Contents

A Welcome from the Conference Co-Chairs ........................................................... 1

Useful Information ................................................................................................ 2

2016 ASEN Conference Schedule ........................................................................... 4

Plenary Sessions and Special Events: Overview ..................................................... 7

Panels: Overview ................................................................................................ 10

Tuesday 19 April ....................................................................................................... 10

Wednesday 20 April ................................................................................................. 12

Thursday 21 April ..................................................................................................... 15

Workshops: Overview ......................................................................................... 18

Panels: Speaker Abstracts ................................................................................... 20

Tuesday 19 April ....................................................................................................... 20

Wednesday 20 April ................................................................................................. 32

Thursday 21 April ..................................................................................................... 50

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A Welcome from the Conference Co-Chairs

Dear Colleagues, It is with great pleasure that we warmly welcome you to the 26th Annual ASEN Conference at the London School of Economics. We are delighted that you have decided to participate in this year’s event on ‘Nationalism, Migration and Population Change’ and would like to thank you again for doing so. Your participation makes this conference possible. The interplay between nationalism, migration and population change has seen growing popularity within broader studies of nationalism over the last few years. Although the examination of the relationship between these three concepts is not a new development, globalization - and its byproduct, international migration - provide new and fertile grounds for further investigation and original perspectives. This conference aims at bridging the gap between relevant past and present studies, by bringing together theoretical and empirical arguments from multiple social science disciplines. Over the course of three days, this conference will focus on the ways in which nationalism, migration and population change interact, in an attempt to engage in contemporary policy debates in the Western World and beyond, and address relevant broader historical and theoretical questions. Moreover, this conference places the work of early-career researchers into a dialectic process with that of established academics, in the hope of encouraging an active exchange of ideas. Thus, apart from panel presentations, this year’s conference also includes five plenary speeches by leading scholars in nationalism, migration and population change, including:

Milica Z. Bookman (Saint Joseph’s University)

Peter Gatrell (University of Manchester)

Matthew Goodwin (University of Kent)

Eric Kaufmann (Birkbeck College, University of London)

Anna Triandafyllidou (European University Institute) Further details about these plenaries, the panel sessions, and other events (including lunch, drinks events and the conference dinner) can be found in this programme. Also included is a campus map, to assist you in finding your way around. On behalf of the entire ASEN conference team, we warmly welcome you and wish you a stimulating and enjoyable conference experience! Alessia Dalceggio & Peny Sotiropoulou Conference Co-Chairs

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Useful Information

Getting Around

Conference registration, panels, plenary lectures and workshops all take place within Clement House (entry from Aldwych St – see above). Tea and coffee will be available throughout the conference in room 4.02. Please note that a Lebanese-style lunch buffet (sponsored by Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism) will be provided in CLM 4.02, 13:00-14:00 on Wednesday 20 April. Various cafes and restaurants can be found along the Kingsway Rd. There are two pubs located within the LSE Campus – The George IV and Ye Olde White Horse – which are located at the end of Portugal St (see above).

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This year’s conference dinner will be held at Bill’s Holborn, approximately 5 minutes walk from the conference venue (42 Kingsway, London WC2B 6EY). Please note that places are strictly limited and prior registration via the ASEN website is essential. Registration Conference registration will take place in room 4.02 between 08:30-09:30 on Tuesday 19th April. As this is one of our busiest times it is suggested that you arrive no later than 09:00 (and preferably earlier) in order to avoid missing any of the start of Plenary Session 1. Plenary Sessions All plenary sessions, as well as the policy roundtable event, will take place in the Hong Kong Theatre, which is located on the ground floor of Clement House. Please note that some of these sessions may be recorded. Conference Exhibit This year’s conference exhibit – a collection of photography, art and audio-visual material inspired by this year’s theme – will be on show in room CLM 4.02. This year’s curators were Alice Smith and Athena Leoussi. Thanks go to Seb Brixey-Williams for his contribution of photographic works. Connecting to the Wi-fi To join the wi-fi network you first need to register with the ‘LSE Cloud’. Please follow this link for more information: http://bit.ly/1PK1PXX. For participants coming from institutions which use the Eduroam wi-fi service, you can connect with your institution’s credentials. Don’t forget to follow us on Twitter (@asenevents) using the hashtag for this year’s conference, #ASEN2016. Key Contacts For any enquries about this year’s conference please contact this year’s conference co-chairs, Alessia Dalceggio and Peny Sotiropoulou (conference@asen.ac.uk) or the ASEN Coordinator, Richard Gowing (asen@asen.ac.uk) by email. The members of this year’s ASEN conference committee, Jonas Dudonis, Will Beaufoy, Iro Konstantinou, Alice Smith and Jacques Grey, will also be on hand to help with any enquiries you may have throughout the event.

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2016 ASEN Conference Schedule

Nationalism, Migration and Population Change 19-21 April 2016

Tuesday 19 April

CLM 2.04 CLM 2.05 CLM 2.06 CLM 1.02

08:30-09:30

Registration (CLM 4.02)

09:30-11:00

Plenary Session 1 (Hong Kong Theatre) Prof. Eric Kaufmann (Birkbeck College): Cracking Up: Immigration and the Polarization of Nations Prof. Milica Z. Bookman (St. Joseph’s University): The Demographic Struggle for Power Chair: Prof. John Hutchinson

11:00-11:30

ASEN Annual General Meeting (Hong Kong Theatre) Coffee break for those who do not wish to attend (CLM 4.02)

11:30-13:00

1.1 Nationalism and Exclusion

1.2 Contested Lands and Settler-related Disputes

1.3 Self-expression of Identification

1.4 Sub-state Nationalism and Minority Politics

13:00-14:00

Lunch break

14:00-15:30

2.1 Populist Discourse and the Construction of the 'Other'

2.2 Migration and Nationalism in East Asia

2.3 Long-distance Nationalism

Workshop 1

Dr Gabriella Elgenius: Diaspora workshop: to what extent does homeland matter?

15:30-15:45

Coffee break (CLM 4.02)

15:45-17:45

Special Event: Think Tank Policy Roundtable (Hong Kong Theatre) British Nationhood and the Challenge of Ethnic Change: A Policy Debate Participants: David Goodhart (Policy Exchange), Phoebe Griffith (Institute for Public Policy Research), Sunder Katwala (British Future), Sir Trevor Phillips (Green Park Diversity Analytics) Chair: Prof. Eric Kaufmann

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Wednesday 20 April

CLM 2.04 CLM 2.05 CLM 2.06 CLM 1.02

09:30-11:00

3.1 Forced Displacement and Population Movements

3.2 Nationalism and Attitudes Towards Immigration

3.3 The Far-right, Nationalistic Politics and Security

3.4 Cultural Representations of Nationalism

11:00-11:30

Coffee break (CLM 4.02)

11:30-13:00

4.1 Nationalism and Education

4.2 Nationalism and Religion

4.3 Demographic Engineering

4.4 Nationalism, Emigration and Immigration

13:00- 14:00

Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism Journal (SEN) Lebanese Lunch Buffet (CLM 4.02)

14:00-15:30

5.1 Insights into the 'Refugee Experience'

5.2 Immigration, Nationalism and Mass Media Discourse

5.3 Diaspora Communities and Return Migration

Workshop 2 (Fishbowl Format) Prof. Oded Haklai: Ethnic Conflict and Territorial Disputes

15:30-

16:00

Coffee break (CLM 4.02)

16:00-17:15

Plenary Session 2 (Hong Kong Theatre) Prof. Peter Gatrell (University of Manchester): Refugees, National Identity and Nationalism in Modern World History Chair: Prof. John Breuilly

19:00 Conference Dinner at Bill’s Restaurant, Holborn (42 Kingsway, London WC2B 6EY) Please note that spaces are strictly limited. Pre-booking via the ASEN website is essential.

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Thursday 21 April

CLM 2.04 CLM 2.05 CLM 2.06 CLM 1.02

10:00-11:30

6.1 Minority, Immigration and Asylum Policies

6.2 Established vs New Minorities

6.3 Nationalism and Immigration: Conditional Belonging

6.4 Immigration, Nationalism and Intergroup Dynamics

11:30-

11:45

Coffee break (CLM 4.02)

11:45-13:15

7.1 Immigration and National Identity Negotiation

7.2 Immigration and Ethno-nationalism

7.3 Policies and Practices of Belonging

13:15-14:00

Lunch break

14:00-15:30

8.1 Banal Nationalism and the Everyday Experience of Belonging

8.2 Policies and Practices of Nation Building

8.3 Immigration, Nationalism and Multiple Identities

Workshop 3 (Documentary Screening and Q&A Session with the Director) Into the Fire (2013) and Stateless on Lesvos (2015), with Director Guy Smallman.

15:30-15:45

Coffee break (CLM 4.02)

15.45-17:15

Plenary Session 3 (Hong Kong Theatre) Prof. Matthew Goodwin (University of Kent): Ethnicity, Nationalism and the Populist Right in Europe Prof. Anna Triandafyllidou (European University Institute): Globalisation, Migration and the Nation Chair: Prof. Eric Kaufmann Closing remarks by Prof. John Breuilly

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Plenary Sessions and Special Events: Overview

Plenary Session 1 (Hong Kong Theatre, 09:30-11:00, Tuesday 19 April)

Prof. Eric Kaufmann (Birkbeck College): Cracking Up: Immigration and the Polarization of Nations Does immigration and ethnic change shift western nations in a 'civic' or 'ethnic' direction? I argue neither. Rather, rising diversity leads to growing polarization between 'ethnics' and 'civics' within nations. Ethnography, quantitative social science and popular history have been telling us for decades that there is more variation within than between nations. Yet nationalism theory was developed by social historians and historical sociologists before the advent of large-scale empirical research into popular national sentiment. Nationalism theory has been too elite-centred and monolithic in its treatment of the nationalist consumer. It needs to recognise that people differ, not only by ethnicity and class, but by personality type. Some prefer diversity and novelty, others homogeneity and stability. In liberal, high-immigration societies, the result is polarization: between whites and minorities, and, among whites, between diversity-seekers and those who crave homogeneity. Social psychological work on authoritarianism suggests that elite attempts to instil an inclusive form of nationalism are unlikely to make headway among those who unconsciously dislike diversity. For many, the origins of an anti-diversity outlook lie in personality, not ideology. Prof. Milica Z. Bookman (St. Joseph’s University): The Demographic Struggle for Power Throughout history there have been struggles for territory and control of its resources. Sometimes those are based on ethnicity. Such struggles manifest themselves in various ways, including violent wars. But sometimes a more subtle war takes place: an inter-ethnic war of numbers, one in which the goal is to increase the economic and political power of an ethnic/religious group by increasing its size relative to others. In this presentation I will describe this demographic struggle for power and illustrate it with historical and contemporary examples. Chair: Prof. John Hutchinson

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Special Event: Think Tank Policy Roundtable (Hong Kong Theatre, 15:45-17:45, Tuesday 19 April)

British Nationhood and the Challenge of Ethnic Change: A Policy Debate

This panel brings together British thought leaders on issues of national identity with backgrounds in think tanks, journalism and government. They address a question on the minds of all western policymakers and citizens: how national identity should adapt in a period of large-scale immigration and ethnic change. They bridge the worlds of British public debate, government departments, politicians at Westminster and the policymakers who advise them. All have current, longstanding interests in question of immigration, integration and national identity. Their work inclines them to share some policy frames, but, equally, to actively contest what Britain's response should be to immigrant-led diversity. In this roundtable, they discuss questions of immigration, national identity and integration. This will be followed by questions from the audience.

Participants: David Goodhart (Policy Exchange), Phoebe Griffith (Institute for Public Policy Research), Sunder Katwala (British Future), Sir Trevor Phillips (Green Park Diversity Analytics) Chair: Prof. Eric Kaufmann

Plenary Session 2 (Hong Kong Theatre, 16:00-17:15, Wednesday 20 April)

Prof. Peter Gatrell (University of Manchester): Refugees, National Identity and Nationalism in Modern World History In this presentation I shall pose a number of related questions. Under what circumstances do states produce refugees? Refugees are not a mere by-product of war and revolution, but can also be the direct outcome of policies targeting those who are deemed not to belong to the nation-state. In addition to violent conflict, diplomatic agreements and other processes have engineered the exchange or transfer of population between states, thereby creating so-called ‘national refugees’. Refugees can also help to consolidate the nation-state, as when they are directly or indirectly enlisted in projects of national economic development. This gives rise to another question: can we reverse the causal connection between states and refugees, and consider under what circumstances refugees help to produce the nation-state? I address this question in relation to the unravelling multinational empires of continental Europe during World War 1, when refugees seized the opportunity to mobilise in support of a nation-state to call their own. Across the broad sweep of the 20th century, other opportunities presented themselves for refugees to help crystallise national identity, such as in refugee camps, although these opportunities for creative proselytisation were not a sufficient condition for the achievement of statehood. In particular, the international dimensions of displacement cannot be left out of the equation. Chair: Prof. John Breuilly

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Plenary Session 3 (Hong Kong Theatre, 15:45-17:15, Thursday 21 April)

Prof. Matthew Goodwin (University of Kent): Ethnicity, Nationalism and the Populist Right in Europe In this talk I will discuss the rapidly growing literature on populist radical right politics in modern Europe and the failure of much existing research to engage fully with the study of ethnicity and nationalism. Prof. Anna Triandafyllidou (European University Institute): Globalisation, Migration and the Nation This paper delves into the paradox of a combined increase of mobility, connectivity, and national belonging, arguing that it is precisely because the word is more mobile, more uncertain and more interconnected, it is because we live in a world of liquid (or should we say of mobile) modernity that national identity becomes all the more important. The paper starts by outlining how globalisation has triggered two important changes today. First it has given rise to increased international mobility, second it has led to intensified connectedness across borders. The paper argues that increased international migration poses a challenge to our sense of collective well-being as it challenges the national order, the idea that cultural and political boundaries have to coincide. It thus creates a sense of threat for ‘our’ culture and ‘our’ well-being. This sense of threat is epitomised in Europe in recent events of international terrorism as well as in less recent but equally important episodes of civil unrest. These developments lead to a renewed need for social cohesion and a feeling of belonging. I am arguing that such need counters the forces of individualisation and liquidity that sociologists of later modernity have seen, and rightly so, in globalisation, bringing the nation back in as an important point of reference for individuals today. Chair: Prof. Eric Kaufmann Closing remarks by Prof. John Breuilly

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Panels: Overview

Tuesday 19 April Session 1: 11:30-13:00

1.1 Nationalism and Exclusion Room: CLM 2.04 Chair: Miss Panagiota (Peny) Sotiropoulou

Dr Gal Ariely Remembrance Day Influence on National Sentiment and Hostility towards Out-groups: Evidence from a Panel Study in Israel

Mr Yannis-Adam Allouache

Migration, Gender and the Political Economy of Care: The Case of Indonesian and Philippine Domestic Workers and the Limits of Taiwan's 'Civic Consensus'

Ms Bree Frehner Relative Group Size, Exclusion, and Ethnic Conflict

Dr Emmanuel Dalle Mulle

Of Subsidy Junkies and Fortune Seekers: The Uses and Abuses of Welfare Producerism

1.2 Contested Lands and Settler-related Disputes Room: CLM 2.05 Chair: Dr Anastasia Voronkova

Prof. Evangelos Liaras

Migration, Colonization, and Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka

Prof. Oded Haklai

Settlers in Contested Lands: Israel in Comparative Perspective

Mr Mustafa Cirakli

Immigration, Identity and Civil Society in Northern Cyprus

Dr Neophytos Loizides

Forced Displacements and Settler Politics in Cyprus

1.3 Self-expression of Identification Room: CLM 2.06 Chair: Ms Ellie Knott

Mr Byeongsun Ahn

Still Long-distance Nationalism? The Identity Work of Serbian Migrants in Vienna

Dr Charis Anastasopoulos

Self-expression of German Immigrants in Greece

Dr Inis Shkreli Migration of Vlachs in Voskopoja as a Production of Greek and Romanian Identity Politics to Assimilate the Community

Miss Amy Clarke British, English, Londoner? The Effects of the Increased Ethnic Diversity on White British Suburbanites Identification

1.4 Sub-state Nationalism and Minority Politics

Dr Kees Terlouw Orange Associations Defending the Traditional Dutch Local Community: United against Alien Urbanisation but Locally Divided

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Room: CLM 2.06 Chair: Ms Eunice Romero Rivera

Dr Zef Segal Inter-German Migration Patterns and National Identities: The "third Germany" in Mid-nineteenth Century

Dr Nuria Franco-Guillén

The Multi-level Politics of immigration: The Case of Stateless Nationalist and Regionalist Parties in Scotland and Quebec

Dr Roberta Medda-Windischer

Changing Paradigms in the Traditional Dichotomy of Old and New Minorities

Session 2: 14:00-15:30 2.1 Populist Discourse and the Construction of the 'Other' Room: CLM 2.04 Chair: Ms Eunice Romero Rivera

Miss Eviane Leidig

Constructing Hindu Populist Nationalism through the Muslim 'Migrant'

Dr Robert Sata Fencing off Migrants – Populist Nationalism in Hungary

Dr Cathrine Thorleifsson

Nationalist Responses to Forced Migration: Case Studies from England and Hungary

2.2 Migration and Nationalism in East Asia Room: CLM 2.05 Chair: Miss Alessia Dalceggio

Ms Naoko Hashimoto

How the Amendment to the Japanese Nationality Law Has Exacerbated Human Trafficking of Japanese-Filipino Children into Japan

Miss Carol Xiaoyue Zhang

National Myth-making in Postcolonial Chinese Cities

Dr Ayako Komine & Prof. Hannes Mosler

Reimagining the Nation: Discursive Linkages between Immigration and Demographic Change in Japan and South Korea

2.3 Long-distance Nationalism Room: CLM 2.06 Chair: Prof. John Breuilly

Dr Filiz Tutku Aydin Bezikoğlu

A Typology of Long-distance Nationalism: Exile, Émigré Diaspora and Transnational National Movements of the Crimean Tatars

Prof. Anne-Sophie Bentz

Nationalism in Exile: the Tibetan and Palestinian Cases

Mr Niccolò Fattori

‘Dalla banda di Levante' - Greek Diasporas in Central Italy (15th-16th centuries)

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Wednesday 20 April Session 3: 9:30-11:00 3.1 Forced Displacement and Population Movements Room: CLM 2.04 Chair: Dr Emmanuel Dalle Mulle

Dr Uriel Abulof Demographic Dynamics between Better Life and Meaningful Existence

Ms Sarah Correia ‘Difficult Memories’ and Post-war Reconstruction of National Identity in the Bosnian 'Entity' of Republika Srpska: The Experience of Forced Displacement and the Endurance of 'Refugee Identity' amongst Bosnian Serbs Resettled in the Town of Bijeljina

Miss Sana Khan Cross-Border Migration: An Interpretative Study of Indo-Pak Partition Refugees

Dr Anastasia Filippidou

When Conflict Resolution Efforts Create Conflict: Revisiting the Turco-Greek Compulsory Exchange of Populations

3.2 Nationalism and Attitudes Towards Immigration Room: CLM 2.05 Chair: Miss Panagiota (Peny) Sotiropoulou

Mr Taylor Elwood & Ms Bree Frehner

The Price of Poor Policy: Shifts in Ethnic Composition and Surges in Right Wing Support

Prof. Nicole Gallant

Are Ethnic Representations of the Nation Really Less Inclusive of Immigrants Than Civic Ones? The Case of Francophone National Minorities in Canada

Ms Cansu Akbaş Demirel

Different Terms, Similar Perspectives: Turkish Migration Policy

3.3 The Far-right, Nationalistic Politics and Security Room: CLM 2.06 Chair: Dr Anastasia Voronkova

Prof. Tihomir Cipek

Who's Our Fellow Human? The Nationalism of the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs

Ms Michelle O'Brien

Nationalism and Migration Dynamics in Contemporary Russia

Dr Rachel Hutchins & Dr Daphne Halikiopoulou

Enemies of France: Terrorism, Nationalism, and Migration in the Programmatic Agenda of the Front National

3.4 Cultural Representations of Nationalism Room: CLM 1.02 Chair: Prof. John Breuilly

Dr Marta Rovira & Dr Enric Saurã

Immigration & Politics of Inclusion in the Folklore's Associations in Catalonia

Mr Matthew DeMaio

The Use of Culture in the (Re)production of Palestinian Memory: The Case of Jordan

Prof. Antoni Vives Riera

The Production of Regional Culture in Majorca between Tourism and Nationalism (1912-1934)

Dr Mariana Kriel Afrikaner Nationalism and the Mythologisation, Commemoration and Re-enactment of Migration

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Session 4: 11:30-13:00

4.1 Nationalism and Education Room: CLM 2.04 Chair: Miss Alessia Dalceggio

Dr Hans Siebers Ethno-nationalism and Migrants’ Exclusion at School in the Netherlands

Miss Panagiota (Peny) Sotiropoulou

Examining the Factors Influencing Pre-service Teachers' Multicultural Competence: The Case of Greece

Ms Melissa Shannon Are Tea Partiers in Texas More Supportive of Education Spending if Undocumented Immigrants are Taken Out of the Equation?

4.2 Nationalism and Religion

Room: CLM 2.05 Chair: Ms Eunice Romero Rivera

Prof. David Leal, Prof. Jacqueline Hagan & Prof. Nestor Rodriguez

Religion, Migration, and Nationalism

Dr Aitana Guia A Nativist Turn? Nationalism and Islam in Europe

Ms Tomris Ozlem Yilmaz

National Belonging of Turkish Immigrants to Their Country of Origin : The Case of the Islamic Community of "National Vision" in France and Germany

4.3 Demographic Engineering

Room: CLM 2.06 Chair: Prof. John Breuilly

Dr Joshua Andy Demographic Engineering in Wartime Russia: Stalin's Fear of a Fifth Column

Prof. Marie Müller-Koné

Discourses of Autochthony in Africa, Demographic Engineering and the Neoliberal Global Order

Miss Jiwon Choi State-Sponsored Migration Project of Settler Regime and Indigenous Nationalist Struggle: A New Perspective on the 2011 Uprisings of Bahrain

Dr Paul Morland Soft Demographic Engineering

4.4 Nationalism, Emigration and Immigration Room: CLM 1.02 Chair: Dr Joseph Downing

Dr Habiba Boumlik Sub-Saharan Immigration in Morocco: Legal and Social Challenges

Mr Mihnea-Simion Stoica

Mainstreaming Nationalism? Massive Emigration and Its Influence on Romanian Political Discourse

Dr Michael Rauszer The Immigrant Phantasm: Polish Nationalism and the Security Discourse

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Session 5: 14:00-15:30

5.1 Insights into the 'Refugee Experience' Room: CLM 2.04 Chair: Ms Laura Smith-Khan

Ms Coree Brown Swan

Framing the Refugee Crisis in Flanders and Scotland

Ms Dragana Kovacevic Bielicki

“Neither on the Earth, nor in the Skies”: Negotiations of (Non)belonging among Former Yugoslav Refugees in Norway

Dr Francesca Piana

The Limits of Internationalism: Nationalism, Imperialism, and the Refugee Question at the League of Nations in the 1920s

Dr Lucía Payero López

Nationalist Discourses and the European Refugee Crisis

5.2 Immigration, Nationalism and Mass Media Discourse Room: CLM 2.05 Chair: Miss Panagiota (Peny) Sotiropoulou

Miss Lorena Gazzotti

Media Portrayal of the Retake of Italian Migration in Italy: The Case of La Repubblica

Mr Robert Nartowski

Refugees to Migrants: The Migrant Crisis, the Fourth Estate, and the 2015 Polish Parliamentary Election

Miss Alessia Dalceggio

The Tragedies of Immigration in the News Media: An Analysis of the Discursive Reproduction of National Identity in Italian Broadcast News

Prof. Aide Esu Constructing the National Scapegoat: A Sociological Reading of Roma People Stereotyping

5.3 Diaspora Communities and Return Migration Room: CLM 2.05 Chair: Dr Joseph Downing

Mr Kidjie Saguin Are Filipino Migrant Workers Nationalists? Exploring Alternative Nationalism in Return Migration Motivations

Dr Gabriella Elgenius

Ethnic Bonding vs. Ethnic Solidarity of the Polish Civic Space in the United Kingdom

Dr Sheena Trimble

A Gendered View of Long-distance Nationalism: Eastern European Women Migrants to Canada (1945 to 1967)

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Thursday 21 April

Session 6: 10:00-11:30

6.1 Minority, Immigration and Asylum Policies Room: CLM 2.04 Chair: Miss Alessia Dalceggio

Dr Andrea Carlà Minority Nationalism and Migration Politics: Comparing Catalonia and South Tyrol

Ms Laura Smith-Khan

Truly deserving? Credibility Assessment in Australian Refugee Procedures

Ms Keren LG Snider, Prof. Canetti Daphna, Prof. Pedersen Anne & Prof. Brian Hall

Threatened or Threatening? How Ideology Shapes Asylum Seekers Immigration Policy Attitudes in Israel and Australia

6.2 Established vs New Minorities

Room: CLM 2.05 Chair: Ms Melissa Shannon

Dr Damjan Mandelc

Protection for the Old, Assimilation for the New, Rejection for the Recent. Established versus New Minorities in Slovenia.

Mr Marcin Slarzynski

Anti-Immigrant Immigrants? Long-Distance Nationalism and Polish Diaspora Organizations in England, France, the Netherlands and the United States

Dr Ronald Ranta Becoming the Natives: The Place of Arab-Palestinian Culture in the Construction of Jewish-Israeli National Identity

6.3 Nationalism and Immigration: Conditional Belonging

Room: CLM 2.06 Chair: Ms Ellie Knott

Prof. Michael Light

Punishing the 'Others': Citizenship and State Social Control in the United States and Germany

Prof. Soma Chatterjee

Bordering the Borderless Nation: A conditional Welcome

Dr Henio Hoyo ‘Citizenship is for True Mexicans’: The Influence of the Revolutionary Nationalism Doctrine on Citizenship Laws in Mexico

6.4 Immigration, Nationalism and Intergroup Dynamics

Room: CLM 2.06 Chair: Dr Emmanuel Dalle Mulle

Dr Rudi Janssens The Impact of International Mobility on the Identity-constructing Policy in Brussels and Its Periphery

Miss Garam Kwon

Becoming “Catalan”: The Case of Spanish Immigrants’ Participation in the Catalan Independence Movement

Ms Marie Tuley Immigration and the Making of New Narratives: How Immigration into the EU Strengthens Discourse on Both European Integration and Nationalism

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Session 7: 11:45-13:15

7.1 Immigration and National Identity Negotiation Room: CLM 2.04 Chair: Miss Panagiota (Peny) Sotiropoulou

Miss Giulia Falovo

Reinventing the Nation: The Italian Struggle of Multiculturalism

Dr Marco Antonsich

The Rise of the Neoliberal Culturalist Nation Facing International Migration

Ms Susanne Melde

Immigration and Nation Building: Shifts in Argentina’s National Identity and Migration Reality 1853-2004

Dr Adriano Cirulli & Dr Enrico Gargiulo

Varieties of Populism. The Ethnonationalist Building(s) of “the People” in Immigration Societies

7.2 Immigration and Ethno-nationalism Room: CLM 2.05 Chair: Dr Anastasia Voronkova

Ms Sara Bernard The Yugoslav (Trans)national Question. Economic Migration and the Rise of Ethno-nationalism in Socialist Yugoslavia

Prof. Dorothy Louise Zinn

When Immigration Induces Ethnonationalist Transitions: Old and New Minorities in South Tyrol

Dr Chris Moreh Trans-bordering Nationhood: Hungarian and Romanian 'Trans-border National' Migrants in the United Kingdom

7.3 Policies and Practices of Belonging Room: CLM 2.06 Chair: Ms Laura Smith-Khan

Mr Nicholas Bromfield

The Turn to Anzac: Political Elites and Nationalism in a Diverse Australia

Dr Moshe Berent Zionism and Mass Immigration between the Two World Wars

Dr Ewa Sadurska-Duffy

New Polish Brits – Pragmatic Citizenship and National Loyalty in the Context of the EU Crisis and Rising Nationalism

Session 8: 14:00-15:30

8.1 Banal Nationalism and the Everyday Experience of Belonging Room: CLM 2.04 Chair: Miss Ellie Knott

Prof. José Sobral Long-distance Nationalism, Boundaries and the Experience of Racism among Santomean Migrants in Portugal

Ms Mette Strømsø

Questioning ‘the National’ in Everyday Experiences of Belonging: Mobility, Immobility and Transgression of Borders in Norway

Dr Manolis Pratsinakis

Immigrant–Native Relations and the Everyday Politics of National Belonging

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8.2 Policies and Practices of Nation Building Room: CLM 2.05 Chair: Miss Sana Khan

Dr Miles Larmer Nation-making at the Border: Post-Colonial Zambian Diplomacy in the Democratic Republic of Congo

Prof. Robyn Autry

‘White or Black, not Hispanic’: US Census Data Editing as a Nation-Building Project

Mr Gennaro Errichiello

Migration and Nation-building in the United Arab Emirates

Dr Stephan Scheel & Dr Francisca van Gromme

Doing Statistics, Enacting migrants (and the Nation): On the Double Social Life of Categories

8.3 Immigration, Nationalism and Multiple Identities Room: CLM 2.06 Chair: Miss Alessia Dalceggio

Dr Ekaterine Pirtskhalava

Identity Tactics and Strategies of Georgian Migrants in Portugal

Miss Kristina Bakkær Simonsen

Dual Identity: Contact as a Way to Enable Immigrants’ Identification with Both Their Ethnic Group and the Host Nation

Ms Kitti Baracsi Kasko san? Whose are you?

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Workshops: Overview Please note that workshop places are strictly limited. Prior registration via the ASEN website

is essential.

Workshop 1

Dr Gabriella Elgenius

To What Extent Does Homeland Matter?

Continuing the theme of diaspora connectivity, this workshop addresses significant dynamics and tensions between diaspora/s – homeland/s – nationalism/s, on the one hand, and the continuing attachment to places of origin, homing desires and initiatives to promote integration and gaining acceptance in places of settlement, on the other. In such terms, diaspora communities – despite internal diversification – challenge national aspirations for socio-cultural unity. Moreover, public discourses have increasingly assumed that diaspora organisation hinders integration into wider society by promoting ties within communities at the expense of ties with other groups. Diversity and multiculturalism are also alleged to have had corrosive effects on society. Our discussion builds on the conference themes exploring the role of homeland, the degree to which diaspora organisations and politics meet anti-immigrant responses or help shape nationalist movements in home countries, some aspects of which are explored in the plenary sessions.

Workshop 2 (Fishbowl Format)

Prof. Oded Haklai Ethnic Conflict and Territorial Disputes

Ethnic conflicts often have a territorial dimension, which can revolve around disputes over settlers, borders, self-determination, occupation, or a combination of the above. Left unchecked, these conflicts can become intractable and endanger the territorial integrity of states or lead to subjugation, forced assimilation, displacement, and other forms of repression. This workshop aims to provide a space for participants to discuss – based on their own expertise – the origins, consequences and methods of resolution of ethnic conflicts involving territorial disputes. The workshop is open to both theoretical and empirically informed conversations. A fishbowl workshop involves a small group of people seated in circle, having a conversation in full view of a larger group of listeners, who are then given the opportunity to pose questions to the inner circle, or even to join the discussion; the chair opens and moderates the discussion.

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Workshop 3 (Documentary Screening and Q&A Session with the Director)

Guy Smallman (Director)

Screening of Into the Fire (2013) and Stateless on Lesbos (2015)

Into the Fire (2013): A documentary about the plight of refugees and migrants in austerity-ravaged Athens. During filming the production crew encountered one murder and one attempted murder as they examined the relationship between austerity, racism and collusion between the far right and Greek police. Stateless on Lesvos (2015): This film looks at the legion of Greek and international volunteers, who have dedicated to offer their services for helping those fleeing war and poverty. Filmed in Athens and Lesvos over 1 week in November 2015, this documentary examines the compassion of people dealing with a crisis while governments and major NGOs look the other way.

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Panels: Speaker Abstracts

Tuesday 19 April

1.1 Nationalism and Exclusion

Dr Gal Ariely Remembrance Day Influence on National Sentiment and Hostility towards Out-groups: Evidence from a Panel Study in Israel

Scholars have long drawn attention to the significant affect national days have on national identity and the construction of a sense of nationhood. This top-down approach is based on the assumption that national days have a profound impact on the national identity of the masses, increasing citizen identification with the nation. This premise having rarely been subject to critical investigation, the actual forms of influence have been relatively ignored. This study focuses on the impact of exposure to Remembrance Day upon national sentiment and hostility towards out-groups, taking Israel as a test case. In contrast to previous cross-sectional-design studies, it employs a longitudinal design to investigate the actual exposure of Jewish Israelis to Remembrance Day. A three-wave panel survey (N = 418) measured national sentiment (national identification and nationalism) and out-group hostility several weeks prior to Remembrance Day, on Remembrance Day itself, and eight weeks later. The results demonstrate that nearly all Israeli Jews participated in Remembrance Day practices. While exposure to Remembrance Day increased the respondents’ sense of nationalism, neither their level of national identification and hostility towards out-groups nor the magnitude of the positive link between nationalism and hostility towards out-groups changed significantly. While national identification was unrelated to hostility prior to Remembrance Day, it became negatively related to it on Remembrance Day itself. These results shed new light on prevalent assumptions regarding the impact of national days.

Mr Yannis-Adam Allouache

Migration, Gender and the Political Economy of Care: The case of Indonesian and Philippine Domestic Workers and the Limits of Taiwan's 'Civic Consensus'

East Asian nations’ rapid transition to postindustrial societies are now confronted with acute socio-demographic and care crises stemming from aging populations, low fertility rates and changes to the traditional reliance on the family to provide social welfare. Since the 1970s, the foremost policy response has been the implementation of guest worker programs to attract low or unskilled workers from neighbouring Southeast Asian countries like Indonesia and the Philippines. Taiwan’s program began in the early 1990s, and its foreign-born migrant population is now approaching half a million, representing a 50% increase from a decade ago, altering the face of Taiwan’s demography. Taiwan also prides itself in its ‘civic consensus’ overcoming a history of authoritarianism and ethnic tensions. As these migrant populations go to great lengths in complying with legal and official channels, why are they refused a pathway to full citizenship? This paper problematizes the multiple dimensions of the question of exclusion faced by migrant domestic workers in Taiwan, arguing that, even in favorable conditions, the dynamics of the political economy of care capitalizes on migrant women’s labor as ‘disposable labor’ (Lan, 2008) In order to do so it brings together literature on gender and the nation (Yuval-Davis, 1993) and

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‘the global political economy of care’ (Williams, 2010) to show that, Indeed, States can have a ‘liberal pretence’ (Tseng and Wang, 2013) camouflaging a resilient ethno-cultural imaginary impacting these women and community’s capacity to live meaningful, fulfilled lives away from home.

Ms Bree Frehner Relative Group Size, Exclusion, and Ethnic Conflict

The identities an individual adopts define priorities, choices, and opinions. While identities vary, essentially everyone identifies with an ethnic group. Ethnic identification can activates one ethnic group against another in conflict over economic and political resources. Following a discussion of ethnic groups in Malawi and Zambia and of the different incentives faced by ethnic groups depending on their political power, I posit that the exploitation of disproportionate ethnic group sizes politicizes an ethnic cleavage and produces an imbalanced power structure in which both the dominant and dominated groups have incentive to initiate conflict, ultimately resulting in ethnic warfare. Using ordinary least squares regression of time-series data across 39 African states from 1990 to 2005, I find that the presence or absence of conflict in the prior year is significant in determining the number of social conflicts initiated in a state during the following year. However, neither the size of the excluded population relative to the ethnopolitically relevant population, nor the presence of both dominant and dominated groups, nor the interaction between these two variables significantly impacted this yearly count. But changes in excluded population size over the last year, last two years, or last ten years is a significant indicator of conflict. As the excluded population grows, conflict occurrence increases. I speculate on potential causes for each of the years that exhibit significance and encourage further research.

1.2 Contested Lands and Settler-related Disputes

Prof. Evangelos Liaras

Migration, Colonization, and Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka

Sri Lanka is a well-studied case of ethnic conflict between the Sinhalese majority and Tamil minority. It has been described as a “sons-of-the-soil” conflict although its autochthones vs. heterochthones aspects are complex. Tamil nationalists have advanced a sons-of-the-soil argument against Sinhalese internal colonization of the northeast just as much as Sinhalese nationalists have furthered similar claims against a perceived Tamilization of the island during British colonial rule, including the immigration of Indian Tamils in the central highlands. While Sinhalese colonization projects after independence contributed decisively to the growth of Tamil nationalism, the case of the Indian Tamils has generally been overlooked in the literature. A poor, stateless immigrant group, Indian Tamils were subject to restriction of political rights and mass deportation by Sinhalese governments until the outbreak of the Sri Lankan civil war in the early 1980s. While ethnic relations on the island became increasingly securitized, Sinhalese nationalist elites made a full U-turn on the Indian Tamil question and accepted a deal with India that re-naturalized the remaining plantation workers and integrated them in the political process. The case of the Indian Tamils of Sri Lanka demonstrates how immigrant groups even under the most precarious circumstances can be accepted by nationalist elites when the political calculus is right. Meanwhile, since the end of the civil war the flow of Sinhalese internal migration to the

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northeast has resumed, raising concerns about how this will impact ethnic relations in the future.

Prof. Oded Haklai Settlers in Contested Lands: Israel in Comparative Perspective

Jewish settlements in the territories Israel captured in the 1967 war have been viewed as one of the main contentious issues in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Although often treated, as sui generis, the problem of population movements by design with the objective of influencing patterns of sovereignty is by no means unique to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It has featured in many ethnic conflicts around the world, including the Cyprus conflict, the Sri Lanka conflict (where it is sometimes framed in sons-of-the-soil terms), and Western Sahara, to name a few. Using a comparative lens, this project generates theoretical insights about this phenomenon that shed new light on the Israeli-Palestinian case. Amongst other things, the Israeli case is distinguished by the relatively powerful agency of the settlers themselves. Whereas in comparable cases, sending states had a clear vision of what they wanted to achieve and settlers served as instruments in their pursuit of territorial aggrandization, the Israeli case is characterized by the absence of a clear, coherent, and consistent vision by Israeli governments. Lack of central state decisiveness has provided settlers, who did have a clear vision, with opportunities to advance their ideological agenda even when it stood in contrast with declared central government policies.

Mr Mustafa Cirakli Immigration, Identity and Civil Society in Northern Cyprus

This paper examines the civil society responses in northern Cyprus to the experience of immigration from Turkey. More specifically, it places the contested presence of populations from Turkey, referred elsewhere as ‘settlers’, at the heart of identity politics within the Turkish-Cypriot community and examines how and to what extent the experience of immigration and the integration of Turkish ‘settlers’ have been articulated by prominent civil society actors. The paper accounts for changes in debates about immigration and settlement issues, most notably the ‘citizenship’ rights of Turkish immigrants/settlers by means of a discursive analysis of civil society narratives, evaluating changes in frames, positions and salience. Among others, it presents a highly politicised space, coloured with the history and politics of Cyprus in which multiple actors, including immigrant civil society organisations (ICSOs) compete and strive for influence. Crucially, the paper aims to highlight the contested nature of immigration-settlement politics in northern Cyprus and its interplay with the nationalist framing of identity claims to offer insights on immigration and identity formation from a particularly intriguing context that has received limited attention until now.

Dr Neophytos Loizides

Forced Displacements and Settler Politics in Cyprus

The post-1974 Turkish colonization of Cyprus is seen as a violation of Article 49 of the Geneva Convention of 1949 and an obstacle to the future reunification of the island. Yet settlers in Cyprus are not monolithically attached to expansionist nationalism and often share comparable concerns about and vulnerabilities to migrant populations.

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This paper will examine the causes of non-politicization among the Turkish settlers and sets the Cypriot experience apart from the current literature on colonization and displacement in contested territories. Drawing on Cyprus but also informing the broader conflict resolution literature, the presentation will also present a set of novel institutional arrangements aiming to balance humanitarian and justice considerations in Cyprus and beyond.

1.3 Self-expression of Identification

Mr Byeongsun Ahn

Still Long-distance Nationalism? The Identity Work of Serbian Migrants in Vienna

This paper investigates the identity-work and inter-diasporic relations of Serbian migrants in present-day Vienna. While the previous studies have focused on the spillover of the Yugoslav Wars, a.k.a. long-distance nationalism, to shape their confrontational behavior to their ex-Yugoslav counterparts in the host societies, the identity-work of Serbian migrants in its contemporary state seems to traverse beyond the imported conflict of their homeland, as it has become strongly influenced by the mounting Islamophobia and the culturist rhetoric on immigration and integration in their 'host-land'. As the 'Otherness' that migrants are defined by has increasingly become associated with 'Muslimness', Serbian migrants struggle to dis-identify themselves with their Muslim counterparts, by highlighting their cultural and religious difference to Muslim-'Others' or similarity to Christian-'Us'. What does this (anti-Islam) culturist development in the 'host-land' politics mean to the identity-work of Serbian migrants? In this light, this paper demonstrates how the location of contemporary diasporic-identity work of Serbian migrants shifts from ‘long-distance nationalism' to 'struggle between cultures' in the wake of culturist development on immigration and integration in Austrian politics.

Dr Charis Anastasopoulos

Self-expression of German Immigrants in Greece

In 2015 Germany and German politics concerning the European Union and the European currency were discussed furiously in Greece once again. Greek protesters burning the German national flag in front of the Greek House of Parliament and Greek newspapers publishing pictures of German chancellor Angela Merkel and German finance minister Wolfgang Schäuble depicted in Nazi uniform appear to indicate that the Greek-language discourse on Germany is overwhelmingly negative. The nationalistic discourse fueled by Greek populists suggests that being a German can be a stigma in Greece. This overt hostility towards Germany inspired my qualitative study on the self-expression of German immigrants who reside permanently in Greece. The research questions are: What self-awareness of being a German is employed by German immigrants in Greece when they view themselves and when they consider themselves in face-to-face encounters with Greeks? Do they exhibit any techniques to control the impressions they produce in interactions with Greeks? How does the fact that they belong to one of the most powerful nations at present effect their consideration of the stigmatizing discourse on Germany? In my contribution to the conference I want to present first study results dealing with historical blame and acceptance of populist hostility. Further, I want to link my results to the theme

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„Immigration and populist nationalism“. By doing so, I want to contribute to the discussion about the links between modern migration and nationalism.

Dr Inis Shkreli Migration of Vlachs in Voskopoja as a Production of Greek and Romanian Identity Politics to Assimilate the Community

Based primarily on ethnographic fieldwork the paper explores social mobility of Albanian Vlachs in post-communist Voskopoja, the former thriving developed Ottoman city of Moscopole or Moschopolis also regarded as the ‘Jerusalem’ of Aromanians/Vlachs. At the present days Voskopoja is a multicultural Municipality affected by transnational and transmigration processes wherein with the fall of communism a renaissance of new identities was revived among the Vlach group. Economic crisis make people seek new opportunities from which a one way social mobility flow reactivated in the 1990’s. In this economic and cultural inequality a channel of communication as tool for cultural progression was settled with Romania and cheap workforce was exported from the Vlach community of Voskopoja to Greece as the country is part of the global division of labour. The minority’s migration will be drawn as a ‘dual phenomena’. From above the Center’s-Bucharest and Athens- nationalist strategies and mechanisms which consider migration as a fundamental process for the cultivation of a new identity and assimilation of the Vlachs. From below, the paper examines the ways in which the community’s flexibility and malleability displays the identity when favorable circumstances exist shifting from pro Romanian followers to pro Greek followers and vice versa. Ultimately, I will argue that the because of power imbalances and lack of recognition, the Vlach minority positionality reveals difficulties in terms of an in-betweeness in identity, space, and place. Through in-depth interviews with a diverse sample of Catalan independence supporters, this paper illustrates the way they make sense of independence, national diversity, their migratory background and their own place in the Catalan national project today.

Miss Amy Clarke British, English, Londoner? The Effects of the Increased Ethnic Diversity on White British Suburbanites Identification

While the city is typically heralded as a site of encounter in which difference can be celebrated (Young, 1990), little is said of its fringes, those suburban areas where people have traditionally lived near, but not in, the city. And yet as the suburbs have become more ethnically diverse, challenging the understanding of suburbia as white and mono-cultural, the suburbs have become sites of encounter in their own right. Based on interview data collected during twelve months of fieldwork in the suburbs of north east London and west Essex this paper explores the impact of increased suburban ethnic diversity on white British people’s identification with the nation. The empirical data shows how white Britons in this people in this part of outer London are responding as individuals, their processes of identification reflecting the role of personal experiences and relationships. While in some cases the arrival of migrants and ethnic minorities fosters greater connection with the nation, usually for reactionary reasons, others are turning to local and regional identities which they perceive as better reflecting their identities and feelings of belongings in an unequal and diverse United Kingdom. As well as presenting empirical data on white middle-class Britons identification with state, nation and community the paper argues for the importance of considering people’s national identities in the context of individual lives as well as in relation to local, regional and supra-national identification.

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1.4 Sub-state Nationalism and Minority Politics

Dr Kees Terlouw Orange Associations Defending the Traditional Dutch Local Community: United against Alien Urbanisation but Locally Divided

The Dutch municipality of Katwijk has several of the largest Orange-associations in the Netherlands. This paper explores how this shared focus on traditional nationalism links up with other local and regional identity discourses. It contributes to discussions on the relation between nationalism and local everyday practices. It is based on extensive interviews with 35 persons from different sections of the local communities in Katwijk. All Orange-associations are very active in celebrating the values of traditional Dutch local communities. Despite their shared normative vision on local community, they are very locally divided. Unlike most other Orange-associations in the Netherlands they are not united in celebrating the official Dutch national holiday marking the King’s birthday. Most focus on local festivities at other times. This is indicative of the role that associations play in the divisive local politics in this in 2006 amalgamated municipality, based on local identity discourses focusing on the perceived discrimination of their local community in the municipality. However, their shared valuation of traditional Dutch local communities unites them against urbanisation. They share a resistance identity discourse against urbanisation. The urbanisation threat dominates local politics. The spreading urban landscape of large scale housing development is resisted. This is linked to the feared migration of outsiders threatening local community based on their different value pattern. The nationalism celebrated by the Orange-associations in Katwijk links up with identity discourses at different scale levels and is thus an important force shaping local politics and the defense of local communities against urban migration.

Dr Zef Segal Inter-German Migration Patterns and National Identities: The "third Germany" in Mid-nineteenth Century

Migration patterns, which include the volume, destinations and points of origin of immigrants, are evidence of the quality and vitality of cross-border relations. Simultaneously, they manifest the stability of the community of origin and its inner unity. In the German context of mid-nineteenth century, these issues had a special significance since the 1871 unification of Germany is usually described as a natural outcome of an integrated German society and cross-border German nationalism. In this paper, I will present the spatial relationships of the citizens in five German states that constitute the "third Germany": Bavaria, Saxony, Hanover, Wurttemberg and Baden, as they unfold from inter-German migration patterns. The primary focus of analysis is the inner-integration of these nineteenth century German states and the questionable existence of a single German society. Migration patterns are not only used to compare between the various German states, but also to question the authenticity each state. Issues regarding state integration, regional perceptions and German nationalism are treated when examining migration statistics from a district level of analysis rather than a state level analysis, which is the customary resolution in migration research. Consequently, accepted political spatial categories such as state boundaries are questioned in this paper. Results show that some of these states, such as Saxony and Bavaria, were better integrated than others. More importantly, the manifested disunity between the various states shows that

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German unification predated the emergence of a unified German society, and questions the existence of popular German nationalism during these years.

Dr Nuria Franco-Guillén

The Multi-level Politics of immigration: The Case of Stateless Nationalist and Regionalist Parties in Scotland and Quebec

One of the main challenges highlighted by literature addressing the interaction between minority nations and immigration is a fear of internal minorization deriving from the difficulty of incorporating newcomers into a nation-building project that is different from the State-level project. In fact, research has shown that immigration alters the equilibrium of power relations and patterns in two ways. Immigration impacts on both, the external relationship between a national unit and the central State within which it lies, and the internal relationship between a sub-state unit government and its associated societal culture. Devolution and decentralisation of power in the context of federal and quasi-federal democracies has often been supported and defended in terms of its potential to lower tensions between the central State and regional governments or entities. However, authors have claimed that while federalism can lower tensions, it does not make them disappear. This has been termed the federalism paradox. This paper aims at examining the effects of decentralising immigration powers on the discourse of Stateless Nationalist Parties (SNRP). To do so, two similar SNRPs that operate in different contexts where the distribution of powers differs (Scottish National Party, and Parti Québécois) have been selected. Party manifestos, parliamentary debates and questions in several legislatures are analysed using Qualitative Content Analysis. This is complemented with semi-structured interviews with party representatives. The results confirm the existence of this federalism paradox, affirming that despite reducing the tone of conflictivity, SNRPs in highly decentralised regions still maintain a discourse of tension towards the centre.

Dr Roberta Medda-Windischer

Changing Paradigms in the Traditional Dichotomy of Old and New Minorities

Questions how to maintain and strengthen the bonds of community in ethnically diverse societies are among the most salient and vexing on the political agenda of many societies. This proposed paper will examine to what extent the application of minority rights instruments that have been traditionally applied to old minority groups is conceptually meaningful to the integration of new minorities stemming from migration. Studying the interaction between traditional minorities and migrants or old and new minority groups is a rather new task, because so far these topics have been studied in isolation from each other. It is also an important task for future research in Europe, since many states have established systems for the rights of old minorities, but have not as yet developed sound policies for the integration of new minority groups stemming from migration. By analyzing the differences and similarities of both categories of minorities, their claims, needs and priorities, it will be possible to delineate a catalogue of rights that can be demanded by, and granted to, different minority groups. The ultimate aim of the proposed paper is to devise a common but differentiated set of rights and obligations for old and new minority groups combining diversity and social cohesion.

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2.1 Populist Discourse and the Construction of the 'Other'

Miss Eviane Leidig Constructing Hindu Populist Nationalism through the Muslim 'Migrant'

This paper explores the rise of Hindu populist nationalism in India as a response to the Muslim ‘migrant’. It traces demographic trends since post-independence, noting the decline of those that identify themselves as Hindu, in contrast to the increasing number of those that self-identify as Muslim. These statistics are considered in the context of a country experiencing rapid urbanisation. Neighborhoods segregated according to religious communities compete for public resources and infrastructure demands. They are also disproportionately affected by competition in the labour market. This paper argues that socio-economic pressures contribute towards escalating communal violence between Hindus and Muslims, with the latter targeted as a threat to national culture and identity. But rather than viewing this phenomenon as spikes of religious tension, i.e. riots, violence has become normalised into everyday life. Frequent anti-Muslim encounters shape political discourse surrounding threats to Hindu national identity, reflected in the 2014 general election. It was the first time the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)—a Hindu nationalist party—gained a majority, whilst the incumbent party witnessed its worst defeat in election history. This paper analyses how the BJP appropriates populist rhetoric in order to construct a Hindu nationalist identity that seeks to ‘otherise’ Muslims as ‘foreigners’ and ‘migrants’. It critically explores the nuances and complexity of an Indian identity vis-à-vis a Hindu identity. Overall, this paper contributes towards the field of nationalism studies through the lens of Indian populist politics.

Dr Robert Sata Fencing off Migrants – Populist Nationalism in Hungary

According to the latest statistics, Hungary is the second country (following Greece) with the highest number of irregular border crossings, with more than 350,000 border crossings recorded last year. Nevertheless, all migrants leave the country in a few days – yet combating irregular migration is currently the utmost priority for the Fidesz government, leading to erecting barbed wire fences on the country’s borders and its PM Orban declaring that all terrorists are migrants. Nationalism has a long tradition in Hungary, having lost two-third of the country’s territory after WWI and current conditions provide solid ground for nationalist politics. This paper attempts to trace the creation of this new political discourse of populist nationalism. Using a systematic analysis of the official statements of the government and party programs, this paper demonstrates that this anti-migrant, anti-Muslim, and anti-Europe nationalist populist discourse stands for a new conception of national identity that mobilizes against the collapse of traditional values and liberal rationalism embodied by EU institutions (Krastev 2007) and believes once basic human rights are provided for, national interests are above those of individuals or minorities. In this setting, the discursive construction and use of Otherness in the public discourse stand for the representations of migrants as a deviant groups of people, of a threatening ideology/religion, and of enemies of the nation, although Hungary is a transit or a source rather than a destination country for migration, except for the ethnic co-nationals of the neighboring countries.

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Dr Cathrine Thorleifsson

Nationalist Responses to Forced Migration: Case Studies from England and Hungary

Across European contexts the unfolding crisis of displacement is fueling re-nationalization processes. Radical right wing parties and anti-Muslim movements have gained support on a platform protesting European and global integration. Based on multi-sided anthropological fieldwork in 2015, this paper examines local responses to forced migration in the post-industrial towns of Doncaster and Ózd. Through participant observation and personal interviews with UKIP (United Kingdom Independence Party) and the Hungarian Jobbik (Movement for a Better Future) politicians and supporters, the paper explores how imaginaries of migration are produced, circulated and contested. It argues that the radical right exploits the issue of forced migration negatively to ignite fears, strengthening populist securitization and everyday conspiratorial thinking. In a discourse that conflates displacement with terrorism, refugees from Muslim lands are marked as posing threats to national security, culture and welfare. The unknown migrant serves to re-imagine the boundaries of the nation and European civilization, informing practices of inclusion and exclusion. Opposing the supposition that the economy does not matter for the rise of the radical right, the paper argues that local resistance to cross-border mobility must be analysed in the context of longtime existential insecurity. Residents of towns that have been hard hit by economic recession turned to ethno-nationalism both as a protective strategy and source of identity and future.

2.2 Migration and Nationalism in East Asia

Ms Naoko Hashimoto

How the Amendment to the Japanese Nationality Law Has Exacerbated Human Trafficking of Japanese-Filipino Children into Japan

The amendment to the Japanese Nationality Act in 2008 has allowed the Filipino children born out of wedlock between a Japanese man and a Filipina woman to have access to the Japanese nationality. The revision was generally welcome by human rights activists and it has caused a rapid increase of Filipina immigrants to Japan. Meanwhile, the legal revision was not accompanied by a sufficient public support system as regards the Filipino emigration rules and the Japanese immigration controls. The lack of support system has been largely abused by traffickers, and the number of trafficking cases of the Japanese-Filipino children (JFCs) into Japan has been quickly and steadily increased. This paper will analyse: i) how the amendment to the Japanese nationality law has changed the concept of Japanese nationality; ii) how the JFCs and their Filipina mothers have tried to take advantage of the amendment and started rushing to Japan in search of their nationality, ethnic roots, and identity; iii) how traffickers have abused the inadequacy of the public support system to JFCs trying to migrate from the Philippines to Japan; and iv) what kind of dilemma the Japanese immigration authorities have faced. It also proposes policy actions to be taken both at the Filipino and Japanese ends. In so doing,

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the paper introduces the general findings from the surveys conducted in the Philippines and in Japan among 212 sets of JFCs and their mothers between 2008 and 2010.

Miss Carol Xiaoyue Zhang

National Myth-making in Postcolonial Chinese Cities

The notion of homogeneity within a nation is now seriously challenged by the increasing idea of heterogeneity (Bouchard 2013). It is arguably that an imagined homogeneous nation often woven through fragmented and conflicting discourses, which have combined to destabilise the meaning and vision of a nation, its national myths (Anderson 1991, Foucault 1980, Özkirimli 2010, Smith 2009). Rooted in this change of conceptualisation, this study focuses on how the emerging Chinese national myth-making have been fragmented and challenged in Hong Kong and Macau. In this particular presentation, the dilemma between the national identity and local identity are illustrated. It is arguably that with the increasing immigrants and tourists from the mainland, daily comparisons between local people and mainland Chinese have contributed to a slightly different national myth in Hong Kong, a Chinese plus (Mathews 2001).This indicates being a cosmopolitan, Hong Kong’s multiculturalism is an exclusive concept, which aims to differentiate the city from the mainland. Although Macau is also a postcolonial city, its increasing economic power mainly comes from the liberalisation of gaming industry in Macau, which highly depends on the central government, Chinese tourists and Chinese new immigrants. With this difference, Macau is relatively in favour of its Chinese identity than Hong Kong. More importantly, the city seems to escape the identity crisis in Hong Kong and has become a gaming state.

Dr Ayako Komine & Prof. Hannes Mosler

Reimagining the Nation: Discursive Linkages between Immigration and Demographic Change in Japan and South Korea

Japan and South Korea are economically-advanced liberal democracies facing acute demographic challenges in the coming decades. Low fertility rates combined with long life expectancy are bound to create a heavy burden on future fiscal management. In addition, both East Asian nations have been culturally homogeneous, with no major sectarian divisions based on ethnicity or religion. In recent years, however, the two countries began pursuing divergent paths in relation immigration admission and immigrant integration. In South Korea, there have been bold policy initiatives to expand immigration which, in turn, has been panned as a solution to demographic decline. In Japan, by contrast, the discursive linkage between demography and immigration is relatively absent, and immigration expansion has taken place only incrementally. The aim of this paper is to explain the contrasting re-imagining, or the lack thereof, of the nation by focusing on the effect of political institutions. More concretely, we investigate how South Korea’s presidential system with a strong executive power and Japan’s parliamentarism with fused executive and legislative functions have produced different discursive constructions of the future nation.

2.3 Long-distance Nationalism

Dr Filiz Tutku Aydin Bezikoğlu

A Typology of Long-distance Nationalism: Exile, Émigré Diaspora and Transnational National Movements of the Crimean Tatars

The Crimean Tatars are one of the “old diasporas”. The dispersal of the Crimean Tatars goes back to the 18th century, when Russia annexed Crimea in 1783, and the Crimean Tatars escaped from

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the Russian rule, and settled in the Ottoman Empire. Today, outside Crimea, the Crimean Tatars mainly reside in Turkey, Uzbekistan, Romania, the United States, and Bulgaria. The Crimean Tatar diaspora experienced a rejuvenation beginning from the 1990s. The starting point for my research was explaining the causes for this simultaneous revival of the Crimean Tatar diaspora identity in four diaspora contexts, namely Turkey, Romania, the United States, and Uzbekistan and explain the variation in forms of nationalist mobilization. This led me to compare the emergence, and trajectories of four deterritorialized Crimean Tatar communities across space and time. The national movements of the Crimean Tatars outside Crimea were divided into ten mini-cases, each of which were categorised as “émigré nationalism”, “exile nationalism”, “diaspora nationalism” or “transnationalism”. These four types of extra-territorial national identity formed a typology of “long-distance nationalism”. This categorisation enables us not only to describe the differences in forms of belonging, but also provides us insight for understanding the causes for emergence, different trajectories and outcomes of nationalist mobilization of diasporic communities, i.e. why certain deterritorialized communities seek to return to their homeland, while others do not; why certain diasporic movements are more resonant among its constitutency than others; how integration is reconciled with maintaining long-distance ties to homeland, and how political and technological opportunities/threats affect the nature of diaspora mobilization.

Prof. Anne-Sophie Bentz

Nationalism in Exile: the Tibetan and Palestinian Cases

If, for Ernest Gellner, the origin of nationalism is most definitely to be found in the state, the question remains of whether nationalism could come from somewhere else. Not many scholars of nationalism have tackled the issue of a possibly different origin of nationalism, but there are a few exceptions, the most famous being Benedict Anderson. This paper intends to be both a theoretical and practical reflection on the correlation between nationalism and exile. It will start with a theoretical introduction on what Benedict Anderson has termed ‘long-distance nationalism’, taking into consideration scholars from different disciplines and eras – from Lord Acton’s famous thesis that ‘exile is the nursery of nationality’ to Zlatko Skrbis’ comparative study of Australian-Slovenes and Australian-Croatians conducted in the 1990s. It will then engage in a study of two examples epitomizing the relation between nationalism and exile, i.e. the Tibetan and Palestinian cases. Both cases seem to substantiate the idea favoured by scholars of nationalism that exile strengthens nationalist feelings and sentiments. We will look at the events that triggered or reactivated ideas of a nation among Tibetans and Palestinians who had chosen exile, pointing to a number of similarities between the two cases; we will also analyse the (re)formulation of both nationalisms in exile, thus showing that Tibetans and Palestinians have taken quite a different view on how the idea of a nation should be charted and should evolve in exile.

Mr Niccolò Fattori ‘Dalla banda di Levante' - Greek Diasporas in Central Italy (15th-16th Centuries)

My paper analyzes the survival of ethnic and religious identity among the members of the two Greek Diasporas in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Using three examples from the mid-Adriatic provinces of the March of Ancona and the Duchy of Urbino, I will see how the different demographic characters of the two migration waves played a role in the preservation of a cultural identity from one generation to the other.

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The first Diaspora, which consisted in a massive emigration of the Byzantine aristocracy after the collapse of the empire in the 15th century, will be analyzed through the life of Tommaso Diplovatazio, who worked as an administrator and a statesman at the court of Pesaro, between 1490 and 1541. The immersion inside the Italian courtly environment, together with the geographic dispersion of the Diaspora all over the peninsula, hindered the formation of simple community structures, and with it the process of cultural transmission. The wave of migration that began in the sixteenth century had a more professional and mercantile character, and was more localized inside port cities like Venice or Ancona. Thanks to a favourable political and religious environment, the Greeks quickly set up cohesive communities which revolved around religious buildings. The interaction between those communities and the expatriate families will be explored though the examples of Alessio Lascari Paleologo, minor mercenary captain during the Italian Wars, and Giovanni Maria Strategopulo, a member of the Order of St. John who was forced into exile by the Ottomans in the 1530s.

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Wednesday 20 April

3.1 Forced Displacement and Population Movements

Dr Uriel Abulof Demographic Dynamics between Better Life and Meaningful Existence

This paper examines the role of mortality, morality and liberty in ethnic immigration. Mortal people, and peoples, seek moral standing, transcending their transient lives by partaking in a meaningful, quasi-eternal collectivity. Each polity thus constitutes a collective causa-sui, a perpetuation project anchored in a social identity and its political expression. What affects our location and movement between distinct causae-sui? Mostly it is about where, when and to whom we are born; social identities and polities, even in modernity, are often quite stable. When changes transpire, geopolitical transformations, demographic trends, forceful coercion, material opportunities, emotional inclinations, and personal dispositions are some of the many push-and-pull factors. To these, I add here the mortality and morality of nations, mediated through their "degrees of freedom" in choosing their own path. The extent to which we consider our “moral tree of life” robust vis-à-vis alternative trees (whether personal, collective or universal), and the extent to which we believe we can leap from one to another, shape our choice. At times, this leads us to opt for the ethnonational tree; at other times, to opt out. Clinging to a failing causa-sui with no viable alternative may eventually lead us to fall into the mire of anomy, a socio-moral vacuity. The paper outlines an existential theory of ethnic immigration, and examines the case study of the modern Jewish people, wavering between distinct ethnic projects in both Israel and the diaspora. I show that the search for meaningful existence, not only better life, underlines these demographic dynamics.

Ms Sarah Correia ‘Difficult Memories' and Post-war Reconstruction of National Identity in the Bosnian 'Entity' of Republika Srpska: The Experience of Forced Displacement and the Endurance of 'Refugee Identity' amongst Bosnian Serbs Resettled in the Town of Bijeljina

The Bosnian war (1992-1995) generated two million refugees, half of the total population, including one million internally displaced. After the war 'ethnic cleansing' was hardly reversed, notwithstanding the possibility of return of the population to their original homes, and Bosnia is now divided into two largely homogenous 'entities'. In Republika Srpska, the Serb-dominated entity, this territorialisation of ethnicity was an essential part of a wider, ongoing, process of reconstruction of national identity and state-building, within the constrains imposed as well as possibilities offered by the Dayton Peace Accords. The process of 'ethnic cleansing' and demographic re-engineering has resulted in substantial changes in the population's ethnic distribution in most if not all towns in Bosnia, thus disrupting the previously well-established regional and local identities. This paper will explore the impact of this process at the local level in Republika Srpska. I will focus on the massive influx of displaced Serbs to the town of Bijeljina, and on the relationship between the nationalist ideology dominant in Republika Srpska and the lived experience of this segment of the population. My research points to 'refugee identity' as the most prominent dimension of personal and collective identity in this category of the population,

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twenty years after the war. I will suggest that despite the fact that Bosnian Serbs overwhelmingly display their political allegiance to Republika Srpska as an expression of belonging, many also see it as a land of exile, in which 'resettled Serbs' struggle to integrate themselves, and where they often feel alienated.

Miss Sana Khan Cross-Border Migration: An Interpretative Study of Indo-Pak Partition Refugees

The story of the making of nations and their histories has been told in many ways. There are differing and changing opinions both within and outside the nation, and differing degrees of access to the rights of citizenship and of history. The partition of British India in 1947 led to the creation of India and Pakistan; followed by one of the bloodiest migrations and ethnic cleansings in history. In this context, a moment of incredible uprooting and violence, displacement in its physical sense refers generally to evacuation and migration. There is, however, another unusual aspect to this history of displacement. This is the displacement of people who found nowhere to go even after they had been pushed around from one place to another –the making of people into refugees in their own homes. Although, considerable work has been done on these ‘partition refugees’ a comprehensive picture remains elusive. This paper argues for a rethinking of the study of cross-border migration in the light of nationalism in South Asia, especially for understanding categories of cross-border migrants that have so far been ignored. This paper would look at literature on partition refugees (including fiction especially that of Intizar Husain), and incorporate oral evidences from cross-border migrants to demonstrate the need of re-examining historiographical conventions regarding partition migration and sentiment of nationalism. It also makes a plea for linking South Asia’s partition to larger debates about partition as a political solution to ethnic strife and the ongoing refugee crisis.

Dr Anastasia Filippidou

When Conflict Resolution Efforts Create Conflict: Revisiting the Turco-Greek Compulsory Exchange of Populations

The proposed paper examines the 1920’s compulsory exchange of populations between Greece and Turkey and its contemporary legacy and implications. The Lausanne Conference with the Exchange of Population Conventions was the first time in modern history that a compulsory transfer of a large number of people was officially adopted as a solution to a minority problem. The Turco-Greek compulsory population exchange (CPE) accounted for approximately a total of 1,500,000 Greeks of the emerging Turkish state relocating to Greece, in exchange of roughly 500,000 Turks living in Greece to Turkey. This population exchange was praised by policy makers as a success and even as a model to be emulated in other conflicts and earned Dr Nansen, the architect of CPE, the Nobel Peace Prize. Nonetheless, the forced exchange did not serve the cause of democracy and peace. Instead it polarised further Greece and Turkey down the path of ethnoreligious nationalism. The Greco-Turkish population exchange deprived the displaced people of their basic right of citizenship, residence and possessions in their ancestral homelands and the socio-cultural landscapes of the two countries were changed irreversibly. Instead of solving the humanitarian crisis caused from the Greek-Turkish war the compulsory and forced exchange of population created a further humanitarian crisis especially for the already war-torn Greece which now faced an influx of over a million destitute refugees. The

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exchange resulted in one of the greatest population movements of the 20th Century and its effects are still evident today in the strained and sensitive Greco-Turkish relations.

3.2 Nationalism and Attitudes Towards Immigration

Mr Taylor Elwood & Ms Bree Frehner

The Price of Poor Policy: Shifts in Ethnic Composition and Surges in Right Wing Support

The rise of the radical right in European elections precipitates a discussion of the reasons behind growing support for right wing platforms. Right wing parties have been classified as both nationalistic and ethnocentric. The question remains whether right wing adherents are patriots or xenophobes, or both. Right wing party platforms rely on nationalism to appeal to exclusionist attitudes. These attitudes manifest themselves in anti-immigrant policies. The populist appeal of national identity validating more stringent border controls has become attractive in recent years as immigration rates increase globally. As refugee and economic crises force Europe to reconsider asylum and migration policies, right wing parties have exploited fears of terrorism and economic stagnation to promote their exclusionary policies. Has the inevitability of migration empowered the far right? In this paper, we seek to identify the impact of demographic transition, due to immigration, on electoral support for right wing political parties. Using a dataset comprised of French population statistics and election results from legislative, European, and regional elections at the department level, we assess the National Front’s vote share in light of increases in the size of the largest minority group and decreases in the majority group. We find a positive correlation between increases in the size of the largest minority group and electoral support for the National Front. We discuss the implications of this finding concerning electorate support for xenophobic or anti-immigrant policy in France.

Prof. Nicole Gallant

Are Ethnic Representations of the Nation Really Less Inclusive of Immigrants Than Civic Ones? The Case of Francophone National Minorities in Canada

This paper will use the case of an established (“national”) minority to explore the interplay between immigration and representations of national identity. I will begin with a brief history of francophone nationalism in Canada, to show how elite discourses about the nation have adjusted to population changes by shifting from ethnic and religious definitions to linguistic and somewhat civic conceptions. The core of the paper will then focus on individual-level representations of the nation and attitudes toward ethnic diversity and immigration, in Quebec and French Canada. This exploration will further our understanding of the nation and everyday nationalism in two main ways. Firstly, building on previous qualitative work in the field (including my own), the paper will contribute to revisit the classic ethnic/civic dichotomy. Using factor analysis on a large quantitative sample (3000 respondents), I will distinguish and examine five core types of representations of the nation: ethnic, cultural, ethno-cultural, civic and time-dependent. Secondly, the paper will address the common assumption that civic nationalism is more inclusive of immigrant diversity than ethnic nationalism. Using the typology above, I will explore to what extent types of representation of the nation are indeed correlated with levels of openness to

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immigration and ethnic diversity at the individual level. I will then seek to assess how significant this factor is, in relation to other, well-established predictors of attitudes toward diversity (such as level of education and previous exposure to immigrants), bearing in mind that openness to immigration remains the socially desirable norm in Canada.

Ms Cansu Akbaş Demirel

Different Terms, Similar Perspectives: Turkish Migration Policy

Although Turkey is a part of 1951-UN Convention on the Status of Refugees and 1967 Additional Protocol, Turkey keeps the geographical limitation about refugee status. According to this, only the asylum seekers coming from European countries can take ‘refugee’ status at the end of their status assessment. This causes a complex legal position for asylum seekers coming from non-European countries and helps Turkish governments to change their discourse in proper to their policies of inclusion or exclusion. Syrians started to immigrate to Turkey in April 2011 and Turkish government at that time used the term ‘refugee’ when Syrians arrived first. A short time later they changed their discourse about Syrian refugees from ‘refugee’, to ‘brothers’ and then to ‘guests’ and now ‘temporary protected ones’. Nationalism is one of the important reasons that shapes Turkish migration policy. Not only about refugees but also about migrants Turkey transforms the terms of migration in proper to its own nationalism envisagement from the very beginning of Turkish Republic. For instance, in early 90’s, thousands of Bulgarian citizens came to Turkey and Turkish government chose to name them ‘migrants’ (although they could be named as refugees) and they were given citizenship after a few years from their arrival. It was explained with being ‘Turkish-origined’ people. In this study, it is aimed to analyse the change of discourse and to understand the role of nationalism in Turkish migration policy, in the last 5 years with the help of Syrians as a case study.

3.3 The Far-right, Nationalistic Politics and Security

Prof. Tihomir Cipek

Who's Our Fellow Human? The Nationalism of the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs

On the example of the political programme and the election propaganda the intention is to present the manner in which the Austrian right-populist party FPÖ uses the nationalism in order to strengthen its position by spreading the fear of immigrants. The discourse of the FPÖ that clearly discriminates between the “good” and “bad” immigrants will be analysed. According to the opinion of the FPÖ, the good ones are those of “the Christian confession, integrated in the Austrian society” and the bad ones are “the Muslims, the criminals, the alienated Turks”. In the centre of the analysis will be the fashion in which the FPÖ has changed the universal Christian message of the love for the neighbour i.e. fellow human in the pre-election nationalistic slogan and the polemic that has arisen as a consequence. It will be precisely shown what where the positions taken by a) the Catholic Church, b) the parties of both centre-right and centre-left, and c) the FPÖ. On the base of this analysis it will be shown how the conjunction between the immigration issues, the interpretation of the religious messages and nationalism might be achieved.

Ms Michelle O'Brien

Nationalism and Migration Dynamics in Contemporary Russia

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Nationalist politics in Russia find expression in a number of outlets, ranging from informal riots and racially motivated violence, to public policy and entrenched political party rhetoric about the dangers of unfettered immigration. How do migrants navigate these often-hostile political climates? What are the effects of destination politics on migrants and ethnic minorities, in the context of shifting population dynamics in contemporary Russia? In this research, I leverage a unique event history dataset to investigate the effects of neo-nationalist political support and racially motivated violence on the probability of out-migration for 10,000 young men and women living in 25 regions in Russia between 2009 and 2012. I hypothesize that these political factors send signals of worsening prospects to residents who identify as ethnic minorities, suggesting a spillover effect. Preliminary findings suggest that, controlling for regional economic conditions, individual characteristics, and household factors, expressions of nationalist politics contribute to the out-migration of young people. Further, I find that while the regional vote share of the neo-nationalist party affects migration of young people regardless of gender or ethnicity, minority women have a significantly reduced probability of out-migration when exposed to greater levels of party support. In a context where political participation may be stifled by anti-immigrant hostilities and stringent rules about collective action, migrants may be forced to choose ‘exit’ – that is, to leave the region. The implications of these findings may be wide-ranging for receiving countries in the European context, especially with contemporary debates focused on refugee resettlement.

Dr Rachel Hutchins & Dr Daphne Halikiopoulou

Enemies of France: Terrorism, Nationalism, and Migration in the Programmatic Agenda of the Front National

The November 2015 Paris terrorist attacks were perpetrated primarily by French citizens. Yet, the response of the far right Front National (FN) was to treat the attacks as an immigration issue and link them to the broader European migrant crisis. The FN thus frames terrorism as an external problem that “we” as a nation can solve by containing the entry of the foreign “other,” who poses a threat to our national identity and security. Why? This paper argues that terrorism provides the FN with a twofold opportunity to pursue a strategy of legitimizing its exclusionist program along civic nationalism lines: (1) the FN capitalizes on terrorism as a nationalism issue which posits that cultural “others” are the enemies of the nation because of their intolerant ideological beliefs, and (2), thereby aligns itself more closely to the programmatic agenda of mainstream competitors in the party system. Through the use of a sophisticated framing analysis of speeches delivered in reaction to six terrorist attacks on French soil during the period 1986-2015, by the leaders of the Front National and the leaders of the main competitors in the French party political system, the paper tests the assumption that terrorism provides the FN the tools to legitimate itself in the French political arena by providing civic nationalist justification for “the préférence nationale.” In doing so, this paper systematizes the framing of terrorism as a nationalism issue in the programmatic agenda of the Front National (FN) across time.

3.4 Cultural Representations of Nationalism

Dr Marta Rovira & Dr Enric Saurã

Immigration & Politics of Inclusion in the Folklore's Associations in Catalonia

This communication shows the principal findings of a research project about how associations devoted to folklore in Catalonia deal with the inclusion of migrant people. Our approach take into account the important role of the associative fact in the Catalan way of

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life with, on the other side, the transformations of Catalan society due to the increasing number of newcomers after nineties. Catalonia has become a super-diverse society in a very short period, with a great amount of people coming from all over the world, with different cultural backgrounds. How the organizations structure of the traditional culture in Catalonia deal with this ‘new cultural diversity’? How newcomers perceive this traditional culture, with a very public presence in the social life? Our research analyses the strategies of cultural associations to catch people from recent immigration. At the same time, analyses the including process of some migrants into this cultural associations. This dual analysis allows us to observe the real consequences of the associative action in this field, with its misconceptions and limits, and the real perceptions of newcomers, with their needs and interests about the inclusion process. The research was based on interviews to managers of the cultural associations and immigrant aid associations on the one hand, and newcomers who have participated in these associations in different degrees of intensity, on the other hand.

Mr Matthew DeMaio

The Use of Culture in the (Re)production of Palestinian Memory: The Case of Jordan

While it is difficult to find an exact proportion, estimates suggest that a full seventy percent of Jordanian citizens are of Palestinian origin. The majority of those that were expelled to Jordan in 1948 and 1967 were immediately given Jordanian citizenship. Despite this official acceptance by the state, many (although, crucially, not all) of these refugees maintain a separate hyphenated Palestinian-Jordanian identity. This paper will analyze the use of cultural events as a means to assert this Palestinian identity and history in Jordan. Drawing on Pierra Nora’s concept of lieux de mémoire, I will argue that this (re)production of memory serves three purposes: to counter exclusion by the Jordanian state on the basis of their Palestinian origin, to maintain ties with the Palestinian community outside of Jordan, and to teach each new generation of their historical rights to return to their homeland. In line with the themes of the conference, this paper will elucidate the means by which long-distance and trans-state national identity is maintained and reproduced amongst Palestinians in Jordan through collective memory as expressed in cultural events.

Prof. Antoni Vives Riera

The Production of Regional Culture in Majorca between Tourism and Nationalism (1912-1934)

From the seminal work by Michael Billig Banal Nationalism (1995) the relationship between the everyday reproduction of national identities and mass media popular culture has been emphasized (Edensor, 2002; Fox and Miller-Iddris, 2008). Nevertheless, not so much has been said about the role of such a consumerist and massive activity like tourism in the matter (White and Frew, 2011). From its early beginnings tourism has supposed the displacement of an increasing amount of population. Nevertheless, the power relationships established in this leisure migration are diametrically opposed to the ones that works in economic migration (Bauman, 1999). In tourism, the power of guests as customers imply a gaze over the destination country by which local identity is objectified and packaged (Macanell, 2001; Urry, 2002). As a result, tourism can be seen a kind of banal migration as far as it contributes to the reproduction of national identities not through a explicitly political debate but a discourse of everyday consumption. In my presentation I will intend to show from a historical perspective how regional identity and culture in Majorca was produced and reproduced from 1912 to 1934 through the particular gaze

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and embodied practices that entails the touristic discourse (Storm, 2010). I focus my research in the production of regional dancing shows for tourists (Desmond, 1999), as well as I evaluate how this new local identity was reproduced by modern mass media, how it was appropriated by the host local population, and how it was engaged to the Spanish official national identity.

Dr Mariana Kriel Afrikaner Nationalism and the Mythologisation, Commemoration and Re-enactment of Migration

In 1987, when the writing was on the wall for white minority rule in South Africa, the apartheid government announced that the anniversaries of one exploratory sea voyage and two migrations would be commemorated officially the following year: the 500th anniversary of Bartolomeu Dias’s arrival in present-day Mossel Bay in 1488, the 300th anniversary of the arrival of the first party of French Huguenots in the Cape Colony in 1688, and the 150th anniversary of the onset in 1938 of the Great Trek – that colonial expansion project which became the core myth of Afrikaner nationalism. As part of the celebrations, one of these journeys of the colonial era was dramatically re-enacted in 1988. A replica of Dias’s caravel was built in Portugal and sailed from Lisbon to Mossel Bay, where a museum was eventually erected around her. 1988 saw no large-scale re-enactment of the Great Trek, and certainly nothing that remotely matched the ‘orgy of national pageantry’ (McClintock 1991) that was the Second (Centenary) Trek of 1938. Within the framework of Leerssen’s model of nationalism as the ‘cultivation of culture’ (2006), this paper revisits the way in which the abovementioned explorations and migrations were mythologised by Afrikaner nationalism with a view to simplify, concretise and spread its ideology. The scope of the paper includes the apartheid and post-apartheid eras, and recently expressed performative nostalgia which, according to Baines (2103), is ‘not so much a hankering for a bygone era but a projection of a sanitised vision of the past'.

4.1 Nationalism and Education

Dr Hans Siebers Ethno-nationalism and Migrants’ Exclusion at School in the Netherlands

In ‘Nations and Nationalism’, Gellner attributed a crucial role to education in the construction of civic nationalism. However, in Dutch public discourses, civic and liberal values are increasingly framed in ethno-nationalist terms, as values that give substance to a particularistic and deterministic understanding of Dutchness (Van Reekum 2012; Van Reekum and Duyvendak 2012). The exclusion of migrants represents the corollary of such an ethno-nationalist framing of Dutchness, legitimised by cultural fundamentalist understanding of the relationship between migrants and Dutch society (Siebers and Dennissen, 2015; Suvarierol, 2012). Based on quantitative and qualitative research in a Dutch university of applied sciences, I will first show how ethno-migrant relations among students and teachers as well as basic aspects of the educational process have become framed in ethno-nationalist instead of civic-nationalist terms and identify which factors push for such framing. Second, I will demonstrate how this ethno-nationalist framing fuels the exclusion of students with a first or second generation migration background and disrupts the educational process. It harms the role of education in the construction of civic values and what, in the framework of an increase of migration flows, may perhaps better be called civic internationalism.

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Miss Panagiota (Peny) Sotiropoulou

Examining the Factors Influencing Pre-service Teachers' Multicultural Competence: The Case of Greece

Since the early 1990’s, Greece has transitioned from an emigration point to an immigrant receptacle. The resulting multicultural reality, in which non-natives make up 10% of the country’s population, is also reflected in the demography of the country’s student body. As a result, contemporary educational policies are aimed at producing culturally relevant educators promoting the diversity advantage. Research, however, shows that pre-service teachers still hold assimilationist attitudes concerning immigrant students’ education. It therefore seems that in order to effectively design inclusive educational policies, we must identify which factors influence pre-service teachers’ attitudes towards multicultural education. Up until now, research mainly focuses on the impact of university courses related to diversity management. However, findings are inconsistent, with some mentioning a positive effect while others finding no influence. The main hypothesis of this study is that, apart from the attendance of relevant university courses, prior experience with diversity both within the educational system and the wider society (e.g. intergroup contact, exposure to discourse of ‘otherness’) as well as attachment to the nation influence pre-service teachers’ attitudes towards multicultural education. This study proposes the construction of a model examining the factors influencing pre-service teachers’ attitudes towards multicultural education and the manner in which they do so. The methods proposed to collect the relevant data required are discussed. These include the use of questionnaire surveys, widely employed in previous research, but also their enrichment through a mixed methods approach, attempting to shed light on the underlying discourse concerning diversity management employed by prospective teachers.

Ms Melissa Shannon

Are Tea Partiers in Texas More Supportive of Education Spending if Undocumented Immigrants are Taken Out of the Equation?

Previous research suggests that a high of concentration of immigrants and fears over higher taxes contribute to anti-immigrant sentiment and are powerful predictors of voters’ preferences for public spending. Using data from an original survey experiment I directly test whether concerns about undocumented immigrants influence support for the financing of education among 218 Tea Party supporters in Texas, where unprecedented population growth is contrasted by real-term declines in public expenditures. The state is also experiencing a shift in its ethnic balance, with the total number of Latinos expected to surpass the White population within a decade, thereby intensifying the political focus on immigration. Local-level indicators are also applied to the dataset to determine whether property tax rates and the level of limited English speakers residing within a community affect public spending preferences. Tea Party supporters who were primed to think about unauthorized immigrants were more supportive of investing in education versus those who received no immigrant prime. Respondents with degrees, however, were significantly more opposed to additional school funding when primed. Furthermore, individuals living in communities with higher property taxes were on average more willing to support increased funding when primed, while individuals residing in communities with a higher proportion of ethnic minority children were less likely to support investing in the state’s education system. The results offer surprising new insights on Tea Party supporters and provide evidence challenging existing literature regarding natives’ concerns that migrants will negatively impact the personal finances of voters through higher taxes.

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4.2 Cultural Representations of Nationalism

Prof. David Leal, Prof. Jacqueline Hagan & Prof. Nestor Rodriguez

Religion, Migration, and Nationalism

We propose a paper that investigates the relationship between religion, nationalism, and migration. We are interested in religion because of its potential to moderate nationalism among the native born. While the United States is one of several “nations of immigrants,” it is the only one with high levels of religious belief, belonging, and behavior (known in religious studies as the “Three Bs”). While Christianity has seen a steady decline in the global north, American politics continues to be uniquely shaped by religion – and in both liberal and conservative directions. For some, religion is a bulwark of traditionalism and conservatism. However, some denominations typically seen as conservative – such as the Southern Baptists – now support more generous forms of immigration reform. Such groups recognize that immigrants are transforming American religion, most visibly by augmenting congregations in an era of declining religious identification. In addition, immigration allows evangelical churches to advance one of their key spiritual goals – to “go and make disciples of all nations” (the Great Commission). We will begin the paper with a review of the literature on religion, migration, and nativism. We will then investigate whether individuals with high levels of religious belief, belonging, and behavior are more likely to positively view immigrants and support liberal immigration reform, with particular attention to how such religiosity may moderate more nationalistic perspectives. To do so, we will analyze national U.S. surveys such as the ANES, GSS, and Pew.

Dr Aitana Guia A Nativist Turn? Nationalism and Islam in Europe

There is a new player in the European nationalist field. It emerged after the economic miracle ended and Western European countries terminated their guest workers programs to embrace a zero-immigration policy. While anti-immigrant parties appeared on the fringes of the political spectrum in the 1980s, their rise to significance and claim of permanence is not in doubt any longer. For a while, analysts considered that support for these parties was a temporary phenomenon, reaching its upper limit at around 20 percent of the electoral vote. By 2014 it became clear that populist xenophobic parties have surpassed the 20 percent electoral mark in Austria, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, France, Denmark, Norway, and Hungary. A trigger of the rise of these parties has been fear of terrorism and Islam. Political entrepreneurs are using the presence of Muslims in Europe to create new constructions of national identity along nativist lines, which allows them to mainstream their parties and overcome Left-Right divisions. My paper explores why and how countries such as the Netherlands and Italy have experienced a turn towards nativism, understood as a philosophical outlook that prioritizes the values and needs of “native” populations over immigrant minorities and thus demands higher degrees of “integration/assimilation” for ethnic minorities. This turn has been connected with the rise of radical right parties and their ability to shape public conversations on cultural diversity as a zero-sum game by which any rights migrants and minorities obtain come at the expense of those of the native majority.

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Ms Tomris Ozlem Yilmaz

National Belonging of Turkish Immigrants to Their Country of Origin : The Case of the Islamic Community of "National Vision" in France and Germany

My paper discusses integration strategies of an ethnic immigrant group, the Turks, among the Islamic Community of National Vision (in Turkish, Milli Görüs) in France and Germany. This Community has played a key role in the evolution of political Islam in Turkey since the 1970s. Its main activities in Europe concern the transmission of Islamic values and education among Turkish immigrants and their descendants. Based on empirical evidence, including semi-structured interviews with members of National Vision and participant observation, I argue that the national identity of immigrants and their descendants is primarily formed in the host country due to strong socialization processes within their community.

4.3 Cultural Representations of Nationalism

Dr Paul Morland

Soft Demographic Engineering

Demographic preponderance assists national and ethnic groups in sustaining and propagating themselves. A group which is more numerous is more likely to persist, wield power on behalf of its collective self and create or take over and control a state, with all the attendant benefits this involves. Depending on era and circumstances, numbers can be mobilised on the battle field or at the ballot box to translate demographic preponderance into power. In wishing to increase their numbers, ethnic or national groups can adopt a number of obvious techniques termed ‘hard demographic engineering ‘(Morland, 2014) including ethnically-selective pro-natalism or emigration or immigration policies which change the population balance in a given area. The United State immigration controls of the 1920s had such goals. Birth control in Ceausescu’s Romania was reportedly more available for ethnic minorities than to the majority whose numbers the regime wished to boost. By contrast, ‘soft demographic engineering’ has been less well explored. This defines cases where ethnic or national groups deploy strategies to enhance their demographic strength without creating, moving or destroying people but by moving national frontiers or identity boundaries. Examples would include the US annexations of 1848 or the creation of a Six County Ulster as well as the census definitions used in Sri Lanka. My presentation will present a model of Soft Demographic Engineering and explore how it can illuminate a surprisingly varied set of initiatives observed in ethnic and national conflict.

Dr Joshua Andy Demographic Engineering in Wartime Russia: Stalin's Fear of a Fifth Column

Josef Stalin instituted a policy of demographic engineering and population transfers of non-Russian/Slavic peoples within the Soviet Union during the Second World War. Over 1.5million Soviet citizens were deported from their ancestral homelands to what Robert Conquest called the 'human dumping ground' that was Siberia. Fears of a fifth column rising against Soviet power informed Stalin’s policy toward the USSR’s many nationalities after the German invasion.

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Chechens, Volga Germans, Crimean Tatars among several nationalities were forcibly removed from their homelands and ‘resettled’ in Siberia and Kazakhstan. The loss of place precipitated an attempted destruction of national culture. This research seeks to understand what prompted Stalinist policies toward non-Russian/non-Slavic nationalities of the Soviet Union. It seeks to understand the repercussions of those policies after Stalin’s death and on current events centered on Russia policies in Crimea and Ukraine. What effect did Stalin’s policies have on so-called frozen conflicts of today such as the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh? How did Stalin’s successors react to those nationality policies? Nikita Khrushchev called those policies anti-Leninist in his ‘Secret Speech’ in 1956. How did Khrushchev redress or provide reparations to those nationalities? Primarily, this paper seeks to illustrate how warfare and conflict can influence the need to demographically engineer population transfers out of a sense of fear and for the need of security.

Prof. Marie Müller-Koné

Discourses of Autochthony in Africa, Demographic Engineering and the Neoliberal Global Order

Discourses of autochthony ( or ( evah taht )"lioS eht fo snoS" re-)gained popularity in Africa and elsewhere since the early 1990s ( Geschiere 2009 ) display striking parallels in such different contexts as Côte d’Ivoire, DR Congo and Kenya ( Boas and Dunn 2009). Their exclusionary, relative character, in combination with a cultural indeterminacy and a tendency to ever narrower definitions of who is autochthonous, lend themselves to mobilisation for collective violence by political elites ( Jackson 2006 ; Jackson and Geschiere 2006). Beyond a focus on multi-party elections that have been found to fuel such conflicts (Côté and Mitchell 2015), relatively little attention has been paid to what are the local and global forces that drive these “Sons of the Soil” conflicts. The striking similarities across countries and regions ask for a comparative analytical lens. The paper seeks to tentatively answer the question of what are the drivers behind the recent upsurge of “Sons of the Soil” conflicts in Africa by first comparing different historical trajectories of ( post-)colonial demographic engineering and immigration in rural areas of Côte d’Ivoire, DR Congo and Kenya affected by “Sons of the Soil” conflicts. Secondly, the author will explore different avenues through which globally induced processes, namely political and economic liberalisation, may have impacted upon the evolving interests of respective actors. The paper is part of a doctoral research project on discourses of autochthony in Africa and their inherent connections to the neoliberal global order.

Miss Jiwon Choi State-Sponsored Migration Project of Settler Regime and Indigenous Nationalist Struggle: A New Perspective on the 2011 Uprisings of Bahrain

Shiite citizens in Bahrain, who have claimed their indigenous rights in the country, have suffered systematic marginalisation from the mainstream society, which is dominated by the Sunni royal Al Khalifa family, who immigrated from the central Arabia and settled in the eighteenth century. Sunnis represent a smaller share of the Bahraini population, which has fostered growing fears among the ruling family about the political stability. Due to this perceived “demographic threat”, during the last decades the Bahraini government has undertaken a process of arbitrary distribution of Bahraini citizenship to Sunni immigrants. The aim of this policy is to increase the demographic share of the Sunni population. Such project of demographic engineering played a significant role in recent changes about the determination in social stratification. Shiite indigenes

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have seen decreasing access to social benefits, in the benefit of the “mujannas", or the newly naturalised Bahrainis. In response to these measures, Shiite citizens expressed their grievances as an indigenous population by taking the streets in 2011, chanting national slogans. A group of Sunni citizens joined the Shiite-led protests, condemning the government policies in favour of the mujannas. By applying the concept of societal security introduced by Buzan (1998), this paper will examine how the government-sponsored policy of immigration of Sunnis has contributed to development of nationalism in Bahrain and the redefinition of Bahraini identity. This paper will present a new approach to the Bahraini uprising of 2011, which so far has been analysed mostly within the framework of religious sectarianism.

4.4 Nationalism, Emigration and Immigration

Dr Habiba Boumlik Sub-Saharan Immigration in Morocco: Legal and Social Challenges

Morocco has been on the verge of shifting from a country of emigration to a destination for migrants and refugees from sub-Saharan Africa. Most immigrants were considering Morocco as a mere transit on their way to Europe. However, with the tightening of measures targeting illegal immigrants in Europe, many of them (have) found themselves remaining in Morocco. Their influx and their growing visibility have forced Morocco to face an entirely new set of legal and social challenges. My paper investigates the measures that Morocco has been taking to address this issue. It will focus on the reaction of the Moroccan media and its contribution to the building of self-image as a country of both emigration and immigration. The second aim of the paper is to shed light on the most recent immigration policy that the Moroccan government is putting in place, with the aim of regularizing undocumented sub-Saharan African immigrants who have decided to settle in Morocco and who meet very strict criteria. The third component of the paper will focus on three NGOs working closely with illegal immigrants. GADEM (Groupe Antiraciste de Défense et d’accompagnement des Etrangers et Migrants) advocates for the rights of migrants in Morocco. ALCS (Association de Lutte Contre le Sida) works closely with victims of racism and stigmatization. Caritas collaborates with other Moroccan organizations and supports projects relating to training, literacy, socialization and access to healthcare.

Mr Mihnea-Simion Stoica

Mainstreaming Nationalism? Massive Emigration and Its Influence on Romanian Political Discourse

Much of the recent literature on political communication underlines the direct causality between immigration and the surge of populist nationalism. We argue that emigration can serve as an equally efficient explanation for the same political rhetoric. Romania’s massive emigration phenomenon, which contributed to diminishing the country’s population - from 23 million in 1992 to just a little over 19 million in 2012, has remained a constant issue of political debate ever since the fall of the communist regime. New political realities allowed ethnonationalism to flourish during the 90’s, which culminated in 2000 with Greater Romania Party (PRM) making it to the second round of the presidential elections.

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The country’s accession to the European Union a few years later has accelerated the process of emigration and, surprisingly enough, coincided with the fading electoral fortunes of PRM. In spite of this, the nationalist rhetoric on bringing home Romanians who left the country for better economic opportunities in the West appears to have permeated even the political discourse of mainstream parties. The increasing involvement, over the years, of the Romanian diaspora in the national political debate has greatly influenced the behaviour of parties, many of which shaped their discourse along what could be considered a more nationalistic tone. Our analysis suggests that politicians use such messages in a rather opportunistic manner, and less so as a programmatic character of their party platforms.

Dr Michał Rauszer The Immigrant Phantasm: Polish Nationalism and the Security Discourse

The 2015 so-called ‘migrant crisis’ provoked a tremendous anti-Muslim sentiments, comments, e-folklore production, conspiracy theories, political declarations, and anti-migrant actions all over Poland. In November there was a huge demonstration in Wrocław organized by the right wing organizations, the legendary trade union Solidarity representatives and supported by the local Catholic church. It was held to express hate against Muslim refugees. The crucial point of that event was the burning of an effigy of an ultra-Orthodox Jew holding the European Union flag. The message that can be derived from that act is clear. For years Polish people constructed their national identity against the figure of the Jew as a (threatening) Other. Now, in popular nationalistic discourse, the figure of Jew has been replaced by the figure of Muslim (migrant). The imagined figure of Muslim migrant serves as a phantasm projection intended for construction and reconstruction of Polish national identity. In this anti-Muslim discourse we can observe shift from a possible political engagement to the domain of biological threat (fear of rape, beheading). Fear creates the basis of and strengthens nationalistic movements, binding the Polish Identity with the nationalistic structure. In may presentation I would like to focus on the anti-migrant discourse using as a material an Internet folklore, rumors, anti-migrant march slogans and political discussions covert by media. This allows me to show how the imagined biological threat (the migrant phantasm) serves as a foundation for nationalistic politics and restores anti-Semitic discourse structure in the context of Muslim migrants.

5.1 Insights into the 'Refugee Experience'

Ms Coree Brown Swan

Framing the Refugee Crisis in Flanders and Scotland

The recent refugee crisis is posing a significant challenge, both politically and socially, to the central state as well as the units within a multinational state. In multi-level systems, substate national governments have responsibility for providing integration programmes and social services (in Catalonia, Flanders, and Scotland) or competences over immigration policies more generally (Quebec) , resulting from a process described by Hepburn and Zapata-Barrero (2014) as a territorial rescaling of immigration policy. Substate nationalist parties operating within these systems must adopt positions regarding migration, and may use this as an opportunity to draw a distinction between the substate national community and larger state. Migration touches on issues of resources but also identity. A substate national community’s understanding of itself is formed, to some degree, by its approach to the ‘other’ traditionally in the form of the dominant state but crucially for current

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debates, also newcomers. The recent, and ongoing, refugee crisis has increased the political salience of these issues further. In this paper, I adopt a cross-national qualitative approach, examining the discourse advanced by the centre-right Flemish nationalist Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie and the centre-left Scottish National Party. Drawing on statements published by the party, manifestos, speeches and transcripts of parliamentary debates, I ask how each party has developed its position and the ways in which these issues are framed and constructed, particularly in terms of identity, resource management, and political and social values.

Ms Dragana Kovacevic Bielicki

“Neither on the Earth, nor in the Skies”: Negotiations of (Non)belonging among Former Yugoslav Refugees in Norway

This paper will focus on findings from the research conducted for my doctoral dissertation, in particular on the analysis of twenty in-depth interviews with former children refugees. These “1,5 generation migrants” (Rumbaut 2004) relocated and resettled in Kingdom of Norway due to the wars in former Yugoslavia. Twenty-some years later, how do people in focus construct belongingness and negotiate collective identifications (Brubaker 2004)? How do they discursively construct “homes” and “homelands” and belongingness to places and spaces? The interlocutors chosen in this study originate from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia, two of the former Yugoslav republics that went through ethnically framed wars in the early 1990s. These wars caused the largest refugee crisis in the territory of Europe since the Second World War. The interlocutors were born between 1978 and 1995 and all went through refugee experiences as minors. At the time of the interview they permanently resided in Norway, where the majority of them grew up. This is a qualitative interdisciplinary study of discursive negotiations of migrants´ collective identifications and the way that belonging and “othering” are negotiated and expressed in discourse.

Dr Francesca Piana

The Limits of Internationalism: Nationalism, Imperialism, and the Refugee Question at the League of Nations in the 1920s

The aftermath of WWI was a violent time. The reconstruction of societies after four years of warfare was a complex task, which came with a number of “side effects.” The unexpected presence of refugees was one. Warfare, civil and regional wars, and the drawing of new state borders in Europe contributed to create millions of uprooted persons. However, only three national groups were treated internationally and under the auspices of the emerging League of Nations (LON) in the 1920s. These were Russian, Greek, and Armenian refugees. The LON provided a space where innovative solutions on behalf of refugees were implemented, such as forms of international collaboration or the so-called “Nansen passport.” Other forces, such as nationalism and imperialism, proved the limits of internationalism though. Governments engaged in humanitarian aid for refugees especially when their national political and economic interests were under threat. This explains why the US approved quotas on migration, France welcomed able-bodied men, and Turkey threatened Russian refugees with expulsion. In the political imagination of policy-makers, the refugee question developed at the intersection of the national and the imperial. After all Russian, Greek, and Armenian refugees forcibly moved as a consequence of the crumbling of the Tsarist and Ottoman Empires. Moreover, refugees found themselves in unsettle zones of European continent. There, in the shatter zones of

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empires – at the intersection of nationalism, imperialism, and internationalism – is the key to understand ideas of peace, threat, humanitarianism, and movements of populations in the 1920s.

Dr Lucía Payero López

Nationalist Discourses and the European Refugee Crisis

The European refugee crisis is testing the quality of the EU values. The EU is revealing that far from being a federation of peoples founded on the values contained in article 2 TEU (human dignity, freedom, democracy, respect for human rights etc.), it is a union of states which think of themselves that they are nation-states. Even more, the stability of the internal market seems to be, not only the driving force behind the European project, but its ultimate goal. The official discourse on immigration within the EU can be summarized as follows: ‘it is necessary to strengthen the external borders in order to make internal mobility possible.’ Controlled flows of peoples are admitted in accordance with the requirements of the economic system. In other words, ‘Europe for Europeans,’ or ‘Europeans, first.’ One version of this nationalist discourse consists in, firstly, distinguishing between migrants and refugees; secondly, confront them; and thirdly, put the blame on migrants for trying to take advantage of some rights and safeguards which do not correspond to them, but to refugees. This paper will analyze the EU discourse on immigration and asylum. There will be an attempt to prove that the distinction between migrants and refugees is too weak as to give rise to two different legal status, the former including a significantly reduced protection. On the contrary, the dichotomy is another signal of a nationalist strategy which seeks to avoid community disintegration in a particular sensitive time of crisis.

5.2 Immigration, Nationalism and Mass Media Discourse

Miss Lorena Gazzotti

Media Portrayal of the Retake of Italian Migration in Italy: The Case of La Repubblica

Drawing on a database of 170 articles from the newspaper “La Repubblica”, this paper investigates the portrayal of the retake of Italian migration by the Italian press between 2008 and 2015. Even if since the 1970s Italy has mostly been a country of immigration, in the last 15 years emigration flows of Italian nationals have progressively increased, in particular after the onset of the financial crisis in 2008. The lack of reliable data impedes a correct estimation of the phenomenon, which is clearly different from the previous emigration flows of the early ‘900 in terms of age, gender, social and economic composition. The retake of Italian migration has attracted the attention of the Italian press, which has conveyed a confused albeit evolving portrait of the phenomenon. This analysis shows that the representation has been extremely biased towards high-skilled migration and “brain drain”, but it has largely overlooked the multifaceted nature of the current mobility process. This imposes a reflection on how the Italian public opinion relates to its own migrants and to migration processes in general in a globalised age.

Mr Robert Nartowski

Refugees to Migrants: The Migrant Crisis, the Fourth Estate, and the 2015 Polish Parliamentary Election

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Background: For numerous scholars, ethnic nationalism is a defining characteristic of Eastern Europe. Ethnic nationalism has been revived in this region with the arrival of a million migrants into the European Union. Law and Justice's sweeping victory in the 2015 parliamentary election marks the first time a single party has won a majority of seats since the fall of communism in Poland. Objectives: To what extent is the media's (Fourth Estate) portrayal of the migrant crisis responsible for the outcome of the 2015 Polish parliamentary election? Methods: A quantitative analysis of coverage of the migrant crisis in the four most widely distributed sources of printed media in Poland was undertaken. Special attention was paid to vocabulary changes from migrants to refugees. A qualitative analysis of visual media in relation to major changes in popular opinion leading up to the 2015 election was analyzed. Results: The analysis is currently in progress and will be finalized shortly. It is hypothesized that the migrant crisis will have played a large role in swaying popular support to the right of the political spectrum. Implications: As the Syrian Civil War enters its 5th year, the bombing campaigns will most likely escalate emigration. The portrayal of migrants by the media may have a tremendous effect on future elections in France, Sweden, UK and Denmark where an unprecedented wave of ethnic nationalism is spreading. This change in political ideology in Western European powers can undermine the existence of the EU and influence the upcoming UK EU referendum.

Miss Alessia Dalceggio

The Tragedies of Immigration in the News Media: An Analysis of the Discursive Reproduction of National Identity in Italian Broadcast News

Decades of sociological research have consistently shown that public opinions and attitudes towards immigration and diversity are largely dependent on the representation of migrants in the news media. The reproduction of stereotypical images, the association of immigration with issues of safety and emergency, as well as the reporting of discriminatory talks, heavily influence, spread and legitimate racist discourses based on the dichotomy of ‘Us’ vs. ‘Them’. In turn, the discursive strategies and structures employed to highlight a divide between the in-group and the out-group, also shape the way in which a nation defines its identity. Starting from these assumptions, this paper analyses whether different immigration events have engendered a variation in media discourse and consequently in the discursive reproduction of the national self. Specifically, the paper analyses what happens to racist discourse, whether it changes or not, as well as to the discursive reproduction of national identity when the migration story reported has a tragic ending. Through the employment of Critical Discourse Analysis, the paper highlights the strategies of Positive-Self/Negative-Other Presentation that Italian broadcast news media employed during the coverage of two shipwrecks of migrants’ boats in October 2013, in order to maintain a positive image of Italy and Italians during one of the most tragic times of the country’s immigration history.

Prof. Aide Esu Constructing the National Scapegoat: A Sociological Reading of Roma People Stereotyping

The Italian media generated waves of alarm related to Roma migration, fabricating strong message of crime-related discourse that promotes stereotypes and ethnocentrism. The paper wishes to reflect about the habits of thinking generated by media construction of “moral panic”

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(Cohen, 2002, Garland 2008) using motions that affect people’s reaction to crime, by magnifying anxieties and emotions, driving anti-Roma messages on media and social media, supporting and constructing a public discourse of law enforcement. We address the question of why fear is used as a collective emotional orientation on banal nationalism, and how fear reflects, dominates, reshapes and reinforces the labelling of Roma population as a scapegoat of national identity. In order to highlight how routine habits are “enhabited” (Billing, 1995) in social relation we investigate how mass media information provides a context of meanings and images that prepare audiences for political decision (Altheide 2004), by adopting a pervasive communication building symbolic awareness and expectations of danger and risk in everyday life. We examine how the media portray the social identity of the “new social danger” through the process of “labelling the Roma migrant” as the crucial threat for the national security. We address the question of why fear becomes a collective emotional orientation that affects everyday life; looking at the mass media as a “problem-generating machine“ we exam how media produce: 1) the threat to national societal values and interests; 2) how media cast the character of the event.

5.3 Diaspora Communities and Return Migration

Mr Kidjie Saguin Are Filipino Migrant Workers Nationalists? Exploring Alternative Nationalism in Return Migration Motivations

In 2015, a survey conducted by the international money transfer company, Transfast, revealed that Filipino migrant workers are more likely to return to their home countries than other U.S. immigrants. Around 53% of Filipino immigrants plan to retire in their home country compared to 18% of immigrants from other nationalities. This finding poses a contradiction: if the Philippines' dependence on labor migration is a 'national shame' as Castles (1998) contended, why do Filipinos still choose to return? This paper argues that the answer to this contradiction lies in the intersection between the development of transnational identities of migrant workers and existing government policies that encourage transnational practices of migrant workers. The paper draws on interviews with domestic helpers in Singapore about their plans for return migration and supports the notion of an 'alternative nationalism' developed not only as a historicized and politicized national identity as raised by Rodriguez (2010) but one that is rooted to the locus of their return: their family.

Dr Gabriella Elgenius

Ethnic Bonding vs. Ethnic Solidarity of the Polish Civic Space in the United Kingdom

A process-oriented approach to migrant spaces help us explore the development of the Polish civic space in the UK since the Second World War with particular focus on London-based associations central in mediating connections within the “Polish space” and between this and Poland via connections, norms and discourses. The Polish space has developed as a process in relation to the majority of the “first space” as a struggle for recognition, and with protective and ethno-national ambitions alongside other migrant spaces of the “second space” and “third space” characterized by superdiversity (Hutnyk 2010; Vertovec 2007: 2010).

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This paper analyzes how “homing desires” (Brah 1996) are negotiated within the Polish space with reference to a four-stage process: the foundation of exile organizations, maintaining these, rejuvenation/amplification, and diversification/campaigning. These stages are, in turn, linked to “homing desires” and the re-negotiation of status and pride within the minority space. Of particular interest are uncompromising, diverging or even dividing homing desires of the different generations of migrants that arrived after the Second World War, during the Cold War and Solidarity periods, and after post-EU expansion. Diversity-and-division within the Polish space reveals the separation between the three main migrant generations and explains its development along a process of contestation of re-creation of memory-spaces. Significantly, internal critique does seemingly not undermine the existence of co-ethnic organizations. On the contrary, the creation of a Polish-specific space is recreated within the unchallenged “Polish framework” sustained by links to Poland and produced by underlying uniting national narrations for recognition.

Dr Sheena Trimble A Gendered View of Long-distance Nationalism: Eastern European Women Migrants to Canada (1945 to 1967)

Between 1945 and 1952, Canada admitted 165,000 Europeans displaced by World War II. Many of these refugees from communist countries saw their migration to Canada as temporary. The country would serve as a base from which to regroup and work toward political change in their former homelands. Upon arrival in Canada, these immigrants joined organisations with similar goals within their respective ethnic communities. Conflict ensued in many cases, however, because the new immigrants tended to have more radical and more immediate plans in mind. They then turned to revamping the existing organisations or creating new ones. While this process has received considerable attention in the historiography, it has been studied almost exclusively from the perspective of the principal male figures. When women are mentioned, it is normally from the perspective of the subordinate or supportive roles they played in women's auxiliaries. These auxiliaries focused on transmitting a certain interpretation of homeland culture to children and youth within the ethnic communities, as well as showcasing that culture to Canadian society as a whole. The former exercise was designed to prepare the next generation for return to Europe; the latter to gain external support for homeland political transformation. The nationalist goals of the women themselves have seldom been analysed, nor their perspectives on how their activities contributed to advancing these goals. Using this particular historical and geographical context as a starting point, this presentation will interrogate migrant women's gendered contributions to long-distance nationalist movements.

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Thursday 21 April

6.1 Minority, Immigration and Asylum Policies

Dr Andrea Carlà Minority Nationalism and Migration Politics: Comparing Catalonia and South Tyrol

This paper contributes to recent works on the relationships between “old” national minorities and “new” migrant communities and the management of migration in sub-national autonomous territories, by analyzing the case of Catalonia and South Tyrol. In terms of the inclusion of migrants and their diversity in the hosting society, the two territories stand on opposite sides of the spectrum. Catalan discourses and policies are often portrayed as reflecting a positive inclusive approach toward migrants and their diversity. In contrast, in South Tyrol, an exclusive negative approach seems to have prevailed and migration is generally seen with concerns. The paper pursues a twofold goal. First, analyzing policy documents and laws, it aims at providing an in-depth comparison of approaches and policies concerning migration developed in Catalonia and South Tyrol. Second, it investigates the differences in these approaches through an historical-institutional analysis. The paper focuses on the historical experience of the “old” inhabitants with internal migration and how this experience affected processes of national identity construction, and on recent institutional factors, looking at the institutional framework and measures implemented in Catalonia and South Tyrol for dealing with old minorities and protecting their cultural diversity. Considering how these factors have affected approaches to migration in Catalonia and South Tyrol, the paper lays bare additional contingent processes and unexamined linkages that advance accounts of the relationship between old and new minorities.

Ms Laura Smith-Khan

Truly Deserving? Credibility Assessment in Australian Refugee Procedures

As “irregular” migrants, refugees present a significant challenge to migration regimes founded in sovereign control (Dauvergne, 2014). The growing numbers seeking refuge in the global north are met by increasingly restrictive policy. Often lacking documents to support their claims, success hinges on presenting a credible refugee narrative (Jacquemet, 2011). Overcoming intercultural communication issues, their stories must meet institutional expectations, while also depicting them as "good citizens", and thus deserving of protection (McKinnon, 2009). I present preliminary findings of my doctoral research, analysing recent Australian merits review decisions and official policy guidelines on credibility assessment, against the backdrop of nationalistic media discourse steeped in suspicion. I argue that the ideologies underlying these texts problematically position government officials as neutral, objective parties, while the asylum-seeker takes full responsibility for the constructed narrative. Therefore, despite policy officially emphasising fairness, asylum-seekers face an uphill battle. Critical re-examination of credibility assessment is crucial to ensuring refugee procedures are accessible to those truly deserving.

Ms Keren LG Snider, Prof. Canetti Daphna, Prof. Pedersen Anne & Prof. Brian Hall

Threatened or Threatening? How Ideology Shapes Asylum Seekers Immigration Policy Attitudes in Israel and Australia

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Can different political ideologies explain policy preferences regarding asylum seekers? If so, by what mechanism does it do so? In this manuscript we focus on attitudes regarding governmental policy toward outgroup members and suggest that perceptions of threat help to shape these policy attitudes. We report findings from two empirical studies: Study 1, compared public opinion regarding asylum policy in Israel (N=137) and Australia (N=138), two countries with restrictive asylum policies and who host a large number of asylum seekers; Study 2, a longitudinal study, was conducted during two different time periods in Israel – before and during the Gaza conflict. Results of both studies showed that threat perceptions of outgroup members drive the relationship between conservative political ideologies and nationalism and support for exclusionary asylum policies among citizens. Perceptions of threat held by members of the host country (the ingroup) toward asylum seekers (the outgroup) may influence policy formation. The effect of these outgroups threats needs to be critically weighed when considering Israeli and Australian policies towards asylum seekers.

6.2 Established vs New Minorities

Dr Damjan Mandelc

Protection for the Old, Assimilation for the New, Rejection for the Recent. Established versus New Minorities in Slovenia.

Slovenia has the reputation of having high protection standards for its traditional national minorities, namely Hungarians and Italians, both having their stronger and bigger countries of origin across the border. Roma community with its dispersed settlements is less protected, having status of ethnic community and being politically represented only at local levels. All new, mainly post-Yugoslav ethnic, linguistic and religious minorities are of substantial size - almost 20% of the population, being mostly product of economic immigrations within socialist Yugoslavia in second half of the 20th century. They have no legal status but satisfactory integration into Slovene society. Their languages are widely spoken (also understood by the majority population) because of multiple ties with their countries of origin, geographical and cultural proximity. In contrast to highly protected old minorities, the new minorities triggered wave of ethnic distance/nationalism in majority society. This article highlights the contrast of protection between the two groupings, its legal aspects and practical outcomes. While old minorities enjoy acceptance among the majority population, examples of exclusivist and segregation practices were notices towards the new minorities from the Balkans. Still, parts of majority society have sympathies due to cultural proximity and nostalgia for the Yugoslav era, while the recent migrants (of non-European descent) face severe obstacles and waves of xenophobia in Slovene society.

Mr Marcin Slarzynski

Anti-Immigrant Immigrants? Long-Distance Nationalism and Polish Diaspora Organizations in England, France, the Netherlands and the United States

The attitude of established minorities to newly arriving immigrants is a very important problem, especially in the countries in which a significant part of the population is comprised of minorities (their definitions overlap: ‘old’ minorities, ‘new’ minorities, immigrants). One of the possible ways in which this phenomenon can be studied is the analysis of the activities of diaspora organizations.

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This paper focuses on the analysis of the discourse of Polish diaspora organizations. The attention is paid to a specific period, European migrant crisis, limited in the study to the year 2015, and a specific topic related to this phenomenon: the inflow of immigrants into the European Union. “Gazeta Polska” Clubs, a Polish right-wing set of associations which are active in Poland (around 340 branches) and abroad (around 50), is treated as a case study. The aim of the paper is to analyze media content created by these organizations, especially the material available on the Internet: official websites of the Clubs and other sources of information on “Gazeta Polska” Clubs’ activities in Paris, New York, Amsterdam and London. The goal of the paper is to specify the roles of long-distance nationalism and the loyalty to the host state in the Polish diaspora organizations’ discourse on immigration. Particular aspects of the discourse which are included in the analysis are: discursive construction of the immigrant, the notion of solidarity with the Visegrád Group in the negotiations with the EU, the role of the media in and the motif of Antemurale Christianitatis.

Dr Ronald Ranta Becoming the Natives: the Place of Arab-Palestinian Culture in the Construction of Jewish-Israeli National Identity

Examining the construction and evolution of Jewish-Israeli national identity and culture, it is clear that these have been influenced by a wide range of traditions, processes, events and actors. Many of these are openly and officially acknowledged and some even celebrated, for example the importance of Jewish diaspora traditions and history, even if Jewish-Israeli national identity and culture are often portrayed as being based on the negation of the diaspora. One important element that had contributed to the makeup of Jewish-Israeli national identity and culture is rarely acknowledged let alone celebrated. In fact, Arab-Palestinian culture is often presented in popular Jewish-Israeli and official Zionist discourse as the culture of the ‘other’ and the two identities are presented as polar opposites. As this paper will demonstrate, one cannot understand modern Jewish-Israeli national identity and culture without taking into account its dialectical relationship with Arab-Palestinian culture, starting from the Zionist settlers’ encounter with Arab-Palestinians and the later cultural and ideational diffusion that occurred between the two. The process of transforming the Zionist immigrants, and later Jewish citizens of the state of Israel, into the tsabar natives, included the imitation and adaptation of indigenous Arab-Palestinian culture. At the same time, the Zionist desire to create a unique and modern Jewish national identity and culture also necessitated the denial of such an influence (de-Arabisation) as well as a rejection of Arab-Palestinian political and national aspirations.

6.3 Nationalism and Immigration: Conditional Belonging

Prof. Michael Light Punishing the 'Others': Citizenship and State Social Control in the United States and Germany

Despite ongoing debates on the continued legal significance of citizenship in a globalized world, international comparative tests of the salience of citizenship under the law have yet to be

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undertaken. This article combines data from U.S. and German courts with judge interviews from both countries to 1) estimate the punishment consequences of lacking state membership; 2) compare the sentencing gap across international contexts, and; 3) identify and explicate the mechanisms linking citizenship to punishment considerations. Findings show noncitizens receive increased punishment in U.S. and German courts net of legal factors, but this effect is less pronounced in Germany. The interviews suggest a variety of intervening mechanisms explain these results. Prominent among these is that judges in both countries resent that noncitizens would compound their immigrant status with criminal transgressions. However, German judges place greater emphasis on consistency and proportionality at sentencing, thus guarding against overly harsh and disparate punishments.

Prof. Soma Chatterjee

Bordering the Borderless Nation: A Conditional Welcome

My paper explores knowledge labour recruitment policies of western nation states, which have been in a ‘competitive scramble’ for skilled labour for the last decade (Shachar, 2006). I pay particular attention to the institutionalization of locally obtained experience and a subsequent focus on recruiting international students as ‘ideal’ immigrants in Canadian skilled labour policies. I argue that the Canadian nation state continues to be an exclusive space where immigrants’ welcome is contingent and conditional on their ability to approximate a contested Canadianness, understood as locally obtained credentials, including soft, cultural skills which sociologist Pierre Bourdieu understood ontological complicity and Nirmal Puwar (2004) understood as that ‘kinetic mastery of [the] space’ necessary for racialized and gendered subjects to ‘invade’ spaces they have been conceptually and physically barred from. In the contemporary global hierarchy of nation states where demand for knowledge professionals is re-shaping national borders, such conditional welcome (Chatterjee, 2015) allows Canada to open up the national space to the raceless meritocracy of ‘the best and the brightest’, while re-aligning it along racial lines. My paper repositions the high skilled labour market – typically considered unfettered by practices of racialized nationalism - as a key site for its contemporary exercise and manifestation. I see it in sync with the themes of ‘banal nationalism, migration and the language of the media’ and ‘shifts in the conceptualisation of national identity’. It will lead to a rich discussion vis-à-vis the dynamics in European nation states following the Lisbon Strategy and the Europe 2020 plans.

Dr Henio Hoyo ‘Citizenship is for True Mexicans’: The Influence of the Revolutionary Nationalism Doctrine on Citizenship Laws in Mexico

In the late 90’s, a constitutional reform allowed dual citizenship for Mexicans-by-birth. The demands of the large and increasingly vocal Mexican communities abroad, particularly in the United States, were the most important ground for it. However, the same reform introduced a number of restrictions for those Mexicans that would become dual citizens. Such limitations included many of their political rights, as well as restrictions in areas such as labour. What is more, Mexico kept, and actually strengthened its traditionally discriminatory treatment of Mexican citizens-by-naturalization: a small community who face even stronger restrictions. In this paper I will present the results of my post-doctoral research. It aims to explain the paradox of openness towards Mexican communities abroad, with increasingly discriminatory laws and policies towards certain types of Mexicans within the country. I argue that this is caused by the persistence of certain notions of the ‘Revolutionary Nationalism’ doctrine, which was in force during most of the 20th Century in Mexico as the ideological basis of the PRI regime.

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Even if officially it has been abandoned, some parts of Revolutionary Nationalism, like its staunch attitude against any kind of foreign influence, and its insistence on Mexico being a product of the ethno-cultural mixture of Indigenous and Spaniards (and those only) still shape current immigration and citizenship laws. This has created a system of ‘hierarchies of citizenship’ in Mexico, were only ‘true’ Mexicans: those without foreign influence either by birth or by naturalization, should be entitled to all rights.

6.4: Immigration, Nationalism and Intergroup Dynamics

Dr Rudi Janssens The Impact of International Mobility on the Identity-constructing Policy in Brussels and Its Periphery

The Belgian political model is based on monolingual territories and the integrative power of the two traditional ‘imagined communities’ of Dutch-speakers and French speakers. The institutionalisation of this policy in the 70ties led to a political model without a national language, national political parties, national education nor national media. For Brussels, this resulted in a particular model of bilingualism with two language communities and a situation of partial power sharing. Most municipalities in the periphery have Dutch as the only official language. From the 70’s onwards, Brussels was subject to a diversified migration leading to the current situation with a population of which half of them has non-Belgian roots. Also in the periphery, the internationalisation of its population became reality. This results in a highly multilingual and multicultural environment. The current identity-constructing policy based on the confrontation of two language groups however does not meet the expectations of this diverse population. Based on survey research within the confines of the ‘Language Barometer Research Program’, this presentation focuses on the contrasting strategies between the identity-constructing policy of institutionalisation and the framing of the political debate based on ‘a country with two nations’ on the one hand, and the actual identification of the citizens and the initiatives they take to cope with that situation on the other.

Miss Garam Kwon Becoming “Catalan”: The case of Spanish Immigrants’ Participation in the Catalan Independence Movement

In this study, I examine Spanish immigrants’ participation in the recent Catalan independence movement, focusing on the ways that they imagine themselves to be members of the Catalan nation. From the 1960s, Catalonia’s strong economy made it a destination for many immigrants, especially those of Spanish origin in search of better jobs and lives. Some part of this population is actively engaged in the current independence movement, which further accelerated in 2010. However, the immigrants’ support of Catalonia’s independence has been assumed to be a reaction grounded on Spain’s gloomy economic prospects, thereby ignoring the immigrants’ sense of belonging as members of the Catalan nation in supporting current political mobilization. Based on my ethnographic research from 2013 to 2015 around the city of Barcelona, I explore how the discourses generated by immigrant activists interact with the conventional definitions of the Catalan nation and relevant national ideologies. Next, I examine how the rearticulated definitions and ideologies are employed by activists to justify their political engagement not just as citizens, but as members of the Catalan nation. Through this exploration, this study aims to contribute to the understanding of the relationship between social movements and nation-

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building process in contemporary society where the coexistence with immigrant population has become an urgent social task.

Ms Marie Tuley Immigration and the Making of New Narratives: How Immigration into the EU Strengthens Discourse on both European Integration and Nationalism

This paper takes its interest in understanding the impact of the influx of non-EU immigrants into the EU on the creation of new shared narratives of European integration and nationalism. In particular, the paper analyses how language is used by political actors on the European, national (Belgian) and regional (Flemish) level to promote European integrationist or nationalist agendas by framing the ‘problem’ of immigration and integration accordingly. To analyze the discursive process by which narratives become established in the social context of immigration, the paper undertakes a Critical Discourse Analysis of policy documents and media reports, in which discursive elements of political language are discussed in relation to the wider socio-political environment. By analyzing the immigration discourse at different levels of European governance (EU, national, regional), the paper shows how the discourse on immigration in Belgium has led to the seemingly paradoxical situation of strengthening both the narrative of European integration as well as that of Flemish nationalism.

7.1 Immigration and National Identity Negotiation

Miss Giulia Falovo Reinventing the Nation: the Italian Struggle of Multiculturalism

Italy, as many other countries of Southern Europe, is experiencing one of the biggest migration crisis in world’s history. From being a mostly emigrating country, it quickly became a catalyst of migration flows from neighboring states, a “new host” where the sudden interaction of extremely diverse cultures brings social tension, ethnic and cultural conflicts. In this context, migration, multiculturalism and the idea of “national identity” are the most common topics of debate on mass media every day. While some political parties advocate assistance and integration measures, opponents of this view see the “national culture” challenged and seek to limit immigration because of its cultural implications. These debates resurrected a lost sense of national identity, rediscovered largely because of the confrontation with the arising population of immigrants. As the flows grow, the idea of identity is progressively renegotiated, and an assumed “incompatible cultural diversity” is used as pretext for exclusion. The mainstream culture is identified (and promoted as) the national identity, with nationality as criterion for social inclusion. This research aims to highlight the relationship between multiculturalism and national identity in modern-days Italy, where a process of identity negotiation is happening. Through the analysis of policies and regulations aimed to institutionalize this identity revival, this paper wishes to understand the ways in which an identity is expressed, and how population change overcomes the (still in use) identification of "collective identity" with the nationality.

Dr Marco Antonsich

The Rise of the Neoliberal Culturalist Nation Facing International Migration

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The impact of neo-liberal globalization on the nation-state has been extensively studied in terms of politico-economic restructuring and forms of governmentality and securitization. While the former speaks of a process of de-nationalization, the latter brings about a re-nationalization process. In both cases, though, the focus has only been on one component of the nation-state, i.e. the state. The nation has either been treated as a given backdrop or merely ignored. This articles aims to bring the nation back as a way to better contextualize practices of socio-spatial exclusion associated with one particular aspects of neoliberal globalization, namely international migration. By analysing parliamentary debates in Italy between 1986 and 2014, the article explores the intersections between neoliberalism and cultural essentialism as they conflate in what I call the ‘neoliberal culturalist nation’. This construct permits to identify the role that a national culturalist imaginary plays in prompting and justifying governmental practices of securitization, which in turn are implicated in the production of vulnerable and expendable labour force. Moreover, it reveals how a neoliberal workfarist and individualized logic is functional to the ‘normalization’ of the foreign migrant and the reproduction of the national titular group. My argument is that a national culturalist imaginary exists in a mutually reinforcing relation with, rather than in opposition to neoliberalism. Far from keeping nation and state as ontologically distinct or theorizing their decoupling, the article points instead to a renewed spatial isomorphism between nation and state which comes indeed to epitomize the very process of current re-nationalization.

Ms Susanne Melde Immigration and Nation Building: Shifts in Argentina’s National Identity and Migration Reality 1853-2004

The record number of European immigrants arriving at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century have shaped Argentina’s history, demographic policy, and nation-building. Yet the conceptualization of the national identity changed several times and was often linked to ideal rather than actual immigrants. As immigration influenced the conceptualization of the national identity and nation-building, the migration reality and shifting notions of the understanding of the nation had a concrete impact on racism. This paper reviews existing literature and census data to draw out the several shifts in the conceptualization of the imagined national identity in Argentina over the past two centuries in response to the migration reality and changing population composition due to large scale immigration. When Argentina was not able to attract the northern European immigrants it wanted in the 19th century, the national identity was reconfigured from ‘civilized’ Northern European to a romanticized Hispanic version. A second shift occurred under Peron in the mid-20th century, idealizing both southern European ancestry for the upper classes as well as mestizos and indigenous populations from Argentina’s interior. Subsequent military leaders returned to an exclusive focus on white Europeans. Nationalism included the identity based on white European descent and shifting ideological understandings of what it meant to be ‘European’. A fourth remarkable shift occurred in the 2004 migration law with the new focus on regional integration. This last reconceptualization reflects a populist approach to immigration policy at the time widespread in South America and not unique to Argentina.

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Dr Adriano Cirulli & Dr Enrico Gargiulo

Varieties of Populism. The Ethnonationalist Building(s) of “the People” in Immigration Societies

Populism is a complex and protean political phenomenon. Thus, using the label “populist” just for authoritarian and anti-democratic tendencies does not allow us to grasp all the various expressions of populism in contemporary politics. Scholars need a non-evaluative theoretical toolkit, in order to take into account all the different nuances, varieties and ambivalences of the populist phenomenon emerging in contemporary political landscapes. In this effort, Ernesto Laclau’s approach to populism represents a substantial starting point. This approach could be very fruitful in the analysis of ethnonationalist movements, due to the relevance, within nationalist mobilization, of the continuous process of definition and redefinition of the “People” belonging to the nation. In the proposed paper, a “laclausian” approach to populism will be assessed in the analysis of the relationship between nationalism and immigration in two cases of European ethnonationalist mobilization. Immigration is an important reality within the territory of European national minorities, raising many new challenges for minority nationalism as well as for actors involved in ethnonational conflicts in general. The connection between the two phenomena produces complex and variegated outcomes. In some cases, immigrants are perceived by ethnonationalist organizations as a threat for the maintenance of the social and cultural boundaries of the national “people”. In other cases, nationalists develop an integrative form of nationalism in which immigrants and their cultures are perceived as positive resources integrated in a plural definition of the national community.

7.2 Immigration and Ethno-nationalism

Ms Sara Bernard The Yugoslav (Trans)national Question. Economic Migration and the Rise of Ethno-nationalism in Socialist Yugoslavia

The interconnections between nationalism, migration and population change have rarely been at the center of studies exploring the (un)making of socialist Yugoslavia. Indeed, numerous publications have analysed population change and national policies towards specific ethnic groups during and after the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s in the light of ethno-national rhetoric and nation-state building strategies. With regard to the socialist period, though, no studies have explored the connection between nationalism, population change and migration. In fact, although several authors have argued the inevitability of the Yugoslav collapse because of the inability of the Tito leadership to solve the national question (namely the idea that one ethic group was dominated by the others), the scholarship agrees that the most significant population change under communist rule was largely motivated by its modernisation programme. This was the rural exodus towards urban areas engendered by the industrialisation push. Accordingly, institutionally-led migration was instrumental to imposing communist rule rather than ethno-national politics. In contrast with existing literature, this paper will argue that economic migration was an important source of legitimisation for ethno-national narratives in socialist Yugoslavia. It will aim to show that, following its legalisation in 1963, employment abroad of Yugoslav workers contributed to an in increase in social and economic regional disparities, according to different patterns of out- and return-migration. Republic leaderships explained causes and consequences of these differences as result of ethno-national exploitation, thereby bringing the federal make-up of Yugoslavia into question.

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Prof. Dorothy Louise Zinn

When Immigration Induces Ethnonationalist Transitions: Old and New Minorities in South Tyrol

This paper draws on anthropological research to present the case of migration to South Tyrol (Italy) in order to explore the relationship between minority nationalism and newer forms of immigration. German speakers in South Tyrol form an established minority that has secured its position through the province's institutionalized autonomy within the Italian state. Over the last two decades, however, the settlement of new populations through significant immigration to South Tyrol from Eastern Europe and the global South has been perceived by ethnonationalists to be a threat to the German-speaking group's linguistic and cultural integrity. New policies for "integrating" migrants are being conceived and deployed, with the actual aim of assimilating the new minorities into the German-speaking community. By reflecting on the South Tyrol example, this presentation will explore the tensions between ethnonationalist multiculturalism and immigrant multiculturalism: on the one hand, ethnonationalism may reconfigure itself in the face of demographic changes provoked by immigration, and on the other hand, the established minority may view assimilation as the inevitable approach to be adopted in such a setting. The paper will also briefly suggest some comparison of similar issues in other national contexts.

Dr. Chris Moreh Trans-bordering Nationhood: Hungarian and Romanian 'Trans-border National' Migrants in the United Kingdom

Romania and Hungary have both recently adopted - or reinforced - preferential naturalisation requirements for their ethnic kin living in neighbouring countries (so-called 'trans-border nationals). These citizenship legislations allow for a significant number of ethnic Hungarians and Romanians living outside the ‘mother countries’ – often in neighbouring non-EU states – to access their respective ethno-national citizenships without any residence requirements, and therefore to also gain full EU citizenship rights, including the right to free movement and non-discrimination in all member countries of the European Union. The proposed paper assesses some of the mobility consequences of these policies through a qualitative political-sociological approach. First, it addresses the origins, evolution and implementation of the policies from a ‘constellationist’ perspective (cf. Bauböck 2010). Second, it examines the mobility- and identity aspects of ‘external ethnic citizenship’ through an analysis of qualitative narrative interviews with Hungarian and Romanian ‘trans-border national’ migrants in London (United Kingdom), collected in 2013 as part of a broader PhD research project. The paper proposes a multidimensional conceptual framework for analysing the interconnections between citizenship, mobilities and national identities in 21st century Europe, based on ‘instrumental’, ‘symbolic’ and ‘prerogative’ factors shaping the relationship between individuals and the multilevel political community (localities, nation-states and the European Union). Within this framework, the paper identifies the various identity-related challenges emerging from the formalisation and transnational ‘mobilisation’ of ethno-national belonging.

7.3 Policies and Practices of Belonging

Mr Nicholas Bromfield

The Turn to Anzac: Political Elites and Nationalism in a Diverse Australia

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Australian Prime Ministers in the 1970s and early 1980s did not incorporate Anzac, the story of Australian soldiers fighting with Allied forces in the failed Gallipoli campaign of 1915-1916, into their discourse of national identity. However, since 1990 Australian Prime Ministers and their governments have increasingly engaged with Anzac in a manner that has supplanted the traditional role of the Returned and Services League, the most prominent representatives of returned Australian service people, as custodians and drivers of Anzac. The paper explains this shift by tracing the increasing use of Anzac discourse by Australian Prime Ministers from 1972-2015. It will be argued that Australian Prime Ministers have shown ‘Anzac entrepreneurship’ – successfully identifying the public’s desire to engage with Anzac and facilitating Anzac’s resurgence by employing the power resources of the state in order to amplify Anzac. The paper identifies that Prime Ministers have engaged with Anzac in order to both constitutively renovate Anzac as a central and unifying Australian identity and for instrumental policy ends. These twin developments have pertained especially to the processes of domestic economic reform in a globalising world and the deployment of Australian troops during the War On Terror. But the unpolitical and sacralised nature of Anzac has meant that Prime Ministers have largely failed reflect the increasingly plural nature of Australian society in their Anzac Day addresses, with consequences for official representations of Australianness.

Dr Moshe Berent Zionism and Mass Immigration between the Two World Wars

On the eve of the Second World War and more than twenty years after the Balfour declaration, the Jewish Population of Palestine numbered only 450,000. This rather small number has been usually explained by factors considered exterior to Zionism: The British immigration policies, the 'Absorption Capacity of Palestine' and the reluctance of the Jews to immigrate to Palestine. Yet, a major cause had been the Zionist policy which preferred 'selective' over mass immigration. Post-Herzlian Zionism no longer considered itself as a movement for the solution of the Jewish Problem in Europe by a mass exodus, at least not in a foreseeable future, but rather as a movement for the establishment of an elite Utopian 'Perfect Society', which was considered as necessary condition for preparing the country for the future mass immigration. Yet, since there was no timetable for the future mass immigration, what could have been seen as a tactical aim, had become absolute in fact. Thus until the late nineteen thirties, the Zionists had seemed quite content with the British immigration policy, and there was no special Zionist effort to stir or initiate mass exodus of Jewish diaspora communities. Further, the Zionists failed to produce any plans for present or future mass immigration and Zionist absorption policies continued to be based upon subsidizing small agricultural cooperative settlements which were unsuited for a mass colonization and for the character of the Jewish masses of Eastern Europe, at the expense of urban development more suited for mass immigration.

Dr Ewa Sadurska-Duffy

New Polish Brits – Pragmatic Citizenship and National Loyalty in the Context of the EU Crisis and Rising Nationalism

The last few years have witnessed a substantial increase in the number of Poles applying for British citizenship (Home Office, 2014). As the trend continues, questions relating to its possible consequences for both immigrants and the host society are starting to emerge. The aim of this paper is to explore the main reasons of citizenship acquisitions among the post-accession Polish immigrants in the context of the UK’s planned in-out EU referendum. In particular, it focuses on immigrants’ articulations of patriotism and national belonging, and the various ways in which they are implicated in their conceptualisation of citizenship. It also

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highlights and expands the notion of ‘pragmatic citizenship’ (Mavroudi, 2008), which seems to encompass rather accurately their ambivalent approach to their new complex national identities. By drawing from a variety of sources which include current literature, existing migration data and the author’s own qualitative research (a series of semi-structure interviews conducted with a sample of Polish migrants all of whom have British citizenship), the study will create an opportunity in which to expand on the ongoing debates about the relationships between citizenship and national loyalty, especially in light of the EU crisis and the resurgence of nationalist rhetoric in European (and especially Polish) politics. Given the growth of international migration and the increase in the number of people applying for EU citizenship (Eurostat, 2014), the paper concludes by discussing various types of political, cultural and social implication of ‘pragmatic citizenship’ for civic participation and the integration of society.

8.1 Banal Nationalism and the Everyday Experience of Belonging

Prof. José Sobral Long-Distance Nationalism, Boundaries and the Experience of Racism among Santomean Migrants in Portugal

In the last three decades, Portugal became an important destination for migrants coming from the former Portuguese colonies. Among those migrants were people from S. Tomé and Príncipe, an archipelago in the Gulf of Guinea, whose plantation economy went into crisis with independence almost at the same time that its population experienced a dramatic growth. This paper, based on ethnographic observation and interviews conducted among the community’s associations and individuals, tackles the “long-distance nationalism” of the Santomean living in Lisbon. It argues that they form a transnational network that connects them to the homeland and to other parts of the Santomean diaspora worldwide. On the one side, it pays attention to the political expressions of their national identification, analysing discourses and the commemorations of their national calendar. On the other, it deals with the banal forms of nationalism in daily life. It takes into consideration the possible effects of gender, class and generation on the positioning of the individuals concerning national identification. Finally, it discusses the role of boundaries, and in particular those pertaining to racism, in sustaining national differentiation between the Santomean migrants and the Portuguese. This case study is presented in a comparative framework and aims to discuss theoretical issues linked to migration, “long-distance” (Anderson, 1998, Glick-Schiller and Fouron, 2001), banal (Billig, 1995) and everyday nationalism (Edensor, 2002), and the role of boundaries in the construction of identities (Barth, 1969; Jenkins, 2011).

Ms Mette Strømsø Questioning ‘the National’ in Everyday Experiences of Belonging: Mobility, Immobility and Transgression of Borders in Norway

This paper explores the importance of ‘the national’ in people’s everyday experiences of belonging in immigration contexts. It does so drawing on 60 semi-structured interviews in four localities in Norway. Informants include people who have never moved, people who have moved internally in Norway and people who have come to Norway by crossing national borders. The border and transgression of borders are employed as analytical concepts to question taken-for-granted assumptions about belonging. Transgressions of borders may provoke reactions and

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challenge ideas of who the national ‘we’ is. The rationale behind this analytical design is thus to include all people who live in Norway, and not reproduce one particular notion of nationhood. The data suggests that informants who have never moved across a national border have a taken-for-granted sense of national belonging and that there are other scales of belonging more present in their everyday lives, such as their local community. However, the scale of national belonging becomes relevant in response to immigration and increased ethnic and religious diversity. By contrast, there are also similarities and differences between informants who have crossed a border, e.g. local, regional or national. While challenges of forming a new sense of belonging and becoming accepted by the locals are similar, the national scale appears more present in the everyday experiences of informants with background of international mobility, than among those without. The paper argues for the relevance of ‘the national’ as a scale of belonging in everyday life, although depending on socio-spatial and spatio-temporal context.

Dr Manolis Pratsinakis

Immigrant–Native Relations and the Everyday Politics of National Belonging

Understandings of who forms part of the nation, who may become a member and under what conditions, and who cannot, as well as the everyday contestation of those understandings, are central in grasping the power dynamics underlying immigrant‒native relations. However, and despite the recent academic attention on European states’ increasing demands upon migrants to prove their belonging and loyalty, limited research has been done by migration scholars on how ideologies of national belonging are experienced, negotiated and contested by immigrants and natives in their day-to-day interactions and most importantly on how they influence the figuration in which their mutual relationship is cast. This paper argues that Elias and Scotson’s established–outsiders model and the rapidly growing literature on the (re-)production of ideologies of national belonging in everyday life provide an appropriate analytical framework with which to understand these dynamics. Drawing on the Greek and the Dutch cases, it puts forward an intersectional theoretical framework that views immigrant–native relations as unequal configurations unfolding through a symbolic struggle over defining the nation and who belongs to it. In so doing it aims to bring in the dimension of power when studying immigrant–native relations, a dimension rather overlooked in earlier and contemporary approaches to immigrant integration.

8.2 Policies and Practices of Nation Building

Dr Miles Larmer Nation-making at the Border: Post-Colonial Zambian Diplomacy in the Democratic Republic of Congo

In the mid-1960s, the newly independent nation-state of Zambia appointed its first diplomats to foreign missions. In neighbouring DR Congo, Zambian diplomats sought to make their new nation legible, a process that involved asserting national identity and values that were distinct from a neighbouring territory with which it shared many of its ethnicities and much of its history. This paper, using diplomatic sources from Zambian archives, explains the challenges they faced in doing so. These challenges were particularly pronounced for the Zambian consulate in the Katangese capital Elisabethville/Lubumbashi, the centre of Congo's mining industry, that bordered the Zambian copperbelt. Consul officials sought to define who was and who was not 'Zambian' in a

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cross-border region with a shared pre-colonial history that was also characterised by decades of migration between linked urban centres of mineral production. In doing so they shed light on the political, social and moral processes that are central to the process of generating national identities.

Prof. Robyn Autry ‘White or Black, Not Hispanic’: US Census Data Editing as a Nation-Building Project

This paper examines the role of data editing (or cleansing) in retrofitting Latin American identities to US racial-ethnic logics. In particular, I locate recent decisions to allow respondents to select more than one racial identity, and then being asked whether they are Hispanic, within a broader trajectory of racial classification in the United States. Rather than taking these categories for granted, I explore how this history of imposed classification by enumerators to self-identification is less radical or inclusive than it first appears. In fact, I argue that self-identification is a myth that aligns with the neoliberal fantasy of choice. Moving beyond studies that investigate how Latin American and US racial classification converge and diverge, I argue for a more careful consideration of how after-the-fact data editing to separate those who self-identify as ‘white or black, not Hispanic’, masks profound normative investments in the social reproduction of a black-white racial dichotomy as the hallmark of US racial relations and national identity. I draw on Michael Foucault to consider how these categories and the subsequent data editing might be understood as an act of invention; the invention of a population in need of management. The imagery of invention is common within the literature on nations and nationalism, and I expand on it by considering more contemporary debates about data editing, an ostensibly bureaucratic practice with enormous political and ideological implications.

Mr Gennaro Errichiello

Migration and Nation-building in the United Arab Emirates

In the Arab Gulf countries, migration has been perceived as a ‘threat’ to national identity and sense of belonging. In 1971, the federation of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) was created, but no single Emirate wanted to ‘lose’ its own identity. For Parekh, national identity has a dynamic nature, and combines cultural and political elements. My aim is to analyse the process of construction of the Emirati national identity, in light of the changes occurring within the country, by examining the political and cultural dynamics that drive this process. My argument is that the construction of the Emirati national identity serves to exclude and distinguish nationals from migrants. It also serves to strengthen the role and position of certain (tribal) groups, and rulers, who embody the stability, cohesion, and represent both the political and cultural identity of the country. The construction of the Emirati national identity is rooted in the past, history and collective memory of the country and it adapts and responds to changes taking place in the UAE society. The Abu Dhabi, Dubai and Sharjah emirates, which are the three largest, and economically important emirates, have reshaped and prioritized specific elements of their past and identity in order to deal with challenges posed by internal and external factors. By analysing these elements, I argue that each single emirate tends to differentiate its narrative by emphasizing specific elements but those elements also contribute to reshape the Emirati national identity.

Dr Stephan Scheel & Dr Francisca van Gromme

Doing Statistics, Enacting Migrants (and the Nation): On the Double Social Life of Categories

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Starting from the premise that populations do not exist as tangible objects of government without the statistical practices that help to constitute it as intelligible and actionable entities, this paper explores the role that categories play in population statistics. Based on ethnographic research in statistical institutes in the Netherlands and Estonia, the authors demonstrate how the categories that are used in population statistics do not just account for an existing population, but rather help to bring it into being in particular ways. To this end, the authors make – illustrated through the categories of the ‘Dutch-Caribbean’ and the ‘third-generation migrant’ – three interrelated arguments: First, statistical categories are not reducible to neutral definitions of groups of people to be quantified. Rather, statistical categories are always already social categories that carry particular histories, political projects and imaginations, which in turn entail tacit assumptions about the real. Due to these tacit assumptions, statistical categories are, secondly, not only part of the social worlds they allegedly only describe. Rather, statistical categories are also constitutive of these social worlds. In the case of population statistics categories, we argue third and finally, do not only enact populations in particular ways, but also help to narrate and consolidate particular accounts of ‘the nation’. From this follows, that statistical categories are inherently political insofar as they help to bring into being the kinds of people that constitute the mirror in which the nation imagines itself.

8.3 Immigration, Nationalism and Multiple Identities

Dr Ekaterine Pirtskhalava

Identity Tactics and Strategies of Georgian Migrants in Portugal

The purpose of this study is to identify strategies of migration and adaptation of Georgian migrants to the new conditions in Portugal. Present work will show how Georgian migrants are modifying identity tactics and strategies in the new environment, different aspects related to the integration of Georgians into Portuguese society, including the main problems that they have faced upon their arrival to Portugal, specifically: dynamic of adaptation process in new socio-cultural spaces based on subjective perception of the Georgian migrants; typical variations of cultural identity - typology of commonly used identity tactics based on the analysis of content characteristic; description and classification of strategy of ethnocultural identity content; establishment of "solid" and cultural variable strategy of identity typical for migrant Georgians. The study employs the qualitative research methodology, specifically, in-depth interviews with migrants from Georgia, this work will try to illustrate how Georgian migrants are engaged in a struggle for cultural maintenance and adaptation to the new cultural, social and economic environment in Portugal.

Miss Kristina Bakkær Simonsen

Dual Identity: Contact as a Way to Enable Immigrants’ Identification with Both Their Ethnic Group and the Host Nation

Across many European societies, immigrants’ belonging is increasingly questioned. In particular, immigrants who identify strongly with their ethnic group are treated with suspicion in terms of their attachments and commitment to the host community. It seems to be common knowledge that dual identities are impossible, i.e. that one cannot identify with both home- and host nation. One may take the apparent lack of hyphenated categories in many European countries as a proof of this dictum, implying that in the European context, immigrants must sacrifice their minority ethnic identity in order to be able to identify with the native majority group. This paper challenges that wisdom by suggesting that immigrants’ possibility of developing a dual identity is dependent

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on the extent and quality of contact they have with the native majority. The hypothesis is that through social contact to members of the majority group, immigrants learn that they can feel attachment both to their ethnic group and to the host national group. This hypothesis is tested on two different sets of survey data from first- and second-generation immigrants of various ethnic backgrounds in Denmark. I take Denmark to be a typical case of a country where dual identities are challenged, and as such, these data provide a hard test of the argument. The results from regression analyses are contextualised with insights from qualitative interviews, conducted with second-generation immigrants in Denmark. The paper finishes with a discussion of the implications of the results for dual identity and intergroup contact theory.

Ms Kitti Baracsi Kasko san? Whose are you?

The so-called “old camp” of Scampia, Naples could be a laboratory for analyzing the impact of “nomad” policies and lack of coherent legal interventions in the case of Roma from the former SFRY. We find several stories of young people caught in a legal limbo, though born or been raised in Italy/Naples since their childhood. This legal limbo with its “eternal temporality” keeps this population on the margins of the society, in physical and symbolical terms. The paper focuses on the discursive and performative space of self-identification of young Roma. It examines the “accessed” nationalist narratives (e.g. the nostalgia for the former Yugoslavia), the local identifications (e.g. being Neapolitan/from Scampia) and the peer-group belonging and its transnational characteristics putting emphasis on the aspect of performativity in the analyzed everyday experiences. These cases are going to be contextualized by the mentioned nationalist discourses and their “requisites”, the way local and national identifications relate to each other, and some reflections on the missing discourses – political and/or scientific ones (e.g. diaspora). The paper questions also the connection between nationalist discourses, the Roma image deducted from the Roma policies and Roma nation discourses seen from this particular local context. The paper’s findings are based on an ethnographic fieldwork (including collaborative ethnography with different actors) on the experiences of Roma students and their relation to political and professional discourses on (the education of) Roma in the EU. This is part of my PhD research carried out in Hungary and in Italy.

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