Adapting to Climate Change in a Dryland MountainEnvironment in Kenya

Authors: Owuor, Bernard, Eriksen, Siri, and Mauta, Wycliffe

Source: Mountain Research and Development, 25(4) : 310-315

Published By: International Mountain Society

URL: https://doi.org/10.1659/0276-4741(2005)025[0310:ATCCIA]2.0.CO;2

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Endau: a fragile source of livelihood

Endau is one of several hilltops in KituiDistrict (Figure 1). It lies between the cen-tral highlands of Kenya and the coastalforests. From the dry plains at 500 m, thehill rises to several peaks, the highest ofwhich is 1400 m. Practically all the forestfrom the foot of the hill to the peak hasbeen gazetted as government forest.Akamba agropastoralists first started set-tling around the hill 130 years ago; inaddition, various groups, including pas-toral Akamba, Oroma and Kenyan Somaligroups, seasonally migrate to the area toaccess water and pasture as well as totrade.

The area has a bimodal rainfall pat-tern. Rainfall levels are low and unreliable,leading to frequent crop failures. In recentstudies, most members of the communityindicated that temperatures have increasedover the years, leading to more and pro-longed drought. Due to these changes,farmers have had frequent crop failuresand must rely on alternative sources offood and income. The resources on the hillare a critical factor in local adaptation tothis situation. When crops fail, people buyfood and resort to hunting animals in thehilltop forest and gathering various forestproducts (honey, herbal medicine, materi-als to make bows and arrows), or rely on

Adapting to Climate Change in a Dryland Mountain Environment in Kenya

Bernard OwuorSiri EriksenWycliffe Mauta

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Mountain Research and Development Vol 25 No 4 Nov 2005: 310–315

Global warming is likely to lead to a varietyof changes in local climatic conditions,including potential increases in the frequen-cy and intensity of extreme climatic eventssuch as drought, floods, and storms. Pre-sent capacity to respond to and manage cli-matic variability, including extreme events,is an important component of adjustmentsto climatic changes. In particular, identifyingand addressing constraints on local adapta-tion mechanisms—whether political, eco-nomic or social in nature—is critical todeveloping effective adaptation policies.The drylands of Kenya present great survivalchallenges to the people living in these

areas. The hilltops in the drylands providefavorable climate and resources for adapt-ing to climate change. The present paperexamines the role that one particular hill-top, Endau in Kitui District, eastern Kenya,plays in processes of local adaptation to cli-matic variability and drought. The projectpresented here investigated how conflictand exclusion from key hilltop resourcesconstrain adaptation among the populationgroups living around the hilltop, and howthese constraints are negotiated,addressed, or even exacerbated throughinstitutional arrangements and developmentactivities.

FIGURE 1 Farming at the footof Endau hill. (Photo by SiriEriksen)

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government relief. The hill is the onlysource of water during drought. Water isaccessed directly from springs, shallowwells (Figure 2), and piped supply. Oroma,Somali and Akamba groups rely on theshallow wells for watering their cattle dur-ing drought; in addition, the hill itself actsas an alternative watering and grazing sitefor the agropastoral Akamba. In the past,when people were allowed to live on thehill, it supported cultivation of diversifiedcrops, owing to its cooler temperaturesand relatively higher precipitation. Themost vulnerable people in the society relymainly on local casual employment, labormigration, and assistance from social net-works as well as remittances to survivedrought and other crises.

A social survey was carried out in 4 vil-lages around the hill, including house-hold interviews, group interviews, partici-pant observations, farm visits, and marketobservations. The survey was complement-ed by a vegetation survey to understandthe interactions between local populationssurrounding the hill and the hilltop vege-tation. In order to assess seasonal changes,data were collected both in August 2004,during the height of the 2004 drought,and in February 2005 after the rains.

Main barriers to adaptation

The study identified 3 main constraints toadaptation in the area.

Access to the forest is limited, lead-ing to tension and conflict between theinhabitants and the government (ForestDepartment). Following evictions offarmers from the hill in 1948 by the colo-nial government, and in 1996 by the Dis-trict Commissioner, local communitiesfeel that they have been illegally deniedaccess to grazing, water, and forestresources.

There is a lack of development ofbasic services and infrastructure. Market-ing facilities are poorly developed, roadsare impassable during the rainy season,there is a lack of telephone networks, andsignificantly, there has been little develop-ment of piped water from the hill to thevillages, provision of which is critical fordomestic use, survival during drought,and economic activity.

Between the 1970s and the 1990s,numerous families lost their means of pro-duction, including land, livestock, andbusinesses, due to eviction from the forestas well as raids and general insecurity.Such destitution is a major barrier to

FIGURE 2 Extraction of waterfrom shallow well rented out topastoralists. (Photo by SiriEriksen)

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enhancing longer-term livelihood securityin the face of frequent drought, as illus-trated by the story of one of the studyinformants (Box 1).

Institutions and negotiation

Development activities and access toresources are negotiated through institu-tional arrangements at different levels.The ways in which these institutions, bothformal and informal, address but some-times also exacerbate inequality, destitu-tion, and conflicts have fundamentalimplications for the social distribution ofvulnerability (and ways of strengtheningadaptation to climatic and other changes).

ClansThe Akamba ethnic group lives in thevicinity of the Endau hilltop forest. TheAkamba have clans which function as aninformal institution, consisting of pro-nounced social networks based on mari-tal linkages. The size of the clan affects

its networking, power relation, and con-trol of natural resources. Large clansoften dominate development commit-tees, sometimes leading to failure ofthese committees to deliver. Only in areaswith fair representation for all groupswere the committees found to be effec-tive (Figures 3 and 4). Each clan has itsown mechanism for regulating landacquisition, use, and disposal, and alsoresolves land disputes and conflicts.

Traditional resource governanceDryland human populations had tradition-al resource governance structures. Thesewere highly respected, with sanctionsagainst those who broke societal normsand rules governing natural resources use,management and conservation. Amongthe Akamba was a group of elderly womenknown as Mwamba, who regulated use ofand access to the hill, with the power topunish those who did not use the hill asper the informal rules set by the society.The power of the Mwamba has dwindledgreatly, as the government has taken for-mal control of the hilltop forests. Thespread of Christianity has also underminedthe spiritual authority of the Mwamba,except in the southern part of the district.

Modernization of resource governanceIn the colonial and post-colonial periods,traditional resource governance structureswere dismantled and replaced with modernmanagement systems that put the govern-ment in charge and prevented the peoplefrom gaining access to their resources, lead-ing to alienation and conflicts. Moderniza-tion of resource management has greatlycomplicated access to, use of, and controlover natural resources, and has led togreater marginalization of the poor and vul-nerable members of the society who have theleast access to formal institutional channels.

Council of EldersAlthough formal mechanisms exist at thedistrict and village levels, informal mecha-nisms are still most important in address-ing various resource-related conflicts.During drought, the Akamba, Oroma andSomali groups converge at the foot of thehill to rent access to water and pastures(Figure 2). This sometimes leads to dis-

Landless in Ndetani

An informant explained how he and his fami-ly are landless. They have been living on thehill since the 1960s. When they were evictedfrom the northern side in 1996, they foundthat their original land at the foot of the hillhad been taken over by others, while theirclan was unable to allocate new land forthem. As they were too poor to buy land,they emigrated to the southern side and arenow cultivating a small plot borrowed fromrelatives in Ndetani-Kamusa. This piece ofland is so small that they cannot harvestenough to sustain themselves. Thereforethey rely on casual employment, and producecharcoal, cut posts, and make bows andarrows and walking sticks from forestresources, which they take to the market tosell for money to buy food. Gathering forestproducts is therefore important to their sur-vival strategy. However, restrictions onaccess to the forest that require payment oflevies to the Forest Department, make forestaccess unaffordable to the poor such as theinformant, exacerbating their precariouspredicament.

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putes over rights between the settledagropastoralists and the pastoralistgroups, between agro-pastoralist families,and between the different competingAkamba, Somali and Oroma pastoralistgroups. The Councils of Elders in the 3ethnic groups are responsible for thenegotiation of access to resources and reg-ulation of resource use, as well as for con-flict resolution. They operate parallel tothe official government machinery andare at times involved in resolving seriousconflicts using traditional negotiatingmechanisms. There are continuous nego-tiations on issues such as levies, access tothe forest, the number of livestock to beallowed in the forest, renting of shallowwells, and security.

Resource politicsLocal politicians and political parties rep-resent another institution that affects con-flict and vulnerability. Many local politi-cians have taken advantage of the expecta-tions of the local population that they willone day be able to return to farm on thehill, as well as of the fears of pastoralistgroups. These politicians have sought torally support by inciting conflicts, for

example by promising access to the forestand eviction of all pastoralists if elected. Asa result, the political agenda has beendiverted away from issues of landlessness,inequitable distribution of land andresources, and development of water sup-ply and other basic infrastructure.

Strategies for addressing barriersto adaptationAn important aim of the project, in addi-tion to enhancing scientific understand-ing of local adaptation, was to generateuseful information on the basis of whichpractical interventions can be crafted, andto strengthen links with and between poli-cy-makers and practitioners. Empirical evi-dence regarding adaptation and its con-straints can inform measures taken bylocal and district administration regardingspecific interventions and developmentprojects, as well as adaptation strategies atthe national level.

Platform for discussionAn additional aim was to create a platformand forum for discussion of constraints onadaptation, which would include different

FIGURE 3 Piped water from the hill, managed by a water committee. (Photo by Siri Eriksen)

FIGURE 4 Struggle for control over watersources hinders maintenance, leading toleaks and malfunctioning of the watersupply. (Photo by Siri Eriksen)

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stakeholder perceptions of the problem,including the most vulnerable, the localadministration, and government institu-tions. Sharing research findings in a neu-tral environment is a good starting pointin this regard, as the discussions are basedon empirical findings and are ofen takenmore seriously by those concerned. Theproject held two workshops, one at thenational/regional level and one at the dis-trict level, to discuss the preliminary find-ings and solicit suggestions regardingpractical measures to enhance local adap-tation to drought.

The national-level workshop includ-ed participation from the Sudan and Tan-zania Climate Change Convention FocalPoints. Providing the story of a particularcase, Endau, was critical in focusing dis-cussion on local realities and the practi-cal implications of adaptation to climatechange. The workshop was undertakenjointly with a regional network, CLACC

(Capacity Strengthening in Least Devel-oped Countries on Adaptation to ClimateChange), aimed at helping to formulatepolicies for adapting to national climatechange. The workshop represented oneof very few efforts so far to link local-leveladaptation experiences with national pol-icy processes.

The district-level workshop generatedincreased dialogue among different stake-holders, and research findings brought tothe fore the concerns of vulnerable groupsnot normally heard (Figure 6). Empiricalinformation can empower the most vulner-able groups and dispel myths regardingthe main challenges during drought. Espe-cially important in this regard was theemphasis on opportunities and unequalbenefits, based on pastoralist contributionsto the local economy, and the deconstruc-tion of causes of conflicts. At the work-shop, there were descriptions of how localpower struggles and unequal resourceaccess within the Akamba agropastoralistcommunity were the main current sourceof conflict and vulnerability.

Improving local access, social equity,and livelihood security is critical to enhanc-ing adaptation to climate change. It isimportant to understand the underlyingcauses of vulnerability, social differentia-tion, and conflicting interests between dif-ferent groups in order to be able to targetmeasures at the most vulnerable (Figure 5).The identification of local survival mecha-nisms for destitute groups is particularlyimportant in this regard. Informationregarding diverging perceptions and pas-toralist interests is particularly importantfor the work of the district administration,whose main source of information mayoften be dominated by one interest group,the settled Akamba agropastoralists.

Measures for enhancing adaptive capacityThrough these fora, specific and targetedmeasures were identified that, if imple-mented, could enhance adaptive capacity.Enhancing flexibility critical to managingdryland livelihoods under climate changewas at the heart of many of these meas-ures. Mobility of people and livestock(access to grazing), diversification of cropsand income sources, and flexible access toforests were all identified as important.

“Unless there are stronglinks with national poli-cy processes, there is adanger of developing cli-mate change adaptationpolicies that promotelarge-scale technicalmeasures far removedfrom local livelihoodsecurity needs, andwhich may actuallyaggravate vulnerabili-ty.” (Saleem Huq, Coor-dinator of CLACC, in arecently conducted work-shop on how climatechange impacts on localpopulations)

FIGURE 5 An Akamba forest guard and a localKamba herbalist at an important permanentwater source in the forest. Other people may notenter the forest without a permit from the ForestDepartment. (Photo by Siri Eriksen)

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Box 2 summarizes the measures to be tak-en for enhancing adaptation.

Challenges for adaptation researchand development

The project revealed two main challengesin linking research and policy. Whileissues of resource access and livelihood

security generated open discussion andpractical suggestions, other issues of socialand economic inequity and power strug-gles can only be touched upon indirectlyin a workshop forum. Informal institu-tions such as Mwamba and clans are verysensitive. As a result, few measures weresuggested that could address these issues,even though they are fundamental to localadaptation. It was also not possible at thatstage to bring together pastoralist groupsand agropastoralists in a formal workshop.

Second, an important challenge increating adaptation measures at the vil-lage, district, and national levels is forginglinks with actual development interven-tions. Local institutions and leaders, gov-ernment administration, NGOs, and devel-opment agencies—rather than researchinstitutions—are the ones that can trans-late into action the recommendations andawareness generated by research–practi-tioner–stakeholder interaction. In order toaddress these two challenges, contact withthe different interest groups needs to becontinuous or regular over a longer timeperiod—an activity outside the scope of asingle research-based project.

Measures for enhancing adaptation

• Increased flexibility in access and use ofnatural resources

• Improved water supply downhill• Creating alternative income opportunities• Democratization of development and

resource use committees• Development of infrastructure• Gender considerations (eg in composition

of development committees)• Collaborative management of hilltop

forest resources• Nature-based development of micro-

enterprise• Improvement of extension services

FIGURE 6 District-levelworkshop including village anddistrict administration, villagers,researchers, and NGOrepresentatives. (Photo by Siri Eriksen)

AUTHORS

Bernard Owuor, Wycliffe MautaKenya Forestry Research Institute, P0 Box 20412,00200 City Square, Nairobi, Kenya.benowuor@yahoo.com; wycliffemauta@yahoo.com

Bernard Owuor currently works as a researcher at theKenya Forestry Research Institute. His main researchinterests include participatory forestry technology devel-opment and transfer processes, building of local capaci-ties in natural resources management, participatory forestmanagement, and integrated rural development, with aparticular emphasis on dryland ecosystems.

Wycliffe Mauta is a research technologist at the KenyaForestry Research Institute. His major interest is utiliza-tion of dryland forest products. He has been involved in

several community-based dryland projects. He has alsobeen involved in the promotion of high-value trees andtheir integration in farming systems for income generationand poverty alleviation.

Siri EriksenDepartment of Sociology and Human Geography, Univer-sity of Oslo, PO Box 1096, Blindern, 0317 Oslo, Norway.s.e.h.eriksen@sgeo.uio.no

Siri Eriksen is a post-doctoral researcher at theDepartment of Sociology and Human Geography, Universi-ty of Oslo, Norway. Her main research interests includevulnerability and adaptation to climate variability andchange in Norway and southern Africa, in particular theinteraction between social and environmental change inshaping vulnerability.

FURTHER READING

Burton I, Huq S, Lim B, Pilifosova O,Schipper EL. 2002. From impactsassessment to adaptation priorities:The shaping of adaptation policy. Cli-mate Policy 2:145–159.Gachathi FNM. 1996. Conservationpriorities in the arid and semi-aridlands: The case of the hilltop forestsof Kenya. In: van der Maesen LJG.The Biodiversity of African Plants. Dor-drecht, The Netherlands: Kluwer Acad-emic Publishers, pp 313–316.Joubert AM, Hewitson B. 1997. Simu-lating present and future climates ofsouthern Africa using general circula-tion models. Progress in PhysicalGeography 21:51–78.McCarthy JJ, Canziani OF, Leary NA,Dokken DJ, White KS. 2001. ClimateChange 2001: Impacts, Adaptation,and Vulnerability. Contribution of Work-ing Group II to the Third AssessmentReport of the Intergovernmental Panelon Climate Change. Cambridge, UnitedKingdom: Cambridge University Press.

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