CHAPTER : II

SHAH WALI-U ALLAH : TIMES, LIFE, WORKS AND MODES OF HIS RELIGIOUS THOUGHT

Shah Wali-u Allah (1702-1762/1114-1176) was the product o f the early

eighteenth century. It was the age when the M uslim world was passing through a serious

political crisis. M uslim nations were under the suzerainty o f either the Ottoman empire

or Iranian em pire1. Both the empires, however, did face internal as well as external

m enaces and challenges. Russians had waged a war against the Ottomans in 1284/1867

C.E. and the Afghans attacked on the Iranian empire in 1134 A.H. conquering one o f its

important cities, Isfhan2. The internal conflicts and rivalries between the Turks and the

Arabs, t h e Shiah and the Sunni in Iran and Afghanistan were deteriorating the solidarity

o f the M uslim nations3. On the other h an d ,th e Europe that had been tremendously

developed in its intellectual and economic experimentation during the 17th century got a

considerable penetration into the Ottoman and the Indian soil and influenced the socio­

political environm ent o f the M uslim nations. The influences expressed itself into the

w es t’s imperialist establishments and organisations, throughout the M uslim lands

1. Cf. Maulana Syed Abdul Hasan AN Nadvi, Tari’kh-i Dawat wa Azimat, Part V.,Majlis Tahqiqat wa Nashriyat-i Islam, Lucknow, PP. 15-20.

2. Ibid., PP. 20-41.

3. Ibid., and John Obert, Vol. Islam : Continuity and Change in the ModernWorld, West View Press, Boulder, Colorado, 80301, PP.39-66.

37

subsequently4. At the advent o f Shah W ali-u Allah, the Indian subcontinent had fallen

on the fortunes o f its, w eak and feeble rulers and the uprisings o f the hostile groups

within the empire did accelerate its declining process.

T h e Reign o f the L a te r M ughn ls : A n O verv iew

The age o f Shah W ali-u Allah witnessed the rule o f eleven rulers, succeeding the

throne after Aurangzeb (1028-1119/1618-1707C.E. ). N one o f them however, could

regain the stability o f the empire that had been set by the latter. Bahadur Shah

(M uham m ad M u ’zam), the eldest son o f Aurangzeb ruled for about ten years (1702-

1712 C.E.). A lthough h im se lf a mild and forbearing his reign got immersed in

confrontations. His innovation into Friday Khutaba by the w ords ‘Ali W ali-u Allah

W asi - ur R asu l’ hurt the feelings o f the Sunni and they protested against it in large

gatherings. The em peror ultimately had to w ithdraw this addition in Khutba5. In the

north the Sikhs, however, disrupted the peace6. Jahandar Shah who succeeded the

throne in 1712 was a feeble and pleasure loving king. He was exploited by his Wazir,

Zulfqar Khan and spent most of. his time in merry m aking with his concubine La’l

4. Ibid., Vol. I, PP.39-86.

5. Shiekh Muhammad Ikram, History of Muslim Civilization in India and Pakistan, Part II, Institute of Islamic Culture, Lahore, 19 , PP.336-337, Cf. Sayyid Akhtar Abbas Rizavi, Shah Wali-u Allah and His Times, Ma’rifat Publishing House 16, Patey Street, Campbell, Australia, 1980, PP.113-114.

6. 0 Ibid; (Shiekh Muhammad Ikram, P.336).

38

Kumari. The entire tone o f his administration was vulgarised and his reign lasted for one

year was first imprisoned and then put to death in 1703 C .E .7. Farrukh Siyar followed

him in 1115/1713 and the fomers reign too was unhappy. He owed his kingship to the

Sayyid brothers - Sayyid Ali and Sayyid Husain Ali — who'had, been appointed the all

powerful wazirs of the empire . Due to his own fickle nature Farrukh Siyar became a

puppet in the hands o f these two brothers and the other nobles like N izam al M ulk and

Mir Jumlah went into the background who could otherwise overcom e the exploitation9.

The Sayyid brothers even sought the help from the M aratha under Balaji V ishwanath in

order to pressurise the emperor for their ulterior m otives10. This selfishness o f the

brothers led them to blind and imprison the emperor till he died in 1719 C.E. The king

makers then enthroned Rafi al Dawlah who too became their victim in both the

administrative and the private m atters11. In September 1719, when he died M uham m ad

Shah succeeded him as the new emperor whose region lasted for about 29 years.

He too was under the tutelage o f the Sayyid brothers but this time their

influence had been weakened and became popular due lo their fatal treatment lo Farrukh

Siyar amd entrusted the affairs o f government to Ratan Chand. With the passage

o f time the resentment against the brothers increased and their power o f making

7. Ibid; Tarikh Mashaikh Chest, Part IV, Idara Adabiyat Delhi, 1984, P. 63.8. Syed Abul Hasan Nadvi; Op.Cit, PP.50-51.9. Shiekh Muhammad Ikram; Op.Cit, PP.338-339.10. Ibid.11. Ibid; P.340.

39

and unm aking the king came to an end when Sayyid Hussain Ali was assassinated and

Abdullah Khan was im prisoned12. This did not however improve the conditions o f the

empire. The subsequent rise o f the M aratha power and the invasion o f Nadir Shah in

1738 on India were the stunning blows to his em pire13. In this critical situation there

was a general hope in N azam al M ulk for saving the empire. He fought in battle against

Nadir Shah and even suggested (he useful reforms lo the em peror to improve the

adm inistration but the later did not pay the proper attention to them w hich led him to

leave Delhi in despair in 1740 C.B. for Deccan where he played a good role in

consolidating his state till his death (1748)14.

One more worrying development resulting from the growing weaknesses o f the

central authority, was the establishment o f hereditary vice royalties in some o f the major

provinces o f the empire. The centre was now deprived o f these provinces which had

virtually become independent. During the reign o f M uham m ad Shah, hereditary

viceroyalities were in Punjab, the Deccan, Bengal, Sind and Oudh. In Punjab and Sindh,

m ainly owing to the intervention o f external forces from the W est this did not result in

the immediate establishment o f independent kingdoms, but in the Deccan, Oudh the

some extent in Rohilkand it resulted in the rise o f principalities, over which the central

governm ent had only nominal authority15.

_ _ _

13. Syed Abul Hasan Nadvi; Op.Cit, PP.53-57.

14. Ibid.

15. Shiekh Muhammad Ikram; Op.Cit, PP.344-348.

A hm ad Shah and Alamgir II were the last two emperors w hose reign Shah Wali-

u A llah’s witnessed. A hm ad Shah who ruled from 1162-1168/1748-1754, was active

young man but failed in making effective improvement in the empire. His xvazir Safdar

Jang following the policy o f se lf aggrandizement and was devoid o f far sighted

sta tesm anship16. He was dominated by Gazi-ud-Din II, grand son o f N um an al-mulk.

Safdar Jung left Delhi for Oudh to realise his interest there. A hm ad Shah was not,

however, in good terms with the new wctzir and got him disposed in 1168/1754.

Alam gar 11 ascended the throne in 1168/1754, h im se lf a man o f good intentions, placed

before h im the pattern o f Aurangzeb w hose title he adopted. He was an old m an o f fifty

years and could not face the predicament o f the time that had reached the stage beyond

his con tro l18. The M aratha had grown powerful and the British began their ascending in

India during Alamgir 11. The emperor was put to death by Gazi-ud Din as the formers

had friendly terms with Najib al Dawlah, place his own puppet on the throne when

A hm ad Shah Abdali replaced by Alpti-gen under the t i tU o f Shah Alam in 175919. His

w as the period w hen the Mughal empire was undergoing the final stage o f the decline

and during reign the emperor proved a puppet in the hands o f others. When the nawabs

o f Oudh, Shuja al Dawlah and M ir Qasim got defeat in the Battle Buxar in 1178/1764 at

the hands o f the British, Shah Alam could not but recognised the authority o f British

16. Ibid; PP.357-358.17. Ibid.

18. Ibid; P.358.

19. Ibid; P.359.

41

and had an agreement with them accepting their salary and rendering them an authority

to collect the revenues o f Bengal, Bihar and Oudh provinces20. He failed to exploit the

success o f Panipat Battle in 1175/1761, in which the M arhata got a defeat, to his side

and to save the empire from its deplorable collapse21. Though the em peror got ample

time to rule yet his feebleness, being imprisoned in Allahabad for 10 years and returned

to Delhi in 1185/1771 when the new crisis had spread all over the empire that rendered

him helpless to confront the situation. He was blinded mercilessly in 1788 and till his

death (1806) spend his life in this plight. The period witnessed the ugly scene o f the

empire and the hostile forces rose to the occasion22.

The Role of the Sikh, the Maratha and the Jat Uprisings

Apart from the internal conflicts and rivalry am ong the rulers and nobles there

were some hostile groups which rose in power against the M ughal aristocracy. The ch ief

am ong those groups were the Sikhs, the M aratha and the Jats. The Sikhswere in good

terms with the M ughal rulers until a conflict arose between the two by Guru A rjun ’s

acting as a rival political force o f the empire23. During the reign o f Aurangzeb an effort

was made to suppress their rebellion and discourage their hostile attitude towards the

20. Syed Abul Hasan Nadvi; Op.Cit, P.57.

21. Ibid; PP.57-58.

22. Ibid and Sir Richard Burn (ed.) The Cambridge History of India, S.Chand &Co. Delhi, 1963, Vol.IV, P.418.

23. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Op.Cit, P.25.

M uslim rulers24. W hen Bahadur Shah 1st. was on the throne o f Delhi, the Sikhs

reasserted their power by bringing a man named Bandah resembling with Guru Gobind

Singh as a reborn Guru o f the Sikhs to lead them in a war o f independence against the

Muslims. Bandah took the title o f Sacha Padshah and calling h im se lf Govind Singh,

sum m oned the Sikhs to jo in their Guru who had reappeared25. In response to his call,

m any zealous assem bled marched in arms to Sonipat, some twenty five miles away from

north Delhi where the Faujdar came out utterly unprepared and was defeated. This

success em boldened Bandah and brought many into his fold and in the company o f

50,000 m en he conquered Sadhaura near A m bala and com m itted grave atrocities26. The <»

Sikh attack on Sirhind in 1122/1710 was, however, more alarming and embodied

gruesome atrocities. An European historian, W illiam Irvine, refers to this tragic episode

as following:

After a feeble defence of two days, the town was taken. Everyone who, for want of carts or other conveyance, had seen left behind, was made prisoner, only those Muhammadans who disguised themselves and laid in the houses of the Hindus, escaped injury.The scavengers and leather dressers and such like persons, who were very numerous among the Sikhs, committed excesses of every description. For the space of four days the town was given up to pillage, the mosques were defiled, the houses burnt, and the

24. Ibid; P.26.

25. Shiekh Muhammad Ikram, Op.Cit, P.336.26. Ibid.

43

Muhammadans slaughtered; even their woman and children were not spared. Some say that unborn children were taken from the womb and killed before their dying mother’s eyes27.

Nadir Shah’s invasion on India in 1152/1739 also encouraged the Sikhs to

spread more panic and violence. In 1178/1764 they captured Lahore and established

28their power from Jehlum to Jamuna .

The Maratha and the Jats were not less menace to the Mughal empire during the

first h a lf o f the 18th century. Although Aurangzeb I during the later 26 years o f his rule

shattered the unity and power o f the M aratha but the geographical situation o f the

29 •empire did not enable him to destroy their power completely . O w ing to their own

weakness, and internal feuds the successors o f Aurangzeb m ade the M aratha to regain

their vigour and political strength. W hen there arose rivalry between Farruk Siyar and

the Sayyid brothers and Sayyid Hasan Ali made the M aratha his friends in Deccan and

agreed to pay chuth and Sardashmukhi from the State o f Balaji W ishwa Nath. The

M aratha alongw ith Sayyid Hasan Ali made advances in 1132/1719 towards Delhi to

attacK it. The son o f Balaji Baji Roa invaded Gujarat Bandlekhand and collected

27. William Irvine, Later Mughals, (Vol.1 & 12) Atlantic Publishers and Distributors,New Delhi, 1991, P.96. Cf. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Op.Cit., P.27.

28. Ibid., (Khaliq Ahmad Nizami).29. Ibid; P.28.'

30. Ibid; P.29.

44

revenues from their cities. As such the Maratha overshadowed completely the legitimate

government in Gujarat, M alwa and Bundlekand carrying on their campaign further

towards Bengal, Bihar and the Doab . Foreseeing the gravity o f this ferocious advances

o f the M aratha Shah Wali-u Allah h im se lf had to write Ahm ad Shah Abadali for

extending his help in rescuing them from the atrocities o f the M aratha and saving the

32empire from its decline .

The rise o f the Jats also posed a grave threat to the Mughal empire. Residing

generally in proximity o f the capital they were a constant terror to the people o f Delhi.

They did blunder, murder and inflict many other kinds o f atrocities on the Muslims

mercilessly. Harcharan Das, the author o f Chahar Gulzar-i Shujai describe the suffering

o f the people on the eve o f Jat attack as following.

The inhabitants of Delhi roamed from house to house, in despair and bewilderment, like a wrecked ship tossing on the waves, every one was running about like a lunatic, distracted, puzzled and unable to take care of himself33.

31. Ibid; PP.29-30.

32. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Shah Wali-u Allah Kay Siyasi Maktubat, Aligarh (datenot given), P.31.

33. See Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, “Shah Wali-u Allah Dehlavi and Indian Politics 18th.Century",.Islamic Culture, Hyderabad, Vol.XXV, 1951, P.135.

45

J. N. Sarkar in his estimate o f the Jat terms their attacks on Delhi as horrible and

distructive34

Socio - Religious Conditions

Like the political conditions the Social and religious environm ent on the eve o f

Shah W ali-u Allah was not good. The society was hierarchical where umara, jagirdars

and com m on people had built their own barriers o f living. Umara and nobles o f the

M ughal aristocracy had been living a life o f luxury, spending the public treasury

arbitrarily for their private comforts and political m aneuvering35. The jagirdars hardly

paid tax to the governm ent and, on the other hand, they afflict sufferings to the peasants.

The m ansabdars also failed to collect revenues from the public. As a result o f this

lawlessness and economic deterioration got prevailed in the society. The com m on

people were at the mercy o f jagirdars and m ansabdar and the frequent sectarian and

com m unal feuds also used to add their miseries36.

O w ing to the political and the economic crisis o f the age the people had been

mislead on the nam e o f race, sects and ‘conservatism ’. The Turani and the Irani elements

became the points o f contention am ong the rulers and the nobles o f the empire.

34. Ibid., See also B.A.Dar, “Wali-u Allah and His Times”, Iqbal Review, Karachi, Vol. 6, No.3, Oct., 1965.

35. Syed Abul Hassan Nadvi, Op.Cit., PP.61-62, Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Tarikh Mashiakh-i Chast.ldarah Adbiyat, Delhi, PP.42-43.

36. Whah Wali-u Allah, Hujjat al-Allah al-Balligha, Delhi, P.44.

46

Rivalries and disturbances took place on their affiliations and patronage to the particular

religious sect. Farrukh Siyar’s innovation into Friday Khutba with the words o f ‘Ali

Wasi-ur Rasul’ and the prohibition o f the Shiah procession in the month o f Muharram

by Imad al Mulk, the grandson o f N izam al M ulk can be seen in the context o f this inter­

sectarian rivalry o f the M uslim s37. Since the com m on masses had hardly any access to

the righteous scholars o f Islam, the corrupted scholars could not guide them on the right

path nor reform their beliefs and rituals which had impact o f the un-Islamic cult. The

w rong custom s like bowing before the Shiekh, frequent visiting to the graves, arranging

lights there as a mark o f respect and seeking help from the dead had crept into the

religious life o f the people38. However, a large group o f society had been influenced by

Tawhid and other teachings o f Islam, in its pure form, but due to the lack o f proper

support and encouragement from both the ulama and the rulers they could disseminate

their faith and practices39. Shah W ali-u Allah h im se lf refers to this religious condition

o f his age as following:

Don’t seek bia’ah from the contemporary mashaiakh and never enter into their discipleship. The reason for this is that now-a-days they are indulged in the various kinds of accretions and customs. Don’t get deceived by the (apparent) fame, public attendance and the abundance of disciples; nor be deceived by

37. B.A.Dar, Op.Cit,, PP.30-31.

38. Syed Abul Hasan Nadvi; Op.Cit, PP.62-63.

39. Ibid.

47

their 'miracles’. The attitudes and fanaticism of the common

. masses are rooted into their customs and conventions and the

customary things are never worth to trust (in comparison to the

Divine teachings and guidance). The present day karamat-lovers

have generally taken bewitchery and bewilderment as

'miracles’...40.

The precise estimate o f the religious and social milieu o f Shah W ali-u A llah ’s

age by the m odem scholar, Syed Sulymnn Nadvi is also apt to mention, who writes:

The sun of the Mughal empire was about to set. The Muslims were

indulged in accretions and customs with full vigour. The false

mashaiakh and sufis had spread their masnands in the khanaqas

of their elders and were using lights on their graves. The schools

chiefly concentrated on logic and philosophy while the fuqaha only

paid lip service to the subject. The research or in-depth study into

this subject was taken a crime. Not to talk of the common masses

even the elite (kawwas) had been unaware of the knowledge of the

Quranic teachings the guidance of hadith and the secrets as well

as benefits of the fiqh41.

Shah Wali-u Allah : His Ancestors and Early Life

The family o f Shah W ali-u Allah had migrated from Arabia to Iran and after

40. See Abu Sulyman Shah Jahanpuri, “Hazrat Shah Wali-u Allah Key Ahd Kay Ikhlaqi Aur Mazhabi Halat", Al-Rahim, Hyderabad (Pakistan) November 1966, P.413.

41. Vide Syed Abul Hassan Nadvi, Op.Cit., P.64.

48

settling there for years it came to India42. In India his fore-fathers settled in Rohtak,

about thirty miles west from Delhi43. According to Shah W ali-u Allah the first o f his

• >44 • ,ancestors who migrated to India was Shiekh Shams -ud-Din Mufti . On the basis ol *

Shah Wali-u A llah’s ancestry line, one o f the contemporary historians, Abul Hasan Ali

Nadvi, holds that Shiekh Shams-ud-Din would have come to India in the late seventh

century or early eight century A.H. It was the time, says the historian, when the Tatar

invasions had sacked the eastern world o f Islam including the cities o f Iran and

Turkistan and the elites o f those cities had to migrate to India to protect their

religiousness and reassert themselves to overcome the hostile forces. He is known as the

first Quraishite who settled in that town o f India and introduced there the teachings and

practices o f Islam. Shah W ali-u Allah attributes great services o f valor and religion to

his ancestors which they rendered under the Muslim rulers o f Inida45. Shiekh Wajab al-

Din, the grand-father o f the Shah served as sufi and was the last m an o f his ancestors

42. The reason of their migration to Iran is not known. The source and the biographers have not made a mention of it. However, on attaing the titles of honour like malik by some of his family members it can be assumed that the conducive political set up of Iran during those times might have proved the way for their migration to the country.

43. Shah Wali-u Allah, Anfas a l-A rifin (Urdu Trans.) Maktaba al-Falah, Deoband (U.P) P.231.

44. Ibid.

45. Shah Wali-u Allah, Op.Cit, PP.238-246.

49

who adopted the government service. He had served in the army o f Augranzeb 1st and

depicted great feasts o f bravery. He had three sons - Abdul Raza M uham m ad, Shiekh

Abdur Rahim and Shiekh Abdul Hakim47. Shiekh Alxlur Rahim was the father o f Shah

Wali-u Allah.

S h ie k h . Abdur Rahim (b. 1054/1644) on account o f his achievements was

distinguished am ong his brothers. Apart from his wide travels, he had attained higher

education in fiqh, philosophy, Scholasticism (ilm al-kalam)48. In mysticism he was

guided by Sayyid A bdullah Akbarabad49 and Shiekh Abdul Qasim Akbarabad50 and

discussed the mystical issues with khawja Khurd, the son o f Baqi Billah. After the

cohipletion o f his formal education he was reluctant to earn his livelihood through the

government job . W hen he was asked by his class-fellow, Mullah Hamid who was on the

board o f scholars revising the Fatciwci-e Alamgiri to w ork with them on the project in

lieu o f certain remuneration, the Shiekh denied to enter into such services. It was the

insistence o f his mother that made him to jo in the service which he did not even

47. Ibid.

48. See A.D.Muztar, Shah Wali-u Allah, Islamabad, (1979) P.25.

49. He was a Sufi of his times who left his home after the death of his father andlearnt the Quran byheamt fronraqari who lived in jungle. Shah Wali-u Allah has given a description of his Sufi life in Anfas al-Arifin.

50. . He was the disciple of Shiekh Wari Muhammad Narnuli and Amir Abu al’laHussiani Akbarabadi. The latter had a common sufi orders, Chistiyya andNaqashbandiyya. See Arifas al-Ariffn, PP.66-68.

50

continue later on51. Accordingly to Shah Wali-u Allah, his father was almost adhering to

the madhctb o f A bu Hanifah but in some matters he even resorted to the hadith or under

his intuition could p r e f e r the ruling o f the other madhctb52. The Shiekh, says the Shah,

had a great reverence for Shiekh M uhi-ud Din Ibn Arabi and was influenced by his

Fusus al Hakim yet was reluctant to explain its contents before the com m on public as

most o f them could not understand it and might fall into the b lasphem y and infidelity53.

Abdur Rahim believed, under his own intuition, that he had reached a very high level o f

m ysticism and was the qayim o f the universe. Such a claim was asserted by the

M ujadid A la f Thani about his son Shiekh M a ’sum; the qayim o f his time and his

descendants also take this status as their prerogative54. Shiekh A bdur Rehm an is also

renowned for his founding the M adrasa Rehmiyya near Kotala Firuz Shah55 and the

51. A. D.Muztar, Op. Cit, P.26.

52. Maulana Syed Abul Hasan Ali Nadvi, Tarikh-i Dawat wa Aimat, Part V., Majlis Tahiqat wa Nashriyat Islam, Lukhnow.

53. Ibid; P.84.

54. S.Athar Abbas Rizvi, Shah Wali-u Allah and His Times (A Study ofEighteenth Century Islam, Politics and Society in India, Canberra,Australia, PP. 210-211.

55. It is said that the Madrasa was originally located in a building associatedwith Feroz Shah Mosque at Kotla Feroz Shah near Taqhiqabad (West Delhi). After Shah Wali-u Allah returned from Hijaz the Madrasa Was shifted to the centre of Delhi near Jamia Mosque. In the uprising of 1857the Madrasa was reduced to runis. Now no trace of it is visible. SeeJ.S.Bajon, Religion and Thought of Shah Wali-u Allah Dehlwi, Leiden.

51

syllabus o f the madrasa was more or less identical with the traditional one w hich the

ulama usually, studied during those t im es56. The Shiekh married twice as after the death

o f the first wife from w hom he had one son57, he remarried the daughter o f his disciple

Shiekh M uham m ad Phulti. From his second wife two sons were bom , Shah W ali-u

Allah and Shah Ahl al-Allah. Shah A bdur Rahim died at the age o f seventy seven in

Ram zan, 1131 A.H. Shah W ali-u Allah was bom on 4th Shawal, 1114A.H/21st

February 1903 A.D. in a village called Phulat58. Before his birth, his father Shiekh

A bdur Rahim had a vision while meditating at the tom b o f Khwaja Qutb al-Din

Bakhtiyar Kaki (d .634/1236) and was conveyed that a son would be born to him w hom

he should nam e Qutb al-Din A hm ad59. At the time o f his birth, the vision was not fresh

in his mind so he named the child W ali-u Allah (the protege o f Allah). N o sooner the

vision got recollected in him he renamed the child Qutb al-Din60. It was, however, the

form er name (W ali-u Allah) that became famous and was also used by him frequently61.

56. A.D. Muztar, O p.C it PP.27-28.

57. His name was Salah ud-Din who died in his youth. See TarTkh Dawat wa , Azlmat, Part VI.

58. Rahim Bakhsh Dehlavi, Hayat-i Wali, Lahore, P.219, Cf. M.S.Abul Hasan Nadvi, Op.Cit., P.97; S.Athar Abbas Rizvi, Op.Cit, P.213. A.D.Muztar, Op.Cit,

P.36. J.S.Baljon, Op.Cit. (Introduction); and G.N.Jalbani Life of Shah Wali Allah, Delhi (1980) P.1.

59. M.S.Abul Hasan Nadvi, Op.Cit., P.98.60. Ibid.

61. Sayyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, Op.Cit., P.213.

52

Shah W ali-u Allah grew up in a good environm ent o f religion and learning. In

the age o f five years he jo ined his father’s seminary and in the next two years completed

the simple reading (nazircih) o f the Q ur’an62. Apart from his offering the five times

prayer, the Shah jo ined his father in tcihjud raising his little hands like those o f his

father6'. This might have reminded his father o f the vision seen prior to the birth o f the

child in which he saw the two tiny hands raised up with his own at the same time o f

night64. Being h im se lf a receptive and talented boy, the Shah acquired everything from

his father and the other teachers. Sooner he began to study Arabic and Persian books. At

the age o f ten he started reading Sharh Mulla. a book on Arabic grammar, and could

also understand the books 011 the elementary philosophy65.

The Shah had to complete the syllabus o f the Madrasa in the next five years.

A ccording to him he started the study o f comm ents o f Jami (d,14()2) on al-Karya that

deals with Arabic syntax at the age o f ten. When he reached the age o f fifteen he

completed almost all the courses prevalent in the Indian traditional schools o f the tim e66.

They include tafsir, hadith, fiqh, logic, ilm al-Kalam, mysticism philosophy, grammar,

philosophy and medicine. Their syllabus was an extensive im provement to the one that

62. A.D.Muzlar, OP.Cit., P.39.63. Ibid.

64. Ibid.

65. Ibid.

66. Since the Madrasa had a prestegious Syllabus it included the courses of almost all sciences of traditional institutes of the time.

53

was taught in India during the early rule o f the M uslims and ShiekhAbdur Rahim would

have also played a role in improving the standard o f the syllabus67. Texts which the

Shah studied on the various subjects other than literature has been mentioned by the

biographers but about the text o f the latter very little is mentioned. Scholars assume that

the Shah whose Hujjat al-Allah al Ballighci depicts the rich and marvelous use o f

Arabic language might have been the result o f the good literary texts which the Shah

would have studied at the seminary68.Another distinction o f the syllabus was that it laid

a greater em phasis upon the Quranic studies with lesser aid from the commentaries

which, they thought, would create confusion in the mind o f the reader69. While

reminding o f this quality o f the studies, the Shah expresses his gratitude to God for

being provided with an opportunity o f having lectures on the (verbal) translation o f the

Quran and the occasions o f revelation70. This opened new vistas o f his thought and

subtle points about the different scienccs(ulum) dawned upon his m ind71. At the age o f

lourteen the Shah was married to a daughter of his maternal uncle, Sheikh IJbaid Ullah72. As

67. M.S.Abul Hassan Ali Nadvi, Op.Cit., P.100.68. Ib id ; PP.100-102.

69. A.D.Muztar, Op.Cit., P.41.

70. Ib id.

71 Ib id ; P.42

72. Shiekh Ubaid-ullah was the son of Shiekh Muhammad of Phulat. This was the first marriage of Shah Wali-u Allah and he remarried when his first wife died whom one son, Shiekh Muhammad was born.

he reached the age o f fifteen lie started teaching at his fathers seminary and the same

year ho had formally taken hui'ah by his father and initialed the practising o f mystic

73 74vitfcs as well . After he had helped his father in teaching for tw o years, his father died .

Shah Wali-u Allah took the responsibility o f the madrasa after the death o f his

lather and with the help o f its old graduates he managed the school affairs efficiently.

He gave lectures on the various sciences and provided instructions in theoretical and

practical mysticism.In preparing his lessons, he made extensive study o f the works o f

different authors and the schools o f thought in fiqh and tasaw w uf75. His occasional

sitting at the grave o f his father in meditation bless him with inspiration and knowledge

by,which he could solve the problems o f Tav/Wid,jadb and Saluk16. Between the age o f

seventeen and twenty nine, the Shah worked almost exclusively as teacher and

continued his studying o f the works on fiqh o f four schools and works on hadith on

which they were based. This m ade him a fiqh-muhaddith who is a scholar combining

both jurisprudence and traditions77. *

Journey to Haramain and Its Impact

Shah W ali-u A llah ’s journey to Haramain (M akka and M adina) in 1443/1730 is a

73. Supra n.70.

74. Ibid.

75. Ibid.

76. Ibid.

77. Ibid.

55

turning point in his career. The journey was a deep pursuit o f the Shah to observe

pilgrimage and taken under his knowledge at the great centers o f religion •. Journey to

Hejaz, during those times was very difficult and risky due to the lack o f proper facilities

and the dangers o f the F.uropean mariners in the way78. To reach Surat, the sea port o f

India, one had to cross the towns o f the Maratha and the Jat who used to commit

atrocities on the M uslim 79. Under such circumstances his relatives did not allow him to

go to Hejaz yet the Shah determined to realize his aim and left India in the month o f

• 80 •Rajab 1143 . His cousin M uham m ad Ashiq and friend Nurullah Budhanwi

accom panied him uplo the soa-port81. The same year he performed llajj. 11 is stay at the

Harmanian was for about tw o years and he returned back to Delhi in Rajab 1145 A.H.82.

Shah Wali-u Allah performed hajj twice in Makka and the most o f his time was

spent in learning from the teachers o f repute. The Shah h im se lf had mentioned the

names o f three such teachers, belonging to M akka and Madina, from whom he learnt the

78. Although some hold that the Shah had the journey under the fear of the persons who opposed his translation of the Qur’an yet most of his biographers do not conform to this and on the contrary, view it as an advanced pursuit of his career. (See A.D.Muztar Op.Cit ).

79. Supra n. 68 ,PP.108-109.

80. Ibid.

81. A.D.Muztar, Op.Cit., P.48.

82. Ib id; P.49.

56

knowledge o f traditions, jurisprudence and m ysticism83. One o f them was Shiekh Abu

I'ahir M uham m ad Ibrahim al-Kluirdi al Madni (d .Ramdan 1145/1733). l ie lived in

Ma'dina and had got a high position among the scholars o f the time. He was an eminent

traditionist and mystic who did influence the Shah by his great erudition and was

regarded as a matchless teacher by him after his father, Shiekh Abdur Rahim 84. Shah

Wali-u Allah learnt all the six books o f Hadith with him and was given the permission

to transmit his knowledge onwards. The Shah, simultaneously, left a good impression

upon the Shiekh o f his own erudition and the Shiekh had recognised him an authority on

the meanings o f the words o f Traditions83. The Shah was fully satisfied with the

Shiekh’s lessons on the science o f Traditions and it broadened his understanding about

the differences between the Traditions and jurisprudence. The Shah like his father

followed the Hanafi madhab and Shiekh Abu Tahir followed the Shafi’i school. With

the latter he got an opportunity to study the Shafi’i madhab viz-a-viz the I Ianafi madhab

and came to know that there is no basic difference between them 86. From the Shiekh,

the Shah got benefited in sullsm as well. Shiekh Abu Tahir as initiated in suiism, by his

father and the admirer o f Ibn A rab i’s philosophy o f sufism appreciated the Shah’s

interests in the discipline and transmitted his sufi robe to the Shah which became a mark

83. Supra n. 67, P.109.

84. Shah Wali-u Allah, Anfas al-Arlfin (Tr.Sayeed Muhammad Faruq al-Qadri) Maktaba al-Falah Deoband (U P), PP.375 403.

85. Ibid.

86. A.D.Muztar, Op.Cit., P.54.

57

o f authority to the latter to respect the Sufi orders and initiate the discipleship on his

8 7own .

Shiekh Wnl'dullah88 and Shiekh Taj ud-Din I lanafi89 were the other two teachers

from whom Shah wali-u Allah was benefited. Both o f them were from Makka. With the

former he read Muwatta o l 'Im am -i Malik and received certificate (sanad) from him for

reading, quoting and teaching o f hadith and its sciences (ulum f °. from Taj ud- Din

Hanafi, the Shah learnt the lessons on Bukhari, Mawatta and a few chapters o f Musnd al

Darmi Kitab al Athar(of Imam-i M uham m ad)and got permission from him to relate

hadith o f Muwatta91.

Apart from his learning the sciences o f various subjects from the scholars o f

Haramain^the Shah got many spiritual experiences and visions while he used to meditate

at the hoUf precincts o f K a’ba and the tomb o f the Prophet (SAW ). By these mystical

speculations he collected a treasure o f gifts that led him to his spiritual perfection92.

87. G.N. Jalbani, Life of Shah Waliy u Allah, Delhi, 1980, PP.27-28.88. It is said that Shiekh Wafdullah was the pupil of Shiekh Hasan ‘Ajmi, the

tradition'll: and Sufi.

89. Shiekh Taj ud. Din Hanafi was the mufti of Makka and taught hadith and fiqh there in addition to his official duties. See Anfas al Arifrn, PP.401-402.

90. Cf. A.D.Muztar, Op.Cit., P. 51.

91. Supra n. 89, P.402.

92. A.D.Muztar, Op.Cit., P. 56.

58

Shah Wali-u Allah conforms to this that the liajj which in itself is a great blessing o f

Allah engendered many other blessings to him. One o f them was thal he was given the

insight into the mysteries and the other was his meeting with the Prophet (SAW ) in a

vision'1'. The blessings were given to him in a series o f visions seen by him and were o f

far reaching importance in his future career. In one o f his visions at M akka,the Shah saw

that Imam-i Hasan and Imatn-i Husain had called on him at his home, the former giving

him a pen to point o f which was broken but soon withdrawing his handon the second

thought, that Husain might mend the pen first for him and then he would have it94. He

was told that the pen was o f their grand-father, Prophet M uham m ad (SAW ). The Shah

was given the pen after Husain had mended it and they also gave him Prophet’s mantle

o f white and green stripes95. After the vision was over the Shah praised God for His

mercy and felt inspired o f devoted thoughts. In the other vision, seen again in Makk^

t 'iie Shah saw the king gaining victories over the M uslim swwere made subject to

annihilation and the resign o f terror was spread overthe land consequently the M uslim

turned to him to know the Will o f God at the moment. His answer was to break down

the whole system. A civil war took place in which even Muslimswere divided into rival

groups. The victory however fell to the M uslims and the king o f the unfaithful was

killed and his forces dispersed96. In the same vision the Shah saw h im self being

93. Ibid.

94. Ibid.

95. Ibid.

96. Ibid., 798P.57.

59

honoured with the distinction o f q a ’im-i Zaman (the religious pivot o f the age);7. The

visions seen in the precincts o f the Prophet’s tom b were about the nature o f

controversial issues o f mysticism, jurisprudence and the Khulqfa al Rashidim)S. These

and the other visions which cleared his doubts have been recorded in his Fauz al

Haramain.

The journey to the Harmain made a deep impact upon the S hah ’s thought. He

was elevated both intellectually and spiritually. Sciences o f hadith and fiqh were learnt

by him extensively and to his best satisfaction. In India he learnt it form Maulana

M uham m ad Afdal o f Sialkot which had not quenched his thirst ’9. Excluding Shiekh

Abdul Haq Muhadith Dehlvi there was hardly any scholar who had made an outstanding

contribution to the Science o f Traditions in India. A contem porary scholar’s view is

worth considering who hold that the ch ie f purpose o f the Shah’s Stay at the Harmain

was to equip h im se lf with the deep knowledge o f T raditions100. For its attainment in a

proper and satisfactory way he esteeflned his teachers highly and even continued to

correspond with them even after he was back to Delhi. The journey favoured him also

with the inspiration to rejuvenate the sciences o f Islam and play a role o f qa 'im al-

zaman-a religious scholar and reformist in his future life in the subcontinent. Such

97. Ibid.

98. Ibid.

99. Ibid, P.58.

100. M.S.Abul Hasan Nadvi, Op.Cit., P. 113.

60

contributions are evident from educational achievements at the Madrasa, literary works

and in formulation o f his school o f thought as well as in his endeavors to revive the

solidarity o f M uslim polity in the subcontinent.

Works of Shah Wali-ii Allah

From the time o f his return back to Delhi on 14th Rajab 1145/3 list Dec 1732 to

his death on 29th Maharram 1176/30lh August, Shah Wali-u Allah devoted most o f his

time to literary activities and teaching. To relieve h im se lf from the routine tasks in his

lather 's seminary he trained few pupils in various branches o f religious sciences to

teach while he spent his energies to deliver advanced lectures and to the writing o f

books ,101 Gradually his financial position got improved and he was provided with a

huge manision in Shahjahanabad (old Delhi) where he lived rest o f his years with his

family in a good house , a part o f it was used as the sem inary102. A m osque was also

attached to it, a place o f meditation for the disciples o f Shah besides its serving as a>

place o f worship. The seminary became an important place o f learning for about a

century and it was managed well by the desciples o f Shah Wali-u Allah. During his first

year o f reign, Alamgir II granted 51 bighas o f land to the Shah in Haveli Palam for the

M adrasa but during the uprising o f 1857 A.D. it was burnt to ashes by the British103.

101. Sayid Athar Abbas Rizvi, Op.Cit., P. 220.

102. Ibid.

103. Ibid.

6I

Shah Wali-u Allah was a prolific writer and throughout his carccr, he wrote on

almost all branches o f traditional learning. They include tafsir, hadith, fiqh, kalam,

aqa 'id, sufism, history and politics.He also wrote poetry, letters and biographies. The

scholars differ on the total num ber o f the works written by Shah Wali-u Allah. An early

biographer o f the Shah. M. Rahim Bukhsh, writes that the num ber o f the books is forty

f ive104. M uham m ad Ayub Q adri105 and J .N .Jalbani106 gave their num ber fifty eight and

fifty respectively. Maulana M uhamm ad Manzoor N u m an i107 says that the known and

unknown books o f the Shah comes upto one hundred. Hafiz Ibrahim Siyalkoti writes

that it exceeds to two hundred108. According to S .A .A .Razvi109 the num ber o f known

titles is seventy and ha lf o f it arc very short treatises. The exact num ber o f the treatises

is still unknow n and it has became increasing due to the scholars growing interest in the

biography and achievements o f Shah W ali-u Allah. The titles o f the treatises which have

become known through the endeavors o f the Scholars are given as following:

I. Fatha abRehnum: It is a Persian translation o f the Q ur 'an which Shah Wali-u

Allah had started before his sojourn to Hejaz and got it completed after

104. See M.Rahim Bakh Dehlvi, Hayat-i Wali, Lahore,

105. See al-Rahim, Pakistan, June 1964, P.17.

106. G.N.Jalbani, Life of Shah Waluyullah, Delhi, P.32.

107. Al-Furqan, (Shah Wali-u Allah Number) Bareli, 1360 A.H., PP.388-89.

108. See his Tarikh-e Ahl-e Hadith, Delhi, P.16.

109. S.A.A.,Rizvi, Shah Wali-u Allah and His Times, Australia (1980), P.221.

62

returning back to Delhi. It is in simple style neither too literal nor too idiomatic.

The translation is ragarded one o f the best translations o f the Q ur’an.

2. A l Fawz A! K a b ir j i al Usui al Tafsir : This is a brief treatise on principles o f

tafsir in Persian. The book has been introduced as the text by the various

traditional schools within India and abroad. It has been translated in Urdu by

M aulana Rashid Ahm ad Ansari and in Arabic by M uham m ad M unir ud-din

Damshaqi and in English by G.N.Jalbani.

3. A l Muqaddintah f i Qawanin al Tarjamah: This is a small treatise in Persian on

the principles o f translation, it is an independent work o f Shah Wali-u Allah and

should not be confused with the 'M uqaddm ah ' to Fatha al Rehman.

4. Fatha al Kabir bi ma la Bud Hafza f i lint al Tafsir : It is a small book in

Arabic on the essentials o f tafsir. It is actually (he filth chapter o f the al Fauz al

Kabir in which the extraneous*and strange expressions o f the Quran are treated.

It is also regarded as the completion o f his Al Fauz al Kabir.

5. Tdw’il al Aliaditli: The book is in Persian and deals with the rational

interpretation o f the miraculous incidents, mentioned in the Q u r’an about the

lives o f the Prophets. The books attempt to find the material cause o f the

incidents like the birth o f the Prophet ‘Isa, the crossing o f the Nile by Musa and

bodily change o f the Isra’ilis into monkeys. The book has been translated into

English by (i. N. Jalbani.

63

Al-Musawwa j i Aliaditli al-Muwatta: It is a comm entary on the M uwatta o f

Imam Malik, the founder o f Maliki School o f fiqh. The work is an attempt to

rearrange the traditions in Muawlta and reconcile the differences between the

Hanafi and the Shafi’i Schools o f fiqh.

Al-Musaffa Ji Ahadith al-Muwatta: The book is a com m entary on Muwatta in

Persian and treats the same theme i.e. to find the formula o f the reconciliation o f

fiqh differences. The book is the Shah’s posthumous work whose fair copy was

made by his disciples in 1766, Sheikh M uham m ad A shaq and M uham m ad Din

after the Shah’s death.

Chahal Hadith: It is a collection o f forty traditions o f the Prophet which cover

the fundamentals o f Islam.

A l Dur al Thamin f i ’l Mubashirat al-Nabi al-Amin: This is a small treatise in

Arabic, containing those traditions o f the Prophet which were comm unicated to

him in a dream.

A l Fazl al Musin f i al Salsis min Hadith al Nabi al Amin: It is a small books

in Arabic that deals with the authorities o f the traditions o f the Prophet. This

treatise,according to Dr.M azhar Ba<^ah,is called Musalsalat also.

IWamlir min Ahadith Sayyid al-Awa’il Wa'I A w a lh i: The work is Arabic and

deals with some rare traditions.

Shark Tarajint Abmib al Bukltari: The work is in Arabic and makes a critical

study o f the chapter o f al-Bukhari, a famous collection o f Traditions made by

Imam Bukhari. it has rich annotation also.

Al-Irsliad ila Muchimal Urn al-isndd: It is a work in Arabic about the

authorities o f ahadith to apprise the people o f the importance o f this science.

Hujjat al-Alldh al-Baligha: This is regarcUis the opus m agnum o f Shah Wali-u

Allah written in Arabic. It deals with the philosophy o f the Shariah and covers

alm ost all desciplines o f life. He has made an extensive use o f Traditions in the

book w hich makes it an authentic collection o f hadith. The terminology used is

almost the same used in the classical literature o f Islam. The book has been used

as text in the madaris o f Arab world and those o f the sub-continent. Some o f its

portions are studied it\ post-graduate courses in Arabic. Translation o f the work

have been done in U rdu by M aulana Ubaid A llah Sindhi, Abdul Haq Haqani and>

Wajidi. Recently Hermansahas made its English translation and was published

from E. J. Brill, N ew York.

Al Budur al-Bazigha: This is in Arabic and serves as a counter part o f the

S hah ’s Hujjat-al Allah al Baligha. It was after the latter and recapitulates in the

term s discussed earlier although in b rie f and comprehensive manner. The book

has been translated into Urdu as well as in English. Baljon considers the work as

more important than the Hujjat.

16. Tafhimat-i llltiliiyah: The book is a collection o f articles and letters composed

at different times. It is both in Arabic and Persian and deals with themes o f

mysticism, theology and legal affairs.

17. Hani'dt: The work is in Persian and deals with the historical developm ent o f

Islamic mysticism. It also gives the account o f the mystical experiences o f the

early brotherhoods and elucidates their importance without exem pting the

observance o f the Shariah from the Sufi path. The book has been translated into

Urdu by M uham m ad Sarwar.

18. Lamhdt: The work is in Arabic and discusses the philosophy o f mysticism with

speculations on being, a'ycm thabila, lajalliyat al - nafs al kulliya, Classes o f

angels etc. It has been translated into Urdu and English.

19. Sata'dt: It is in Arabic and deals with the mystical philosophy. Most o f its

themes arc about the life after death and the Divine manifestations working in

the universe.

20. Fuyuz al Haramain: The book is in Arabic dealing with the spiritual

experiences and visions which he had in the precincts o f Mecca and Medina

which throws light on the nature o f various religious issues and the future life o f

the Shah. Urdu translation o f the w ork has been done by M uham m ad Sarwar.

21. A lta f al-Quds: It is in Persian and treats the inner dimension o f mysticism.

22. A l Intibali Ji Saldsil Awliy’a ' Allah Wa Asanid warithi Rasul Allah: It is in

Persian and gives an account o f sufi orders.

23. A l Qawl al Jamil Jl Bayan Sawa' al - Sabil: The book is in Arabic and deals

wilh the qualification for a Sufi guide and the rules for the o f a novice. It also

contains to account o f practices peculiar to various sufi orders. Its Mulvi

Khuram Ali Sahib

24. Al-Kltair dl.Kuthir: It is in persian and treats the subject o f mysticism. It is

regarded as one o f the socalled treatises o f the Shah on the subject. Shah

M uham m ad Ashaq, the desciple o f Shah has written its comm entary and its

Urdu Translation has also been published.

25. Kashf al Ghayn Jl Sharh-i R ab’yation: A persian comm entary on the sufi

rubayat o f Khawaja Baqi B i’llah.

26. Qurrat al ‘Aynayn Jl Tafilil Sliaykliayn: The work is in Persian and discusses

the controversies on the Shaikhism, Abu Bakr and Umar and refutes through the

evidences o f history apersions p f the Shiah on them.

27. Izalat al-Kliafa’ ‘an KliildJ al al Kliulafa: It is in Persian and deals with

jurisfication o f the orders o f succession o f ju s t four khulafah o f the Prophet. The

book has been translated in Urdu by M. M uham m ad Abd al-Shakur Sahib

Faruqi.

28. A l Insd f f i Biydn al Sabab al Iklitildf: This is one o f the important works o f *

Shah Wali-u Allah. It is written in Arabic and deals wilh the evolution o f fiqh

schools (madahib). It also discusses that the differences between the various

67

m adahib are not in fundamentals and they are in matters o f insignificant nature.

The book has been translated in Urdu by M aulana Sadr-u Din Islahi.

29. Iqd al Jid JI Ahkdm al Ijtihad Wat Taqlid: The work is in Arabic and deals with

the queries about ijtihad and taqlid. The author maintains that the door o f ijtihad

is not closed,it can be exercised by the person who qualifies its conditions. He is

also o f the opinion that taqlid is allowed to the person who is incapable to

perform ijtihad and such persons can follow any o f the four imams in their

religious matters. The book has been translated in Urdu by M. Sajid Adb al-

Kahman Sidiqui.

30. A l ‘Aqidat al Hasanah: It is a small book written on the religious beliefs which

are expounded by the Sunnis.

31. Maqaddamat al Sunyyah: It is a small treatise in Persian on the sunni religions

beliefs.

32. Surur al Mahzmn: It is a Persian translation o f Nur al uyun Ji Talkhis al Siyar

al Amin Wa-al Mamun o f Ibn Sayyid al Nas. It is on the sirah o f the prophet

(SAW ).

33. Anjas al Arifin: It is in Persian and has biographical notes about Shah Wali-u

A llah ’s fore fathers, teachers at Haramain and gives also a brief sketch o f his

own life. The work has been translated in Urdu by Syed M uham m ad Faruq al-

Qadri.

68

34. Shafa al Qiililb: It is in Persian and deals with mysticism.

35. Shanili Hizb al-Bahr: A Persian translation o f famous invocations.

36. Fath a! Wudud li M a’rifat a! Junud: The work is in Arabic about the

knowledge o f beings.

37. A war if: The work is in Arabic and treats the subject o f mysticism.

3tS. Sliarli liub'iyatain: The Persian commentary on the two couplets o f Khawja

Baqi Billah.

39. DiwTui o f Shah Wali-u Allah: It is a collection o f Poem s in Arabic compiled by

Ishaq bin M uham m ad Irfan o f Bareli (d.1234 A.H/1818 A.D).

40. Persian Poems: Shah Wali-u Allah also wrote poetry in Persian which is found

, in Hciyat-e Wali and Kalimat-e Tayyibat.

41. S a r f Mir: A book on gram m ar in Persian.

>

42. Shah Wali-u Allah Kay Siyas-i Maktubat: It is a collection o f letters in persian

which Shah Wali-u Allah wrote to influential political persons o f his time

including Afghan noble, Ahmad Shah Abdali. These letters have been selected

Irom the collection,of 358 made by Shiekh M uhammad Ashiq and his son Abdur

Rahman,by Prof. K. A. Nizami with Urdu translation.

43. Letters contained in ‘Hayat Wali9: These are 11 letters selected by the compiler

from this collection o f letters o f Shah Wali-u Allah which is in his possession.

These letters are in Arabic.

69

Letters contained in ‘Kaliniat-i Tayyibat': These are twenty four letters

in Persian and Arabic lo various important personalities o f the lime.

Risdlah-e Danishmandi (Persian).

Al-Sirr al Maktum f i Asbdb Tailwin al-Ulunt (Arabic).

Wasiyyat Ndnwh (Persian).

Fayz al ‘Am (Persian).

A l - I t ’isdm (Arabic).

Hamshiyya Risdlah Lubs -e Alininr (Persian).

Wariddt (Persian).

NHi ay at al IJsul (Persian).

Al-Anwar a! Muhammadiyya (Persian).

Fathe al Islam (Persian).

Risdla Dar Radd-e-Rawdfiz (Persian)

Kashf al Anwar (Persian).

Al Tanbih Ala Mayali tajir llaihi-al Muhddis wa al Fiqih (Arabic).

A ’rab a I Qur'an

Asar al-Muhaddithin

Kasalah f i Mas 'alah I Ini al Wajib

Risdlali al-l)elilawi.

62. A l - A n fa s al-Muhammadiyya.

63. Mansur.

Following arc the books which have been attributed to Shah Wali-u Allah:

/ . Ma Yu lib HaJ'z al Mandzir.

2. Qawl-i Jili.

3. R isd la A w d ’il.

4. F ayza lA m .

5. Qurrat - a l’A in J i Abtal al Sliah dal al Husain.

6. Janiial al Aliy yah J i Manaqib al M u ’avviyyah.

7. Tuhfat a! - Muwahidin

8. al-Baldgh al Mubin.

9. Ishara - e Mustamarrah.

10. Qawl - i Sad id.

Religious Thought o f Shall Wali-u Allah : An Overview

Shah Wali-u Allah is renowned for establishing his religious thought. It is wide

and multi-dimensional. In the Shah, religion (Din) received a profound interpretation

and exploration. His expertise in the traditional sciences, on the one hand, and a deep

awareness about the contemporary socio-political scenario, on the other hand, shaped

his thought in a distinguished manner. It constitutes its own system which is

characteristic o f the philosophy o f aqa'id (Beliefs), laws o f Din vis-a-vis its socio­

political vitality. Synthesis (tatbiq) and reformist mode sets also a remarkable trends in

his religious thought.

Philosophic aspect o f Shah Wali-u A llah’s religious thought is manifested at

various levels. By philosophy is meant wisdom, asrar (secrets) and purposes o f

relig ion110. According to the Shah both the esoteric and exoteric principles o f religion

foster the total growth o f man. lie attempts at finding philosophy and asrar o f the

fundamentals, principles and laws o f religion. In it he elucidates the creation o f man, his

position, responsibility (taklif), and his civilized growth. These them es are discussed by

treating the basic principles and teachings o f I s l a m " 1. Here the Shah employs the mode

o f a mutakalim (theologian) yet o f a distinguished nature. W hile reflecting on the beliefs

o f Islam he reinterprets them in such a way that even a com m on reader is m oved by its

effectiveness. In it he avoids the use o f the Greek dialectics and metaphysics which has

influenced the early Muslim theologians112. Conversely he formulates a system o f his

own that is wide, understandable ai*d tends towards that o f a psychologist113. In his

110. Shah Wali-u Allah, Hujjat Allah al Baligha, Deoband (1986) PP.29-30.

111. His Hujjat Allah al Baligha and al-Badur al Bazigha are the Chiefrepresentative works of this trait in Shah Wali-u Allah.

112. See supra, Chapter 1 of the present work.

113. Phychologist in the sense that the themes relating to the nature and social roleof a man are sometimes treated with the psychological and behavourist things by Shah. Cf. J.S.Jalbani, Religion and Thought of Shah Wali-u Allah, New York, (1987), PP.64-69.

72

interpretation o f the beliefs o f Islam particularly belief in Allah and Prophethood he

says that God-consciousness is natural to both man and animal and it is found in their

depending upon the protection and sustenance (rabubiyah) o f God. The aqli m a’ashi

(rational intellect) in man leads his intellectual and social developm ent at an ordinary

level. It is, however, the higher reason ( ‘cmayat-i Rehmani) which is reared by the

guidance and teachings o f the Prophet whom Allah has revealed His knowledge and

message. The latter forms the knowledge o f higher level and it leads man to realise his

talents properly for the material and spiritual happiness (sa ’aciah)"4. It is, according to

the Shah, the will o f man on which the latter follows good (birr) or wrong (ithm) and

here lies his freedom which is ultimately governed by Determinism o f God. Freedom o f

will is to be accountable in the Hereafter (akirah) vis-a-vis its deeds. Shah Wali-u

A llah ’s system o f theology is, therefore, formed on the natural disposition o f man from

which emanates his God-consciousness being potent with the rational thinking for

the com m on understanding o f the universe, man finds his perfect growth as the supreme

creation o f God, by dint o f the revealed guidance. Wali-u A llah ’s approach to the beliefs

and the basic teachings o f Islam explores its vitality for the justice, perfection and the

happiness o f m an ” 5.

Philosophising the teachings o f religion and exposing its secrets is also evident

in Shah Wali-u A llah ’s treatment to the discipline o f tasawwuf. T asaw w uf which has

114. Infra. Chapter III of the present work.115. Cf. Muhammad Abdul Haq Ansari, “Shah Wali-u Allah’s Philosophy of the

Islamic Shari’ah' in Islam”, Islam and the Modern Age, Vol.XIX No.3, 1988.

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been extensively dealt with by the Shah, is conceived by him a m ode or m ethod o f

m an 's spiritual journey wherein he experiences various states (ahwal) and stations

(iiiaqamdt). The Shah calls il the path of salUk wherein lie attempts to attain the stage

'ihsan ’ are made which is the highest stage o f the believer (mitmin) on the earth. In the

path the purification (lazakiyah) o f the soul manifests in the m ethods and practices o f

azkcir, maraqabah, majcthadah, jcidb, mushadah al Haq and the absorption in Godly

colour (sah^al al AHah)u<\ While exposing the objectives and secrets o f mysticism, the

Shah brings out its harm onious correlation with the Shari’ah. To him a sufi is always

bound to follow Shari’ah. Allthough Shah Wali-u Allah h im se lf was trained in the

discipline o f Naqashbandiyah order o f tasaw w uf by his father but he regarded with high

esteem the other three sufi orders prevalent in the subcontinent - Sura-wardiyyah,

Qadriyyah and Chistiyyah117. His own philosophy o f tasaw w uf was subservient to the

principles o f Tawhid and the laws o f the Shari’ah and he rejected those existing

1 18practices, custom s and cults which contradict to the basic tenets, o f Islam . In his>

writings, the Shah is seen building the system oftasaw w uf on profound basis, on the one

hand, and reforming it from the wrong and corrupted practices, on the other hand. His

genius is at work when he responds to the two approaches o f T asw w uf -

approaclnaof Ibn Arabi and mujadid AlafThani. His is remarkable one for attempting the

116. Infra; Chapter 111 of the present work.

117. Cf.A.D.Muztar, Op.Cit., P. 59.

118. Cf.S.A.A.Mawdudi, Tajdid wa Ahya’ Dm, Markazi Maktaba Dehli.

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reconciliation o f the two approaches to the subject119. This aspect o f the Shah’s thought

can be, thus, described as the philosophising the esotricism o f religion in the language

o f sufism through which the stages o f m an ’s spiritual growth are explored.

Shah Wali-u A llah’s religious thought is also marked by its formulation o f a

120universal paradigm which some scholars term as ‘holist trend’ in his thought . This is

devised by him in his concepts o f al ray-i al kulli (universality o f purpose) and irtifaqat

(civilizational devices). 1'he former distinguishes man from that o f the animal who has

al ray al Juzwi (individuality o f purpose) and man finds his growth in the inductive,

empirical and other methods to realise his objectives properly. Al-ray al kuli motivates

him towards irtifaqat which are, as per his description, the four stages o f the social

development. In his first irtifaq man fulfills the basic needs o f his life like food,

• • 121 sheltering, communication, marriage in a ordinary way or primitive m anner . In the

second irtifaq he fulfills his needs and necessities o f life with zarafah (aesthetics) and

hikmah (w isdom ). The sciences ape devised to deal with the m odes o f dress, eating,

householding, agriculture, business and is operation. Second virtues and morals form

the way o f life under this irli/aq'22. This irtiffiq co-ordinates and controls the various

interactions o f the people in the form o f the political organisation called state

119. Infra, Chapter 111 of the present work.

120. See Muhammad al-Ghazali, “Holistic Trend in Islamic Thought : Pioneering Contribution of Shah Wali Allah”, Hamdard Islamics, Vol. XVIII, No.4, 1985.

121. Shah Wali-u Allah, Hujjat A llah al-Baligha, Deoband, PP.113-130.122. Ibid,

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(maciinah). This is necessitated to avert the aggression from the external forces and

prevent the acts o f injustice among its own c itizens12'. The unity, co-operation and

obedience to the head o f the state (imam) are the main features o f the third irtifaq. W hen

the several states exist at a particular time and quarrels took place am ong them or many

issues and the body politic o f the states is affected by the various crisis and problems.

To overcom e these inter-state quarrels and their harmful effects the necessity o f the

establishment o f the higher political organisation emerges whose head is called imam-i

'azanii2‘\ This is the fourth irtifaq which constitutes the highest developm ent o f human

socio-cultural, economic and political organisation and is also termed as khilafah.

Although the formulation o f this paradigm o f his thought is the culmination o f

inductive reasoning and empirical observation but the traditional argumentation (the

arguments from the Q ur’an and the Sunnah which the Shah rarely employs in the

concept o f irtifaqai) does also conform to its substance. The university o f the paradigm

is by dint o f its comprehensive and vital traits.

The method o f synthesis and reconcilation also contributes much to the

distinguished nature o f Shah’s religious thought. Synthesis (tatbiq) is found in his

treatm ent to the sciences o f the Quran and the hadith and specially in the fiqh-

disagreem ents ol the madahih (schools o f law )1' \ It is also found in his approach to

123. Ibid.

124. Ibid.

125. See Infra, Chapter IV of the present work.

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tasawwuf, ijtihad and Un]lid[2(\ Tlie Shah represents the moderate and reformist

approach to these subjects127. Synthesis employment, in an efficient and effective way,

in the religious interpretations and explorations epitomises the S hah 's dynamism and

productivity which has led a significant impact upon the subsequent Islamic scholars

and reform movements o f Indo-Pak sub-continent.

126. See Infra, Chapter V of the^resent work.