Defining the Aryan Race: An “Imagined Community” in Images

By

Miriam Kashem

May 2013

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the

Master of Arts in History

Dual-Degree Program in History and Archives Management

Simmons College

Boston, Massachusetts

The author grants Simmons College permission to include this thesis in its Library and to make it

available to the academic community for scholarly purposes.

Submitted by

Miriam Kashem

Approved by:

______

John Trevor Coates (thesis advisor) Sarah Leonard (second reader)

© 2013, Miriam Kashem

Per mia madre, che tutto devo. La ringrazio per tutto quello che ha fatto per me.

There is no measure for a mother’s love. It can only be felt.

- Kabhi Khushi Kabhie Gham, 2001

God can’t be everywhere. That’s why He made mothers.

- Hum Tum, 2004

i

◘

Table of Contents

◘

Contents……………………………………………………………………………………………i

Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………………..ii

Chapter 1…………………………………………………………………………………………..1

Introduction

Chapter 2…………………………………………………………………………………………15

Concepts and Theories

Chapter 3…………………………………………………………………………………………26

Propaganda Theories and Nazi Propagandists

Chapter 4…………………………………………………………………………………………38

Analyzing the Images

Chapter 5…………………………………………………………………………………………58

Conclusions

Appendices……………………………………………………………………………………….61

Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………..…64

ii

◘

Acknowledgements

◘

Gratitude is the memory of the heart.

-Jean Baptiste Massieu, Letter to Abbé Sicard

The most enjoyable part of writing this thesis is this opportunity to thank everyone who

contributed, in a major or minor way, to its creation. While this document will bear my name, the

work would not have come together if it had not been for the support, advice, and encouragement

from friends, family and professors. Since I may never be awarded an Academy Award® for

producing a film and make an acceptance speech at the Oscars, this section is the best occasion

to publicly thank those who have helped me during these past three years as a graduate student

and supported me in the writing of this thesis.

The research process and the selection of primary source materials would not have been

possible without the resources of The Wolfsonian-FIU Museum Rare Books and Special

Collections Library in Miami Beach, Florida. Particular thanks is due to Dr. Luca, a former

professor and supervisor and the Chief Librarian of the museum library, for answering my e-

mails regarding the availability of materials and setting aside items for me when I stopped by to

take notes for research. The museum’s wide collection of twentieth century propaganda made

selecting materials difficult, as there were many amazing items to choose from. Their teaching

exhibit entitled Race and Visual Culture under National Socialism also provided me with useful

ideas regarding organization and materials to use for this thesis. Thank you to Dr. Weitz, another

former professor of mine, for corresponding with me via e-mail these past three years with ideas

iii

for assignments and messages of encouragement that helped me believe in my own abilities as a

student.

My thesis advisors, Dr. Coates and Dr. Leonard, have been invaluable in providing

support and feedback throughout the process of writing this thesis. My meetings with Dr. Coates

helped guide the direction of this thesis, and his careful reading of early drafts was particularly

helpful. They have inspired me through their writing and teaching and guided my work wisely

and generously throughout. They always asked those questions that in the end would be the most

important. To Dr. Prieto and the thesis class, thank you for your thesis therapy and academic

advice. I am grateful for their scholarly generosity.

My experience as a graduate student these past three years and in writing this thesis has

often been lonely and isolating. However, I owe my salvation to many friends, three in particular

who have taught me some amazing life lessons along the way: Shelly Gonzalez, Ashley Mateiro,

and Vanessa Reyes. To Shelly, thank you for your long letters (we are reviving the art of letter

writing!) that I reread countless times when I felt sad, and your help in venting out my

frustrations via notes, e-mails and phone calls these past years. Thank you for giving me the gift

of literature again, which has helped heal many wounds. To Ashley, you may never fully

understand how much I depended on our Skype study sessions, for academic and personal

support. Your help and insight as a doctoral student has helped me navigate situations better than

I would have alone, and for that I am grateful. I am indebted to you for being able to complete

this thesis. Thank you for being your amazing self, the best gift you have given me as a friend.

Vanessa, our weekly lunches have been of great help to me, and your advice has always helped

me get through rough times. Your moving to Boston and attending Simmons finally provided me

with nice memories of my time here. Special thanks to my Captain Darjeeling and study abroad

iv

friends, whose friendship has helped me come out of my shell and reminded me that having fun

is a necessary part of life. To all of my friends, your friendship has gotten me through dark times

and has proven that friendship can be a light in darkness, and that the world is not as gray as it

sometimes appears to be.

My family has been supportive of me as a student, though they never fully understood

what I was studying at times, but they had confidence in me when I did not have any in myself.

To my mother, whom this thesis is dedicated to, thank you for your support and love over the

years, especially these past three years when I was not at home as often as I would have liked to

have been. Even though you never understood the topic I was writing about, you knew I was

studying a subject that meant a lot to me, which was enough for you to support my academic

endeavors. Thank you for reminding me of my faith to get me through difficult moments. The

resources you have sacrificed in order for me to get to this point is something I can never fully

repay, but will gladly spend the rest of my life trying to.

To everyone I have mentioned- the phrase “thank you” can only begin to describe the

gratitude I feel towards all of you. Semper gratiam habebo.

1

◘

Chapter 1 Introduction

◘

In reality, everyone uses propaganda; it is a manifestation of human community life.

- Eugen Hadamovsky, Propaganda and National Power

A discussion of propaganda will inevitably touch on the example of Nazi Germany and

the material it produced. It is the most cited instance of a government exploiting the power of

propaganda with the intent of establishing control over a population. During their rise to and

years in power, Nazi officials displayed audacious and new ways of exploiting this political tool.

In a plethora of formats, they offered idealized communities to their supporters while also

demonizing their enemies- visions that would ultimately lead to and be destroyed by war.

Analyzing the story behind the creation of propaganda as well as the materials themselves can

provide insight into its intended purpose and impact. The purpose of the study is to examine how

propaganda images such as posters and book illustrations were used within Nazi Germany to

provide a visual definition of the term “Aryan.” I will study aspects of the images in order to

determine how ideology is transformed into propaganda.

Modern propaganda studies can be said to have started after the First World War, since

its political use became significant during this conflict. In the years following the war,

propaganda began to be studied from a scientific perspective.1 In 1927, American political

scientist and communications theorist Harold D. Lasswell published a work entitled Propaganda

Technique in the World War. He presented an exercise in discovering appropriate theory with

1 Ted J. Smith III, introduction to Propaganda: A Pluralist Perspective, ed. Ted J. Smith III (New York: Praeger,

1989), p. 2.

2

which to analyze propaganda. Lasswell presented questions on the classification of propaganda

content, making a distinction between “value demands” of propaganda such as “war aims,” “war

guilt,” and “casting an enemy,” and propaganda which depicts the “expectations” of war namely

“the illusion of victory.”2 Lasswell focused on the theory of war propaganda to control public

opinion of events during the war. Edward Bernays, who worked in advertising and was part of

the American Committee on Public Information which created propaganda during World War I,

would publish Propaganda in 1928, in which he argued that propaganda and the manipulation of

public opinion was necessary in a democratic society to avoid chaos and conflict. Bernays saw

society as irrational and composed of followers with a herd instinct. He described a democratic

society as one which is molded (by propaganda) and ruled by an invisible few which control the

public mind.3 In theory, citizens of a democratic society make up their own minds on public

questions such as politics and the economic situation. In practice, however, if all members

individually studied the vast amount of data regarding politics, the economy, and ethical

concerns, it would be difficult to establish any conclusions. Therefore, there is an unsaid

agreement to let in the “invisible” few work through the issues at hand.4 The evidence and

important issues selected by the leaders are communicated to the public through propaganda. The

public accepts a standardized code of conduct which is conformed to most of the time. Though

he was criticized by many in his time, Bernays is now seen as the father of modern public

relations, the maintenance of a favorable public image by an organization or government.

In 1937, a group of historians, educators, and journalists in the United States would

establish the Institute for Propaganda Analysis. Its goal was to teach Americans how to

2 Daniel Lerner and Jackson A. Giddens, introduction to Propaganda Technique in the World War, by Harold D.

Lasswell (Cambridge: The Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press, 1971), xiv. 3 Edward Bernays, Propaganda (New York: Horace Liveright, 1928), p. 9-10.

4 Ibid, p. 11.

3

understand the propaganda that was increasingly evident in society, in order for the viewer to

better determine what was fact and what was fiction. Though short lived (until 1941-2) due to the

American entrance into the Second World War which made it difficult to remain detached in

discussing propaganda, the Institute was memorable for formulating the seven common

propaganda techniques: bandwagon, card stacking, glittering generalities, name calling, plain

folks, testimonial, and transfer.5 For example, the “bandwagon” technique is used to convince an

audience that everyone is accepting a program and they do not want to be left out. It can be best

summarized by the phrase “Everyone else is doing it.” The “plain folks” technique is when a

speaker tries to convince the viewer that their ideas are worth supporting because they are “of the

people.” This tactic is often used during presidential campaigns. These categories were said to

help people analyze and think rationally about important issues.

From the 1940s to the 1960s, propaganda analysis shifted away from the paradigmatic

examples which focused on fascism and Marxism, to a more subtle and sophisticated propaganda

present in liberal Western democracies.6 Scholars of history and communications have said that

the source which marked a shift in propaganda analysis was Jacques Ellul’s 1965 work

Propaganda: The Formation of Men’s Attitudes, in which he argued that propaganda is not a

product, but rather a permeating social phenomenon that was necessary to the operation of

technological societies. The work uses both sociological and psychological approaches to discuss

propaganda as a means to adapt the individual to a group, and to control individuals by

conformation to a group standard.7 It also introduced paired opposite categories as a means of

analyzing propaganda, such as vertical-horizontal, which is explained as vertical propaganda

5 Southern Methodist University, “Institute for Propaganda Analysis.”

6 Smith, p. 2.

7 Jacques Ellul, Propaganda: The Formation of Men's Attitudes, trans. Konrad Kellen and Jean Lerner (New York:

Alfred A. Knopf, 1972), p. 7.

4

coming directly from the source to the target audience (e.g. a campaign speech) and horizontal

propaganda is when the vertical propaganda has inspired a few members of the target audience

who spread it amongst the group (e.g. word of mouth or bandwagon effect).8 Ellul’s work

introduced new ways of studying propaganda and inspired more sophisticated and detailed

studies of propaganda. The work also encouraged an expansion of the field of propaganda

studies.9

Though propaganda studies underwent a decline in scholarship, there has recently been a

resurgence in both scholarly and public interest.10

Studies are increasingly interdisciplinary,

combining approaches from historical fields as well as those of art, rhetoric and communications.

This interdisciplinarity reflects the fact that propaganda itself is composed of multiple arts and

skills, including politics and artistic taste. Interdisciplinarity allows for a greater understanding of

how ideas are translated into propaganda and how propaganda engineers the consent of

populations.

In The ‘Hitler Myth’: Image and Reality in the Third Reich, historian Ian Kershaw

highlights the use of propaganda to demonstrate the rise and fall of the Führer cult, a personality

cult based on the popular image of Adolf Hitler. It should be noted that the book was originally

published in German, and the original title had the word “propaganda” in place of “reality.”11

Using reports from the Sicherheitsdienst (SD), the intelligence agency of the SS and the Nazi

Party, along with various formats of propaganda such as film and the press, Kershaw

demonstrates how the propaganda created a cult around Hitler that bore no resemblance to who

Hitler “really was.” By characterizing Hitler as the leader of the Germans after 1933, Kershaw

8 Ibid, p. 79-81.

9 Smith, p. 2.

10 Ibid, p. 2-3.

11 Michael H. Kater, Review of The 'Hitler Myth'. Image and Reality in the Third Reich by Ian Kershaw in The

English Historical Review, Vol. 103, No. 409 (Oct., 1988), p. 1014.

5

shows how the popularity of Hitler coincided with respect for the Party. This was during the

period of 1933-1938, when unemployment was being overcome and there were multiple

successes in foreign policy. Leading officials including Hitler began to believe in the myth as

well: “[The] day on which Hitler started to believe in his own ‘myth’ marked in a sense the

beginning of the end of the Third Reich.”12

Towards the end of the war, as the German situation

worsened, propaganda became largely ineffective as public support for Hitler waned and the

desire for an end to the war increased. Kershaw illustrates how propaganda is the stark disparity

between image and reality.

David Welch’s work has been seminal to the field of Nazi propaganda studies and shows

how the field of Nazi propaganda studies has changed. A study of a single category of

propaganda is Welch’s 1983 work concerning cinema, Propaganda and the German Cinema,

1933-1945. This work is proof of a shift to discussing individual formats of propaganda in

greater detail to determine how messages were communicated. Welch calls for historians to use

cinema as a primary source for studying propaganda. In his work, Welch separates films into five

categories (“Comradeship, Heroism and the Party,” “Blood and Soil and Strength through Joy,”

“The Principle of Leadership,” “War and the Military Image,” “The Image of the Enemy”) and

he analyzes aspects of films in each category.13

Welch demonstrates how the categories changed

as the regime went on. In presenting film analyses in a thematic format, Welch not only

discusses how ideology was presented in film, but also how propaganda shifted to meet the needs

of the Nazi Party. The work is insightful in demonstrating how propaganda responds to the

changing conditions and fortunes of the Nazi state from the prewar years into the Second World

War. Welch also edited a collection of essays entitled Nazi Propaganda: The Power and the

12

Ian Kershaw, The 'Hitler Myth:' Image and Reality in the Third Reich, (New York: Oxford University Press,

1987), p. 82. 13

David Welch, Propaganda and the German Cinema 1933-1945, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), p. 4.

6

Limitations, which discusses the effectiveness of propaganda and whether it was ultimately

successful. His essay in this volume, “Educational Film Propaganda and Nazi Youth,” focuses on

films designed for a specific audience, which highlighted the themes of obedience, loyalty, and

self-sacrifice. It brought the youth into line with the system and drew new recruits in Germany

and Nazi-occupied countries.14

A sustained film program was developed for schools as well,

which directed the youth towards aspects of Nazi ideological themes, namely the themes of

German superiority and Nazi racial theories.15

Welch explains how Nazis used the emotional

appeal of film to combine entertainment and indoctrinate the youth. His 1993 work, The Third

Reich: Politics and Propaganda, focuses on a central debate of the recent decades concerning

Nazi Germany: the degree to which the German population voluntarily supported the regime,

especially its policies towards Jews. Welch discusses the subject by analyzing the role of Nazi

propaganda in shaping public opinion.16

The work discusses the mechanisms behind the creation

of propaganda and offers insight into how the Ministry of Propaganda functioned in German art

and mass media. Welch describes the organizational structure of the multiple branches within the

Ministry of Propaganda, each of which was dedicated to an aspect or format of propaganda such

as radio, film, theater and the fine arts. Welch treats peacetime and wartime propaganda as

separate thematic categories. The peace-time section focuses on the concept of a

Volksgemeinschaft (people’s community) and shows how the idea was used as a means of

diffusing elitism and class tensions with the creation of an image of a racial utopia. Welch argues

that this category of propaganda was successful, at least in decreasing class tensions. In

discussing war propaganda, Welch marks a shift after the Battle of Stalingrad from invincibility

to sacrifice. Welch’s work is valuable in that it discusses the “behind-the-scenes” aspect of

14

David Welch, Nazi Propaganda: The Power and the Limitations, (London: Croom Helm, 1983), p. 83. 15

Ibid, p. 84. 16

David Welch, The Third Reich: Politics and Propaganda, (London and New York: Routledge, 1993).

7

propaganda creation, concluding that Nazi propaganda helped create an acceptance of the regime

based both on attraction and fear.

Randall Bytwerk’s 2004 work Bending Spines: The Propagandas of Nazi Germany and

the German Democratic Republic highlights the variety of techniques used by the two

totalitarian governments, stating that each presented an ideology that was religious in nature,

providing answers to all aspects of life- culture, history, and education. Leaders of both

governments, Adolf Hitler and the later leaders of East Germany including Walter Ulbright and

Erich Honecker, used propaganda to construct themselves as strong faces of the government.

Nazi propaganda turned Hitler into a deity, a mystical embodiment of German identity. The

GDR would present Stalin as a perfect figure. In doing so, Hitler and Stalin became symbols of

the power of the body politic.

Also of note is the religious metaphor Bytwerk sees being used in propaganda, which the

states serve as churches and the propagandists as evangelists spreading the news of the faith

(ideology).17

The author supports this view with a wealth of archival material. The work treats in

detail the minutiae of Nazi and GDR propaganda. Bytwerk’s material illustrates how studying

the creation of propaganda provides insight into its public presence. Ultimately, Bytwerk

concludes that while initially successful, both systems failed in part because they expected more

of their propaganda than it was able to deliver.

In his 2006 book, The Jewish Enemy, historian Jeffrey Herf focuses on anti-Semitic

propaganda during the period of the Second World War (1939-1945) and how it was used to

influence public opinion towards Jews. Herf’s argument is that the idea of a worldwide Jewish

17

Randall T. Bytwerk, Bending Spines: The Propagandas of Nazi Germany and the German Democratic Republic,

(East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2004), p. 6-7.

8

conspiracy held together Nazi discourses.18

This concept would come to influence how Nazi

propaganda depicted past and present events. Herf employs an intentionalist approach to the

Holocaust, which argues that there was a plan to launch the Holocaust from the beginning of the

Third Reich. In discussing propaganda chronologically, Herf notes how the themes of

propaganda shifted to blaming Jews for the start of the war and how Germany’s enemies (the

Allied powers) were depicted as being part of the Jewish conspiracy, an idea which would

continue until the end of the war. One example Herf gives is the Word of the Week wall

newspapers, which began publication in October 1937 and ran until 1943. The large, bold print

posters were designed to slow the pedestrian and compel him to read about the prevailing

political events. Herf states that these posters were important to the visual aspect of anti-Semitic

propaganda, as a quarter of the wall posters included attacks on Jews from 1941 to 1943.19

In

discussing the extermination of Jews, Herf contends that the propaganda became increasingly

hostile as the policy towards Jews became increasingly radical. As the war worsened for

Germany, the propaganda began to use fear as a theme, while keeping the idea of the Jewish

conspiracy present as justification for their wartime actions. The text and argument provide an

array of materials, including speeches and diary entries in addition to propaganda materials.

Leaders and high ranking personalities are mentioned, such as Joseph Goebbels and Julius

Streicher, as well as influential propagandists like Wolfgang Diewerge. The work shows how

propaganda can help conceal and reveal aspects of a government and how it can be used to

dominate political and moral spheres of life.

Nazi propaganda has become a topic of popular (non-academic) interest as well. One

example of this is the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum’s (USHMM) 2009 exhibit and

18

Jeffrey Herf, The Jewish Enemy: Nazi Propaganda during World War II and the Holocaust, (Cambridge, MA;

London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2006), p. 106. 19

Ibid, p. 28-31.

9

book entitled State of Deception: The Power of Nazi Propaganda.20

The book highlights how the

Nazi party used propaganda to exploit popular sentiments regarding discontent towards society

and government in order to get to power. Once in power, the propaganda was used to create a

racial utopia and promote indifference and hostility towards those considered undesirable. The

strength of the book (and exhibit) is its varied selection of images, which highlight the fact that

propaganda is not limited to mass rallies, speeches and textual materials, but can also include

posters, children’s board games, records, radios, and photographs. Images alongside the text of

the book are also helpful in a fluid reading experience concerning Nazi propaganda. The book

highlights how Nazi propaganda has grown as a topic. Analyzing lesser known categories of

propaganda contributes to a more complete picture of Nazi propaganda.

Imagined Communities

Benedict Anderson belongs to a group of modern historians of nationalism that includes

Eric Hobsbawm and Ernest Gellner. Anderson argues that the origins of nationalism are

inadequately recorded, despite the large influence it has had on modern society. His 1983 work

Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism provides a

historical background about the development and reception of nationalism. Imagined

Communities explains nationalism as a global phenomenon that competes with other ideological

constructions. Rather than a physical place with geographical boundaries, Anderson puts forth a

new definition that states that a nation is:

“an imagined political community- and imagined both as inherently limited and

sovereign. It is imagined because even the smallest nation will never know most

of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of

each lives the image of their community. […] Finally, it is imagined as a

community, because, regardless of the actual inequality and exploitation that may

20

Steven Luckert, and Susan Bachrach, State of Deception: The Power of Nazi Propaganda, (Washington, D.C.:

United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, 2009).

10

prevail in each, the nation is always conceived as a deep, horizontal

comradeship.”21

Anderson examines the cultural roots of nationalism in part to comprehend the negative

consequences of the phenomenon (i.e. war and revolutions). In charting the emergence of

multiple national consciousnesses, Anderson highlights three causes: the inception of “print

capitalism,” through which identification with vernacular languages was made amongst people

and “power” languages were established, coinciding with the rise of nationalism in the beginning

of the nineteenth century; the new provincial elites; and the transition of empires into nations. As

older factors of identity such as religion lost standing, the concept of the nation took over.

Anderson presented the history of Creole states (colonies in the Americas) as communities which

were “formed and led by people who shared a common language and common descent with

those against whom they fought.”22

He argues that these states developed the conceptions of

nationality before nationalism took hold of most of Europe.23

One reason is the development of

the newspaper and the printer-journalist. The newspapers provided local and international news,

fortifying the concept of nationality. In reading these events, citizens of New World colonies

were able to develop the idea of an “us” versus “them” mentality.24

The presentation of

information forces the reader to reexamine the accepted history and narrative of any given

nation.

For the purpose of this study, the definition provided by Anderson will be used to

examine the term “Aryan” and propaganda images regarding the Aryan race in Nazi Germany.

Though not a nation, the idea of the Aryan race was given great importance within Nazism.

21

Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, (London; New

York: Verso, 2002), p. 6-7. Emphasis from text. 22

Ibid, p. 47. 23

Ibid, p. 50. 24

Ibid, p. 60-63.

11

Upon gaining power, it was necessary to develop and exploit this aspect of their ideology. One

explanation can be seen in their laws and official documents. Through propaganda images, the

Third Reich was able to clearly define the concept of the Aryan race and thereby create a new

imagined community of importance.

Defining Propaganda

One of the difficulties in analyzing propaganda is the attitude towards the term itself. It is

generally seen by the public as somewhat negative, especially when referred to or discussed in

the context of Nazi Germany or any other twentieth century totalitarian government. However, it

needs to be remembered that propaganda was originally a value-neutral term; rather, it is the

message that is communicated to the public via the tools of mass media for the purpose of

“propagating” political ideas that is either good or bad. An appropriate definition of the term is

therefore needed on which to base an analysis of propaganda images.

Two definitions of propaganda will be used for the purpose of this study so as to present

a more complete portrait of what can constitute propaganda. In his 1965 work Propaganda: The

Formation of Men’s Attitudes, philosopher and sociologist Jacques Ellul outlined propaganda as

“a set of methods employed by an organized group that wants to bring about the active or passive

participation in its actions of a mass of individuals, psychologically unified through

psychological manipulation and incorporated in an organization.”25

It is a set of ideas and

procedures that a group uses to convince a large group of people into participation with the group

and approval of its actions. In 2009, the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum utilized the

following definition for their State of Deception exhibit: Propaganda is “the dissemination of

information, whether truthful, partially truthful, or blatantly false, that aims to shape public

25

Jacques Ellul, Propaganda: The Formation of Men's Attitudes, trans. Konrad Kellen and Jean Lerner (New York:

Alfred A. Knopf, 1972), p. 61.

12

opinion and behavior.”26

These definitions show that propaganda is not only the physical

representations of ideology (such as flags, statues, and films) but also includes the methods

employed to persuade populations to accept certain opinions as fact and support the system in

power.

Sources and Methodology

The study will focus specifically on mass media, defined as the diversified media sources

intended to reach a large audience by mass communication. The sources of focus for analysis

will consist of print ephemeral images, including posters, children’s book illustrations, and

pamphlets. Therefore, it will focus on more mainstream and mass produced materials.

An analysis of images is pivotal due to the fact that the twentieth century increasingly

became the age of the visual source in all aspects of life. This was seen in advertising,

entertainment, the arts, and politics. Due to the increased importance of images in the twentieth

century and the introduction of the mass media age, it is important that they be studied as a

means of communication of ideas and values. As a means of propaganda, visual materials are

more universal and effective than textual documents, as the viewer must be literate to access

written material. Images open up mass communication to the entire population, especially the

illiterate who historically have made up the majority of humanity.

This study seeks to examine ephemeral visual sources of propaganda from the beginning

pre-war years of the Third Reich, the period of 1933 to 1939; specifically those which create a

visual definition of the Aryan race. The propaganda will be from this period since it is the

beginning of the Third Reich and the propaganda is foundational in that it establishes the

important aspects of Nazi ideology. The foundations of “Aryan” propaganda were necessary to

sustain the Nazi state. The majority of the materials are from the Race and Visual Culture under

26

Luckert and Bachrach, p. 2.

13

National Socialism teaching exhibit created by The Wolfsonian-FIU Museum and additional

materials from their collection of Nazi propaganda. A group of thirty images, the majority of

which are from the museum library’s collection, were consulted, and the ones selected for

analysis were chosen based on the date of print (or production) and whether or not it had a

representation of a human figure (whether Aryan or Jewish) in the foreground of the work. The

instructional materials for propagandists are from the German Propaganda Archive website

created and maintained by Randall Bytwerk and Calvin College. Secondary material will also be

used to study the formation of Nazi ideology and the concept of what was Aryan. This thesis will

illustrate that in using Anderson’s concept of the “imagined community,” Nazi images can be

seen as defining the Aryan race, which was of both political and racial importance to the Third

Reich. The why and how of the propaganda’s creation is examined, and an analysis of the

technical aspects of the images is presented as well. Rather than gauge the short and long term

success of the reception of propaganda, the study will focus on the translation of ideology to

propaganda images. The study will present an interdisciplinary approach by utilizing new

sources and incorporating historical and artistic terminology with which to discuss the materials.

This will provide new insight into the function of images in propaganda and provide an example

for the use of lesser known forms of propaganda in historical study for the benefit of a more

complete understanding of the Third Reich.

Chapter two will focus on presenting the nineteenth century theoretical foundations of the

Third Reich regarding race, and how the definition of Aryanism has changed over time.

Important schools of thought, including Social Darwinism and the völkisch movement, will be

discussed in regards to their influence on Nazi ideology. Chapter three examines the policies

regarding propaganda and its production in Nazi Germany. Political figures’ theories of

14

propaganda will be discussed alongside procedural information given to propagandists. The

chapter will focus on how theory was translated into instructional materials for Nazi

propagandists. Chapters four and five present an analysis of the images themselves, and conclude

how elements of the image’s construction translate into the creation of the “imagined

community” of the Aryan race. The findings will be discussed in relation to Anderson’s theory

and the modern significance of Nazi propaganda studies.

15

◘

Chapter 2 Concepts and Theories

◘

All that is not race in this world is trash.

- Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf

Aryan: From Language to Race

All words have a history of how they came to their present use, since the meaning and

significance of terms change over time. In studying the history of a word, it is possible to see

trends and schools of thought that influenced the word’s transformation. The term “Aryan” was

first applied in reference to a family of languages and those who spoke them in the eighteenth

century, which included Sanskrit, Zend, Persian, and Slavonic. The term may have been used

specifically in reference to ancient Indians that called themselves Aria or Ariya; though the wider

application referred to the group of languages as a linguistic identity. While this group of

languages was also called “Indo-European” or “Japhetic,” the term “Aryan” became more

popular in the latter half of the eighteenth century.1

Historian Stefan Arvidsson dates the modern history of the term to the late eighteenth and

early nineteenth centuries in his 2006 work Aryan Idols. The term was used in Europe in the

translation of Middle Eastern texts. In 1771, French Orientalist Anquetil-Duperron, used the term

“Aryan” as a self-designator in Avestan and in the country Iran when translating the Avesta into

French.2 This text was translated into German around 1776-83, which is probably the first time

1 Stefan Arvidsson, Aryan Idols: Indo-European Mythology and Ideology as Science, trans. Sonia Wichmann

(Chicago, London: The University of Chicago Press, 2006), p. 20. 2 Author’s Note: The Avesta is the collection of sacred texts of the Zoroastrian faith, written in the Avestan

language.

16

the text was recorded in that language (Ger. Arier). In 1819, German scholar Frederich Schlegel

connected the term to the German word for honor (Ehre) and connected the concept with those

of honor and noble actions.3 Through his works, the term Arier came into vogue in the German

language. In addition to linguistics, theorist Arthur de Gobineau formulated in his 1855 work An

Essay on the Inequality of the Human Races of the inferiority of certain races (creating three

‘races:’ white, yellow, black) and that the Aryan was the pinnacle of the white races and created

the basis for European aristocracies.4 Gobineau stated that all of the great civilizations of history

started with the white race. All major European languages would use the term “Aryan” by the

first half of the twentieth century.

The term gained popularity in usage in the nineteenth century due to the fact that it was

considered more organic than terms created by scholars.5 The work also became more widely

used when it was adapted by racial anthropology at the end of the nineteenth century. Racial

anthropology challenged the linguistic significance of the term by creating its own image of

Aryans: “based on similarities and differences among selected parts of the human body among

various groups of people.”6 In time, the anthropological and racial use of the term became used

outside academia. The term shifted from a family of languages to a physical-genetic species.

This marked a shift from possibility to necessity: now it was capable of distinguishing which

people did or did not belong to a biological entity.7

In 1887, the first noted reference to “Aryan” meaning “non-Jewish” came from a

Viennese fitness society which declared that only Germans of Aryan descent were permitted

3 Ibid, p. 21.

4 “Aryan | Arian, adj. and n.”. OED Online. Oxford University Press.

http://www.oed.com/view/Entry/11296?redirectedFrom=aryan&. 5 Arvidsson, p. 21.

6 Arvidsson, p. 61.

7 Ibid, p. 61.

17

membership.8 The term “Aryan race” would be revived and used for ideological and political

propaganda purposes during the Third Reich. The use of the term in a racist context was

legalized through the 1933 publication of the Aryan Paragraph (Arierparagraph), which banned

non-Aryans (i.e. Jews) from becoming members of German social clubs, sporting organizations,

and other institutions that granted membership.9

According to Arvidsson, by the end of the nineteenth century, philology could not

prevent the term “Aryan” from shifting from a cultural to a naturalist context in which humans

were increasingly associated with the realm of nature rather than that of culture. The concept of

race and the acceptance of racial anthropology by the end of the nineteenth century were also

influenced by changes in thought and authority- from a humanist and Christian outlook to an

Enlightened and materialistic view. Representatives of the Enlightenment focused on nature’s

role in influencing man’s view of the world and the organization of society.10

By 1933, when

Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party came to power, the term “Aryan race” had already been

established in a racial context for them to usurp for their propaganda and political needs. Thus,

the history of the term “Aryan” is proof of the fact that very little of the Third Reich was

original; rather, their skill arose from appropriating aspects of theory and ideology from a variety

of sources.

Twisting Science: From Darwinism to Social Darwinism

At a Linnean Society of London conference in 1858, Charles Darwin presented his theory

of evolution, stating that living organisms evolved over time by natural selection on chance

variations occurring within a population. While biologists had understood the concept of

transmutation of a given species earlier, Darwin was the first to offer a plausible explanation.

8 Ibid, p. 21.

9 Yad Vashem Shoah Resource Center, “Aryan Paragraph,” 2012.

10 Arvidsson, p. 61-62.

18

These theories were later elaborated on in his two most influential works: On the Origin of the

Species (1859) and The Descent of Man and Selection in Relation to Sex (1871).11

While Darwin’s theory of natural selection related to science and biology, many figures

tried to apply the concept to human relations, mixing politics and science.12

Thus the concept of

natural selection was used as a thin veil of scientific reason to cover existing racist and

prejudiced ideas. In the nineteenth century, a new emerging middle class wanted to eliminate the

control of political power by the nobility, and argued that everyone should be able to freely

compete for wealth and economic resources. They also argued that assisting the poor would be

detrimental, as it would give them an excuse not to compete for wealth. Darwin’s theory was

used as “proof” to justify that competition was beneficial for improving the world.13

Herbert

Spencer would coin the term “survival of the fittest” in 1866 after reading Darwin’s On the

Origin of the Species, using Darwin’s ideas as support for the economic competition practice of

laissez-faire which emphasized free competition and the absence of state intervention in the

economy.14

This would become known as Social Darwinism; a term coined at an 1877 Royal

Historical Society conference in London.15

Initially, Darwin’s work had its greatest impact in Germany and was accepted quickly

amongst the intellectual community.16

Other aspects of society began to be viewed through the

viewpoint of Darwinism, such as philosophy, political economy, and theology. Social Darwinism

in Germany took root in the 1860s and would continue to grow in influence as the nineteenth

11

Joe Walmswell, “Charles Darwin and Evolution, 1809-2009: Darwin and Politics.” 2009. 12

Ibid. 13

Ibid. 14

Herbert Spencer, Herbert Spencer to Charles Darwin, July 2, 1866. Letter. From Darwin Correspondence

Database [Letter 5140]. 15

Joseph Fisher, “The History of Landholding in Ireland” in Transactions of the Royal Historical Society (London,

1877), Vol. 250, quoted in the Oxford English Dictionary. http://www.oed.com/view/Entry/183739 16

Richard Weikart, “The Origins of Social Darwinism in Germany, 1859-1895,” Journal of the History of Ideas,

Vol. 54, no. 3 (July 1993): 469-488, p. 471.

19

century went on.17

Even before the introduction of Darwin’s work in Germany, liberals used

science to bolster their political and economic arguments. As the height of liberalism faded

towards the end of the century, Social Darwinism was used by right-wing liberals in support of

Bismarck’s regime.18

As Social Darwinism was connected with liberalism, it was also connected

to laissez-faire economics, as Social Darwinists considered economic competition as a

progressive doctrine which was beneficial to society and an incentive for progress.19

Elements of Darwin’s On the Origin of the Species were used to encourage the growth of

Social Darwinism in Germany. Darwin’s use of Malthusian theory applied to biology legitimized

his ideas on human population pressure. Darwin’s concept of the struggle for existence was

applied to humans as one species of animals. Darwin claimed that the struggle within each

species was most intense, as they are fighting for the same resources. This was used to describe

humans as well, as Darwin discussed struggle and violent battle in the natural world.20

In The

Descent of Man and Selection in Relation to Sex (1871), Darwin designated “some races as

inferior physically, mentally, and morally, but he did not advocate racial competition.”21

Wars

between nations were a modern version of the struggle for existence seen in nature. German

biologist and naturalist Ernst Haeckel was an unapologetic supporter of Darwin’s theory and its

applications to the human species. As the model German Social Darwinist, Haeckel supported

the extermination of “primitive races” that were losing the struggle for existence, as well as

nationalism and imperialism. Thus Darwin’s followers did use the concept of the struggle for

existence to explain militarism, imperialism, and racial competition.

17

Ibid, p. 471. 18

Ibid, p. 473. 19

Ibid, p. 473-474. 20

Ibid, p. 475. 21

Ibid, p. 480.

20

One of the most influential Social Darwinists in Germany was sociologist and political

economist Albert E. F. Schaffle, who believed that the struggle described in Darwin’s work

applied to groups as well as individuals. “He thought that individual competition should only be

limited when it is necessary to further the collective struggle. For Schaffle, however, the

collective struggle (Collectivkampf) took precedence over individual conflict.”22

This

collectivist version of Social Darwinism would go on to justify racial competition, militarism,

nationalism, and imperialism.

German biologists would focus on the racial struggle elements of Social Darwinism,

rather than the nationalism or militarism. Figures such as Schmidt and Ernst Krause, and Richard

Semon would write on the inferiority of some races and the extermination of human races as part

of the natural selection process. Those who did focus on the element of struggle would discuss it

in a collective sense, as races competing with other races. In the 1880s and 1890s, several Social

Darvinist thinkers relied exclusively on the collectivist struggle in terms of racial struggle.

Ludwig Gumplowicz, a professor at the University of Graz, was known for his 1883 work Der

Rassenkampf (The Racial Struggle), in which socially and historically (as opposed to

biologically) constructed races are depicted as cohesive units competing with other races.23

The

work would contribute greatly to Social Darwinist thought. War was described as an inevitable

part of the racial struggle, with peace being a gap in between battles between races for survival.

While Gumplowicz did not agree with biological racism and would fight against it, many

scientists and physicians would borrow his concept of racial struggle from the 1890s onward.

22

Ibid, p. 479. 23

Ibid, p. 484-485.

21

The concept would be used as an assumption for the pseudoscientific justification for the racial

laws and persecution of Jews during the Nazi regime.24

In the 1890s, anti-Semitic theorists would use the concept of racial struggle for survival

as the primary force in history. These theorists would combine the anti-Semitism that was long

present in Germany, Austria, Russia and other countries with the Social Darwinist theory. This

would gain popularity among anti-Semitic circles in the early twentieth century.25

Figures such

as German philosopher and economist Eugen Dühring stated that the Jewish mentality and

morality were biologically determined. Many would use culture as a reflection of biological

characteristics, so that races with a higher culture would be higher on the evolutionary scale,

which was used in arguing the inferiority of the Jewish faith. Dühring argued that evolutionary

change was so gradual that Jewish culture would not change in the near future, and felt that

evolution would lead to the extermination of lower races, including the Jewish race.26

For those

who followed this biological determinist view of race, the assimilation of races was not an option

because the “immoral” traits would sneak into German society and culture.27

After 1890, the introduction of eugenics marked another shift in Social Darwinism.

Eugenics promotes various practices to improve the genetic composition of a human population.

Eugenics, referred to as the race hygiene movement in Germany, appealed to both liberal and

conservative Social Darwinists, as well as to radicals and socialists.28

Alfred Ploetz and Ludwig

Woltmann, prominent in the German race hygiene movement, would each found a journal to

24

Richard Weikart, “The Impact of Social Darwinism on Anti-Semitic Ideology in Germany and Austria, 1860-

1945,” in Jewish Tradition and the Challenge of Darwinism, ed. Geoffery Cantor and Marc Swelitz (Chicago: The

University of Chicago Press, 2006), p. 101. 25

Ibid, p. 103. 26

Ibid, p. 104. 27

Ibid, p. 104-105. 28

Weikart, “The Origins of Social Darwinism,” p. 488.

22

promote eugenics at the beginning of the twentieth century.29

Social Darwinism in its new form

as eugenics received greater attention from 1900 to 1918. Eugenics was widespread in this

period and not exclusively German; its influence was seen in Great Britain and the United States,

and would reach its greatest popularity in the early twentieth century.30

Eugenics would be

linked with morality, and that which ensured the future of the species would be moral. Theodor

Fritsch, a leading anti-Semitic publisher in the eighteenth century whose work would later be

owned by the Nazi Party, declared that “preserving the health of our race is one of our highest

[moral] commands.”31

Fritsch would later link eugenics to his work.

Eugenics, Social Darwinism, and anti-Semitism would come to influence Adolf Hitler’s

world view. He viewed history as a racial struggle and rejected theories that would interfere with

the triumph of the Aryan race in the racial struggle. In his 1925 work Mein Kampf, Hitler

describes the Aryan as the producer of “human culture…art, science, and techniques.”32

While

he saw Aryans as those who believed in self-sacrifice and honor, he wrote that Jews were

deceitful, immoral, and had a combination of negative hereditary traits. He felt that Jews had no

culture of their own, and what culture they did have was stolen from other peoples and spoiled

by them.33

Only the elimination of Jews from German lands could elevate the human species.

Hitler would combine anti-Semitic stereotypes with a Social Darwinist framework. Social

Darwinism would provide key elements to anti-Semitic ideology which would be borrowed by

Nazi theorists. First, the idea of variations within a species equated racial inequality and

hierarchies to many people. Second, the struggle for survival suggested that the humans were

expanding faster than the food supply, so that those who survived each generation would be the

29

Ibid, p. 488. 30

Claude Moore Health Sciences Library, University of Virginia, “Origins of Eugenics.” 2004. 31

Weikart, “The Impact of Social Darwinism,” p. 108. 32

Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, (New York: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1941), p. 397. 33

Ibid, p. 416-418.

23

fittest. Social Darwinism would contribute to a fear of biological degeneration; and finally, it

would provide the basis for eugenics, which was crucial to Nazi ideology.34

The Völkisch Movement

The question of identity for Germany- Aryan or otherwise- can date back to the 1870s

with the promise and struggle of national unity. In addition, industrialization and modernization

was in effect in Germany and propelling the country forward; a call for a new identity was a

reaction to modernity.35

The set of ideas that developed as a result has been termed völkisch -

that which pertains to the “Volk.” The term suggests more than what its English translation to

“people” suggests. As cultural historian George L. Mosse describes in The Crisis of German

Ideology: Intellectual Origins of the Third Reich: “‘Volk’ signified the union of a group of

people with a transcendental ‘essence.’”36

The essence could be found in nature or a “mythos,”

but in either case, it was connected to a person’s personal nature and represented his creativity

and individuality, and his unity with others within the Volk.37

The völkisch movement was a direct consequence of the nineteenth century Romantic

nationalism movement that influenced Europe. Similar to Romantic nationalism, the movement

embraced the emotional and irrational, and focused on man’s relationship to nature and his

surroundings. These sentiments were embraced due to rationalism having been discredited.38

Restrictions and discipline that came with intellectualism and the Enlightenment were set aside

and the revolutionary ideal became embraced.

Sentimental patriotic interest in German folklore and history was combined with a return

to nature aspect in the nineteenth century. This was a response to the cultural alienation that

34

Weikart, “The Impact of Social Darwinism,” p. 115. 35

George L. Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology: Intellectual Origins of the Third Reich, (New York: The

Universal Library, Grosset & Dunlap, 1964), p. 4. 36

Ibid, p. 4. 37

Ibid, p. 4. 38

Ibid, p. 13.

24

came with industrialization and the liberalism of the late nineteenth century. The romantic

concept of nature, which was thought to be alive and unstructured, connected the individual to

the Volk. As each member of the Volk could connect to nature, it created, a “common feeling of

belonging, in a shared emotional experience… [the Volk] was limited to a particular national

unit…familiar to members of one Volk and alien to all others.”39

This rural nostalgia and desire

for a return to the romantic simplicity of one’s native land was a way of escaping confrontation

with the problems of urban life. This aspect of nature was seen in the vocabulary of the

movement as well, with the word “rooted” being used to describe a person’s connection to nature

and then the Volk which was also a rejection of the “uprootedness” that came with

urbanization.40

As the völkisch movement grew, elements of long-existing anti-Semitism and

ethnic nationalism were added. Soon the idea of a Volksgemeinschaft (national community) came

to be a community which excluded Jews.

After Germany’s defeat in the First World War, the Volk came to symbolize a new type

of ethnic nationalism. The word was used by both leftist and rightist movements in different

contexts; where leftists used the word with a unifying function to reference the proletariat, right

wing movements used it to mean “race.” In racial terms, Mosse writes, the Jew “severed [the

peasant’s] bonds with nature, the Volk, and the life force.”41

The Jew was also associated with

uprootedness, which the movement was firmly against. Only in eliminating the Jew could

identification with the Volk be remade.

The völkisch movement was essential to Nazi ideology and the development of the

movement. The National Socialist movement would take the concept of the Volk that had been

present in right-wing groups and use it to garner support. The völkisch movement became part of

39

Ibid, p. 15. 40

Ibid, p. 16. 41

Ibid, p. 27.

25

the Nazi “solution” to the social and economic problems that Germans were suffering from. The

skill of Nazi leaders, especially Adolf Hitler, came in combining the “Volkish flight from reality

to political discipline and efficient political organization.”42

Hitler gave the movement a concrete

direction to an anti-Jewish revolution. Social and economic concerns became channeled into

anti-Semitism, and though the racial component to the Nazi movement had existed beforehand,

Hitler made it permanent.

42

Ibid, p. 9.

26

◘

Chapter 3 Propaganda Theories and Nazi Propagandists

◘

All propaganda is lies, even when one is telling the truth. – George Orwell

Nazi Theories on Propaganda

An examination of Nazi policies regarding the application of propaganda should begin

with Adolf Hitler. In Mein Kampf, Hitler provides his principles regarding propaganda. Like

many journalists and intellectuals at the time, such as Edward Bernays, Hitler saw that the First

World War demonstrated how important and effective propaganda could be when suitably

applied.1 However, his conclusions were drawn from the highly effective propaganda produced

by American and British governments, as Germany’s propaganda was “more than modest in this

respect.”2 His conclusion was to take the lesson from the enemy and produce effective

propaganda. Hitler described propaganda as a means to an end, but one that must be adapted to

meet its goals.

In a chapter entitled “War Propaganda,” Hitler outlines the following policies regarding

the production and audience of propaganda, often using World War I to show where the

Germans had gone wrong and what the Americans and British had done well:

1 Luckert and Bachrach, p. 5-6.

2 Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, (New York: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1941), p. p. 227.

27

1. Propaganda should be aimed at the less educated. “To whom has propaganda to

appeal? To the scientific intelligentsia or to the less educated masses? It has to appeal forever

and only to the masses!”3

2. If a message is too intellectual or depends on sophisticated rational capacities, the

potential audience of propaganda is narrowed to that which understands the message. In

appealing to emotions, one can widen the audience to the largest potential number and direct it at

those people most susceptible. Specifically, it should focus on the least intelligent of the group.

“All propaganda has to be popular and has to adapt its spiritual level to the perception of the least

intelligent of those towards whom it intends to direct itself.”4

3. Arguments should be distilled into several slogans which should then be repeated until

“even the very last man is able to imagine what is intended by such a word.”5 Effectiveness lies

in simplicity and repetition.

4. Present only one side of the argument and eliminate the option of choice.

“Propaganda’s task is, for instance, not to evaluate the various rights, but far more to stress

exclusively the one that is to be represented by it.”6

5. Continuously criticize a specific enemy. The continuous repetition of a simple idea and

a specific villain is the goal of effective propaganda.

These excerpts show that Hitler focused on propaganda and how to best present a

message to the population. Hitler felt that effective propaganda focused on the lowest common

denominator and was simple, repetitive, and explicit in presentation and design. These principles

would provide a basis for National Socialist propaganda policies. However, the effectiveness of

3 Ibid, p. 230.

4 Ibid, p. 232.

5 Ibid, p. 234.

6 Ibid, p. 236.

28

propaganda can only be determined when paired with the organization’s methods regarding its

production and distribution. In addition to leaders, every movement has its followers and

members. As Hitler described in Mein Kampf, “A follower of a movement is one who declares

himself in agreement with its aims; a member is one who fights for it.”7 Therefore, the

propaganda should be directed at garnering the support of the masses, or followers. The

organization plays the role of a psychologist and determines which of the followers would make

effective members who will work for the success of the movement.8 Effective propaganda will

result in a large number of followers, but an elite smaller group of members. Propaganda should

focus on the future of the movement, while the organization (with its members) focuses on the

present obtaining of power in order to secure the future of the movement.9

Joseph Goebbels, Minister of Propaganda, was in his own right a master of propaganda. His

involvement with propaganda can date back to 1925, when he was hired to replace Heinrich

Himmler as secretary to Nazi Party journalist Otto Strasser.10

His ideas regarding propaganda

were based on Hitler’s concepts as outlined in Mein Kampf but are more detailed. Goebbels’s

propaganda principles were intended for a situation of total war and involve situations that do not

arrive otherwise. However, several of them have roots in propaganda principles which were

directed at garnering mass support, as shown below:

1. “Propaganda must be planned and executed by only one authority. It must issue all the

propaganda directives. It must explain propaganda directives to important officials and maintain

their morale. It must oversee other agencies' activities which have propaganda consequences.”11

7 Ibid, p. 849.

8 Ibid, p. 850.

9 Ibid, p. 854.

10 William L. Shirer, “The Emergence of Paul Joseph Goebbels,” in The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich (New

York: Simon and Schuster, 1960), p. 123-129. 11

Leonard W. Doob, “Goebbels' Principles of Propaganda,” The Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 14, no. 3 (August

1950), p. 423-4. Emphasis from text.

29

This principle reflected the Nazi centralization of authority in addition to Goebbels’s own desire

for power regarding the production of propaganda. In limiting the amount of people involved in

the creation of propaganda, it is easier to control the message and how it is presented. This

relates to Hitler’s belief in having a small elite group of members, as referred to above.

2. “To be perceived, propaganda must evoke the interest of an audience and must be

transmitted through an attention-getting medium.”12

Goebbels understood the significance of

having a variety of propaganda formats and how the material should be presented. Also, he felt

that the format of delivery should change, so that the information is presented in a way that

would attract and hold an audience.

3. “Propaganda must label events and people with distinctive phrases or slogans. They must

evoke responses which the audience previously possesses. […] They must be capable of being

easily learned. They must be utilized again and again, but only in appropriate situations. […]

They must be boomerang-proof.”13

Goebbels placed great focus on the importance of slogans and

phrases which were simple and easy to repeat, in order to gain the widest audience, as Hitler also

believed. Again, the focus on the masses rather than the individual or intellectual is repeated.

However, it was important that the language used could not be used against them by the enemy.

4. “Propaganda must facilitate the displacement of aggression by specifying the targets for

hatred.”14

In addition to stirring the emotions of the audience, a target must also be provided as a

scapegoat for the channeling of the emotions, such as the Jews and the Bolsheviks.

These policies provide insight into the level of importance given to propaganda by its leaders

and high ranking officials. A large amount of resources were placed on developing propaganda

and were successful in extending its use. This is evident in the policies regarding simplicity and

12

Ibid, p. 426. 13

Ibid, p. 435-7. Emphasis from text. 14

Ibid, p. 440.

30

repetition, as well to the variety of methods they would use to spread their messages. Ideology

was cut to several key themes that were repeated in various ways, as shall be seen in the next

chapter. The policies reveal that propaganda was used as a political tool and as a weapon.

Instructional Materials for Propagandists

The instructional guidelines regarding propaganda demonstrate the detail that went into

the first level of communicating ideology: translating ideology into instructions. These

guidelines were based on Hitler’s principles from Mein Kampf, and often detailed how each

format of propaganda was to be used. One of earliest guides is a 1927 brochure entitled

Propaganda, published by the party while Gregor Strasser and Heinrich Himmler were in charge

of party propaganda and the party was still focused on gaining membership.15

Due to its date, it

provides insight into how to gain more members and how to market events such as public

speeches or group discussions.

The instructions are very direct and often do not allow the reader to make individual

decisions regarding the propaganda material. It is a clear, easy-to-follow format that was made

for consumption on a local level (to communicate events in small towns or cities, as opposed to

larger cities such as Berlin or Munich). The format and style are clearly laid out, and reflect the

policy regarding the central authority figure. Below is an excerpt regarding how one should

present the theme of a public meeting and how the poster for the event should be formatted:

The other type of meeting theme uses sensational events of the day, Jewish or

Marxist scandals, and foreign events, which can be stated in few words — usually

3 or 4 words in large type. These will arouse the curiosity of the masses, or their

wrath about international events. They will attend hoping to hear something

sensational or to hear something to the advantage of their group or class.

One may not chose only worldview political themes or current events themes, else

one will lose contact with the masses, or attract only the mere masses, not

valuable fighters. The goal is to have the public eagerly awaiting each meeting, as

was true for a period in Munich during the years 1922-1923. […]

15

Propaganda Abteilung, Propaganda (Munich: Reichs-Parteileitung der N.S.D.A.P., 1927).

31

Use clever, concise, large and striking posters. In most areas they should

regularly use the same colors. In so far as the police allow, the preferred color is

the familiar red of the National Socialist posters in Munich. Despite the high cost,

effective public posters are by [far] the best and most effective method of

announcing a meeting, and therefore the cheapest as well. For examples of poster

texts, see the appendix to Book I of “Mein Kampf.”16

Here, one can note the rules of appealing to the emotions of the masses (as seen in the

words “masses” and “public”) and the concept of simplicity in summarizing the events of the day

in a noticeable style. The idea is to build up emotions in the public, whether curiosity or wrath,

and provide the meeting as a channel for releasing such emotions. The price of the format is

mentioned as well, and suggests that the poster is an investment in the success of the event. The

specific details may be included due to the fact that the reader may not have a great degree of

experience. Nothing is left to chance, as almost every aspect of the propaganda material is

discussed. If in doubt, the reader is referred to the main guidebook- Mein Kampf. The appendix

to the book has examples of posters that were used and facsimiles of the posters as well.17

Underneath are statistics such as “The meeting was attended by more than 2000 persons,” stating

that the effectiveness of the poster design has a direct correlation to the level of attendance.18

In

all the examples provided, the party name is fully spelled out in capital letters, and the text of the

poster is broken into short, easy-to-read paragraphs with phrases printed in bold in between to

break the monotony of the text and make it more eye-appealing. The pamphlet excerpt shows

how propaganda creation was dictated in detail to local levels with small events, which shows

the importance the party placed on propaganda.

Propaganda for urban cities with larger populations required different instructions as to

the creation of material. While the essential principles may be similar, the translation to

16

Ibid. Emphasis from text. 17

Hitler, Mein Kampf, p. 523-545. 18

Ibid, p. 534.

32

instruction is different. A pamphlet on propaganda techniques for cities is Moderne politische

Propaganda (Modern Political Propaganda), published in 1930 as the first of a series of

pamphlets produced by the Reichspropaganda-Abteilung headed by Goebbels, the propaganda

section of the Nazi Party.19

The 1930 publication would be the pamphlet’s third printing, by

which time 55,000 copies had been distributed. Some of the material is taken from the

Propaganda pamphlet, but the material is developed into greater detail given the audience of the

materials. This is done partially because propaganda in a city has to compete with commercial

advertising as well. The audience is generally more sophisticated and used to seeing political,

commercial, and entertainment advertising. The urban lifestyle should be considered as well, as

hectic schedules can mean less time is spent looking at surroundings, so the design is of even

more importance. Therefore, more attention is paid to the format and presentation of information.

A section in the pamphlet entitled “Methods of Propaganda” highlights four categories of focus:

To carry out propaganda effectively in the cities, it is necessary to understand the

proper use of the most important methods of propaganda. It is above all essential

that the propaganda warden does not follow advice coming from a desktop, but

rather that he is and remains in close contact with the people. Only he who

understands everyday life, and who is familiar with events in political life, will be

able to speak effectively to the people he wishes to persuade. Without that

contact, advertising speaks in a dead language. To see with the eyes of the

masses — that is the whole secret of effective propaganda.

There are four kinds of propaganda:

1. Propaganda through the written word, [Flyers, posters, stamps, postcards,

films, etc.]

2. Propaganda through the spoken word, [Study groups, discussion evenings]

3. Propaganda through mass marches, [Local S.A. marches and Reich party

rallies.]

19

G. Stark, Moderne politische Propaganda (Modern Political Propaganda) (Munich: Verlag Frz. Eher Nachf.,

1930).

33

4. Propaganda through cultural gatherings. [Theater and movie audiences]20

Again, the focus is on the masses, which is of greater importance in a city. Here, the

propagandist is encouraged to interact with the people in order to better understand how to

prepare materials for their consumption. This is again due to the larger population. The term

“secret” also reveals surreptitious nature of propaganda, at least from a psychological

perspective. The goal is to keep the audience unaware of the fact that an attempt is made to

influence them with a message. As Joseph Goebbels famously said, “Propaganda becomes

ineffective the moment we are aware of it.”21

The latter half of the survey details instructions for

producing the various types of propaganda within each category. The excerpt below gives

instructions to the production of flyers, and the new technique of flyers with caricatures:

The flyer, with a few sentences, which is distributed on the street, has lost its

effectiveness. It is soon thrown away, and its content, mostly only an

announcement of a meeting, is hardly noticed.

Successful small leaflets (30 by 60 mm) that carry texts like this: “National

Socialists buy only in German shops. The middle class paper: the Völkischer

Beobachter.” These small leaflets can be left in shops.

Another promising innovation is flyers with caricatures. A timely sketch by our

Mjölnir [a Nazi cartoonist] with an appropriate caption is effective. Good

pictures are also effective (e.g., illustrations from the Angriff or from the pamphlet

“Those Damned Nazis”).22

Flyers in various colors, but with identical slogans, some with caricatures, spread

through entire city districts are effective. For example: […]

Your greeting: Heil Hitler!

Down with the party corpses! Power to the National Socialists! The slogans can be ordered from the propaganda department. All flyers, leaflets,

posters and so on that are posted should be attached in a way that makes them

difficult to remove.23

20

Ibid. Emphasis from text. 21

Southern Methodist University, “Propaganda,” 2003. 22

Author’s Note: See Appendix I for illustrations from the pamphlet “Those Damned Nazis.” 23

G. Stark, Moderne politische Propaganda . Emphasis from text.

34

This excerpt is enlightening for several reasons. First, it admits to the failure of some

outdated methods of propaganda, which shows that the officials were concerned with remaining

up-to-date on which methods were more effective than others. It also shows that propaganda

instructions are subject to change, and the updates reveal the importance placed on propaganda

as well. Subtlety is also referenced in getting the masses attention. Another point of importance

is the emphasis placed on the effectiveness of images in getting public attention to the flyer.

Cartoons and pictures are referenced as good tools to appeal to humor and also communicate an

argument. The simple format for the flyer: color, slogan, and caricature, highlights the policies of

simplicity and repetition mentioned earlier. The slogans are thought of ahead and provided, so

that an individual does not have to make much choice, only in choosing from the approved

slogans. Additional ones have to be ordered from the propaganda department. This is also

reminiscent of Goebbels’s policy regarding a central authority for propaganda. The last sentence

of the above excerpt, regarding the placement of flyers, also shows how detail is made in every

step of propaganda- even its presentation. The longer the flyer stays attached, the better chance it

has of attracting a large audience. The last sentence of the pamphlet reads as follows: “It

[propaganda] must be used in various ways, but will be successful only when it is conducted by

fanatical fighters with unbreakable wills.”24

This sentence shows the importance of the

propagandist in their ability to actively spread the word to promote Nazism. This shows that

regardless of the ideology, the propaganda materials can only be effective if the people that make

them are energetically involved in the process.

In addition to producing instructional materials such as brochures and pamphlets, party

propagandists also met for in-person training courses during which current issues regarding

propaganda and how to respond to them appropriately were discussed. The following excerpt is

24

Ibid.

35

from a summary of a three-day training course for propaganda leaders of the Nazi Party, held on

24-26 April 1939, which focused on the state of party propaganda up until that point (and

crucially, before the beginning of the Second World War, though unbeknownst to them):

A leader of a propaganda ring must possess not only abilities as a propagandist,

but also the ability to achieve his goals more through cooperation than discipline.

Only after he determines that a representative of a given organization cannot be

lead because he is unwilling to be lead should he resort to discipline. Then it is

necessary to act resolutely in the interests of the party, without worrying about his

popularity. Our goal is not to be popular or unpopular, but rather it is to tirelessly

and fully do our duty: To secure the primacy of the party in the area of

propaganda, which also means to guarantee the unity of propaganda! […]

The Reichspropagandaleiter began with the frequently expressed viewpoint that

today, since the party has seized state power and the people are National Socialist,

propaganda is no longer necessary. Such a view is not only false, it shows that its

adherents have no understanding of the nature of propaganda. Propaganda has not

only a right to exist, it has a need to exist. Its task is to keep the people persuaded,

and to mold coming generations. This shows the difference between propaganda

and people’s enlightenment. Propaganda is a revolutionary-political concept.

People’s enlightenment limits itself to informing the people in a more factual way

about existing necessities and questions. […]

A further reason for the necessity of propaganda, according to Party Comrade Dr.

Goebbels is that it must be tailored to the understanding and receptivity of the

people. Some maintain that it is increasingly necessary to increase the intellectual

level of our propaganda, particularly speeches. On the contrary, our meetings are

intended for the entire people and must therefore be put in a form that everyone

can understand. It is not the goal of the speaker to speak to only a part of the

audience. One only needs to think of the churches, whose preachers largely speak

in a way understandable by all. The task of propaganda is not to complicate

things, but to simplify them. It should not present many problems, but rather only

a few that can be put in a clear way to the people. […]

Simplification means further that propaganda must focus on the essential and

leave aside the nonessentials.25

The first section demonstrates the importance of a central leader, not only to propaganda

departments, but in National Socialism as well. The importance of propaganda and organization

is also important, as highlighted by Hitler in Mein Kampf. The ability to be a good leader and

25

“1. Lehrgang der Gau- und Kreispropagandaleiter der NSDAP” [First Course for Gau and County Propaganda

Leaders of the NSDAP], Unser Wille und Weg, 9 (1939), p. 124-139.

36

propagandist is needed in order to be effective. Above all, the importance of the propaganda and

the message remains significant. The second section demonstrates the importance of propaganda

to the party, even after seizing power. It is increasingly necessary, in order to maintain the

people’s support. As maintaining support is more difficult than first getting it, propaganda

becomes increasingly necessary as the regime continues. The psychological importance of

propaganda is referred to as well, with the terms “mold” and “persuade” being used. The

significance of the future generations is also stressed, which recalls Hitler’s sentiment that

propaganda focuses on the future of a movement. The radical nature of Nazi propaganda is also

highlighted. As the political situation changes, propaganda becomes increasingly necessary in

maintaining the support and sentiment of the people. Propaganda must change with the times, but

its presence is always necessary.

The third section of the excerpt shows that there was concern over the intellectual level of

propaganda. This idea is put aside; as it is reminded that propaganda must appeal to the lowest

intellectual level in order to garner the greatest audience. Propaganda is likened to religion, as

the example of the church is mentioned. This highlights the degree of importance placed on

propaganda by its leaders, and the knowledge of the deliberate nature of propaganda as well.

Again, importance is placed on minimalism in presentation, and simplification in demonstration

of content. Propaganda focuses on the communication of what is considered necessary for the

people to know, and the simplification of the methods of communication.

These instructional materials and meeting overview highlight the first level of

communicating ideology, translating it into instructions and guidelines for propagandists with

which to create materials for public consumption. Anderson argues in Imagined Communities

that nations as communities were in part formed by published texts that led readers to identify

37

with others that spoke and read the same language. These texts then, are a step in that direction,

towards “the embryo of the nationally imagined community.”26

These materials show the

importance of the propagandist and the significance in distilling ideology into simple rules. In

doing so, the creator of propaganda can better communicate the ideas if it is presented to him in a

clear manner. The materials provide insight into the formats of propaganda considered and used,

as well as the variations regarding location in rural and urban areas. The amount of detail shows

that very little was left for the individual propagandist to decide, as the important decisions had

already been made by departments and propaganda division leaders. While the propagandist was

important, his role as a member of a group was more crucial. There are multiple ways of

communicating ideology, depending on the audience, as these materials show. This first level of

communication was important in order to create the next step in establishing that community, by

providing visual definitions of the “imagined community” of the Aryan race.

26

Anderson, Imagined Communities, p. 45.

38

◘

Chapter 4 Analyzing the Images

◘

Propaganda: A Matter of the Heart, not of the Understanding!

- Walter Schulze, Head of Department for Active Propaganda

What is Aryan?

The Nazi ideology established the Aryan race as the new identity of importance, but the

identity had to be given a definition as to whom it could include and exclude. This required

defining the terms “Aryan” and “Jew.” While laws and official documents provided a legal basis

for this new identity, it was more effectively defined with images. For example, Article 2 of the

Reich Citizenship Law of November 1935 states:

An individual of mixed Jewish blood is one who is descended from one or two

grandparents who were racially full Jews, in so far as he or she does not count as a

Jew according to Article 5, paragraph 2 One grandparent shall be considered as

full-blooded if he or she belonged to the Jewish religious community.1

The law bases its definition of a Jewish person based on their descendants, but technically does

not define what a Jewish person is. The law was at times complicated to administer since it is

based on evidence of family background which was at times difficult to obtain.2 The text goes on

to further state the classification of half-Jews, or Mischlinge, but similarly states that it is based

on descendants. Images provide a more explicit cultural definition that was widely referenced in

the definition of “Aryan” and the discrimination towards Jews.

1 Jeremy Noakes and Geoffrey Pridham, Documents on Nazism: 1914-1945, (New York: Viking Press, 1975), p.

463-7. 2 Jewish Virtual Library, “The Reich Citizenship Law: First Regulation.” 2013.

39

Applying Anderson’s concept of “imagined communities” to the idea of the Aryan race

illustrates how images perpetuated the cultural definition of the ideal Aryan. “Communities are

to be distinguished,” Anderson argues, “not by their falsity/genuineness, but by the style in

which they are imagined.”3 While Anderson’s work focuses on the role of “print capitalism” and

the publication of texts in vernacular languages (as opposed to Latin) in establishing nations as

communities of identity, images can provide a more universal definition of a community and can

be present in multiple spheres of life.

This involves the second level of translation of ideology, taking the honed principles and

translating them into images for public consumption. The principles of propaganda as

highlighted by Hitler and Goebbels and seen in the propagandists’ instructional materials become

translated into a visual format. In separating aspects of the images, one can work backwards to

see how the image is put together to create the imagined community of the Aryan race.

Posters were a popular and cost effective format of propaganda that aided in establishing

the visual lexicon of the Aryan race that was central to the regime’s racial ideology. The Aryan

was ever present in often visually striking compositions in posters. Posters could be placed in

public spaces all over the country and were harder to ignore than other formats of propaganda

that involved personal choice- one could choose to see a film, but it was hardly possible to

choose not to see a poster when they could easily invade many spheres of life. As Hitler

described in Mein Kampf, “A poster’s art lies in the designer’s ability to catch the masses’

attention by outline and color…the more it succeeds in this, the greater therefore is the art of the

poster itself.”4 While the artwork is important, it is only significant if it succeeds in garnering

attention. The poster is often dominated by the image it presents, with text playing a supporting

3 Anderson, Imagined Communities, p. 6.

4 Hitler, Mein Kampf, p. 230-231.

40

role. The image is a quicker method of communicating a sentiment than text, saying more in a

shorter space of time. The Modern Political Propaganda leaflet highlights the benefits of the

poster as follows:

Posters, despite their considerable cost, are the best form of propaganda, and in

relation to their cost a cheap method of advertising. […] The effect of the picture

poster lies with its capacity to be understood at a glance, to get across the spiritual

attitude instantly, whereas the text poster needs a certain time to read and a longer

time to think about. The hurried city-dweller does not have much time. Mostly, he

only catches a quick look at a poster while walking past. The picture has to

instantly say at a glance everything that a longer text poster says. Herein lies the

difficulty. It is hard to find a riveting picture with a few catchy words.5

The image is given greater importance in the poster because it does the work of text and artwork,

visually appealing while communicating the same message that a fully text poster would.

Therefore, the skill of the propagandist is necessary to focus the attention to translating ideology

into the image.

5 G. Stark, Modern Political Propaganda. Emphasis from text.

41

The first poster is from a 1936 festival in Cologne, the Ehrentag der Kinderreichen

(Festival for Families with Many Children). Family was an important aspect of Nazi ideology, as

it ensured the continuation of the Aryan race. Large families were celebrated as a guarantee of

this promised future. Thus, in depicting a family, the propaganda is focusing on its future, a

policy which Hitler highlighted. The silhouetted family is depicted with highly stylized bodies,

but without any distinct facial figures, stressing the importance of the body while creating an

“everyman” symbol that people could relate to. The family stands in front of the Cologne

cathedral, a symbol of the unity of the community and its cultural achievement. The family

consists of two young boys, seemingly dressed in Hitler Youth attire, and a young girl. The

youngest child is an infant, which is significant because it highlights the continued growth of the

family, which ideology encouraged. The head of the family is distinctly the father, as he stands

over his family. This is a symbol of the patriarchal values of the regime and to a lesser extent the

affirmation of gender roles as the man being the head of the family. The family salutes the

regime, a symbol of which is placed above them, as a distinct reminder of the authority of the

regime over the population. As the blue of the background and the church is not bold, the

dominant colors of the poster are the black which is used to depict the family and the red of the

Nazi flag. Thus, the focuses of the poster are the regime and the Aryan family. Color therefore

helps translate the importance of family from the ideology into a visual format.

42

This Neues Volk poster (New People) advertises the 1938 calendar of the magazine. The

poster was published by the Rassenpolitischen Amtes der NSDAP (Racial Policy Office for the

NSDAP), a department which was founded to supervise and maintain the production of

propaganda regarding the ethic consciousness of the Aryan race.6 The Neues Volk was a monthly

publication by the department aimed at a wide audience (circulating 300,000 by 1938), which

promoted the virtues of the “Aryan race” while describing the deficiencies of the non-Aryans

such as Jews and Poles.7 Therefore, the images from the department are of increased importance

as they placed focus on educating the public through its published material. The poster provides

a visual definition of the “new people,” the Aryans, as chiseled, athletic, blonde and attractive.

6 Claudia Koonz, The Nazi Conscience, (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2005), p. 110.

7 Randall Bytwerk, Neues Volk, German Propaganda Archive. 2007. http://www.bytwerk.com/gpa/neuesvolk.htm.

43

Again, the importance is placed on the family and the continuation of the Aryan community by

placing the infant in the foreground. The bright colors in the background increase the

attractiveness and idealization of the image. The man’s status as head of the family is repeated in

his position above the woman and child and the large scale to which he is drawn in comparison

to the two other figures. The depiction of the family unit mirrors those of the Holy Family,

specifically the depictions of the Madonna and Child, suggesting the creation of a new Holy

Family for the “Aryan race.” The religious theme gives the poster a powerful tone in a society

where Christian belief is widespread, though the Nazis were not explicitly religious. The eagle in

the upper right-hand corner of the poster is a symbol of the regime. If swastikas are not used in

an image, it is often replaced with a German eagle in the image as a representation of the state.

That the poster is for the Racial Policy Office of the Nazi Party is also reason for the great level

of detail in visually depicting the Aryan race so appealingly. The focus is again on the family and

reproductive aspects of Nazi ideology, and color is again crucial to the depiction of the Aryan as

a desirable ideal to which to aspire.

44

This 1938 propaganda poster advertises the Winterhilfswerk charity drive. The

Winterhilfswerk (Winter Relief) was an annual charity drive by the Nationalsozialistische

Volkswohlfahrt (National Socialist People’s Welfare Organization), a social welfare organization

to help finance charitable work. The drive ran from October through March and the donations, of

money and goods such as clothing and food, went to less fortunate Germans during the winter

months. As part of the centralization of Nazi Germany, posters urged people to donate rather to

give directly to beggars.8 This poster focuses on the family, which was a central theme to Nazi

propaganda and ideology, as part of the regime’s desire to increase the Aryan race. Larger

families such as this are usually depicted in propaganda. The family is blonde-haired and blue-

eyed and healthy, and shows a sense of pride rather than the pity typically seen in charity

advertising. In depicting the whole family, the wholesome values of the regime are visually

8 Koonz, The Nazi Conscience, p. 71.

45

established. The poster and the depiction of the family also serves to break down class barriers

by focusing on the Aryan race as a community, in its depiction of a proud and happy “typical”

German family. This also relates to Anderson’s definition of the “imagined community,” which

is “imagined as a community, because, regardless of the actual inequality… that may exist in

each, the nation is always conceived as a deep horizontal comradeship.”9 The focus on

community, seen in the caption “A people helps itself!,” is important as it diverts attention from

other barriers, such as social class.

The mother is dressed in simple attire and her gaze rests on the infant, showing a

dedication to motherhood and raising racially pure children. As historian Matthew Stibbe writes

in Women in the Third Reich, “The ‘ideal Nazi woman’, then, as she appeared in Nazi Party

propaganda, was aware of her responsibilities to the race and to the Volk, over and above her

responsibilities to her family and herself.10

The Nazi values are stressed in the eldest son’s Hitler

Youth uniform as well. The father stands at the head of the family, stressing gender roles and the

patriarchal society of the Nazi state. The German eagle represents the Nazi state, a symbol of

which was always present in propaganda material. The poster serves to visually reinforce family

values and gender roles.

9 Anderson, “Imagined Communities,” p. 7.

10 Matthew Stibbe, Women in the Third Reich, New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2003, pg. 43.

46

The 1937 Schaffendes Landvolk (An Agrarian Nation at Work) poster advertises a

regional industrial fair of the farming community. The poster was published by the Institut für

Wirtschaftspropaganda (Institute for Economic Propaganda), an institution that took the

regime’s ideas to trade fairs and exhibitions. Their publications, including this poster and event,

promoted a “crudely racial understanding of the economy.”11

The institute relied heavily on

visual material, illustrating the Nazis’ economic achievements with charts and photographs

which were juxtaposed to attacks on “Jewish forms” of economic activity such as capitalism.12

The poster focuses on the productive capacities of the Aryan people and depicts an idyllic

portrait of the rural economy. This poster highlights the Romantic aspects of Nazi ideology and

the Volk, as it sought to connect itself to an idyllic rural past based on classical imagery.

Idealized Aryan bodies such as that of this farmer evoke agrarian traditions of the German past.

The focus is on his work and importance of the farmer to the nation’s output of labor. The

11

S. Jonathan Wiesen, Creating the Nazi Marketplace: Commerce and Consumption in the Third Reich,

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), p. 32. 12

Ibid, p. 32.

47

figure’s gaze is focused on his tools, as opposed to looking at the audience. Though there is only

a singular figure, it is a symbol of a group. Rather than singling out an individual, figures such as

the farmer are used to symbolize a larger group. Thus the poster focuses on the masses, not

individuals. The pastel colors also creative an attractive and innocent image of farming, but the

focus of the poster is the white of the shirt, calling more attention to the depiction of an idealized

Aryan male. Though the poster mentions one specific group of people, farmers and those related

to its industrialization, the focus is still on a community gathering, as seen in the advertisement

for the fair. In addition to depicting a symbol for a group of people, the poster and event also

addresses its audience as a group, rather than as singular members of a group. The German eagle

is also present as a symbol of the Third Reich, since it may be aesthetically better to use an eagle

in some posters rather than swastikas or other symbols of the state. The poster shows how

singular figures are used to address groups of people rather than simply be representations of

individuals.

48

This image is of the front and back cover of a 1937 publication entitled Die Arbeitsmaid

(The Working Girl). An Arbeitsmaid was a member of The Arbeitsmaid Organization, a division

for young women under the supervision of the Reichsarbeitsdienst (The Reich Work Service) for

the purpose of summer work and recreation for youth. It was a successor to the youth movement,

with the expressed goals of educating the youth, group work, and instilling social responsibility

and respect for manual labor.13

The book advertised work programs for unmarried young

women. Therefore, the figure represented is again a symbol of a larger group rather than a

representation of an individual. The focus is on her work, but that which is appropriate to her

gender. This is seen on the left-hand side, where the girl is supervising children at play. Though

it is work, it is that which is appropriate to the ideology’s depiction of an ideal woman and is a

form of training for expected future as a wife and mother. The figure is depicted as a healthy,

13

Thomas August Kohut, A German Generation: An Experiential History of the Twentieth Century, (New Haven:

Yale University Press, 2012), p. 128-9.

49

blue eyed, blonde and determined young woman, who is focused on her goal.14

Propaganda

images discouraged women from being too decadent in dress and depicted women who had a

more traditional and simplistic look. Makeup and anything else relating to sex appeal was seen as

“Jewish cosmopolitanism” and was discouraged against. The dress is simple but appropriate to

the task. The pastel colors depict an idyllic countryside community, with the focus on the

children of the community in the foreground, suggesting its growth. The imagery and drawing

technique is reminiscent paintings which too provided a romantic view of nature and the

countryside. The colors and depiction of the young woman is similar to the work of the

nineteenth century French Realist painter Jules Adolphe Breton, namely The Song of the Lark.15

This book cover helped promote the Arbeitsmaid Organization and the idealized image of the

countryside and label, and encouraged other young women to join.

These images, in addition to advertising their respected events and organizations, helped

define the concept of the Aryan race through visual representation. As part of an imagined

community, they provided an image to the ideology presented by the party. The principles

articulated in the community include racial hygiene, growth of the Aryan race, and romanticizing

the race. Concepts such as motherhood, labor, the power of the state, are effectively

communicated through tools such as symbolism and color scheme. As Anderson writes in

respect to the nation, national identity becomes “assimilated to skin-colour, gender, parentage,

and birth era,” and these concepts can also be seen in the creation of the Aryan identity, which

then translated into a visual form in these images.16

14

Note: The 15

Author’s Note: See Appendix II for Jules Breton’s depiction of a rural girl in his 1884 work The Song of the Lark. 16

Anderson, p. 143.

50

What is Jewish?

It is important to study the depiction of Jews in relation to the definition of the Aryan

“imagined community” because Nazis often defined something by its contrast. As Hitler argued

that “the Jew forms the strongest contrast to the Aryan,” it is therefore important to study

depictions of Jews in relation to the definition of the Aryan.17

The images of Jews are especially

important in this regard; while legal definitions of what constituted a “Jew” could be a cause of

confusion, images were explicit in their definition and their translation of ideology. Since legal

definitions were created by the government and not borne out of a consensus of the people, there

was often confusion surrounding the Nuremberg Laws and the definitions of “Jews” and the

various degrees of half-Jews, or Mischlinge, and what constituted a racial defilement under the

Laws.18

The images depicting “Jews,” however, reflect cultural stereotypes that had long been

present in German society, and therefore serve as a more adequate definition of “Jew” and the

limitations of the imaged community of the Aryan race. It is an example of using images to make

up for the difficulties of interpreting textual sources.

Using Anderson’s concept of imagined communities, the imagined community of the

Aryan race is therefore “imagined as limited because even the largest of them, encompassing

perhaps a billion living human beings, has finite, if elastic boundaries…[the Aryan community

does not] imagin[e] itself coterminous with mankind.”19

In analyzing images depicting Jews, one

is therefore studying the boundaries of the imagined Aryan community and those who were

excluded from it.

17

Hitler, p. 412. 18

Patricia Szobar, “Telling Sexual Stories in the Nazi Courts of Law: Racial Defilement in Germany, 1933 to 1945,”

Journal of the History of Sexuality, 11, no. 1-2 (January-April 2002): 131-163, p. 135-130. 19

Anderson, Imagined Communities, p. 7.

51

This is a 1937 poster advertising the Der Ewige Jude (The Eternal Jew) art exhibit in

Munich from 1937 to 1938. It was an exhibit produced by the Propaganda Ministry of art that the

Nazis had labeled as degenerate and had put on display to mock and publicly condemn them.

This poster serves to link the degenerate art to the Jews as another negative characteristic of

theirs, as Hitler declared that “What he [the Jew] achieves in the field of art is either

bowdlerization or intellectual theft…lack[ing] those qualities which distinguish

creatively…culturally blessed races.”20

The poster works by combining several negative

stereotypes of Jews. The main reference to a stereotype is the title of the exhibit placed over the

figure. It is a reference to the legend of “the wandering Jew” who had mocked Christ on his way

to being crucified and was therefore condemned to roam the Earth until the Day of Judgment.

This title is a reference to the Christian tradition present in Germany which the Nazis had to

20

Hitler, Mein Kampf, p. 417.

52

contend with, despite the fact that they had based their racist policies on pseudo-scientific

explanations of race. The yellow color is strong, and is a stark contrast to the pastel colors used

to depict Aryans. The yellow also links the gold coins to the Jew and the image of a capitalist,

visual evidence of another stereotype. The map in his left arm which bears the symbol of

Bolshevism, the hammer and the sickle, combines political and racial stereotypes of Jews. The

figure is depicted as hunched, fat, unkempt, and with eyes closed as if to avoid looking at the

audience. The dark color of the clothing also shows that the figure is not to be trusted. The image

shows that the Nazis exploited anti-Semitic stereotypes that had existed for centuries. In

combining multiple negative stereotypes, the poster provides a detailed visual definition of what

was not Aryan.

This is a cover of a 1934 book entitled Juden stellen sich vor (Jews Introduce

Themselves). The cover design is by a cartoonist named Philipp Rupprecht, who published under

53

the name “Fips.” Rupprecht was known for his anti-Semitic caricatures which he created

thousands of for the Nazi publication Der Stürmer magazine.21

The image is simplistic, but it is

this quality which makes it effective. The figure is a continuation of the exaggerated stereotype

he created in his other works, where he depicted Jews as short, fat, ugly, unshaven, bent-nosed,

and with piglike eyes. The features are highlighted by the white outline that juxtaposes the

figure, further overstating the lips and bent nose. The simple black and white colors suggest that

the discussion on Jews is simple as well, with the argument already presented on the cover. The

book cover is effective because it is simple and makes effective use of outline, which

exaggerates the stereotypes presented.

This is an illustration from the 1938 children’s publication Der Giftpilz (The Poisonous

Mushroom). The book was illustrated by Rupprecht, and uses much of the same devices as in the

previous image. The text was written by Ernst Hiemer, who also wrote for Der Stürmer and had

21

Randall Bytwerk, Julius Streicher: The Man Who Persuaded a Nation to Hate Jews, (New York: Stein and Day,

1988), 56-58.

54

close associations with Julius Streicher, who published the text.22

The illustration depicts Aryan

children identifying Jewish characteristics in school and the caption to the image is as follows:

“The Jewish nose is bent. It looks like the number six.” This illustration highlights the use of

propaganda to secure the future, seen here as the belief of children. The stereotypical features are

shown separately: the short hunched back figure, the bent nose, the exaggerated ears, and the

Star of David symbol. The number six is on the board to help identify the Jewish facial features;

therefore the theme of education is present. While the Jewish stereotypes are drawn on the

blackboard, they are not drawn in bold colors. The pastel colors in the image are not to depict the

Jewish figure as positive, but to create a bright and softer tone and look that is appropriate for a

children’s book which the readers will find appealing. The figures reduce the Jews to a handful

of defamatory cartoon-like drawings seen in Rupprecht’s other works. The “nose,” which is

drawn to resemble the number six, is reduced to a simple degrading form. The simplicity is in

contrast to the detail put into the depiction of “Aryan” figures. The figures on the board are

contrasted with the boys in the room: blonde, tall (or seemingly, for their age) straight and rather

average facial features. The text on the accompanying page is a short description of the scene

where the boys in the class list out stereotypical features they can use to identify a Jew, from

their curly hair to their large ears. The answers satisfy the professor, and the lesson seems to be

successful. The accompaniment of the text and the image is presented in a way that the image

summarizes the text. The illustration uses multiple principles of propaganda, namely simplicity,

repetition and appeal. The image is also an example of how a great deal of the Nazi propaganda

effort was directed at children from an early age, in order to develop the future of the Aryan

22

Koonz, The Nazi Conscience, p. 230.

55

community and have followers who were taught from a young age and knew little else besides

the propaganda they had been given.23

The following is an illustration from the 1936 children’s publication Trau keinem Fuchs

auf grüner Heid und keinem Jud bei seinem Eid (Don't trust a fox on a green heath or a Jew by

his own oath). The illustrations of the text were also done by Rupprecht. The text of the book

was written by 18-year old Elvira Bauer. The book has no plot, but the anti-Semitism is

established through the collection of poems and illustrations depicting the contrast between

Aryans and Jews. The text provides a history of the animosity between the Jews and Aryans, and

depicts Jews as a bad race of invaders. The text on the page is as follows:

“But the Germans — they stand foursquare. / Look, children, and the two

compare, / The German and the Jew. / Take a good look at the two / In the picture

drawn for you. / A joke — you think it is only that? / Easy to guess which is

which, I say: / The German stands up, the Jew gives way. The German is a proud

young man, / Able to work and able to fight. / Because he is a fine big chap, / For

danger does not care a rap, / The Jew has always hated him! / Here is the Jew, as 23

Gregor Ziemer, Education for Death: The Making of the Nazi, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1941), p. 25-

53.

56

all can see, / Biggest ruffian in our country; / He thinks himself the greatest beau /

And yet is the ugliest, you know!”24

The text guides the reader’s opinion of the image, but as with many works of illustrated

children’s literature, the image can stand on its own. The Jew is presented as the antithesis to the

German figure, who is the embodiment of good: hard-working, honest, handsome and

courageous. The Aryan male on the left is upright, tall, blonde, and well built. He is associated

with nature and the rural Germany as seen in the ground and shovel. The Jewish figure is again

hunched back, short, fat, ugly, and has exaggerated facial features. The figure is associated with

capitalism and industrialization, as seen with the suit, briefcase, and cigar. Rupprecht again

repeats his visual formula in his depiction of the Jewish figure. The image serves to teach

children to link physical features to personal characteristics and to introduce them to old

prejudices regarding Jews and business. The Aryan figure also introduces an aspect of the Volk

by associating the Aryan male with labor and nature. In terms of the Aryan imagined

community, both of Rupprecht’s illustrations demonstrate how to include and exclude people

from the community.

These images helped establish the boundaries of the Aryan imagined community by

illustrating what an Aryan is not. In doing so, the extent of the Aryan community is further

completed. The images also demonstrate that multiple negative stereotypes are often lumped

together when portraying the enemy. The image of the Aryan is further defined by contrast. All

the qualities which are good are depicted, by inclusion and exclusion, as Aryan. Simultaneously,

Nazi propaganda created a vision of an idyllic nation and a racial utopia while establishing the

“others” as villainous and threatening.

24

Elvira Bauer, Trau keinem Fuchs auf grüner Heid und keinem Jud auf seinem Eid (Nuremberg: Stürmer Verlag,

1936). [Author’s Note: See bibliography for link to the English translation of the text.]

57

While questions regarding the reception of the images and the internalization of the ideas

represented in propaganda are complicated and difficult to answer, the images do reflect the

translation of ideology into visual form and provide a better understanding of the Aryan race as

an “imagined community” depicted by artists.

58

◘

Chapter 5

Conclusions

◘

They are mere words, and words can be molded until they clothe ideas and disguise.

-Joseph Goebbels

The history of Nazi Germany provides an explicit example of a government producing

propaganda for discriminatory purposes backed by a repressive police state. The establishment of

the Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda in March 1933, soon after the Nazi

seizure of power, is evidence of the necessity of refined and organized propaganda in a

totalitarian state. The Third Reich was a highly visual state, from the spectacle of the Nuremberg

rallies to the propaganda displayed on community billboards. The concept of the “Aryan race,”

central to Nazi ideology and depicted in propaganda, was not constructed independently by the

Third Reich. It is possible to see the creation of a community of discrimination dating back over

a century in German history, veiled under tradition and pseudoscientific beliefs used to justify

political, cultural, and economic racism. The skill of Nazi propagandists, and of other

government departments, was in combining multiple aspects of German history to create an

idyllic image of a pure race.

This translation of ideology into imagery is seen in two steps: first; in the materials

referenced by the propagandists; second, in the images themselves. Propagandists were skilled in

tapping into and reflecting current existing sentiments. Benedict Anderson’s concept of

“imagined communities,” when applied to propaganda depicting the Aryan race, reveals the

effort it took to create an idyllic community. The images have shown the creation of an

59

“imagined community” of the Aryan race, one which promoted the comradeship of those who

belonged and the exclusion of non-Aryan peoples that lay outside its boundaries. The concept of

having a set of values that create an imagined place of belonging to identify with also explains

how the concept of the “Aryan race” was used outside the geographic borders of Germany as the

Nazi regime continued to expand. Though ideology and propaganda may not reflect the reality of

Nazi Germany, it is still important to study because it provided a basis for the actions committed

during the Third Reich.

The propaganda of Nazi Germany is also an example of the effectiveness and limitations

of propaganda. Political propaganda can effectively exploit the sentiments and prejudices that

already exist in a population, and can provide justification for them as well. However, the idyllic

community propaganda creates cannot be substituted for reality. When propaganda and reality

ultimately come into contact with each other, the former becomes mere aesthetics and hyperbole.

Propaganda can heighten emotions and create circumstances for events to take place, but cannot

achieve them without the actions of people. Though the propaganda produced by the Third Reich

helped create and maintain a façade of an idyllic community, a totalitarian state can only be

maintained by force.

There are still aspects of Nazi propaganda studies that have yet to be studied in depth and

deserve increased study. The idea that Nazi propaganda was all pervasive and successful simply

due to the quantity produced should continue to be challenged, and the propaganda itself

provides the best argument for that challenge. There are opportunities to study lesser known

genres of materials as well as the impact of mass media propaganda on modern societies. The

increased interdisciplinarity of the field provides new opportunities for insight and new material

60

to study. The skills learned in analyzing propaganda can help individuals understand and

navigate the media driven world that exists today.

61

◘

Appendix I

Images from Pamphlet entitled “Those Damned Nazis”

◘

Explanation: A tied-up Nazi watches while a Jew holding the Berliner Tageblatt, which the

Nazis accused of being a Jewish paper, mistreats a Germany chained to the Treaty of Versailles.

The Jew is probably supposed to be a journalist, since he is smearing Gemany with his pen. A

Black French colonial soldier and a policeman assist. The policeman is likely Polish (since

Germany lost territory to Poland as a result of the Treaty of Versailles).

Explanation: “The thinking worker comes to Hitler,” the caption says. A communist and a

socialist are accusing each other of betraying the working class.

62

Explanation: The caption says “Awakening Germany. You’re through! We see behind all your

masks.” In the cartoon, Jews are concealed as a Christian, a German citizen, a nationalist Jew

and an apparently harmless passerby.

The illustrations are from a pamphlet entitled Die verfluchten Hakenkreuzler. Etwas zum

Nachdenken (“Those Damned Nazis”). It is a summary of the basic concepts of Nazi propaganda

before Hitler’s takeover in 1933. The booklet included illustrations; three of which are included

above, by the cartoonist Hans Schweitzer, who published under the name Mjölnir (a reference to

Thor’s hammer from Teutonic mythology). He was recruited by Joseph Goebbels to produce

Nazi propaganda posters and was later named Reich Commissioner for Artistic Design.

Source: Joseph Goebbels and Mjölnir [Hans Schweitzer], Die verfluchten Hakenkreuzler. Etwas

zum Nachdenken (Munich: Verlag Frz. Eher, 1932).

http://www.calvin.edu/academic/cas/gpa/haken32.htm

63

◘

Appendix II

Jules Breton’s The Song of the Lark (1884)

◘

Source: Breton, Jules Adolphe. The Song of the Lark, oil on canvas, 1884 (The Art Institute of

Chicago). http://www.artic.edu/aic/collections/artwork/94841

64

◘

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◘

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