has to tum away many

aspiring male models knowing that the demand for male models is not

enough to absorb the greater supply of young men in the industryl3.

In all generations, money remains the most important reason for the

pursuit of this profession 14. In the current generation however - in the

clamour for glamour, the rush of entries to participate in reality shows, or

the hundreds trying to win talent hunts - there is a sense of desperation,

and repeated references to the bitter experiences of the unemployed

educated around them. There is an ambivalent attitude towards

education, seeing it as important but unsure why it should be so when it

fails to ensure employment. The glamour industry is another site, like the

call centre or the media, where the current generation feels the 'buzz' is

right now, and where opportunities to earn present themselves without

much formal skill or training.

12 A term that refers to the new, caring, sensitive male in metropolitan cities, a man who embodies certain masculine and feminine qualities, especially the 'feminine' attributes of caring for their appearance and body.

11 The CEO says, "We don't sign up that many boys, and we've put a stop on signing up any more boys in numbers. You know every Indian parent feels specifically for their sons, not so much for their daughters ... that they are the best looking things on earth. With the girls they' II be more protective and concerned about 'izzat' and stuff like that. But with the boys it's totally the opposite- they all want their sons to model and they will not take a critical kind of view from anyone."

14 British supermodel Naomi Campbell once famously said that she never got out of bed for anything less than I 0,000 pounds! In India, a newer model can make Rs. 3,000 for one day's work; an established model can make Rs.20,000 for one day's work. However this 'one day of work' is irregular and needs to be actively sought in most cases.

98

II. POWER & POLITICS:

AN ANALYSIS OF LAKME INDIA FASHION WEEK15

The fashion week is to us what the budget is to the Economic Times.

- Editor, ELLE (international fashion magazine) India

This section explores stratification and power in the glamour economy by

seeing the Fashion Week event as a field site where the industry's

principal agents interact and undertake social and professional

relationships. As we have mentioned earlier, there is no bounded site for

'fieldwork' that constitutes the glamour economy. Fashion Week comes

closest to this, being a bounded space for a limited time where many of

the principal participants of the economy converge to conduct business in

a ceremonious manner, almost as if it is the annual 'festival' of the

'community'.

'Fashion weeks' worldwide are highlights in many a city that sees itself as

a trendsetter or a fashion/ style hub. New York, Paris, Milan, Singapore,

Dubai, Sao Paolo, Moscow, Rio de Janeiro - round the year, there is a

calendar of fashion weeks set out for people in the intemational fashion

industry, beginning with the New York Fashion Week and ending with the

Paris Fashion Week. It is at these fashion weeks that the trends for retail

for the coming season are set, or made visible. A fashion week is a week­

long event that packs in many fashion shows by both new and well known

designers from that country I city showing their designs. It is where retail

giants select commercially viable trends and place bulk orders for their

15 I conducted field work at the venue through two Lakme India Fashion Weeks, in 2004 and 2005. In 2005 I was backstage, seeing the women in the fashion industry in their 'workplace' through over 30 fashion shows by different designers. Over the week in both the years I was able to observe in some degree of detail all interactions and proceedings, as well as explore the different spaces in the venue.

99

stores for the forthcoming season. thereby setting the international trends

in fashion.

The first such fashion week in India (following the model of such events

abroad) was called Lakme India Fashion Week (so called because the main

sponsor of the event was Indian cosmetics giant Lakme. abbreviated to

LIFW henceforth). It was held in 2000 for the first time in New Delhi, after

the newly formed Fashion Design Council of India16 (FDCI, formed in

1998) contracted International Management Group (IMG) - the 'world's

largest sport, lifestyle and entertainment marketing company' and also the

organizers of New York Fashion yveek - to conceive, organize and market

India's first fashion week.

In the next few years, LIFW came to be established as the fashion

industry's most important calendar event for various stakeholders - the

designers, sponsors, retailers, media - which not only created a platform

and facilitated the infrastructure to showcase Indian design talent, but

also develop the business potential of the fashion industry and introduce

new talent and innovation.

Over the years, LIFW grew from strength to strength. According to the

press releases by the FDCI, in 2003, LIFW generated business worth

Rs.30 crore. According to FDCI, the week attracted approximately 400

buyers across 212 companies from domestic and international markets.

The fashion week is also a 'sponsor's dream' with the main sponsor Lakme

renewing its three year contract with FDCI in 2003. Other sponsors

include Hyundai, Fosters, Sony Entertainment Television, Hutch, Dior

watches and so on - a range of high end. luxury products that want to

associate their brands with lifestyle aspirations.

16 The aim of FOCI is to "foster growth of the Indian Fashion Industry with support from the Ministry of Textiles and other related Government bodies". For more see www.fdci.org

100

The aim of the week long event was to create a platform where Indian

designers could exhibit their creations and do business with delegates

from all over the world, from international clothing and merchandise

chains in London, New York, Milan, Dubai, Hong Kong. Singapore as well

as with national retailers.

The year 2006 saw some changes in the system that had evolved. FDCI

announced that there would be two fashion weeks every year, as opposed

to one, so that the designs for different seasons could be exhibited as in

the rest of the world. This was aimed at integrating Indian fashion into the

international market so that a greater volume of business could be done

as per the schedule of the international fashion calendar which has

'seasons' when buyers stock up for large stores. After this announcement

came another- the split between the main sponsor Lakme and the FDCI,

the end of a six-year partnership. Lakme (and event organizer IMG)

announced that it would have its own fashion week in Mumbai, while

FDCI would have its own- the original and official India Fashion Week -

in Delhi. Wills Lifestyle, the apparel retail wing of a tobacco conglomerate,

later came forth to sponsor the FDCI fashion week, which then came to be

known as the Wills Lifestyle India Fashion Week. As a result the -industry's

calendar has now come to be dotted with fashion weeks held alternately in

Delhi and Mumbai.

LIFW 2005- Notes from the Field

The LIFW 2005 held in New Delhi was a week long event in which India's

fashion industry was showcased to the world. In an effort to offer an

institutional framework for the industry and imbue more seriousness in

the event, the FDCI organized a series of seminars in the mornings on 'The

Business of Fashion'. The rest of the day was devoted to fashion shows by

various designers (accessible only to those with invitee passes). Each

101

designer was also given a suite or stall in the venue The Grand hotel (in

2004 they were given suites, but by 2005, a whole new temporary

exhibition space had been constructed with stalls for each exhibiting

designer). to act as their 'office' for the duration of the week, where their

creations were on display and where business could actually be

transacted. In addition to this, Lakme- the main sponsor- offered a space

for image consultancy, trials of their products, and opportunities to be

·made over' by hairdressers, make-up artists and so on. Sponsors, such

as Samsung, Fosters and others also had lounges and stalls to showcase

their wares. Other facilities such as media rooms fitted with computers

and the Internet were also available.

Accessing Spaces

The question of access to various parts of the event was the first thing that

one noticed. Spaces were clearly demarcated into degrees of accessibility,

and security in the form of uniformed guards as well as 'staff (young men

and women with walky-talkies and wireless headphones) of the event

management company handling the event was omnipresent at every turn.

A system of identification cards hung around people's necks was the

norm, which legitimized one's presence in the event, and categorized them

into the various legitimate categories such as designer I buyer I model/

media/ sponsor I special guest. Through coincidences and chance

meetings with old friends (one a designer and another working with a

sponsor group) I managed to procure some passes for shows and other

spaces. The following entry in my diary shows the heightened obsession

with creating boundaries for access to various spaces, and identifying and

categorizing legitimate members.

"The value of the passes is huge. I had jour ultimately - one from AP for a

show, one for the Seminar, two for AM's show that too in an official FDCI

envelope. so just flashing the envelope was enough at some points without

revealing that there was nothing inside. Later I would make sure one of the

102

official passes would be visible either in my notebook or in my hand, even if the

pass was three days old, it didn't matter, to the guards or other officials,. it

made me seem somehow legitimate in their space. As if I had a purpose, a

reason to be there, I had an invitation to something at least, I was notjust an

unwanted element doing some cheap celeb-spotting. Everyone else who did not

flash these passes had photo !-cards around their necks. Even labourers had

these cards around their necks. which believe it or not. said: 'Casual Labour'. "

I now examine the different spaces in detail.

Despite limited access for someone without a pass, the central place in the

venue was the lobby and the area around the Lakme stall and the 'Fosters

Pitstop' (a bar/cafe area run by one of the sponsors Foster's Beer), where

opportunities for observing people and interacting with them was possible.

It was possible to closely observe how the industry plays itself out on such

a significant occasion, and to meet a cross section of the persons involved.

Besides models and designers, there were retail specialists, textile and

handloom experts, trend forecasters, fashion journalists, public relations

houses, buyers from international and regional chains, buyers from

individual boutiques all over the world, exporters, teachers at NIFT and

other training institutions, and students. See Figure ll to see a plan of

the hotel lobby and adjoining areas.

103

l L Nail spa Lakme Salon

Lifts

Lakme shop counter with sales girls

TO FOCI OFFICE &

~ DESIGNERS' STALLS (See Figure 12)

ti~ ure 11 : Lobby Area

Grand piano played live at some times during the day

Atrium coffee shop downstairs

Sofas & ledges used by people to sit on (always full)

Information Desk

I I

The Grand Hotel, vasant Kunj, New Delhi, enue of Lakme India Fashion Week 2005

Giant TV screen showing ongoing fashion shows- live

Lifts

Wall screen with sponsors name-photo shoots held against this every day

Lunch cafe (where delegates, designers and models served meals - entry with passes only)

Toilets (the only ones)

Plants surrounded by ledge - used by people to sit on/ media to film against

__ +""- ...------.---- - ""--- where I met two

Hotel Reception Desk

models who first agreed to give me interviews backstage

0 LOBBY AREA ~ Always milling ~ ~ with people ... -' ~--------~ Large map of

Steps

Hotel Entrance

venue & Fashion week schedule

J ... TO MAIN SHOW AREA (See Figure 13) Guards

(Need passes to get beyond this point)

104

The lobby was a space of confluence- not private, but not entirely public

either. It was public enough, in the sense that no passes were required to

be there; if one was reasonably dressed and did not show too many signs

of being different (I did not see anyone not being allowed in) you could well

be in the lobby and stand alongside celebrities. 'Wannabes' (as they were

termed by the media) hung around and gaped at celebrities. All kinds of

people wandered about in the lobby - old single men alone, young single

men in groups, young women of different backgrounds, media, socialites,

buyers wearing straw hats and Hawaiian shirts (as if on holiday). The

lobby had a buzz about it, a sense of people waiting to see people and be

seen themselves. It was a highly charged space, with the overwhelming

presence of the media - many people being interviewed, surrounded by

mikes and TV cameras and flashes from camera bulbs.

Standing in the lobby one was reminded of labour 'clwwks': (a road

crossing where daily wage labour stands early every morning between 6

arid 8, where contractors come and pick up labourers, mainly for

construction work). The lobby was like a chowk of a different kind. Many

young male models and to a lesser extent female ones stood around

religiously every day through the day, so much so that I got accustomed to.

seeing some of the familiar faces. They were mostly aspiring models,

waiting in the hope that they would get noticed by a designer or

choreographer, or photographed by the media. Some enterprising ones

would themselves approach influential people passing by and introduce

themselves and exchange telephone numbers, almost as if they were

'soliciting' work 17.

17 The glamour economy in particular uses public places in a similar way to soliciting- both the supply and demand for labour. By this I mean that while women and men dress up and behave in a certain way, in the hope that they will be accidentally 'spotted' and picked up by an agent, or a client to enter the modelling fray, agents and photographers do in fact 'scout' public places in the search for new talent. Not only informally, but even formally, agencies like Elite have special model hunt nights at various night clubs or discos in which a scouting team picks out potential talent from the dancing crowds.

105

At one end of the lobby was the Fosters Lounge, an informal social space.

One· could have a beer here, watch an ongoing show on the large screen

that had been set up, or see a photo-shoot happening. One night, there

were a group of young men enjoying their drinks there while watching a

show on the screen; they did not seem to be participants in the fashion

week in any way, only spectators who had the monetary capacity and

class status to walk into a five star hotel and sit around for an evening

drink. Different kinds of people came to this area with diverse interests

and concerns.

To the left of the lobby was the wing designated to designers for their

stalls. 'While I was able to enter this area on the first day of the fashion

week without being checked for a pass, on subsequent days this was not

possible. This area was accessible only to designers and buyers and those

with accreditation cards provided by the FDCI. A makeshift tent had been

constructed (and was still under construction even after the Fashion Week

had begun) to house these stalls. Each stall was done up in a unique way,

as per the designer's signature aesthetics. Hence if one stall of a popular

punk designer was done up with pink fur and leather couches, another

designer known for opulent traditional wear would have brocade drapes

on the wall. The tent was air-conditioned although not very efficiently,

with open shafts visible at various places in the roof. Designers expressed

worries about the possibilities of rain. As the stalls did not have lockable

doors, designers were also concerned that their expensive garments could

be stolen or damaged overnight. Transporting all the pieces to and fro was

not feasible and could damage the garments. Having their own caretaker

stay the night on the premises to guard a stall was not acceptable. Sliding

canvas shutter doors were constructed overnight to address this problem.

See Figure 12 to view this space.

106

Common to see clothes trolleys being rolled along

FROM LOBBY

Choreographer ' s lounge

Sponsors offices/ showrooms

croquet game

Makeover room -every day t wo couples who won a TV quiz and lottery were awarded a •makeover• by prominent stylists and make up artists, sponsored by a TV channel.

Figure 12: FOCI Office and Designer Stalls Area

l To Designer Stalls Area

FDCI Office

Tea/ coffee machine

Media centre (access to fax/ internet etc. l

Even after 1"" day , lots of casual labour still constructing stalls

Where I met two Indian models from UK "checking out an Indian fashion week"

Where I met an excited 'tour group' of ladies from Punjab (with male leader)eating aloo banda and Coke.They were Lakme salesgirls from various districts selected for good sales performance & awarded this prestigious one - day 'exposure trip' a Lakme sponsored bus.

To the right of the lobby, was the main show area which was the centre­

piece of the whole event. This was where the spectacle and the drama was,

where all the 40 fashion shows were to be held. (This was what the

precious passes were for!) The show area was essentially a large banquet

107

hall with the capacity to seat about 250 people, in which a long ramp had

been constructed and the seating set up for the audience. The seating

area was in steps, and comprised chairs fitted with white cloth sheets (like

seating provided by caterers at weddings). A whole wing was reserved for

the press. While audience sat on both sides of the ramp, in front, a little

distance from where the ramp ended, was a marked rectangular empty

space (without chairs) reserved for press equipment, cameras, lights, and

photographers and camerapersons who would position themselves prior to

a show to film or take photographs from this vantage position.

The front row of seats was very close to the ramp, only an arm's length

away. (This row is highly coveted and has great snob value. Often

celebrities are spotted sitting in the front row.) Sitting in the second row, I

found that while the show itself to be like any other performance (whether

of dance or theatre) with lights, music, some element of drama, costume

and so on, the proximity of the audience to the 'stage' or ramp (obviously,

to view the clothes well) made the experience intimate and different. In

case of shows of designers showing more revealing clothes, the proximity

seemed unnerving as glistening legs, backs and midriffs walked past

under blinding spotlights, which showed up every pore on the model's

body. Any scars, blemishes imperfections in make up, even a twitch in a

model's smile were immediately visible under this light. While watching

one of my first shows (of designer RD. known for her 'bold' clothes), I

found myself appreciating the courage and confidence it must take for the

models to literally bare themselves and surrender to the lights.

Shows often started late, with the waiting period before a show being an

opportunity for socialites in the audience to socialize with one another.

The cause for the delay was not always clear; on some occasions it

appeared to be a wait for a special guest (although there were no official

'chief guests'), on others it appeared to be a technical delay. On each seat

108

would be a press kit made by the designer about to show her /his

collection comprising one or two photographs of a model displaying some

select creation. a press note about the inspiration behind the collection

(usually some abstract poetic rabble) and some contact details for the

designer. More enterprising designers would also have a cue sheet which

would detail each item being exhibited with a reference number and

technical details, alongside the name of the model wearing the item so

that the audience could follow it on the ramp. This cue sheet was however

not always correct, and sometimes models wore clothes other than the one

attributed to the cue sheet, or did not appear on the ramp in the order

mentioned.

Security was e.x.iremely high in this area. Approach to the area itself was

heavily guarded, and one had to show passes much before the actual

entry to the show hall, with security only increasing as one got closer to

the actual hall where the show was to be held, with guests having to line

up in a cordoned area and show their passes again at two points before

entering the main door of the hall. The area was slightly less guarded just

after a show, or in the lull between two shows. Maximum security was

reserved for high profile shows. or shows in which the presence of film

stars was anticipated. Figure 13 illustrates this space.

109

f-+

To Models I Reserved

J I I Lounge

1 • for Pr~s~ _

[ '1t ~

·a "on / Backstage/ ~

..<:: RUNWAY/ RAMP greenrooms

""' '\ (See Figure

~ !l Of) 14)

~

L ..<:: ~ p..

Reserved for Press ENTRY TO

BACKSTAGE

)t I I r·-·-'-··...J··-··-··-.

GoonJOoflidob 1 Guards/ officials Main entry to hall: j Media entry, I Cordoned areal

TO MAIN guarded/ ID cards I SHOW AREA checked I passes checked here

Press -+ : I I : conference

:_··-··-··-··-··-··1 room

Stalls for sale of

[ book on Indian Media wall: all Guards/ officials fashion and one stall coverage on

selling T -shirts LIFW put up here raising awareness of l ''breast cancer"

Figure 13

Behind the Scenes

Entry backstage - through a closed door on the right of the show hall -

was strictly off limits even for those with passes. Only models, make up

and hair personnel, choreographers, designers and their helpers - that

too, only those who were due to show that day, were allowed inside. Press

persons were allowed only after special permission. My entry backstage

was difficult and disputed, but having been invited by the models

themselves to conduct interviews with them while they were waiting for

make up to be done I managed to secure a position for myself with the

officials and security guards over the next few days.

Figure 14 and 15 give a detailed view of the spaces backstage.

110

L..

Figure 14: Bird's eyes view of Backstage

Water dispenser -often plastic cups finished, regular complaints about no cold drinks, no water, no glasses etc.

Unused lockers

Two huge full length mirrors placed here -not fixed, but leaning against the (canvas) wall

R u N

~·· A y

Models huddle up before a show awaiting their entry

FROM OUTSIDE

Hairspray point! Person stands with hairspray to spray on each passing model.

(Main show (Unofficial) Smoking area

area) greenroom to ___.. Towa.rd ramp a nd back

r:;=( l Mod els

nge Lou

Guard

Where I often during shows

F2 Greenroo

Make-up & Hair Room

Fl Greenroom

Men's Greenroom

[\_ General hudd Hairdressers make-up pers stand around do la~t minu touching up.

There were three makeshift greenrooms in total - Fl and F2 (two

greenrooms for females) and Ml (one for males) under a bigger tent that

constituted 'backstage'. A narrow corridor led from the tent to the make­

shift 'Models Lounge', a resting space for the models. Another corridor

linked the greenrooms to the ramp, or the 'front stage'.

Each greenroom was a makeshift sophisticated tent-like set up (air

conditioned as was the entire area) with white canvas 'walls' and fully

carpeted in grey, it was evident that the entire area had been converted

from a semi-outdoors situation. Birds twittered about on some shafts high

above everything in the area between the ramp and greenrooms. The

carpet was uneven in places with the trolleys being rolled in and out,

111

le.

ons to

te

which led people to often stumble on loose ends of the carpet, and tear

slippers, or, in the rare case, twist ankles. Extremely well lit at all times

(the kind of white light that shows every pore on the skin). the F2

greenroom was dominated by mirrors all around on the white tables set

again the wall.

Trolleys of clothes divided the room into segments; a trolley or two of

clothes could divide the space between two pairs of models which provided

privacy and neatly split the room into cubicles. Each such "cubicle" had a

long table set against the wall, a large mirror (half length, till waist) about

2 metres wide, plastic garden chairs in front of the table and mirror, and

trolleys of clothes on either side. This space would be shared by 2 models

usually, in some rare cases 3 when a designer had specitlcally asked a

particular or additional model (not selected by the FDCI - all other models

were selected by an audition process prior to the event) to be part of her

show.

The only thing missing was a bathroom/ toilet in this tented unit. The

nearest toilet was at a reasonable distance from the ramp area (one of the

regular hotel toilets, open to the public), which involved emerging into the

lobby and walking towards the restaurant amidst a throng of people.

Clearly this was not very easy for models who were half dressed or had

their hair or make up done prior to a show. There was no designated

space for first aid, or anything indicating the presence of a doctor or

medical practitioner on the premises.

The Helpers

The cubicle space would also be shared by the "helpers" (students of

fashion design, on duty to help models get in and out of clothes) for the

two models, but they were peripheral during the time that the model was

present. They were the silent hands that kept everything going. Helpers of

112

the designers would instruct them on how to wear a certain garment or

put on a certain shoe/ footwear or accessory, or put together the required

'look'. The helpers would often be required to try on the item on

themselves or on each other to make sure they could do it right. (The

footwear in some shows was particularly strange and difficult to manage.)

When there was no activity going on, the helpers would sit on the table

tops, or try on some of the clothes while the models themselves were not

present.

The helpers were not known by their own names, but called with reference

to the model they were aiding as "Lakshmi's helper" or "Jesse's helper".

The designers' helpers would call out these 'names' to hand over shoes

etc. to the helper, and the models' helper would respond accordingly.

Managing everything on the trolley and getting the model changed from

one outfit to another in the given time was the responsibility of the helper.

The helpers were mostly young girls: most of them did not wear any make­

up and were not dressed in a fashionable way. The experience of being a

helper is considered important to a fashion design student as it provides

wide exposure to a range of kinds of garments/ designs/ forms of

presentation Is. Other than helping them get in and out of clothes, they did

not interact, socialize or converse with the models otherwise.

18 Being a helper was a coveted position, as was evident by complaints made by fashion design students from· non elite fashion designing institutes. During the previous fashion week in 2004, I had come across a group of students from a private institute 'National Institute of Fashion Design', Rajinder Nagar who expressed their angst at not having been given the opportunity to volunteer at such an event. They complained that all such opportunities invariably went to NIFT and the higher end design schools. These young girls and boys (almost equal numbers of both) created some uncomfortable moments with their inarticulate questioning in the morning seminars. Almost always, their question was a version of "How do people (like us) who have no contacts enter the industry?" It was clear that their inadequacy with English, their 'strange' ways of dressing (they were in their Sunday best, as it were, wearing net or synthetic bell-sleeved tops and so on - however, these were looked at as down-market) and their questions were not taken seriously or dismissed. Awe-struck and wide-eyed, the youngsters wandered around the lobby, fanning themselves with their hankies clutched in sweaty palms, whispering amongst themselves as designers, models and media persons were milling around. While the helpers at LIFW 2005 themselves were not from elite backgrounds, their association with an elite institution ensured access to the coveted positions.

113

Figure 15: Inside the Greenroom and Make up Room

Each cubicle space (created by clothes trolleys & mirror) occupied by two plast ic chairs for the two models sharing that space, and their two helpers.

~) Press conference room (can be overheard in the greenroom)

Central place where helpers of designers unload all shoes, accessories etc . for a s how. They then display to the model's helpers from here how to put on a particular shoe/ accessory, and hand out each one according to a li s t.

Make up area. Done by assistant make -up artists. A model moves here once hair is done , and awaits her turn. Also done in sequence, like an assembly line - first base, then foundation, blush on, then eyes, finally lips, and then accessories/ design.

I I -·- -· - ·-·-.

,

·-·-·-·-·- -·-

I _.....-===l

Hair dressing area. Mirrors line the wal l. Models sit while assistant hairdressers do the hairstyle after being briefed by main hair dresser. Hair is done BEFORE make up .

-'

, I I

KEY: Large mirror atop large table slabs (One set is shared by 2 models)

Prominent "NO SMOKING" sign . (Not adhered tc

Entry to F2 Greenroom (nc door that car locked or bol entrance covE by a curtain)

Entry to rna up room (nc door, curta over entran

Prime spot, where the rna : 'star' hairdress er/ make-up artif does the fin< touches, setf head pieces, hair accessOJ and so on, ol in consultat: with the designer.

I Clothes Trolley: Hung on these are clothes for the next show for each

model in the surrounding enclosure - clothes are in sequence, tagged and

named, with the cue (at which point in the sequence this item is to be

exhibited) .

@ Helpers: One helper per model, therefore a team of two for each cubicle .

={-Models: Two models per cubicle

114

The Routine

There were two groups of models who were doing shows altemately, with

approximq.tely sixteen models to a group. The models had been selected by

a panel of judges (comprising FDCI empanelled designers, choreographers

and FDCI officials) through an audition process prior to the event. So if

group 1 (occupying F1 greenroom) was doing the 10 am show, group 2 in

greenroom F2 would be doing the 12 pm show, and group 1 again would

do the 2 pm show and so on.

Before a show there would be much excitement, anticipation, high stress

levels and the general buzz t~at is prevalent 'backstage' all over the world

before a production, a play, a performance. This was the time when the

models (see plan 4) all dressed up came out of the greenrooms and stood

closer to the area between the greenroom and the ramp. Many of them

checked out their appearances in front of the full-length mirror. Some

pouted or made faces to get the correct expression. Others tapped their

feet to the music that was coming on.

The path from the greenroom to the ramp and back was quite narrow and

already filled with other sundry persons hanging around for some reason -

helpers of designers, make up and hair persons for last minute touch ups

and so on. This was a very dense space during the time of the show. As

each model hurried clumsily through this space, she would transform

herself into the very example of lazy poise and confident self-control once

in the spotlights ... and then when they exited the ramp, once again their

demeanor changed as they hurried back through the same path (as

another model hurried in the other direction for her turn on the ramp)

with skirt lifted so she could hurry along in the shoes to the greenroom to

change into the next outfit allotted to her. Once ready, she would emerge

once again to go through the whole routine. In one of the shows which

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required a particularly fragile hairstyle, a hair artist with a hairspray was

positioned at the point between the ramp and greenroom. and before each

model went onto the ramp she would lower her head (like a Japanese

greeting) towards the hairspray man and he would spray it onto her

hairdo. And so on for each model. When each came back after walking the

ramp also one spray would be showered on them to ensure that the hairdo

did not. disintegrate while they changed. Once they were back after the

change. it was time for another round of spray before they got onto the

ramp again. Soon the area smelled of the hairspray. and one felt ill having

inhaled the odour of so much hairspray.

After the show, there was a different kind of excitement. Press persons

would often make their way into the greenroom to take bytes from models

or designers. One could also hear the post show press conference being

held in the room adjoining the greenroom (they shared a wall although the

entrance was from outside the door). One afternoon a sudden press

conference was held out of turn in the middle of the day. A controversy

had erupted and a press conference was called to clarify matters -

designer Aki Narula responded to the allegation made by Suneet Varma of

him having copied one of Varma's designs for the film Bunty aur Babli.

which was currently being promoted in the media before its reiease. The

eventful press conference could be heard over the wall. as a new set of

models got ready for the next show. The closure of this show would

coincide with preparations beginning for the next one. and as one set of

models changed and disappeared into the Models Lounge or to their

rooms, the other set would reappear.

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Social Interaction and Inter-personal Relationships

Over the days, I learnt the protocol of privacy in a public space like a

common greenroom. For instance, the lack of eye contactl9 while the

model tried on things, or staying out of the cubicle when both models were

in their cubicle, (the helpers too had their own code of propriety about

sharing the space) or not to go into the greenroom immediately after a

show as the models would be changing.

Models reacted differently to different designers. It was evident that a more

famous designer's show had special appeal in the eyes of the models.

There were also some other shows that were 'special' for them for various

reasons- the designers were their friends, or they had a special energy, or

the clothes themselves were different and costume like and gave the

models a sense that they were part of a creative enterprise.

One afternoon I saw some of the older models walking by towards the

make-up room with glasses of white wine in their hands. One came back

to give a flute of champagne to a superrnodel who was putting in an

appearance that day. I did not see the younger I newer models drinking

wine, or any of the helpers. I assumed that it must be part of one of the

styles of few designers (some of the more flamboyant ones) to have this

'extra' for the models, as I did not see it as a regular feature in every show.

While there was no mention of any divide between the older and younger

generation of models and the correct posturing of 'senior /junior' relations

was always maintained, it was possible to observe some power

differentials in the interactions amongst different parties. The relationship

of the designers and choreographers with the older established faces was

19 This brings to mind the various kinds of veiling which subtly exists in Islamic societies. Jasmine Mirza (2002) in her book on women professional workers in Lahore talks about these codes when discussing the codes of conduct as per Islamic Pakistani propriety. This kind of 'unse~::ing seeing' is referred to as 'nazar ka parda' in Islamic culture. Other kinds include 'awaaz ka parda', (veiling with the voice, or speaking in hushed tones so as not to intrude into another's space) and the regular veiling with clothes.

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different. Some designers paid special attention to some of the established

names and personally touched up their look before they went on the

ramp. Some established models had an obvious rapport and familiarity

with the designers and choreographers, whereas the newer models were

less communicative with the designers and generally maintained silence.

In one instance, for example, when the supermodel Niharika was being

personally attended to by designer duo M and S and their helpers and

being draped in white, another well known model Bianca passed by eating

something - it was not her show and she was just hanging around in

ordinary clothes. She tried to feed a bit to Niharika who complied. M

jokingly boomed in a loud voice, "NO EATING WHILE DRESSING UP!".

trying to make light of what for him was possibly a serious issue of law

and order (their collection after all was all-white) and perhaps trying to be

loud enough to ensure that others heard it and read it as a rule to be

followed. Bianca too made light of the admonishment and shot back

saying, "It could be taken as sabotage no?" The incident indicated that

although mentioned lightly the word "sabotage" brought to light the actual

competition there exists between designers and the fragile space that it is

backstage when people who may otherwise be competitors share it. (The

press conference mentioned before also highlights the intense rivalry.)

The incident also showed that Bianca as an established model could

behave in a certain way and command some 'fear' (for want of a better

word) and an effort to avoid conflict on the part of the designer. and

basically get away with it- also because the person she was feeding and

who was complicit in the act was also an established model who was doing

a special favour to the designers by appearing in their show. The scene

would have turned out very different if newer or lesser-known models were

involved.

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Older and more established models obviously commanded more respect, a

greater price in terrns of money they charged, and exercised more power.

They were often the ones given the privilege of starting or ending a show

(being the first person on the ramp, or presenting the grand finale outfit of

the designer) or walking the ramp with the designer at the end of a show.

Models with some film background (even a small bit role in a marginal

film)· were often given 'star treatment', bringing out the hallowed position

that the Hindi film industry enjoys in the glamour industry.

Designers also often gave clothes which were "more special" to the more

established models, as they would expect the audience to recall them

more easily, or the press to photograph them. Some of the older models

would sometimes request for changes in the clothes given to them, having

the space to negotiate this with the designer. Newer models could not

think of making such requests (and risk being seen as fussy or

unprofessional - although older models who requested this would be

accommodated, usually because they were friends with the designer).

There were also some models who were always given some kinds of clothes

- for example, there was one model in particular who was invariably given

briefs or anything skimpy below the waist2o. as others would have refused,

and she was the only one open to wearing such an outfit on the ramp

without making a fuss. On enquiring around about what others felt about

this trend I found that she faced a double edged response. While some of

the designers saw her to be 'professional'. other models sniggered at her

(unfortunate) reputation and were relieved that there was someone else to

do the 'dirty work', some even alleging that certain designers took undue

20 There is a differentiated attitude to wearing revealing clothes according to which part of the body will be on show. Revealing cleavage or waist is not a matter of concern for most of the women in the profession. However hips, and wearing anything revealing waist downwards, or showing too much of legs, especially thighs and upper legs are a sensitive issue. Some women make this clear to the choreographer and designer prior to a show so that they get outtits allotted to them accordingly. Most designers and choreographers do not contest these demands as they are seen to be culturally appropriate and understandable (a phenomenological understanding).

119

advantage of this, and would specifically include an appearance (by her) in

a revealing outfit to get some media coverage.

The relationship of the older models with the make-up artists was also

different, with a well known make up artist allegedly snapping at one of

the newer models who asked her to apply her base foundation (the most

menial of jobs that someone as established as she would never do

anymore). "Get one of my assistants to do that!" she snapped. Her

relationship with the established names was more equitable and friendly.

Established models are also able to confront make-up artists more easily

and criticize things - one prominent model for instance made no bones

about how they were not taking off the make-up properly after a show and

were responsible for some possible rashes, another spontaneously took an

assistant hairdresser to task for burning some hair while straightening or

crimping the hair for a certain hairstyle.

Another area where newer models stepped back, was the use of the full

length mirrors in between the greenroom area and the ramp (again, see

plan 4). Just before the show was to start, many of the models would

practice their 'look' or an expression on their face or check out their

overall look, or just stand/ pose and admire themselves in front of these

two full length mirrors. While all of them caught a fleeting glimpse of

themselves before proceeding to the ramp, a few in particular would stand

for a longer while in front of the mirror. I rarely saw the newer models

doing this, it was mostly the established faces who could take the liberty

of standing in front of the mirror. (Although in the case of ,male· models

this was not so, all of them seemed to want to see themselves in the full

length mirror). The maximum number of trips to these mirrors, and

maximum time in front was shared by male models - particularly one

popular male model, who even when not dressed for a show and was just

passing by would stand arrested by his own image in the mirror and pose,

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checking profile. Amongst the women, it was one particular supermodel

who also spent a long time looking at herself in the full length mirrors

cocking her head from side to side. No one could ask her to move and

allow space for others to use the mirrors as she was evidently amongst the

biggest names there. To see such a private expression (posing in front of a

mirror, or pouting suggestively, as one may do in an unguarded moment

in the privacy of one's bathroom or bedroom) in a public space was

incongruous, and most of the newer models were unable to do this

without getting conscious.

In hindsight, it seemed that the behaviour of many of the models at the

LIFW was not always a correct, or true, representation of the individual

herself, although it communicated volumes about the nature of

relationships in the industry. Their representation of themselves was

made in relation to the space they were in, the people they were

surrounded by and the roles they were supposed to play. For example, my

interview with Pragati was held in two meetings, both very different from

one another. In the first meeting, held backstage during LIFW, she was a

meek, quiet person who answered in monosyllables and was clearly

playing out the role of the new model on the block (who should be seen

and not heard) when backstage in the presence of other established

models, maintaining a low profile and a humble countenance. I also found

her responding to some media persons who asked her questions with a

constructed biography (of stock answers, almost like a memorized press

release), as if she was inventing herself. (This is a trait I found more

prominent in the young women who came from a non elite, often Hindi

speaking background.)

In the second meeting with her, she arrived with a male friend, and

insisted that he sit in on our meeting (in a public place, a busy coffee shop

in a posh South Delhi neighbourhood). The 'biography' she had given the

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media persons did not find a mention in her responses to me, and I found

her to be a more aggressive, street smart, confident than the Pragati

backstage. For instance, she had told the media (and me) during fashion

week that her mother had come with her for her initial shoots to ascertain

the safety of the profession, and once an approving nod had been received

from her parents only then had she really taken this profession to her

career. This seemed improbable in the version that emerged from her

narrative in the second meeting. In this version she had faced opposition

from her family but joined on the sly and in spite of their opposition due

to financial difficulties at home. As she was the one who was ultimately

bringing in the money, they could not protest her joining the profession

and oppose her actively.

This consciousness -of the different personas the women may project in

the presence of peers, at the workplace, at home, or in a public place -

later guided my interviews with many of the women, as I aimed to meet

them in different settings over time.

On the last day, on entering backstage I found the entire area deserted.

Only a few helpers hung around chatting on table tops, and one or two

models sat sending SMS on their mobiles, or with their heads down on

their tables to take a quick nap. This was because the next show was a

·men only' show, and therefore the lull. Male models had much less work

most of the days, they would often be just hanging about without much

work to do, or have to wear just two outfits in the entire day. perhaps only

for one show. The previous year, at the beginning of LIFW 2004, some

prominent male models created a stir by staging a, walk-out, alleging that

they were being discriminated against and treated badly in comparison

with female models. Female models did indeed get more attention,

however this did not seem to deter the large number of male models

milling around.

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Reading the Signs: Stratification in the Glamour World

We can see from our reading of spaces and interactions at the Lakme

India Fashion Week that an informal stratification exists amongst the key

agents. This can be illustrated as below.

sponsoT (LakmeJ

Designers - FDCI

I Senior Women Models --- Make-up Persons --- Hairstylists --- Choreographers

(Male models

marginalized)

I Junior Women Models

I Junior Make-up Persons and Hairstylists

Helpers (NIFT students)

(Marginalized:

Non NIFT students)

Also marginalized: Onlookers, aspiring models, Lakme

salon salesgirls group and others

Figure 16

The corporate sponsors hold the most power. Lakme, in the case of LIFW

and Ponds in the case of Femina - both are traditionally strong cosmetic

giants in the Indian context. Following the split between Lakme and FDCI,

the official India Fashion Week will be sponsored by Wills Lifestyle, a retail

chain. This shows the shift in power from corporate beauty conglomerates

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to the retail sector2 1 or at least a break in the monopoly of the corporate

beauty sector in this field. The split between FDCI and Lakme also reveals

some of the tensions between the State and the corporate private sector,

as the stakes get higher and new agents enter the frayzz.

The difficulties with access, the barriers, security arrangements and the

need to identifY persons at the LIFW point to the tensions that exist in

setting boundaries for the legitimate 'community' of the glamour economy.

We have also seen that the nature of relationships in the industry,

especially between designers. choreographers and models are based on

personal friendships and patronage, and a culture of adherence to

bureaucratic norms of seniority are adhered to in relations between

younger and older models. Choreographers and designers are more

powerful with reference to the models. In the interviews later, Harpreet,

one of the younger generation of models today who has been modelling for

the last five years said:

(Choreographers) have a lot of power. They can tell the designer you are out of

town (even if you are not!). In place they can put someone they want to promote.

Both ways. they can make you or they can break you. They can throw you out of

the show any time.

Another model f~om the first generation, Niharika seconds this:

It's basically the choreographers. designers. To a certain extent photographers. for

the press work. They are all powerful. I mean today choreographers like XY have

made certain models who I think were very bad, stars, because they have pushed

21 Organized retail is the fastest growing sector today and KSA Technopak predicts that the annual market size will treble to over $21 billion by 2010. Just the top ten players, including Reliance Industries, Pantaloon, Bharti, Spencer's Retail and Tatas, will invest $18-20 billion in the next five years, and generate annual revenue of $50-60 billion. Pantaloon's retail space will go up from 4 million square feet to 30 million within four years. (Cover story 'Booming Economy, Towards 1 0%', Outlook, 18 December 2006)

22 The organized retail industry has a difficult relationship with the State because of restrictions of foreign direct investment in the retail sector and other archaic retail laws. At a seminar on retail services organized by UNCT AD and CII, one of the partners compared the IT sector to retail, stating that the Government discriminated against the retail sector (which had as much potential for a boom) and treated the iT sector like itsjamai, and the retail sector like the ghar jamai'

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them so much! And relegated some very good models because they didn't feel that

they matched them at a personal level.

Tension also exists in other relationships. While the media has an

overwhelming presence in the field, designers put forth their problems

with the media explicitly in the seminar, stating that the media did not

take the field seriously and projected fashion as frivolous. Unlike the

West, where there are certain prominent fashion journalists who write

with authority on fashion related matters, Indian newspapers or

magazines do not have this kind of expertise. It was suggested that the

FDCI organize training for these journalists so that the 'serious' side of

fashion was portrayed in the media by informed journalists.

Copyright and piracy at various levels is also an emerging issue for

fashion designers23 Stores sell copies of designer garments; sometimes

craft-persons originally working with a certain designer are recruited by

these stores to reproduce the work; in rare but increasingly prominent

cases. designers allege that other designers copy their designs and present

them as their own24; the increasing use of camera phones also contribute

to a sense of caution, as designers allege that 'prospective clients' take

pictures of their designs only to get them reproduced by others at cheaper

rates. This also brings out the ambiguous relationship between designers

and the retail sector. What would, after all, be 'designer' about a garment

if it were freely available through retail? The concept of exclusivity that is·

central to 'designer-wear' is at odds with the spirit of retail.

23 "Fashion's double trouble", Hindustan Times, 30 April 2005 24 Designer Suneet Varma filed a damage suit against designer Aki Narula and Yash Raj Films for Rs.2 crore for allegedly copying his designs in the film "Bunty aur Babli" in May 2005 after the LIFW. Narula retaliated with a defamation suit in a lower court in New Delhi, claiming that as a stylist for the film he had sourced the controversial outfit from a store, and was not aware that it was a copy. (Hindustan Times, 2 October 2005)

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With the anxiety to make inroads into the international market, new

issues have emerged. Designers often do not know how to make the leap

into the international fashion arena, as it involves the business of exports.

To begin with, international trade in fashion requires that the designer be

registered with Apparel Export Council of India (AECI), that they have the

infrastructure and good managers to handle the commercial aspects of

this business. and most importantly that they demonstrate effective

production and qu_ality control. That is, the buttons don't fall off, or zips

don't get stuck. "It is no longer about taking two suitcases of clothes

abroad," said a retail specialist at the one of the seminars. There are

'compliance norms' that are required to be met by i.nternational buying

houses, especially the large stores such as Selfridges or Macy's. Often an

'ethical evaluation' of the factory is conducted by inspectors from the

buying party to ensure that there is proper ventilation, fire safety,

drinking water, no child labour and so on. The specialist informed the

designers that "If you want to go global, this is the first thing."

Other than corporate retail houses the base of the fashion/ glamour

economy is also expanding. In one year, from 2004 to 2005, many new

agents were invited to join the 'community', such as textile and handloom

houses. LIFW 2005 saw the presence of textile-based retail chain Fabindia

and representatives of the All India Artists and Craftspersons Association.

There were tensions here also; even as nutritionists and personal fitness

trainers were present as important agents in the industry, William Bissell

of Fabindia in the seminar urged those present to "dump the nutritionist,

dump the trainer, and eat organic food."

Fashion Week performs different functions. A fashion show today often

has a serious element to it, as it can make or break the international

position of Indian designers. Fashion Week is not only a business platform

but also an important social event. Like the races or the derby or a polo

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match. it is a ceremony for the elite and for members of the 'glamour

community' to converge, establish and acknowledge one another's

membership and create an illusion of class that facilitate the aspiration of

onlookers to be part of it. The restrictions to access and barriers to entry

only whet this aspiration, even as it is being telecast worldwide through

satellite media.

While in India, the Fashion Week is certainly taking on the role of a

business platform in a limited sense, in other parts of the world, fashion

weeks are now more about lifestyle and ceremony than actual business25.

Even in India, a retail specialist points out that "a ramp show is important

in making a new relationship. It is the first step in a new relationship. But

not important in the long run." Therefore, a fashion show may help a

designer establish his aesthetics or position his creative skills, but it is in

fact, not so central to the business of fashion. This is even more ironic

considering the heightened excitement, media circus and security around

the 'sacred' main show area, and the baited breath with which an

audience sits to watch the lights come on, the music begin and the

dazzling spectacle of a dozen young women walking down the ramp. W nile

the spectacle keeps the audience rooted to their seats. the real business

continues elsewhere.

It is against this backdrop then, that we can read the experiences of

women at the centre of the spectacle, women in the modelling industry. In

the forthcoming chapters, we explore in detail their life-worlds and their

world of work.

25 International designers state that most of the buying and orders from big retail chains and buyers come in before the fashion weeks are held nowadays. (Cartner-Morley, J. 'The Catwalk, Darling? Its So Last Year'. In The Guardian, l3 October 2003)

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