CHAPTER-II LITERARY WORKS : A CRITICAL...

CHAPTER-II

LITERARY WORKS : A CRITICAL STUDY

2.1 Introduction :

The ninenteenth century was an age of re-awakening (renaissance) in the

history of India. A great change was noticed in every sphere -- language, educa-

tion, culture, society, literature and where not. The important aspect of this phase

is the development of intellectual activity and learning. Before this time, conflicts

of life could not be understood in social terms.The development of the Bengali

novel took place in the second half of the nineteenth century.

The limited development of civil society, the growth of middle class, the

availability of printing machine, newspaper, printed books and the increase of the

numbers of readers in general--all paved the way for a tremendous growth of the

Bengali literature in future. Probably the chief feature of this age was that the

materialistic worldly view of western life and education which was whole heartedly

accepted by the upcoming youths. Another aspect of this was rejection of all

instincts and notions opposed to humanity, acceptance of reason and a re-evalua-

tion of ancient Indian literature and scriptures. In a narrow sense, it can be termed

as the Bengali renaissance.

The names of Rammohan as well as those of Vivian Derozio, David Hare,

Horace Hayman Wilson and the like deserves mention in connection with the

Renaissance in Bengal. Derozio and his desciples were inspired by humanism

based on reason. They used to read Age of Reason and Right of Man by Thomas

Paine and interprete the practical philosophy of David Hume and John Locke.

For this reason, the first half of the nineteenth century in Bengali literature was

the age of reason as well as an age of preparation for an apt novelised prose.

Alaler Gharer Dulal (AwlwËlk NËkk bÖlwl), published in 1858 and Hutom Pa(n)char

Naksha (pÖËZwi eøwPwk dKmw), published in1861-62, were products of that age. This

type of prose -narratives were being published in Bengali magazines from the

time of Samachar Darpan. We have gathered this piece of information from

Sambad Patre Sekaler Katha, (Vol.1), authored by Brajendranath Bandopaddhay.

Babur Upakhyan was published on February 21st and June 9th, in 1825. The

publication of Shoukin Babu and Briddher Bibaha on June 23rd and June 30th

respectively are all examples of this. Through this time, this type of writings were

being attempted by writers.

Among these prose-narratives, some appeared quite with large, elaborated

sizes, thus paving the way for Alaler Gharer Dulal and Hutom Pa(n)char Naksha

these two narratives in turn paved the way for Durgeshnandini. With the publica-

tion of Durgeshnandini, the history of the Bengali novel found its first succesful

novel.1 Perfect Historical novels in Bengali were produced by Bankimchandra. It

was the inspiration of Bankimchandra as well as the endeavours of Rabindranath

that led to renewed interest in historical studies. Akshay Kumar Maitreya, Ramdas

Sen, Haraprasad Shastri, Nagendra Nath Basu, Rakhaldas Bandopaddhay appeared

on the scene. Their findings and discoveries in Bengal and also in other parts of

India changed the course of history. The unveiling of such undiscovered and un-

explored areas opened new vistas to the novelists of Bengal :

‘GB ejêwËtk JedøwxoKËbk iËcø kwLwlbwo gËëbøwewcøwt, pkeÝowb mwþèy, mku K×iwk

kwt xgËmn KÚxZZð ÌbxLËtËQd„’ 2

After the publication of Bankimchandra’s Durgeshnandini, Kapalkundala,

Chandrashekhar, Rajsingha, Sitaram etc. It was Rameshchandra who tried to

introduce historical sense into the novels. His Madhabi Kankan (iwcgy KáKY),

Maharashtra Jiban Probhat (ipwkwûUÛ Rygd eÝhwZ), Rajput Jiban Sandhya (kwReÖZ Rygd

o¬øw) testify to this. In this connection, mention may be made of Shachish Chandra

Chattopadhyaya’s Kalapahar (Kwlwewpwr), Swarnakumari Devi’s Vidroha (xgËbÜwp),

Rakhaldas’s Karuna (KkØYw) , Asima (Aoyiw), Dhruba (cÛÖgw) and Mayur (itÔk).

In the above mentioned novels, the picture of the age concerned domi

36

nate over the picture of individual or society. It is because to the novelists of the

time, a novel of this form was the norm :

‘1857 ÌaËK 1930 ejêìæ DedøwËo gøx£ß Pxk¢ iÖLø pËt IËVxd„’3

Haraprasad Shastri tried to collect and re-arrange the information of In-

dian Socio-cultural history from pre-vedic age to the modern times. From his

analysis of historical facts it seems that he does not believe in the rigid determin-

ing life of different ages of the history. Haraprsad wanted to say that history is a

continuous process and it comes out from the conflict and assimilation of differ-

ent elements of society on the way to its evolution. He believed that Indian cul-

ture and Indian civilisation is not the out come of any single factor, rather Indian

civilisation is the product of different societies various philosophies and thou-

sands of cultures. India is the birth place of many religions. Hundreds of commu-

nities of people came to India and mingled with the aboriginal prople. Thus the

religions like Hinduism, Buddhism, Aryans, non Aryans, Islamic and others have

assimilated with each other. It is now almost impossible to find out any single

original form of any elements of any culture. This is what Shri Haraprasad Shasti

believed in. These views have been also elaborated in different literary creations

of Haraprasad.

Haraprasad Shastri gave a vital time of his research life to the discussion

of the rise and development of Buddhism in India and its impact to the folk life of

the country. He was the first researcher to discuss the Buddhism and its impact in

India so deeply. As a result, he came to know many secrets of social and cultural

lives of the people of North and Easterm India. His historical novels Kanchanmala

and Bener Meye reflect his views.

2.2.1 Kanchanmala :

His first novel Kanchanmala was published serially in Bangadarshana

from the month of Asadha to Magha in 1289 Bengali era. The first episode was

published in the month of Asadha, second and third in Shravana the forth episode

37

was published in Bhadra. fifth and sixth episode were printed in Ashvina, seventh

in Kartika, eighth and ninth in Agrahayana, tenth and eleventh in Pausa and the

last three episodes were printed in next Magha issue of Bangadarshana.

Sri Sanjib Chandra Chattopaddhay, the novelist and established essayist

was the editor of the Bangadarshana at that time. The novel got its book form 33

years after the publication of the same in the Bangadarshana. The reason behind

the delay of the publication of the first edition of the book Kanchanmala was

revealed a bit in the introductory words of the Kanchanmala by its author :

1290 owËl jLd o™yg PëbÝ PË›wewcøwt ipwmt “gŠbmêd” -Gk oóewbK

ZLd ‘Kw—diwlw’ ‘gŠbmêËd’ eÝKwxmZ pBtwxQl„ Zwpwk ek dwdw KwkËY Awxi

AËdKxbd cxktw gwvlw xlxL dwB„ oÖZkwv ‘Kw—diwlw’ eÝKwËmk Rdø jZí Kxk

dwB„ ÌKd, xK gÙ£wìæ --- Ìo AËdK Kaw -- gxltw KwR dwB„ GZKwËlk ek

AwcÖxl-MÜìÿiwlw eÝKwmK mÝyjÖ£ß †kØbwo PË›wewcøwt ipwmt Dpw eÖdkwt eÝKwm

KxkËZ PwItwt Awgwk eÝKwm Kkw ÌMl„ 4

[Kanchanmala was published in 1290 Bengali era when Sri Sanjib Chandra

Chattopaddhay was the editor of Bangadarshana. After that for a long time I did

not write in Bengali, so, did not try to publish Kanchanmala. Why, what was the

reason, no need to mention ...]

In another place Haraprasad made another statement on the delay of the

publication of the Kanchanmala. In the speech delivered by Haraprasad Shastri

on 4th Asadha, 1329 Bengali era on the occasion of the erection of the marvel

statue of Bankimchandra at Bangiya Sahitya Parishad -- he said :

Awiwk oxpZ Zwpwk bÖB xZdgwk ÌNwkZk iZËhb pBtwxQl, GidxK Zwpwk

Rdø AwiwËK gwvlw ÌlLw QwxrËZ pBtwxQl„ 5

In this connection, his biographer Gopinath Kabiraj, Ganapati Sarkar and

in the essay of memoir--- Shri Manjugopal Bhattacharya mentioned that

Bankimchandra was not very pleased with the novel Kanchanmala.6 It took so

38

much of time to be published as a book because Bankimchandra did not admit its

publication.7

As a result, Kanchanmala could not see its light in the life time of

Bankimchandra, of course, it left a very bad impact on the creative writing of

Haraprasad. It stoped the flow of spontaneous writing and deprived Haraprasad

from a great probability of becoming one of the great novelists of his time.Though

Dr. Sukumar Sen holds a different view. Dr. Sen thinks :

Kw—diwlw eËr gxáKËik eÝyZ dw pItwk KwkY xK Zw g lw bÖûKk„

iËd pt, xZxd ptËZw AwmáKw KËkxQËld Ìj Mùe xlËL pkeÝowb xdËRk

ea BxZpwËok NxdüV AwËlwPdw ÌaËK ¸ûU pËt erËgd„ gxáKiPËëbÝk

AdÖmwod iËd ÌkËLB Ìgwc pt pkeÝowb Awk ÌKwd Mùe ÌlËLdxd„ ÌmËnk

xbËK xlËLxQËld “ÌgËdk ÌiËt”„ xdRÈ kyxZËZ xdR oÙûU BxZpwo-

Kùedw Agl¹d KËk„ 8

[It is hard to say why Bankimchandra was not pleased to read Kanchanmala

probably he had an intuition that Haraprasad may be diverted from the research

work on the history by writing these types of stories. I think Haraprasad stopped

writing stories abiding by the regulation of Bankimchandra.]

Haraprasad widely known as the historian and archeologist at home and

abroad. Only few people knew him as the creative writer. Even in the field of

Bengali historical novels he is still unrecognised or undiscovered by the readers.

He could be placed in a higher position among his contemporary writers. But it

has not been happened because of his multi-dimentional and widely diverted works.

He could not concentrate only in creative literary works.

In Kanchanmala, Shastri tried to enlighten one of the episodes of the his-

tory of India. Other novelists in Bengal embeded the socio-historical scenerio of

Islamic India. But Haraprasad Shastri took the age of rise and development of

Buddhism in India as the perspective of the novel.

39

The city of Pataliputra of 2000 years back forms the setting of the novel

Kanchanmala (Kw—diwlw).The novel is centred on the preaching of Buddhism by

Emperor Ashok’s son Kunal and his wife Kanchanmala. Haraprasad thought that

in the history of india, the age of Buddhism had played a great role. In a variety of

research-papers he has given expression to such views of his. But many of his

contemporaries hesitated to embrace several of his views. In this respect, it should

be taken into account that Rakhaldas, Rameschandra and many other historians

opposed him on this count. 9

Kanchanmala is a historical novel. Its stories have been collected from

various sources--Kalhan’s Raja Tarangini, Xuan Tsang’s travel-accounts (see

annexure-II), Ceylonese Buddhist scriptures titled Mahabangsha and

Deepbangsha, Divyabadan, from the Jain scholar Hemchandra’s Parisista Parban,

the historian Taranath’s History of Buddhism in India. Emperor Ashok’s inscrip-

tions etc. to Ashok’s coronation, expansions of empire and various aspects relat-

ing to his reign all have been discovered. History testifies that emperor Ashok had

ascended the throre in 269 B.C to 273 B.C.

Kanchanmala is a novel of purpose; hence Haraprasad Shastri, side by

side with date and information collected from the above mentioned sources, also

used historical materials depicted in different legends and particularly in

Bodhisatwabadan Kalpalata (Ìgwxco£òwgbwd KùelZw).

According to various legends, king Ashoka ascended throne through blood-

shed and fratricidal wars. The historian Romila Thapar, Hem Chandra Roy

Chowdhury and the like have admitted this fact, though Vincent Smith and others

dissented here. In this respect, Haraprasad has followed the legend of Kahchanmala

and Buddhist scriptures:

xbgøwgbwd I Ìgwxco£wgbwd KùelZw’t Kw—diwlw I K×YwËlk Ìj Kwxpdy

ewItw jwt Zwpw jÖËMweËjwMy Kxkgwk Rdø DedøwËok eÝËtwRd AdÖowËk

MÜìÿKwk AËdK dÔZd Kaw I bÙËmøk AgZwkYw KxktwËQd„ 10

40

Haraprasad wanted to write a historical romance using the elements of

history. He had to take resort to history in assimilating defferent events of history

with his work. But there was always historical reason operative at the back of his

imaginative faculty.

2.2.2 The Plot of Kahchanmala :

King Ashoka’s son, Kunal and his wife Kanchanmala lived quite happily

in the city of Pataliputra following the doctrine and religious practices of Bud-

dhism. But their lives were topsy turvised when Tishyarakshita, one of Ashoka’s

wives, expressed her deep infatuation for Kunal. Naturally, her advances were

rejected. But Tishyarakshita determined to avenge her insult on Kunal following

her rejection. In the mean time, king Ashoka fell seriously sick. He was almost on

the verge of death. None of his physicians succeeded to cure the fatal disease.

Then, Tishyarakshita, daughter of a barbar, took up the responsibility of king’s

treatment. Through an effective therapy and earnest nursing, she became success-

ful in curing the king. Emperor Ashoka after getting a new life, was highly pleased

with his spouse and entrusted upon her the duty of reigning his subject for one

year as a reward.

At that time, there was a revolt in Takshashila. Kunjarkarna was Ashoka’s

minister at Takshashila. Tishyarakshita did not let go this opportunity from her

hands. Strategically she forced Kunal to go to Takshashila in an attempt to put

down the revolt. Kunal was courageous and heroic. But Tishyarakshita had a

secket design. Maintaing a secret nexus with Kunjarkarna, the rebel minister, she

plotted against Kunal. Kunal was taken capture by Kunjarkarna through tricks

and plans. Kunals eyes were uprooted as per her plan.

Kunal’s wife Kanchanmala was spending her days in suspense and anxi-

ety. Scenting imminent danger, she started for Takshashila in secret and passing

through a phase of trials and tribulations succeeded to meet Kunal at last. The

revolt reached its extremities by the time. There were chaos and disorder in the

state.

41

At this stage, emperor Ashoka came to his senses and he took up the reign

in his own hands and went to Takshashila as the general himself. Having put

down the revolt there he came back along with Kunal and Kanchanmala. King

Ashoka began to lament looking at the uprooted eyes of Kunal and invited ses-

sion of his court in an attempt to punish Tishyaraksha. On the other hand, when

Tishyarakshita appeared at the court maddened by fear of her imminent death,

Kanchanmala appealed to the king to forgive her. The pious Kunal got his eyes

back miraculously with the help of a scientist. Tishyarakshita got shelter in the

house of Kanchanmala and later on, through a process of purification she was

successful in proving herself worth her name ‘Hriddhimati’. ‘Bodhisattwa’ Kunal

was appointed at Takshashila as the religious head. Emperor Ashoka declared

Buddhism as the state religion :

At the end of the novel, the writer has made the following comment :

GB xbgo Ìj Kwjê pBl, Zwpwk gËl GK pwRwk guok hwkZ Ìg#¦ xQl„

oiþæ Gxmtw GB xbËdk KwjêgËl Ìg#¦ciê AwmÝt KËk„ 11

He has not put emphasis on the fall of Mourya Empire as the chief subject-

matter of this novel. On the contrary, he has finally described the establishment

and development of Buddhism. Binoytosh Bhattacharya, son of Haraprasad Shastri,

has remarked :

ZLdKwk xbËdk ciêmwËþèk xgxhÒ gËYêk Rdø xgËmn xgËmn AxcKwk ÌbItw

pBtwxQl ... xgËmnZ gÜwÊYxbËMk oÖL oÖxgcw xQl ogwêËeqw Ìgmy„ AËmwK

kwRw AwËbm xbtw GB xgËmn xgËmn oÖxgcw†xl g¬ Kxktw Ìbd Ggv gÜwÊY,

ÂbÜ, AìæøËRk xhZk ÌKwd ÌhbB kwËLd dwB„ Bpwk Dek Ìg#¦ ciê ipwiw¢

xdjÖ£ß pBl, Zwpwkw myNÛB gÜwÊY eÖËkwxpZ xbËMk þÿwd MÜpY Kxkl„ ...

Zbwxdìæd ÌbËmk gÜwÊYøgwbyËbk GB Ìg#¦ xgËkwcy iËdwhwgxUËK MÜìÿKwk

gwkgwk oÖûeûUkÕËe ‘Kw—diwlw’ MÜËìÿ f×UwBtw Z×xlgwk ÌPûUw KxktwËQd

Ggv ZwpwËZ xgËmn KÚZKwjêI pBtwËQd„ 12

The above comment made by Binoytosh is appropriate and in making the

remark he was inspired by the article Causes of the Dismemberment of the Maurya

42

Empire,13 written by his father.

We come to know as to how far surgery and anatomy were developed in

those days from Kunal Abadana and also from this novel. In ancient time it was

the Barbars who treated ailments through little surgeries. Tishyaraksha being the

daughter of a barbar was debt in surgery. But Haraprasad collected the story from

Kunal Abadana (K×Ywl Agbwd) and he has introduced nothing innovative here, when

Tishyaraksha was able to effect a cure for king’s serious disease. The king out of

sheer joy of being saved, entrusts the responsibility of the state on her shoulder

for seven days as he was requested for by her. Haraprasad out of his ingenuity has

made it one year instead of seven days. He changed the time frame because it is

virtually not possible to make so many thing happen from sending Kunal to

Pataliputra with a view to putting down the revolt to uprooting of his eyes follow-

ing a conspiracy -- within seven days. Hence, it seems to us that this distortion of

history was inevitable and it sounds convincing as it is supported by the rules of

art. Besides in Kanchanmala, Kunjarkarna has been portrayed as a Mahamatya

Brahmin. But in ‘Agbwd KùelZw’ Kunjarkarna is the independent king of Takshashila.

Haraprasad has consciously effected this deviation in order to present his theme.

The war of Takshashila and the other events conform to history. During Bindusar’s

reign there was a revolt in Takshashila which was put down by Ashoka. In the

book ‘xbgøwgbwd’ there is the mention of the war of Takshashila during Bindusar’s

rule. Many historians have lent these support to this view.14

Besides, another revolt took place there in Thakshashila during Ashoka’s

reign. King Ashoka sent Kunal, his son, to put it down.15

In this regard Haraprasad wrote :

‘The Kshatriyas who fought for them and made them great, were all extir-

pated by the Nandas. They began to cast their eyes for a military man to fight for

them and they found such a man in Pushya Mitra, The commander-in-chief of the

Maurya empire... He was a Brahmin to the core and hated the Buddhists.’16

This remark made by Haraprasad is the outcome of his relentless research

43

GB eÝg¬xU ÌaËK Ìi#jê owiÛwËRøk eZËdk KwkY oóeËKê cwkwgwxpK MËgnYwk

oÔ¢ewZ pt„ ekgZyê MËgnËKkw xmlwxlxek xgþæwxkZ xgËmõnËY I Adøwdø oÔ¢

ÌaËK ewItw ZËaøk xhx£ËZ pkeÝowËbk jÖx£ß I xo¦wËìæk xgËkwxcZw KËkËQd„17

In the novel, Haraprasad has tried his level best to maintain historicity of

the novel as an author, he not only made the ruler of Takshashila uproot Kunal’s

eyes, he made Tishyaraksha uproot the Bodhibriksha, (the holy tree under which

the Buddha sat in mediation for long 12 years and at last met with success). These

two historical incidents in the novel clearly uphold the shrewd unkind nature of

Tishyaraksha. They have also made the character of Tishyaraksha more dramatic.

2.2.3 Character of Kunal : The character of Kuntal is the most attractive charac-

ter in the novel. He is undoubtedly, the hero of this novel. Kunal was born in the

womb of Asandhimitra, queene of king Ashoka. The name of Kunal’s mother has

been found Devi Padmavati, as per Divyabadan and Bodhisatwabadan Kalpalata.

It seems that Asandhimitra and Padmavati are same person. After Asandhimitra’s

demise, Tishyaraksha was chosen queene by Emperor Ashoka. Tishyaraksha was

still young though the king was old. Naturally in the eyes of Tishyaraksha, Kunal

seemed to be perfect love match for her, but Kunal was checked to the core at the

disgusting proposal made by his step mother. Addressing her as mother, he asked

her to suppress her desires. We take note of Kunal’s honesty and piety, from the

very beginning of the novel Kanchanmala. A deep love for one’s own religion is

common to all beings in general. An intense love for near and dear ones and high

regards for elders are the very traits of Kunal’s character. Kunal is a good actor

and a good speaker. He can maintain calm of his mind even in the face of difficult

situations.

Again in changed situation, he has the power to take right decision at once.

While acting, he played efficiently with the unacquinted woman impersonating

as Kanchanmala and never allowed anyone to know his awareness of the matter.

Kunal had to face a great challange when power went to Tishyaraksha’s

44

hands. This brings to light another quality of Kunal’s character that he is also a

heroic general. When the Brahmins of Takshashila revollted Tishyaraksha chose

Kunal among others to put it down. Behind this selection, it was actually

Tishyaraksha’s revengeful motive which was in operation. Kanchanmala, the ruler

of Takshashila, along with his army of one lakh boastful Kshatriyas and Brah-

mins, went forward to fight Kunal in the battlefield. Haraprasad was influenced

by Bankimchandra in his descriptions of war and the preparation for war :

K×Ywl GB oiËt ÌKgl AwKwËmk Agþÿw ejêËgqY KxkËZd„ jÖË¦k Rdø ÌKwd

gøþæZwB eÝbmêd KxkËZd dw„ ÌodwexZ xRšwow KxkËl gxlËZd, “jÖË¦k xgl¹

AwËQ”...GKxbd eÝwZ:KwËl K×Ywl pVwu Awšw KxkËld, “Abø ÐgKwËl jÖ¦„” 18

[At that time, Kunal only observed the condition of the sky and showed

little concern for the war. When asked by his general, he only replied ‘not now,

not yet. ]

Kunal was cunning enough to understand that a storm might flow that

afternoon.They might attack the enemy from the west taking advantage of the

storm.The same happened in the battlefield that afternoon. Kunal’s plan to win

the battle during the storm proves his Buddhistic mind. He planned so because he

wanted that the numbers of killing be lessen. In going through this part, we may

remember the incident in the novel Devi Choudhurani by Bankimchandra in which

Devi Choudhurani too defeated the British soldier in a few seconds attacking

them during a storm. It was her last battle with the British.

Kunal was victorious in this battle. When the messenger carried this news

to Pataliputra, Tishyaraksha announced festivities in the capital. But later it was

Tishyaraksha herself who forced Kunal to release the captive Kunjarkarna out of

her sheer power and authority. Not only that, she passed all orders to the effect

that Kunjarkarna be appointed the ruler of Takshashila. Kunal accepted that or-

der. Tishyaraksha got Kunal arrested by playing tricks on him and got Kunal’s

eyes uprooted.

The commanders under him advised Kunal to disobey the orders passed

45

by Tishyaraksha, but Kunal was honest and loyal enough to accept the orders. He

did not even blame anyone while in captivity. He only felt sorry for Kanchan.

Hearing the news that his eyes would be uprooted he was calm and reserved. He

silently tolerated the pangs when his eyes were uprooted. Observing his painstak-

ing nature, the other ‘chandal’ asked whether it was painful or not. Kunal admit-

ted that he felt a little pain. The chandal asked again :

ÌPwL DerwBtw lBl, AaP Aùe lwxMtwËQ gxlËZQ ÌKid Kxktw?

K×Ywl gxlËld - ‘Awiwk ÌZw owiwdø KûU pBl, xKìæÖ KZ ÌlwK Awiw

AËeqwI AxcK KûU ewt„ 19

[Kunal replied, ‘I felt a bit of pain, but there are men, who suffered much

more than me.]

Hearing this reply, the chandal became attracted to the religion to which

Kunal had allegiance. The chandal became highly respectful to Kunal and the

religion which teaches man to pay little attention to his own pain and pay more

attention to others. Falling at Kunal’s feet in respect, he threw away his bow and

arrows and went away to take shelter under the umbrella of Saddharma (Bud-

dhism). The meeting between Kunal and Kanchanmala became possible for the

help of this chandal later.

As a rersult of uprooting of his eyes, Kunal became alienated from the

external world. As he was imprisoned in the secret chamber, he was deprived of

all human company. At this moment, Kunal resorted to a particular ‘Samadhi’

(trance) state called ‘Sarba-dharma-mamatabipaschit’ (ogê-ciê-iiZwxgexúPZ). He had

no sense of external world in deep trance but he was alive. As Kanchan expressed

her grief at his loss of eye sight, he opined that he could attain the state of this

particular Samadhi (trance) only because of that. Long afterwords, Kunal and

Kanchanmala came to meet king Ashoka. King Ashoka asked him who had passed

orders for uprooting of his eyes. But even then, Kunal kept the principle of his

Saddharma infact. Keeping in mind the security of Tishyaraksha and also that no

harm should come to anybody for him, he maintained that it was because of his

46

loss of eyes that he had been able to attain the state of that Samadhi. The loss of

his eyes led him to the attainment of Bodhisatwa state.

The chandal ultimately traced out Kunal and in a bid to eliminate his blind

ness, he donated his own eyes, saying :

xjxd Awiwk šwd PqÖ xbtwËQd Zwpwk Rdø PiêPqÖ ZøwM KxkËZ K×xªZ pBËl,

Awiwk døwt ewxeüV Awk dwB„ 20

[I want to devote my munden eyes for whom I have got my eyes of wis-

dom.]

After that Kunal humbly rejected the offer of being the ruler of Panchanad

(land of five rivers). Then the king made him the Dharmadhaksha (religious head)

of Takshashila. As per the request of Kunal, king Ashoka declared Buddhism as

the state religion of the vast empire of Magadha.

The Character of Kunal is the most well constructed and most well planned

character of the novel ‘Kanchanmala’. Haraprasad has employed all the good

qualities of Buddhism into the character of Kunal. Because of the strength of

Kunal’s character, Buddhism has attracted the readers’ sympathy and reverence.

Considered from every angle, the character of Kunal served the purpose of the

author well. His character has also achieved perfection in the novel.

2.2.4 Bener Meye (ÌgËdk ÌiËt) :(ÌgËdk ÌiËt) :(ÌgËdk ÌiËt) :(ÌgËdk ÌiËt) :(ÌgËdk ÌiËt) :

Haraprasad’s second and last novel Bener Meye was published 36 years

after the Publication of Kanchanmala. Before being published in book-form, it

was serially published in Narayana from the Kartik 1325 B.E. issue to Agrahayana

1326 issue. In 1920, the book Bener Meye saw the light of publication in book-

form.

In Bengali literature, Bener Meye is an exceptional novel. Set up in his-

tory, this novel is in essence a living account of ancient Bengal. An unity can be

perceived between the two novels of Haraprasad though these were written at

two different times too far in years :

47

byNêKwËlk gøgcwËdI DedøwËok xgnt ekóekwt HKøoÔ¢ þeûU„ “Kw—diwlw”k

oiwx® iMc oiÛwRø Zaw hwkZgËnê Ëg#¦ cËiêk ÈyKÚxZ I iwpwZôø eÝPwËk; “ÌgËdk

ÌiËt”k Kwxpdyk oÔPdw gwvlwËbËm Ìg#¦ cËiêk Axìæi eÝhwËgk Kwl, xpëbÖ-Ìg#¦

ovNnê; I Ìg#¦ cËiêk eZËdk iËcø xbËt Kwxpdyk oiwx®„ 21

At the time of writing the novel Kanchanmala, Haraprasad was only an

apprentice. The influence of Bankimchandra can be noted in that novel. In the

hands of the writers of historical novel like Bhudeb Mukhopaddhay,

Bankimchandra Chattopaddhay, the historical novel attained a certain artistic level

of a particular kind. In Kanchanmala, Haraprasad followed that style to a large

degree. But in content and characterisation, he maintained his originality. But

Bener Meye is greatly different from that angle. It is a work of his matured years.

All his life experiences and practices made his attitude sufficiently transparent.

He developed an opinion of his own as to the history of Bengal. In the days of

decline of Buddhism, he upheld an imaginary picture of socio-economic back-

ground of Bengal through the novel Bener Meye. As the result, the events, politi-

cal ups and downs and the social messages given in the novel are not merely

imaginary. They are based on a solid historical footing. Haraprasad’s Bener Meye

follows the patternd through which history is recreated, in which guess or infer-

ence and imagination play a role. In the preface to this novel, Haraprasad has

himself remarked :

‘ÌgËdk ÌiËt’ BxZpwo dt; oÖZkwv HxZpwxoK DedøwoI dt„ ÌKddw, AwR

KwlKwk ‘xgšwd-oŠZ’ BxZpwËok xbËd ewaÖËk eÝiwY xhÒ BxZpwoB pt dw„

AwiwËbk k£ßiwvËok mkyk, Awikw ewaÖËk dB, KLËdw pBËZI PwB dw,

‘ÌgËdk ÌiËt’ GKUw Mùe„ Adø ewPUw Mùe Ìjid AwËQ, GI ZwB„ ZËg GËZ

G-KwËlk Kaw dwB„ og ÌoB ÌoKwËlk, ÌjKwËl gwvlwk og xQl, gwxYRø

xQl, ÌNwrw xQl, gøgowt xQl, xmùe xQl, Klw xQl„ gwŠwly GLd ÌKgl

G-ÌKËl ‘MxYKwZËìèk’ Dedøwo exrËZËQd„ GKgwk Ìo-ÌKËl opxRtwZËìèk

GKLwxd gB exrtw iÖLUw gblwBtw lDd dw ÌKd? 22

48

Haraprasad inwardly knew whatever he wrote in the novel contained the

very core of history. But he did not borrow this history from any particular source.

He collected most of his materials from literary sources, combining the history

and legend of the age he tried to capture a picture of the society of these times.

His own considerations combined with the data and informations which he found

through extensive research in the field have gone into the making of the novel

Bener Meye. Afterwards and also in the preface to Bener Meye, he gave senti-

mental expression to his determinations. In calling up reminiscences of the past,

Rameshchandra Majundar shed light on this in the following words :

Zwk GKxU Dx£ß AwRI Awiwk iËd AwËQ : kwLwl, kËim -- Gkw og ewaÖËk

eÝiwY Qwrw xKQÖ xgmðwo KkËg dw„ HxZpwxoK Zaø Ìgk KkËlB glËg, eÝiwY

KB, eÝiwY KB„ GËbk Rðwlwt Awxi BxZpwo ÌlLw ÌQËr ‘ÌgËdk ÌiËt’

Dedøwo xlLËZ ÂkØ KËkxQ„ Ggwk eÝiwY ÌLwËRw„ 23

[I still remember one of his comments - Rakhal, Ramesh they do not be-

lieve any thing without any materialistic evidence ... because of them only I have

started writing Bener Meye ...]

Rameshchandra Majumdar, Rakhal Das Bandopaddhay and Nilamani

Chakraborty once learnt about Indian history from Haraprasad. But later they

formed a group and began to hold opinions different from Haraprasads’. The

result was that there created a distance between them. Rakhaldas Bandopaddhay

wrote and published an article in Prabashi which was none the less a satire that

Bener Meye is nothing but the essence of history :

Zwpwk ‘ÌgËdk ÌiËt’ Dedøwo dËp, Bpw BxZpwËok GËoëo, mKêkw-ix«Z

†xUKw, ewV Kxkgwk oit dylixd P¢ßgZyê Aagw “Awk xW gËëbøw’k

MlwËZI oiËt oiËt AwUKwBtw jwt„ opxRtw-gwËbk Gid oÖëbk oÖlxlZ

iøwdÖËtl Awk dwB„ Ìj-ÌKwd xgmðxgbøwlËt Bpw Ìg#¦ bmêËdk ewVø gxltw

xdxbêûU pBËZ ewËk„ xKìæÖ gwŠwlw ÌbËmk ewxVKw ptËZw BpwËK ÌiwËUB

Dedøwo gxlËZ kwxR pBËgd dw„ 24

49

On the basis of what Rakhal Das said, it may be remarked that at that time

Bener Meye broke out of the set model of the novel. The novelists applied the

techniques and style of contemporary novel and Haraprasad broke that very model.

As a result his novel seemed to be an object of wonder to the contemporary writ-

ers and critics. Haraprasad’s Bener Meye was of a character different even from

his other novels. Rakhal Das’s Shashanka (1914), Dharmapal (1915), Karuna

(1917) and Dhruba (1921) and the like are based on the Gupta empire and the

history of the dynasty and associated affairs. Even Bankimchandra’s historical

novel Rajsingha (1882), Rameschandra’s Maharastra Jiban Prabhat (1878) were

based on stories associated with royal circles :

gxáKiPËëbÝk HxZpwxoK Dedøwo kwRxovp (1882) kËimPËëbÝk ipwkwûUÛ

Rygd eÝhwZ (1878) kwRgÙË£kB Kwxpdy, ZgÖ GB oiþæ DedøwËo BxZpwo

KZUw xgmðþæhwËg gøgpÕZ Ìo ovmt BzxZpwo oiwËlwPKËbk iËcø AwËQ„ 25

Still to what extent these novels were true to history have remained doubt-

ful to the critics and commentators of history.

Nikhileshwar Sengupta thinks that in Kanchanmala the first novel of

Haraprasad, the royal circles have cast their shadows. The writer did not seek to

shed light on the social life there. In Bener Meye, Haraprasad resorted to common

people’s life forsaking the royal ones :

Zwk RdgÙ£ xdhêk Ìmn Dedøwo ‘ÌgËdk ÌiËt’ ÌZ Ìg#¦ cËiêk AgËmn ÌbLwËdw

pËtËQ„ GB DedøwËo þæk xgdøþæ oiwxRK RygËdk QxgB f×ËU DËVËQ„

DedøwËok KwxpdyËZ kwRwk jÖ¦ RËtk Awr¹keÔYê ovgwb xgËmõnY ÌdB, AwËQ

oiwËR AaêÐdxZK Duewbd Ggv gøgow gwxYRø ÌK gw Kwkw xdtìèY KËk,

ÌKwdz ÌmÝYy oiwËRk xdiíZiþæk ÌaËK DâPZi kwûUÛyt eÝmwoxdK þæk ejêìæ

xdtìèY KkËQ, owiwxRK, AaêÐdxZK Agþÿwk PwËe iwdÖËnk ewkþexkK oóeKê

Ky ÌPpwkw xdËtËQ, gÙx£MZ RwxZ†xlk ewkþexkK oóeKê owiwxRK-AaêÐdxZK

xgKwËm Ky ÌPpwkw xdËtËQ - GB oiËþæk gþæÖxdüV xgËmõnY ‘ÌgËdk ÌiËt’ ÌZ þÿwd

ÌeËtËQ„ 26

50

Though the novel did not get recognition from Rakhaldas, no one could

deny that the aim of the novel was to propagate the truths of history.

Haraprasad collected the materials of Bener Meye from his own discover-

ies of ancient texts, both published and unpublished. In this novel, he has aptly

used the Charyapada, Lui Siddha the most ancient poet of the Charyas, the Bud-

dhist society of Bengal, the Hindu-Buddhist coflict and the extermination of Bud-

dhism, the empowerment of the Hindu Brahmins. The reason is Haraprasad hold

the history means the history of common people :

‘pkeÝowb BxZpwo glËZ RdoiwËRk BxZpwoB gÖSËZd„’27

After three years of the publication of Bener Meye, Haraprasad in one of

his articles made this remark :

gxáKigwgÖ LÖxUdwxU Kxktw ÌbxLËZ PwxpËZd dw„ xZxd gËrw xRxdo†xlB

ÌbxLËZd; hwËlw I gËrw xRxdo†xl ÌbxLËZ PwxpËZd, gwxQtw lBËZd„

ZwB Zwpwk gBËt bÖ:Ly MkyËgk þÿwd dwB; jwpwkw ÌLËU Lwt ZwpwËbk þÿwd

dwB„ Zwpwk oKl dwtK -dwxtKwB gËrw iwdÖn„ AhwËgk Zwrdwt Zwpwkw

ÌKöm ewt dw„ ZwpwËbk jwpw ÌKöm, Zwpw ÌKgl ÌeÝËik Zwrdwt„ 28

[Bankimchandra chose the good and the big ones for his novels ... ]

In matters of literary theories and obligations of literature, Haraprasad

gradually went far from the ideology of Bankimchandra. We get a glimps of this

attitude of Haraprasad from his criticism of Bankim literature. This attitude was

the demand of time to make literature self-sufficient. Rabindranath Tagore was

the most succesful advocate of this life view and Haraprasad existed like a bridge

between them :

‘gxáiPËëbÝk lwlËd eÖxûU ÌeËt xdRÈ xgKwËm pkeÝowb D£yYê pËld kgyëbÝjÖËMk iwxUËZ„’29

From the view point of this difference in attitude and appeal, Haraprasad’s

Kanchanmala and Bener Meye are unique creations. In the plot of Kanchanmala

we come accross a need to propagate a particular ideology. On the other hand

Bener Meye is merely a social picture of Bengal. The descriptions of the ins and

51

outs of the social life of Bengal’s history, immediately after the decline of Bud-

dhism have filled up the pages of this book. The story has transcended its limita-

tions and has thrown light on a particular time of history and how it turned to the

flow of life. This captivates the minds of the Haribarma Deb, the Barmana king,

was the son to Jatbarma. Bikrampur of East Bengal was his capital. Nothing about

the time of his rule is known for certain. It is conjectured that he had reigned from

the third decade of the 11th century to the middle of the 12th century. It can be

noted for certain that Haribarmadeb belonged to a time-period much later than

the time frame in which Bener Meye is set. We hear of four Barmana kings of this

dynasty. Jatabarman, Haribarman, Samalbarman and Bhoj Barman. Bhoj Bar-

man, the last Barman king, lost his eminance during the reign of Bijoy Sen, the

king of the Sen dynasty.30 Jatbarman was the founder of the Barman dynasty. He

was a contemporary of Karna (1441-1470) the king of Kalchuri. It was Jatbarman

who achieved the dignity of an independent king from Samanta Goswami.31

Haribarman, Jatabarman’s son, ascended the throne towards the end of the 11th

or the on set of 12th century.

King Hari, the associate of Bhim, the head of the Kaivartas, as mentioned

in Ramcharita who later became the friend of Rampala, is this very Haribarman.

But other researchers do not hold the same view. Haribarman’s capital being shifted

from Bikrampur to the Varendrabhumi and being an associate of Bhim is some-

thing far fetched. Hence Haribarman and the Hari as depicted in Ramcharita are

different persons.32

In his Bener Meye, Haraprasad made use of the conflict of the Brahmins

and the Buddhists in the making of the plot. By the side of the river ‘Beng’, the

Brahminists fought with Ruparaja (Rupa, the king). On some occasions, Haraprasad

violated history but he did not do the same on all occasions :

iÔl MËùek xbK ÌaËK AwËkwxeZ oitoyiw iwdwk gwcøgwcKZwt ÌlLK

byNêZkKwËl gøw® BxZpwoËK ovxq® oiËtk eËU þÿwed KËkËQd„ fËl

52

Axdgwjê pËt DËVËQ KwlwxZ¢ßid„ gwvlwk BxZpwËok GB eËgêk AËdK

BxZpwo eÝxo¦ gøx£ßk Pxk¢ DedøwËo Awdw pËtËQ„ Gkw oKËlB DedøwËok

Kwloyiwk AìæMêZ gw oiKwlyd iwdÖn dd„ DedøwxU kPdwk oit Agxc

GËbk oóeËKê eÔYêwŠ Zaø AwxgÆÚZI ptxd„ GKwbm mZw²yk eÝai xbËKk

eUhÔxiËZ ÌlLw DedøwËo pxkgiwê gw hgËbg h›ËK Deþÿwed xdËt ZwB

Awex£ IËV„ GËK HxZpwxoK xgPÖøxZ glw ÌjËZI ewËk, ZËg DedøwËok

G ckËYk KwlwxZ¢ßiY eÝmÝt ÌeËt awËK„ GËZ DedøwËok owxpZø iÔløI

KËi dw„ xgËmnZ G kPdwk AZ bÔk KwËlk dwdw þæËkk iwdÖËnk

ewkþexxkK oóeKê owiwxRK iwd ijwêbwk ÌpkËfk, kØxR ÌkwRMwk,

ciê-Kiê, AwPwk-AdÖüVwd, owvÆÚxZK Awgp oËiZ ÌMwUw oiwËRk AL« kÕe

eÝZøq KËk ÌZwlwt pkeÝowb xgkl oÙRd-ÐdeÖËYøk exkPt xbËtËQd„ 33

[For framing the main story, Haraprasad has set the history spread over for

a greater period of time in a small time-frame as the background of the novel ...

some times he has used some characters or incidents exceeding the stipulated

time frame set as the background ... these types of distortion of time are admitted

with a view of completing the frame of the then societies and the people...]

Other than stone and copper inscriptions, many other elements of ancient

history are scattered throughout ancient literature and arts the variegated ups and

downs conflicts and struggles of national or common life of ancient times the

social change etc. are subject of national history. A few copper and stone inscrip-

tions are not capable of thoroughly retaining the history of this change. The

historians trying to reconstruct ancient history, often take recourse to imagina-

tion. This does not distort the basic truth of history. On the contrary, inferences

and imaginations lead to opening of new avenues of research and investigation.

The history Haraprasad used in Bener Meye is not based on any authentic text.

But the picture of the 11th century Bengali common life which he has drawn in

the novel has become a faithful one. This did not violate the truth of history. The

truth which Haraprasad possessed about the social history of Bengal, he has ex-

pressed through the novel Bener Meye. This novel exhibits his intense sense of

53

history. Hence, Bener Meye is an exceptional novel in the tradition of Bengali

historical novels.

During the time when Kanchanmala and Bener Meye were written, Bengali

novel went through important transformation. Bankimchandra, Sharatchandra and

Ramesh Chandra Dutta were on the scene. Even the novels of Rabindranath

Tagore such as Chokher Bali (1903), Gora (1910), Ghare Baire (1916),

Chaturanga (1916) were already published. Shrikanta (1917) and Grihadaha of

Sharatchandra created a new class of readers. In Bengali literature, the tradition

of historical novel got wiped out and psychological novels appeared on the scene.

At this time, writing of novels based on past incidents of history was a risky

affair. But Rakhal Das Bandopaddhay, the archeologist, wrote a few novels using

materials from history during this period. In his novels such as Shashanka (1914),

Karuna (1917), Dhruba (1921), Dharmapal (1925) and the like, he has used the

background of the glorious days of the Gupta and Pala reigns. But this is also

nothing but histories of royal circles, but Haraprasad was a bit different from

them :

GxbK ÌaËK oiowixtK KawowxpËZøk AwgpwItwt pkeÝowËbk ‘ÌgËdk ÌiËt’

ÌKI GKU× gøxZ¢ßi iËd Kkw jwt„ Kw—diwlw Ìmn KËkxQËld iMc owiÛwËRø

Ìg#¦ cËiêk bÙs eÝxZüVwk gYêdwt, ÌgËdk ÌiËt ÌZ ckËld Ìg#¦ eÝgwËpk

AxìæZZi Kwl„ byNêxbËdk gøgcwËd ÌlLw pËlI DedøwobÖxUk iËcø xgntMZ

ÌjwMoÔ¢ AwËQ„ 34

Rakhal Das Bandopaddhay, as mentioned earlier, considered Haraprasad

his master in his cultivation of archeology. He was under a deep impact of

Haraprasad. It was Haraprasad who wrote the preface of his Pashaner Katha

(1914), Pashaner Katha is not a novel, but in it the story of the Bharhut Stupa is

related in a Charming manner.35

In the modern era, the state has a great impact on the life of the people. But

in the days of yore it was not so in our country. At that time, the society controlled

54

people’s lives. The rule of the society was felt everywhere in the mutual relation-

ship between the different traits of society, religious practices, rituals, the classi-

fication of professional classes according to the dignity and honour they enjoy in

the society. The rich class who always received royal favour were entitled to im-

pose social discipline of this nature on the professional classes. In our country,

there were always three means of producing and enhancing wealth --- agriculture,

industry and commerce. Haraprasad, in his Bener Meye reflected the dominance

of the commercial class. This novel shows how political and religious powers had

to pass through ups and downs as a result of support and rejection of this com-

mercial class.36

2.2.5 The Plot of Bener Meye :

The first chapter of the novel Bener Meye begins with a eulogy of Rupa

Bagdi the King of Satgaon. It was a hectic day at Satgaon as the next day was the

day of Gajan festival and also that a Buddhist Vihara was going to be set up there.

Lui Siddha, the religious preceptor or Guru of the Rupa king consented to set up

the Vihara and also to perform as the chief Sannyasi (ascetic) in the Gajan festi-

val. A great celebration was about to follow. Fishes were being caught from the

pond called Tarapukur. Lui Siddha, the religious preceptor of the king likes to eat

the core (AwZ) of the fish. So efforts were on to catch big fishes. Many other

Buddhist scholars and siddhas have also arrived. Nad Pandit and his wife have

also come. They are not either less scholastic. The first chapter ends after the

Gajan is over with an introduction to the beautiful daughter of Bihari Dutta. The

second chapter describes the setting up of the Vihara by Lui Siddha, the guru of

the king and a descripton of the colourful state of Buddhism with a slight hints at

the system of society of the time. The Benes (smiths) have a high regard for Lui

Pada and Buddhism. The Brahmins, however, are reluctant to appear before the

Buddhist acharyas.

55

In the third chapter, there is a description of the establishment of the Vihara

with the son of the Guru taking charge of the Dharmapur Mahavihara. Next, there

is an introduction to Bihari Datta with a description of his sea voyage. The part

describing the voyage is really of incomparable beauty. The fourth chapter de-

scribes how the son of Sadhudhani saves the life of Maya, daughter of Bihari

Datta and their consequent marriage. In the fifth chapter, the real conflict in the

novel comes following the death of Maya’s husband and her turning a widow. At

that time the Buddhists tried to take Maya to the Sangha. This is so because ac-

cording to Buddhist principles, all the property of Maya would go to the Sangha

in that case. On the other hand, the Brahminists tried to subvert this conspiracy.

Haraprasad’s great love of Buddhism is konwn to all. The novel

Kanchanmala gives witness to this. The brilliant aspects of Buddhism as men-

tioned in the novel have attracted the readers attention and made the story dy-

namic. On the other hand, the limitations of Buddhism have also been discussed

there. The economic status of the Buddhist Sangha at that time and the interests

of the Buddhist monks for business and trade as depicted in the novel have made

the author’s intention faithful. The condition of Buddhism and the Buddhist Sangha

of the time has been described by Haraprasad faithfully and it conforms to his-

tory. His long cultivaton of Buddhism and deep study of the history of ancient

Bengal have enabled him give such a true picture in the novel.

In the fifth chapter, Haraprasad has analysed this social conflict in detail.

In the sixth chapter, there is a picture of resistance on the part of the Hindus.

Pandudas, the ruler of Bhursut, Shridhar Bhatta and the like gradually became

aware of the probable dangers lying in wait for Bihari Datta. Because Maya is the

only daughter of Bihari Datta and in absence of Bihari Datta she will inherit all

the property of Bihari Datta. Naturally, that the Buddhist Sangha will have an eye

fixed on Maya is quite normal. From the seventh to the ninth chapter, it is seen

that along with these two, Bhabadeb Bhatta, the minister of Haribarmadeb of the

village of Siddhal Maskari alias Bhabataran Pishach Khandi, an attractive char-

56

acter of this novel and Bachaspati Misra have all considered this ensuing danger

to Bihari Datta as national danger and have endeavoured to put up resistance. All

these characters are historical ones. Haraprasad has very deftly set them in the

leading roles of anti-Buddhist Hindu elements. In the tenth chapter, Maya disap-

pears as per Maskari’s plan resulting in the possibility of communal conflict be-

tween the Buddhists and Hindus. To get at the message of the novel, this chapter

plays a great role. The conflict which was taking shape from the sixth chapter

becomes a reality in the tenth. At that time, the merchant Bihari Datta,

Haribarmadeb, Ranashur, the king of Rurh are all set to wage a war against the

Rupa king, the king of Satgoan. Mahipal, the only friendly ally of Ruparaja sides

with him. The Rupa king is in anxiety and suspense. The eleventh chapter de-

scribes the war in which the Rupa king dies in the hands of Ranashur. Megha, the

general of king Rupa flees away and takes shelter in the Buddhist Vihara in Bihar.

After two to three months, Megha entrusts the responsibility of monitoring the

Mahavihara in the hands of Haribarma and goes away to Bishnupur. The son of

the guru gives the keys of the Mahavihara to Haribarma at that time. the Hindu

kings were all very alert. The following excerpts gives evidence to this:

†kØeÖ¢ ipwxgpwËkk Pwxg pxkgiêwk pwËZ xbËld„ pxkgiwê eÝËgm KxkËZ

ÌPûUw KxkËl hgËbg ZwpwËK gwcw xbËt gxlËld ‘ciêþÿwËd ÌKwd AZøwPwk

dw pt ÌoUw Awedwk ÌbLw DxPZ„ Awexd RwËdd Awedwk eËdËkw Awdw eÝRw

Ìg#¦„ GUw ZwpwËbk ciêþÿwd„ Pwxg †kØeÖË¢k pwËZ xfkwBtw xbd„ †kØeÖ¢

GZxbd kÕew kwRwk kwËRø xgpwËkk AxcKwky xQËld„ GLd xZxd Awedwk

kwËRø xgpwËkk AxcKwky„ xgpwËkk hwk Zwpwk pwËZ Ìjid xQl, ÌZixd awK×K„’ 37

After the establishment of a Hindu state, Haribarma became busy with the

division and distribution of Satgaon, determination of the rites rituals and prac-

tices of the men of different occupations and fixing of the different principles of

trade and commerce. At last, he arranged a conferene of scholars and men of

substance in different sphere. Scholars, learned men, artists, poets, sculpters etc.

from all over India were invited. From the fifth chapter of the novel, we find the

57

presence of dramatic conflict which reaches its climax in the tenth chapter and

comes to a close in the eleventh chapter. From twelvth to the eighteenth chapter,

the establishment of kingdom, the fixation of rites and ritualistic practices of men

of different professions, the felicitation of schol ars, artists etc. lead to the close

of the novel slowly and gradually.

Buddhism in Bengal declines with the defeat of the Rupa king. The domi-

nance of the Brahmanical order was again established by Haribarma. The atti-

tudes of the people determined to a large extent the course of this great social

revolution. The thoughts, awareness of the people and indulgence of the ruling

class to this leads to a transformation of the society from within resulting ulti-

mately in breaking of the outer shell creating revolution. Haraprasad realized this

truth. In the novel, Bener Meye Haraprasad has tried to give this very message.

In the tenth chapter, after Maya’s disappearance, the conflict in the novel

assumes a greater dimention. Many people knew that the Buddhists kept an eye

on Maya. As a result as Maya disappeared, people began to hold the Vihara is

responsible for that considering that they had an eye on the property she inher-

ited. Everyone blamed the Rupa king and the other Buddhists for that. The king

Rupa soon declared that it was not the handiwork of the Buddhists. The son of the

guru even sent a message inviting people to search the Vihara if they so desired.

But no one believed them. The son of the guru even expressed his desire to go to

Bihari Datta’s place himself in an effort to make them understand the truth but the

king did not allow him to go:

Ìj hËt kwRw †kØeÖ¢ËK jwBËZ xbËld dw, xgpwkyk g¬Ö gw¬Ëgkw xVK

ÌoB KwkËYB xgpwkyËK ipwxgpwËk jwBËZ xbl dw„ Dht eqB DË£xRZ„

Gid xK jÖË¦k DËbøwMB PxlËZ lwxMl„ 38

This gave rise to a movement in the political sphere of Bengal also.

Haraprasad has very prudently shown the polarisaton of those in power here :

pxkgiêwk kwRohwt GKaw DxVËl xZxd xRšwow KxkËld, xgpwky ÌKwd

ciwêgl¹y?” hgËbg gxlËld, “xZxd bmxgc ovÆwk KËkd, gÜwÊËYk eÝxZ

58

hx£ß KËkd, xZxd xpëbÖ, RwxZËZ Ðgmø pBËlI GLd LwxU ÂbÜ„” ZLd pxkgiêw

gxlËld, “ZËg ÌZw DpwËK owpwjø Kkw AwiwËbk AwgmøK„ gwMzxb kwRw

xpëbÖËbk Dek AZøwPwk KxkËg, Awikw opø KxkËZ ewxk dw„” 39

[When this subject was raised in the court of Haribarmana, he asked :

which religion Bihari Datta belonged to? Bhabadeba answered that Bihari prac-

tices dashabidha sanskar, he respects the brahmins, he is a Hindu. Though he is

Baishya in caste, but now a pure shudra... Then Haribarmana said that, ‘we should

help him in that case...]

Maskari cunnigly kept Maya hidden from public which paved the way for

the centralisation of power in the hands of the Brahmins. The Rupa king clearly

realized that somebody had abducted Maya for which the blame was put on the

shoulders of the Buddhists. But is also true that it was the king Rupa himself who

engaged Maskari to somehow manage Maya so that she might be taken to the

Buddhist Vihara. But they could not make out where he went away with Maya.

The Rupa king asked his minister regarding Maya’s whereabouts :

ÌiËtUwËK lBtw Ìo ÌKwawt Pxltw ÌMl? hwxMøo iÆkyk KawUw ÌlwËK gËrw

RwËd dw, dxpËl AwikwI pwËZ dwËZ ckw exrZwi„ mÝyflgRÛ, Z×xiB dw DpwËK

Awiwk KwËQ AwxdtwxQËl„ 40

It gradually becomes clear that Maskari is actually a spy working for the

Brahmins. He had been staying in different Buddhist monasteries in the guise of

a Buddhist monk for a long time and his real aim was to bring about the destruc-

tion of Buddhism. At last, he got an opportunity to create a conflict between the

Hindus and the Buddhists by displacing Maya to the place where an image of her

husband was being made. Before the conflict turned into a war, Maskari did this

which led the Brahmins to victory in the mental war.

Even after victory, the Brahmins maintained sufficient prudence in their

activities. They did not try to eliminate the Buddhists as soon as the administra-

tion was changed. it was because the chief aim of the Brahmins was to capture

state power. As the war ended, Bhabadeb prevented Haribarmadeb from occupy

59

ing the Buddhist monastery in the following words :

ciêþÿwËd ÌKwd AZøwPwk dw pt, ÌoUw Awedwk ÌbLw DxPu„ Awexd RwËdd

Awedwk eËdËkw Awdw eÝRw Ìg#¦„ GUw ZwpwËbk ciêþÿwd„ 41

Gradually, as a part of the process of social re-organisation the Hindus

incorporated into its fold the whole of the Buddhist society. As the system of

professional classes was re-arranged the Buddhists were indirectly under eco-

nomic pressure. As per Bhabadeb’s plan, Haribarmadeb fixed the social status

and dignity of different men belonging to different professional classes. In the

Buddhist regims, the artists and artisans who commanded respect in the society

were now of no avail -- the social attitude was thorougly changed. Some men of

particular professions even turned secluded (Rl-APl). In order to make this sys-

tem of professional classes permanent, reasons supported by Hindu ideology were

put forward. As a result, the Hindu kings being now in control of the economic

system were able to impose indirectly great financial pressure on the Buddhists.

Socially, there was no way out to overcome that pressure. The result was that in

order to earn a living, men in large groups began to leave the Buddhist monaster-

ies. In this way, Haraprasad made use of his deep historical sense to trace the

causes of decline of Buddhism in Bengal in his novel Bener Meye.

The story of Bener Meye begins with the description of the Buddhist Mon-

astery or Vihara and the colourful procession led by Lui Siddha. The novel has

ended with the beginning of Muslim aggressions in the western frontiers of India.

During this time-frame the story that Haraprasad has woven is a grand one from

the point of view of pervasiveness. He brought to his story the characters of his-

torical men of those times from Bengal and beyond. These historical characters

have made their appearance through threads connecting them to the characters of

the plot :

G RwZyt HxZpwxoK DedøwËo ÌKwd gøx£ß Pxk¢ gr pËt IVwk Kaw dt„

owixMÜK ‘HxZpwxoK ko’ NxUËt ÌZwlwk xbËK AxhxdxgûU awKËZ pt,

GKxU HxZpwxoK Kwl eËgêk eÔYêwtZ MVd f×xUËt Z×lËZ pt„ ÌoxbK ÌaËK

60

owiwxRK-kwRÐdxZK gþæÖ oiwËgËm I HxZpwxoK Kwl egê eÔdMêVËd

pkeÝowb Aowiwdø mx£ßk exkPt xbËtËQd„ 42

[No individual character is given much significance in this type of novels

... the impressions of the total historical sense plays a great role here ...]

The tactful economy and reorganisation of the mode of production by the

Hindu kings pressed the declining Buddhists to the wall more and more :

DâP I xdiígMê Dht þæËkk iwdÖnËK GidhwËg G xgcwËdk g¬Ëd gwcwk ÌPûUw

Kkw pl, jwËZ Ìg#¦ I xpëbÖËbk iËcø GKxU ewaêËKøk oyiwËkLw Uwdw jwt„ 43

After the war is over, when the Hindu kings were trying to determine the

social systems, Bhabadeb Bhatta, the minister to the great king Haribarma gives

the following dictates :

(1) KwkY, og KweËr hwËZk iwr„ dyP RwxZk GËUw QÖËt AÂxP pBËZ pt„ ZwB Awikw

kwËs gÜwÊYËbk MÜwËi RwZ ZwxZ gowBtw KweËr LB -Gk iwr xbgwk gøgþÿw KxktwxQz„

jÖxMk Kwer GËKgwËkBz exr dw, þemêI Kxk dw„

[We do not touch the cloth of the Yugi’s ... because they use the drained

water from rice to starch the colth.]

(2) GLwËd Nwxdk iÖËL Pwirw ÌbItw awËK, Pwirwk ÌVwOw gwxptw ÌZl GKxU KlxoËZ eËr„

Pwirwk þeËmê Ìo ÌZl AÂxP pt„ Ìo ÌZl xKQÖËZB iwLw DxPZ dt„ Awikw gÜwÊËkY MÜwËi

gËëbwgþæ KxktwxQ ÌKUzËKwk xVK iwSLwËd xQbÜ Kxktw NwxdxU ZwpwËZ LÖg AwU Kxktw gowËdw

pt„ Nwxd gwxptw ÌZl ÌKUËKwt eËr„ ÌKUzËKw hxktw ÌMËl dwxkËKËlk iwlw Kxktw ÌZl GKxU

KlxoËZ Z×xltw kwLw pt„ jwpwkw GB kÕËe exg¢ hwËg ÌZl ÐZtwky KxkËg, Awikw ZwpwËbkB

Rl-AwPkY Kxkg„ Piê-ËZËlk gøgpwk GBkÕËe Kxitw jwBËg„

[The ghaani (oil extracting machine made of wood) the Buddhists use,

one piece of cow-leather is used there ... which is untouchable to the Hindus ...]

(3) GLwdKwk iwlykw iwlË— ÂcÖ Ìj f×lMwQ ÌewËZ, Zw dt, iÖkxMI ÌewËn, Awk iÖkxMk xWi†lwËK

f×Ëlk oËŠ f×l gxltw xg¢ßt KËk„ ... GB oKl iwlyËbk Awikw AdwPkYyt gxltw iËd Kxkg„

[The gardeners of the Buddhists keep hens as their pets. So, they are un-

touchable...]

(4) kws ÌbËmk RŠËl GKbl ÌLDxk Kkw ÌlwK AwËQ, ZwpwËbk §wkwB gwOwly Ìg#Ë¦kw KwR

61

PwlwBtw lBtw awËK„ 44

[The Bengali Buddhists have their barbars who eat crowes, so, the barbars

are also untouchable...]

In the same way, the Buddhist milkmen were virtually made social out-

casts. Even the fishermen among the Buddhists were brought to the Hindu fold in

a pre-planned manner. In this manner, to create an unbreakable caste system,

economic pressure and administrative control --- both have been highlighted

clearly.

Bener Meye is not a novel where characters are dominant. Social history

plays the chief role here. As a result, character has been attached individual im-

portance. The character of Maskari is the only exception in this respect. The con-

ference of learned scholars and artists was held and the man behind it was Maskari:

GB oÔË¢ gwOlwk gwBËkk kwRÐdxZK ciêyt-owvÆÚxZK RMËZk AËdK

HxZpwxoK gøx£ßËK xZxd Kwxpdyk oËŠ ovlMí KËkËQd„ Adøiw¢wt

gøx£ßPxk¢ AwKwt Zwk xdeÖYZwk exkPËt G ÌlLKËK GKRd eÝKÚZ

xmùey gËl ÌiËd xdËZ pt„ 45

The character of the religious preceptor Lui Siddha has been brilliantly

drawn. The author has shown sufficient respect to the earliest composer of the

Charyas. On the other hand, the silent love cherished by the son of the guru for

Maya has been sketched with pathetic touches. The extreme renunciation of the

ascetic life and at the same time, the secret love-longings make the son of the

guru a poor soul. In the ceremony of felicitation, he sings self composed song :

gpB dwgy iwS oiÖbwËk, bÖ pk Ìglw„

bwkØY xeAwow, xpA Ìiwk gwcB, Kª Ìmwn ÌMlw„„

xdAxp ewYy, xeg d oKB, ApxYxo xZxo gwcB„

ÌPg d oKB, ÌlwY eBoB, ApxYxo xZxn gwsB„„

AKU ÌRwB, xdgwY PwpB, ÌRwBdy xgdÖ dwxp ewBg„

ÌRwBxd ox£, ÌRwBxd hx£, ZgpÖ xdgwY owcg„„

ÌRwBxd owcy kpB, xgiÖxp ÌiwËk, dwxp ewZAwB„

62

dAËdk ÌKwËY KhÖ dxp ÌpkB, xgdÖ fl Ìiwk RdÖ RwB„„ 46

[Sailing the boat in the middle of the sea,

It is noon,

What a thirst, my heart stops,

My voice is dried up...

Near me I have water but can not drink

The thirst goes up every moment

... ... ...

The ‘Yogini’ whom I want does’nt want me

I do not have peace in mind...

... ... ...

Without her my life is fruitless.]

Everyone present realized that this song is sung for Maya in her very pres-

ence. A silent rebuke could be heard from the place of the conference. As per Lui

Siddha’s advice, the son would have to leave Saptagram for Subarnadweep at

once. The novel Bener Meye ends in preparation for this.

2.3 Short Story :

When Haraprasad appeared on the literary scene, Bengali short story was

not even able to transcend the boundaries. But efforts were on to do the same.

Short story in many countries have grown out of a particular state in between the

mind of the writer and social thoughts. The Bengali short story has not yet reached

that state. That mental agony and social self questioning were under a process of

preparation through rising political complexities. Bankimchandra has left its trace

in his Kamala Kanter Daptar. Rabindranath is the epoch-making author of the

Bengali short story. He had not thought of writing short stories yet. But he could

hear the call of time and he proclaimed himself as a perfect artist of the short story

in appropriate time. In this transitional period of Bankim and Tagore, Haraprasad

tried his hand at writing two short stories - Bamuner Durgotsab (gwiÖËdk bÖËMwêuog)

and Panch Chheler Galpo (ewP ÌQËlk Mùe).

63

His Bamuner Durgotsab (gwiÖËdk bÖËMwêuog) was published in 1326 Bengali

Era, in the magazine. The story nicely relates how the son of the Brahmin could

manage to retain the annual Durga Puja worship despite being in financial crunch.

On the other hand, Panch Chheler Galpo (ewP ÌQËlk Mùe) tells how man can achieve

success and establishment through the practice and cultivation of various human

qualities. The story is told in a light hearted, drawing room mood. The story

presents how human traits can be the means of attaining one’s goal. In the two

stories, we find the erudition of a Brahmin together with the experiences gathered

through a deep study of Buddhist literature.

2.4 Miscellaneous :

Valmikir Jay : Valmikir Jay was serially published in the magazine

Bangadarshan in the Poush, Magh, Chaitra issues in 1287 Bengali Era. It was

published in book form in the year 1881 A.D. The third edition of the book came

out in 1902. Ramani Ranjan Sen, Professor of Chattagram College, translated the

book into English and published it under the title The Triumph of Valmiki in 1909.

Bankimchandra Published a lengthy review of the work in Bangadarshan. In

Bangabasi, another review of the book was done by Debendra Bijay Basu. Be-

sides them, many others reviewed the book and appreciated it. Among them Silvain

Levi deserves mention.

Valmikir Jay (gwlôyxKk Rt) falls in the category of narrative writing.

Haraprasad collected the material from the Hindu mythology and reshaped and

remodelled the characters of Basistha, Biswamitra and Valmiki. In this narrative,

the purpose of the three characters is to bring about unity between man and man.

But the three follows three different ways. Basistha believes in the greatness of

intelligence. Biswamitra seeks to bring about unity in the world through muscle

power. Valmiki, on the other hand, believes that human unity in the world is pos-

sible only through moral strength and human love. In the long run, Basistha and

Biswamitra accepts defeat and apologise and the whole world stands united un

64

der a single umbrella through the songs of love, friendship and brotherhood of

Valmiki. As regards Valmikir Jay (gwlôyxKk Rt) Bankimchandra wrote :

KwËgøk eÝcwd DuKnê --- Kùedwt„ Bpwk Kùedw AxZmt ixpiwity„

FhÖxbËMk AwMid, xgmðwxi¢, xgmðwxiË¢k oÙxûU, xgmðwxiË¢k Ac:ewZ,

ÌK#mw¹yk jš, AËìæ xgkwU bmêd --- jwpw ÌbL oKlB ixpiwity Kùedwt

oiÖŒðl„ 47

[The excellence of poetry is in its imagination. Its imagination is very high...]

Haraprasad wrote ten articles on various subjects on light issues. These

are-

1) Ìj#gËd oÒøwoy (Ascetic in youth)

2) eÝKÚZ eÝYt I xggwp (Real love and marriage)

3) GKRd gwOwly MhdêËkk A ÖZ gykZð (Heroic activity of a Bengali Governor)

4) ÐZl (Oil)

5) pÕbt Dbwo (The vacant heart)

6) þèy xgeõg (Woman Revolution)

7) bÖMwêeÔRw (The Durga worship)

8) gøwËdwMy xUµðw (Byanogi Tibba)

9) xSëoy (Jhinsi)

10) Go Go gcÖ Go, Awc AwPËk go’ (Come, Come, my friend)

In these articles, often Haraprasad has uttered serious things in a light

hearted manner. These writings at times read like journalistic narratives.

In addition to these, his first writing was Bharat Mahila, published in book

form in 1881 A.D. But it was published earlier serially in the Magh, Phalgun and

Chaitra issues of Bangadarshana in 1282 Bengali Era. We have discussed it ear-

lier.

_________

65

END NOTES

1. Bijit Kumar Dutta : Bangla Sahitye Aitihasik Upanyas, p. 4

2. Ibid, p.24

3. Ibid, p.41

4. Preface, Kanchanmala : Rachana Sangraha-1, p.80

5. Rachana Sangraha-1, p. 189

6. Smarak Grantha, p.188

7. Ibid, 189


9. Smaraka Grantha, pp.107-108

10. Binoytosh Bhattacharya : Haraprasad Rachanabali, Vol-II, Preface, p. 46


12. Ibid, p. 189

13. JASB, May 1910, pp. 259, 262

14. Hem Chandra Roy Chowdhury : Political History and Ancient India, pp. 264-65

15. Idid, p.323

16. JASB, NS, Vol-VI, No-5, 1910, p. 260

17. Rachana Sangraha-I, p. 190

18. Idid, p.145

19. Idid, p.154

20. Idid, p.186

21. Shipra Rakshit Dastidar : Haraprasad Shastrir Sahityakarma, pp. 117-118

22. Rachana Sangraha-I, p.198

23. Rameshchandra Majumdar : “Haraprasad Shastri”, ‘Haraprasad Shastri Smarak

Grantha’, pp. 107-08

24. Rakhaldas Bandyopaddhay : Haraprasad Shastri Smarak Grantha, p. 609

25. Nikhileshwar Sengupta : Haraprasad Shastrir Itihas Chinta. p.138.

26. Ibid, p.138

66

27. Ibid, p. 138

28. Rachana Sangraha-II, p.306

29. Satyajit Choudhury : Haraprasad Shastri, p.51

30. Ranjit Kumar Sharma : Epigraphic Records of Bangladesh : A Historical Study,

Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, Burdwan University, 1985, pp. 313-324. quoted in

‘Haraprasad Shastrir Sahitya Karma’, by Shipra Rakshit Dastidar, p. 119

31. Ibid, p. 313

32. Ibid, p. 321


34. Satyajit Choudhury : “Pratihata Aupanyasik Prativa”, ‘Smarak Grantha’, p.382

35. Smarak Grantha, p.342

36. Nihar Ranjan Roy : Bangalir Itihas, Vol.-I, p.275

37. Rachana Sangraha-I, pp.297-98



40. Ibid, p. 289

41. Rachana Sangraha-I, pp.297-98

42. Satyajit Choudhury : “Pratihata Oupanyasik Prativa”, ‘Smarak Grantha’, p.389

42. Nikhileshwar Sengupta : Haraprasad Shastrir Itihas Chinta. p.139

44. Rachana Sangraha-I, pp. 315-17

45. Satyajit Choudhury : Haraprasad Shastri, p.53


47. Ibid, pp. 562-63

_________

67

CHAPTER-II LITERARY WORKS : A CRITICAL...

Documents

Transcript of CHAPTER-II LITERARY WORKS : A CRITICAL...