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Lives With Others: ClimateChange and Human-AnimalRelations∗

Rebecca CassidyDepartment of Anthropology, Goldsmiths, University of London, London SE14 6NW,United Kingdom; email: r.cassidy@gold.ac.uk

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2012. 41:21–36

First published online as a Review in Advance onJune 28, 2012

The Annual Review of Anthropology is online atanthro.annualreviews.org

This article’s doi:10.1146/annurev-anthro-092611-145706

Copyright c© 2012 by Annual Reviews.All rights reserved

0084-6570/12/1021-0021$20.00

∗This article is part of a special theme onClimate Change. For a list of other articles inthis theme, see this volume’s Table of Contents.

Keywords

anthrozoology, perspectivism, applied anthropology, climate politics

Abstract

This review assesses the contribution that a holistic, multisited, and mul-tiscalar anthropology can make to the investigation of climate changeand its impact on various human-animal assemblages. Anthropologistshave a long-standing interest in animal management under changingenvironmental conditions. I focus on recent material that investigatesthe impact of anthropogenic climate change on human-animal rela-tions using ethnography from Africa, Amazonia, and the circumpolarrim. I argue that the value of juxtaposing work in diverse settings andacross various scales is to highlight the asymmetry of encounters be-tween different perceptions of climate change and the responses theyrequire. Anthropology’s critical, holistic approach is especially valuablein places where people, animals, landscapes, the weather, and indeed cli-mate change itself are aspects of an undifferentiated, spiritually lively,animate environment.

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Adaptation:adjustments inecosystems thatameliorate the harmcaused by, or make useof, actual or expectedchanges in climate

Appliedanthropology: theuse of anthropologicalapproaches to solveproblems

Perspectivism:the idea that humans,animals and sprits seethemselves differentlydepending on the bodythey inhabit

INTRODUCTION1

Anthropologists have recently begun to engagewith climate change as a global process in-forming our understanding of every field site,whether at the core, where climate change isproduced, or on the periphery, where manyof its effects are experienced (Crate 2011).Changes in human relationships with animalshave been one of the key drivers for the in-creased attention paid to climate change inmany regions, but particularly in the Arctic,where reindeer herders occupy the front line(Anderson & Nuttall 2004, Hovelsrud & Smit2010, Vitebsky 2005), and among the island andcoastal fishing communities, whose very exis-tence is under threat (Kelman & West 2009,Rudiak-Gould 2009).

The anthropology of climate change iscurrently exploring two different paths. Thefirst catalogs the adaptation of vulnerablecommunities. The second explores climatechange as a process that is generated by anexploitative set of world historical relationshipsbetween people, the effects of which areexperienced unequally. Its purpose is to exposethese inequalities in order to change themand save the world (Connor 2010, Lindisfarne2010). The first approach is epitomized byarticles that invite us to learn from “SiberianNomads’ Resilience,” for example (Kalaugher2010). Kalaugher’s article describes adapta-tions to climate change and industrializationby the Yamal Nenets but is silent about theproduction of these conditions or how theymight be changed. Warming temperatures,the incursions of oil and gas companies, andthe accompanying degradation of rivers andlakes are challenges overcome by “avoidingdisturbed and degraded areas” (p. 1). A criticalenvironmental approach, on the contrary,considers climate change and environmentaldegradation as global political/ecological phe-nomena. It requires us not only to increase our

1The article is based on the current consensus that the climateis changing and that this is likely to be as a result of humanactions and inactions (IPCC 2007).

understanding of the variety of local contexts inwhich climate change occurs and is producedbut also to open the black box of regional andinternational debate, which frames the problem(Lahsen 2010, Marino & Schweitzer 2009).

Early anthropological engagements with theeffects of climate stress on human-animal re-lations focused particularly on animal man-agement and social organization in semiaridand arid regions of Africa. More recently, an-thropologists have used political ecology andapplied anthropology to interrogate climatechange as an instantiation of global inequalityand to advocate for change. Others have ex-plored the perspectivist ethnographic record inorder to expose the capitalist logic embedded inclimate discourses and to imagine how climatechange might appear from within other-than-capitalist cosmologies. This approach com-bines the latest approaches in human-animal re-lations, including multispecies ethnographies,with the longer tradition of holistic anthro-pology, which considers people and animals,weather, and landscape as elements of a singleenvironment (Bateson 1972, Ingold 2000).

CHANGING CLIMATE ANDHUMAN-ANIMAL RELATIONS

In 1928, Vere Gordon Childe argued that thedrying of the climate in North Africa at the endof the Pleistocene led to the concentration ofpeople and animals around oases and createdthe necessary conditions for the beginningsof agriculture. This hypothesis, known asthe oasis theory, was criticized by Braidwoodwho argued that earlier warming periods hadnot led to domestication (1951) and also thatconditions in Iraqi Kurdistan had changedlittle during the transition from the Pleistoceneto the Holocene (1960). Although archaeol-ogists have continued to describe the effectsof changing climate on prehistoric culturalsystems (Burroughs 2005, Hunter-Anderson2010), grand schema have been rejected infavor of local explanations, which use a varietyof methods to assess multiple kinds of evidenceto explain localized, temporally limited events

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(Maher et al. 2011). In North West Europe,for example, a combination of archaeological,paleoecological, and paleoclimatic data hasbeen employed to suggest that changes inclimate contributed to the emergence of aNeolithic mixed farming economy from aMesolithic hunting-and-gathering economybased primarily on fishing (Bonsall et al. 2002).The most studied of the prehistoric climatecoolings is the so-called 8.2 ka event, whichtook place when the North Atlantic currentsshifted and the Northern Hemisphere experi-enced a short dry and cold spell. The impactof this cold snap on human-animal relations isthe focus of a study at Tell Sabi Abyad in Syriaconducted by a team from Leiden University.Akkermans et al. (2010) analyzed 15,000 animalbones and found that, in this location, 8.2 kacoincided with a change from pig to cattlehusbandry. Milk traces in pottery and spindlesalso appeared suddenly; the secondary productsof sheep and goats are easy to store and mayhave been particularly useful during a time ofclimatic stress (Russell 2010). In addition to afocus on sites such as Tell Sabi Abyad, wherethe archaeological record straddles significantand relatively well-defined climatic events,an approach that concentrates on the impactof climate changes on particular species hasemerged. Santangelo (2011), for example,focuses exclusively on the hamsi or Black Seaanchovy. Ogilvie et al. (2009) have exploredrelationships between seals, ice, and climatechange in medieval Norse Greenland, and Jing& Flad (2002) describe pig domestication inancient China. Zooarchaeology has thus pre-sented evidence for systemic changes associatedwith climate with the constant proviso that cau-sation cannot be extrapolated from correlation.Most recently, the use of biomolecular data hastransformed the discipline. DNA analysis mayeventually answer questions about the originand distribution of distinctive human-animalrelations under various climatic conditions(Conolly et al. 2010).

Social anthropologists also have a long-standing interest in the effects of extreme cli-mates and catastrophic climatic events that

Anthropogenicclimate change:changes in the climatecaused by humanactivity

Human-animalassemblage: aparticular instantiationof fluid and responsiverelationships amongpeople, animals, andthe environment

predates the recognition of anthropogenic cli-mate change. This interest was developedamong pastoralists in arid and semiarid regionsin Africa during the 1950s and 1960s (for areview of this material, see Dyson-Hudson &Dyson-Hudson 1980). In these studies, the sig-nificance of relations with animals is found intheir impact on human social arrangements.The “seasonal dichotomy” between flood anddrought, for example, was the dynamic at thecenter of Evans Pritchard’s (1940) structuralfunctionalist study of the Nuer (p. 272). Hischaracterization of the Nuer as “deeply demo-cratic and easily roused to violence” was basedon their conflicts with the Dinka over the “con-trol of pastures” and “annexation of grazinggrounds” (1940, pp. 16, 48) during times ofecological stress. Subsequent studies of the re-lationship between the Nuer and the Dinkasuggest that conflict was exacerbated by theexpansion of the Ethiopian empire and colo-nial invasion, rather than an inevitable result ofcompetition for grazing land ( Johnson 1981).Spencer’s (1973) work with Rendille camelherders and Sambru cattle herders in Kenya,who formed a symbiotic relationship based onthe complementary properties of their respec-tive charges, supported the idea that scarcityof resources can prompt cooperation as well asconflict.

POLITICAL ECOLOGYAND PASTORALISM

In the 1970s, the environmental determinismof cultural ecology was rejected. It no longerseemed useful or important to match ecologicalconditions to increasingly narrowly definedhuman-animal assemblages (Fratkin 1997,Kottak 1999). Alternatives and exceptionsabounded, and it became impossible to explainthis variation without regard to the widerstructures that enabled or limited change.Initially strongly influenced by world systemstheory (Wolf 1972), political ecology hasassimilated other influences including femi-nism (Elmhurst 2011) and poststructuralism(Biersack & Greenberg 2006). The approach

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Pastoralism: a formof agriculture focusedprimarily on therearing of livestock

has provided a critical perspective on thosehuman-animal relations most affected bychanging climate, from the drylands of Africa(Batterbury 2001, Mamdani 2009, Turner2004) and Asia (Humphrey & Sneath 1996a,b,1999; Sneath 2000) to the Arctic (Anderson& Nuttall 2004, Cruikshank 2005), Amazonia(Rubenstein 2004), Southeast Asia and Oceania(Lowe 2006, Tsing 2005, West 2006), and theNew American West (Sheridan 2007).

People with animal-centered livelihoods ex-periencing even minor changes in climate mayfind the ability of their animals to fulfill exist-ing functions compromised or even negated.The effects of a changing climate have thusbeen compared with those of forced migration:Whether changes result in physical relocationor not, they require adaptation to novel ecolog-ical conditions to which certain human-animalassemblages may be more or less suited. Havingestablished this comparability, nongovernmen-tal organizations have mobilized behind a newand controversial category of “climate changerefugee” (Christian Aid 2007). Pastoralists inareas of high rainfall variability are among thestrongest candidates for this fate ( Jonsson 2010)alongside island dwellers and the coastal poor(Kempf 2009). In all cases, the impact of climatechange on animals and their dependents can-not be isolated from other social, political, andenvironmental challenges facing societies whoare frequently marginalized both geographi-cally and politically.

Morton (2010) describes pastoralists as“people who depend on livestock or the sale oflivestock products for most of their income andconsumption, whose livestock is mainly grazedon communally-managed or open-access pas-tures, and who show at least some tendency, ashouseholds or individuals, to move seasonallywith livestock” (p. 3). He intends this definitionto remain fuzzy enough to accommodate thosewho would prefer to practice this way of lifebut are prevented from doing so and thosewho gain more of their livelihood from cropsbut place more importance on livestock thancropping. Pastoralists have been treated withsuspicion by governments of all kinds, and de-

velopment policies until the 1980s reinforcedthe idea that pastoralism was an unsustainableand primitive way of life and that pastoralistsshould become modern by settling in one place.

An anthropogenic notion of desertificationentered into development discourses basedon research undertaken in the 1970s (see,for example, UNCOD Secr. 1977), when itwas conventional to portray food shortages inAfrica as “man made” disasters and desertifica-tion as the consequence of the “tragedy of theCommons” (Hardin 1968): the natural desireof pastoralists to enlarge their herds. In 1979,Horowitz wrote that the notion of “pastoralresponsibility for environmental degradation”had achieved the status of a “fundamentaltruth” that no longer required evidence orsupport (p. 27; see also Warren 1995). Thisfundamental truth was used to support policiesincluding the settlement of pastoralists, thereduction of common-property land tenure,and privatization (Fratkin 1997, p. 241).Beinart & McGregor (2003) have shown howenvironmental research in Africa has made“implicit and explicit claims about who bestunderstands African environments, and whoshould have the right to control them” (p. 2).

In the late 1980s and 1990s, Behnkeet al. (1993) and Scoones (1995) combinedinsights from a variety of disciplines includinganthropology to rethink rangeland ecologyand pastoralism. Contrary to the fundamentaltruths of anthropogenic desertification andthe tragedy of the Commons they foundthat pastoralism was, in fact, a rational andsustainable strategy for exploiting rangelandsin semiarid regions. However, policies thatrestrict pastoralist livelihoods have endured.A Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO)report describing the political economy ofpropoor livestock policy making in Ethiopia,for example, showed that although livestockcontribute to the livelihoods of 60–70% ofthe population, government policy focuses“some might say ‘exclusively’“ on draughtoxen (Halderman 2004, p. x). In Ethiopia,“the strong antipastoralist bias of the corehighland culture seems to prevent recognition

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of the relevance and importance of pastoralism.The central government’s strategy of settlingpastoralists along the major rivers is, in part, areflection of this bias” (2004, p. vii). The chal-lenges facing livestock production in Ethiopia,including the recruitment of the ruling classfrom sedentary agricultural and/or urbangroups, the fact that traditional sector livestockis difficult to quantify, and the relative povertyand impotence of pastoralists and other animalkeepers (including the peri urban) are commonto many other African states who are also facedwith relatively low productivity, biologicalconstraints (including genetic erosion, poornutrition, and disease), and unequal terms oftrade (TCA 2009). These shared challenges arerefracted through local historical, ecological,and political conditions (Gausset et al. 2005).

The impact of climate change on pastoral-ism is similarly contested. Some organizationsand individuals stress the adaptability affordedby this way of life (de Jode 2010, Nozieres et al.2011), whereas others emphasize its vulnerabil-ity (Mihlar 2008). As in the case of more generalquestions regarding sustainability, case stud-ies suggest important local variations. Markakis(2004) describes pastoralism in the Horn ofAfrica as “on the margin,” both geographi-cally and existentially owing to state agriculturalpolicies and a lack of investment, exacerbated byclimate change. Thebaud & Batterbury (2001)also predict a grim future for pastoralists inthe Sahel on the basis of detailed observationsin eastern Niger. Wider problems of changingclimate, difficulties in negotiating access to re-sources, and inconsistent state policies are illus-trated through the example of a secure water-ing holes scheme that prompted conflict amongethnic groups (p. 70). More positively, Bradley& Grainger (2004) have compared the Wolof(primarily croppers) and the Peul (mainly pas-toralists) of the silvopastoral zone of Senegal,finding that the Peul exhibit greater “socialresilience” under environmental pressure. Onthe basis of climate change predictions in sub-Saharan Africa to 2050, Jones & Thornton(2008) have suggested that croppers in marginalzones may switch to livestock production.

Fratkin & Mearns (2003) provide a comparativeanalysis of the East African Maasai and Mon-golia showing the global commonality of thepressures experienced by pastoralists, includingthose that emanate from the World Bank andother development organizations interested ina particular model of sustainable development.

Disagreements about whether pastoralismin Africa constitutes a flexible way of utilizingscarce resources in hostile environments or anunsustainable anachronism influence (and areinfluenced by) national policies and the flow ofresources within the international community(Anderson et al. 2009). Livestock production inAfrica has traditionally operated on a regionalscale, but in the past decade, its interconnect-edness within the global food system has inten-sified (Thomson et al. 2004). Several states andPan-African organizations have ambitious plansto grow their livestock sectors (AU/IBAR 2004,FAO 2006, SWAC/OECD 2008) to benefitfrom what has been described as the livestockrevolution linked to increased meat consump-tion in developing countries (Delgado 2005,Owen et al. 2005, Scoones & Wolmer 2006).Against a background of intermittent bans onthe export of livestock from East Africa to theGulf States, the United Kingdom Departmentfor International Development has called fora restructuring of the current certification oflivestock exports from a disease- or veterinary-based model to the certification of commodities(Thomson et al. 2004). The disease model pre-vents Africa from exporting meat to Europe orthe Gulf owing to foot and mouth, despite thenegligible risk of spreading the disease throughfrozen meat. The impact and appropriatenessof these policies are difficult to assess becauseof a lack of accurate data about the size androle of livestock in rural household economiesand the effectiveness and accessibility ofmarkets and supply chains. The relationshipbetween this growth and climate change hasbeen widely debated because pastoralists areseen as both vulnerable to and contributorsto climate change (Foresight 2011, Herreroet al. 2009, Neely et al. 2009, Thorntonet al. 2010, Thornton & Gerber 2010).

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Sentient ecologies:Tim Ingold’s notion ofknowledge of theenvironment that isbased on being in theworld

Animism: theidea that the universe,including animals andnatural phenomenasuch as thunder, andcertain objects areanimated in a similarway to humans

Symbioticdomestication:an account ofdomestication thatexplores both animaland human agency

ANIMISM AND CLIMATECHANGE: AMAZONIA AND THECIRCUMPOLAR RIM

The absence of an absolute distinction betweenhumans and animals, and the concomitantpossibility that animals may become humansand vice versa, has been recorded in diversesettings including Amazonia (Bird-David 1999;Descola 1994, 1996; Fausto 2007; Rosengren2004; Turner 2009; Viveiros de Castro 1998),Siberia (Nadasdy 2007, Vitebsky 2005, Willer-slev 2007), North America (Brightman 1993),and North and Inner Asia (Pedersen 2001,2007). Some anthropologists have explored anAmazonian/Siberian axis in order to elucidatethis position (Brightman et al. 2012, Vitebsky1995). Others have emphasized the importanceof recognizing differences between, for exam-ple, Amazonian cosmologies and the sentientecologies they underpin (Mentore 2011,Posey 2007). The ethnographic record revealsa variety of positions that coalesce aroundsubstitutability, the philosophical fecundityof which lies in its ideal type (Turner 2009).Notwithstanding important variations, wherehuman-animal relations produce a generalizedsociality, species particularly valued for theirgenerativity are irreplaceable. As Tsing haswritten, “human nature is an interspecies re-lationship” (2010). Under these circumstances,the impact of climate change, whether direct orthrough mitigation schemes, affects the abilityof particular societies to sustain a living insometimes precarious circumstances, but it alsomakes it more difficult for people to realize theirhumanity fully through animals. Anthropolo-gists have used animist cosmologies in a numberof ways: to reveal the ontological underpinningsof Euro-American thought (Latour 2009); tointerrogate political commentaries aboutclimate change, biodiversity, sustainability, andhuman-animal relations (Lowe 2006, Mentore2011, West 2006); and to serve as a foundationfor the inclusion of various other than humanagents in their ethnographies (Kirksey 2009).

In places where humans and animals are mu-tually constituted, the loss of biodiversity and

the extinction of particular species can be seenas a kind of immediate cosmological crisis aswell as a loss of potential adaptations for the fu-ture (Orlove & Brush 1996, Posey 1990). Thefield of biocultural diversity is animated by thisconnection between cultural and biological di-versity. Maffi (2007) suggests that the approachhas introduced diverse ideas about the relation-ships between people and their environmentsto development discourses, including “the poli-cies and activities” of the United Nations En-vironment Program, the United Nations Edu-cational, Scientific and Cultural Organization,the International Union for Conservation ofNature and the Convention on Biological Di-versity (p. 60). Trostle (2010) provides a lessoptimistic assessment of the World DevelopmentReport 2010. Anthropologists focused on the en-actment of powerful ideas about conservation indiverse local settings have also been less confi-dent about the impact of alternative cosmolo-gies on policy makers. Lowe (2006) has inter-rogated biodiversity conservation as a politicalproject in Indonesia, focusing on the creationof a National Park and the disparities betweenTogean Sama people’s ideas of nature and thoseof Indonesian biologists and conservation-ists. West (2006) has conducted fieldwork inEngland, Germany, Australia, the UnitedStates, and Papua New Guinea to explore howparticular imaginaries of nature (and particu-larly those embedded within Euro-Americanideals of climate change, conservation, and bio-diversity) create places and engagements withanimals and plants.

Studies of reindeer herders also providean exceptionally clear record of the impactof climate change on animist belief systems.The symbiotic domestication described byStammler & Beach (2006) is more than a re-lation of production that implicates both hu-mans and animals: It is also a “concrete expres-sion of an animistic worldview wherein, again,human and animal ‘persons’ are conceived asequals in reciprocal, symbiotic relationship, notonly for their movements in the landscape, butalso for their very sustenance and reproduction,their life and death” (p. 12). Stammler & Beach

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(2006) have argued that reindeer managementacross the circumpolar rim provides a valuableperspective on all human-animal interactions“because of the unique spread over wild, feral,and domestic conditions of the species Rangifertarandus, and the many associations these differ-ent populations have with humans” (p. 6). Theimpact of changing climate on the circumpolarrim, where these various associations are en-acted, is particularly acute (Anisimov et al. 2007,Furgal & Prowse 2008, Nuttall 2000, Rees et al.2008, Ullsten et al. 2004).

The animistic worldview explored inStammler & Beach’s collection was alsodescribed by Ingold (1974, 1980, 1986), whofocused on the gifts of animals granted to re-spectful, ritually observant hunters by AnimalMasters in North America and the circumpolarrim. Rituals expressed an injunction not towaste or otherwise devalue animal persons.Stammler & Beach (2006) are interested inwhether and to what extent this relationship ofrespectful reciprocity has been maintained bypastoralists, particularly since the collapse ofthe Soviet Empire in the early 1990s (p. 12).The importance of this investigation lies in thepotential of certain human-animal assemblagesto adapt to changing environments, whereadaptation is conceived of in the most completesense as implicating livestock management asboth a cosmological and a practical endeavor(Tyler et al. 2007). On the basis of extensivefieldwork across the region, they identifymovements from “symbiotic domestication inhuman-reindeer relations” to “rationalizationleading to full resource use at the cost of in-timate human-animal relations” (Stammler &Beach 2006, p. 6). The rational exploitation ormaximal resource use of animals championedby states and development agencies includesan injunction not to waste, but this is not“buffered” by “Animal Masters who mighttake offense at how a specific animal is used orwasted” (2006, p. 15). Rationalist perspectiveshave not eradicated animist views: The twocoexist, albeit uneasily, as among the Yamal–Nenets, who frame the killing of animals forsubsistence within the domestic sphere in

animistic terms and submit animals sold tomarkets to the usual markers of capital andcommodification (weight, veterinary welfare,etc.) (Stammler 2005, pp. 173–76). Rationalistanimal management stresses growth andmaximization, whereas animistic exchangesemphasize balance and sustainability. A singlegoal (growth) and measure of success (profit)overlooks local priorities but also imposes asingle strategy on diverse and delicate envi-ronments, which may reduce flexibility. Oskal(2000), for example, has shown that the tradi-tional Sami idea of a “beautiful herd” (cˇappa´eallu) consisted of a variety of phenotypes,ages, and sexes, unlike the ideal of phenotypicconsistency or “breedwealth” for which indus-trial agriculture strives (Franklin 2007). Theadaptive value of such a notion of beauty isapparent in a quote from Mattis Aslaksen Sara,a herder from Karasjok. Sara was asked whyhe keeps large barren females (of no apparentmarket value) within the herd. He replied, “Ihave few big males now—so who else will breakthe ice?” (quoted in Tyler et al. 2007, p. 197).

Sustainable reindeer management dependson movement within a landscape that includesanimals, weather, rivers, plants, and othergeographical features, any of which may beanimated or personified. Anderson (2000) hasdescribed how Evenki herders “act and moveon the tundra in such a way that they areconscious that animals and the tundra itselfare reacting to them” (p. 116). Ingold (2000)described this openness “based in feeling, con-sisting in the skills, sensitivities and orientationsthat have developed through long experienceof conducting one’s life in a particular envi-ronment” as “sentient ecology” (p. 25) andcalled for a “refocusing on the human-being-in-its-environment,” which dispenses with“the opposition between species and culture”(p. 391). Istomin & Dwyer (2010) have arguedthat anthropologists, despite recognizing thecentrality of human-animal interactions to no-madic pastoralism, have neglected the agencyof animals. Based on fieldwork with the Komand Nenets, they describe an iterative processwhereby animals respond to herder behavior,

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who in turn respond to their animals and so on.They refer to this process as “dynamic mutualbehavioural adaptation.” This model is alsofound in indigenous descriptions of the effectsof changing climate on animal behavior (Risethet al. 2010). For a suggestive comparison,see the description of movement throughforests by the Waiwai in southern Guyana byMentore (2011). Kirksey (2009) has discussedthe potential of “multispecies ethnographies,”including their relevance to understanding andresponding to changes in climate. Serres haslong argued for the revival of natural agencyin philosophy (1995) and recently mused onour failure to invite Biogee (the earth, life) toCopenhagen (2009).

Multispecies ethnography is also related tothe interdisciplinary work of anthropologistsand biologists interested in the implications ofclimate change on wildlife and its impact onhuman populations (Lehmann et al. 2010). Theeffects of changes in climate on wild animalshave traditionally been considered separatelyfrom human influence. Biologists focused ondispersal and life-history strategies that resyn-chronize an animal with its food and habitat(Parmesan 2006). However, the distinctionbetween wild and domesticated animals is nolonger self-evident, and all populations ortheir environments are impacted to variousdegrees (Fuentes 2007). The effects of climatechange on wild animals are thus an excellentillustration of the mutuality emphasized byauthors such as Haraway (2008) and Cassidy &Mullin (2007) and the reworking of domestica-tion that this mutualism implies. Like animistcosmologies, these approaches emphasize thepotential of “integrative human environmentresearch” (Newell et al. 2005).

The effects of climate change on animalmanagement and its cosmological underpin-nings cannot be understood in isolation fromother physical and social factors (for a review ofclimate change as one of multiple vulnerabili-ties facing communities in the Canadian north,see Prno et al. 2011). In Indonesia, for example,forest exploitation and preservation reproducethe property relations created by a short

but intense history of state and internationalcontrol (Tsing 2005). Guyana’s Low CarbonDevelopment Scheme is a unique response todistinctive political and ecological conditions(Mentore 2011). Nevertheless, despite the var-ious experiences of communities, the impactof climate change on human-animal relationsis inflected through what Nuttall has referredto as “common experiences” of “how variouscapitalist and socialist states claimed controlover their lands and animals” (2004, p. 200).Anthropological responses to these “commonexperiences” are the focus of the next section.

APPLIED ANTHROPOLOGY ANDCLIMATE CHANGE POLITICS

The Sachs Harbor project in the Northwestterritories of Canada embodied many of theprinciples of applied anthropology during the1990s and produced some of the most impor-tant studies of the impact of climate change onanimal-centered livelihoods (for a review, seePearce et al. 2011). It was a “model of commu-nity research partnership” (Berkes & Jolly 2001,p. 3), initiated and driven by the 30-householdcommunity of Sachs Harbor assisted by a teamfrom the International Institute for SustainableDevelopment (IISD), a film crew, technical ex-perts, local experts, and liaison people from theInuvialuit region and a university team (Berkes& Jolly 2001, p. 2). The research team used par-ticipatory methods, in keeping with local ideasof learning about the land through experience,and the focus of the project was “changes inthe social-ecological system” singular, makinguse of the integrated concept of “humans-in-nature” as defined by Berkes & Folke (1998),various forms of which were discussed in theprevious section.

The people in Sachs Harbor make their liv-ing from waged labor, transfer payments, sub-sistence harvesting, hunting, and fishing. InMarch and April, they ice fish for trout andchar on inland lakes. In May, they hunt snowgeese and collect their eggs until mid June,when they return to fishing if there is still ice.In June and July, people hunt for ringed seal.

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From July to September, they use nets to fish forchar, Arctic cod, and least cisco. In September,people return to musk ox and caribou hunting,which peaks in November (Berkes & Jolly 2001,pp. 4–6). Berkes & Jolly grouped the impactsof climate change observed by the communityof Sachs Harbor under four overlapping head-ings: access, safety, predictability, and speciesavailability. Hunting grounds and camps weremore difficult to reach owing to early thaws; icemoved more and was thinner; weather patternswere less predictable; and animals had changedtheir behavior, including migratory patterns(p. 7). They then documented the flexibilityafforded by traditional adaptive strategies, in-cluding flexibility of resource use (for example,hunting a mix of species, adjusting the timing ofthe seasonal calendar, hunting seals from boatsrather than from the unreliable ice), local en-vironmental knowledge and skills (for example,using group memory of climate events and mas-tering a variety of skills rather than becomingspecialist hunters), and sharing through socialnetworks (including food within extended fam-ilies, but also intercommunity trade) (pp. 6–10).The project contributed to the political capac-ity of the Sachs Harbor community by provid-ing them with “vertical linkages across levels oforganization,” allowing concerns to be “trans-mitted to regional, national, and internationallevels” (p. 15).

Projects such as the one in Sachs Harboramplify local voices by translating them intoconcerns that regional and internationalagencies can understand, even if they choose toignore them (Bravo 2009, Lindisfarne 2010).They provide evidence that enables govern-ments and organizations to be held to accountby anthropologists and others. However, asMentore (2011), West (2006), and Lowe (2006)have shown in other contexts, apparent transla-tions often submit local ideas to the dominantlogic of capitalism. Numerous historical andmodern sources confirm the inseparability ofpeople and other animals in Arctic communi-ties, the profusion of spirits in the landscape(Berkes 2008, p. xvi), the permeability betweenanimal-populated dream worlds and waking life

(Willerslev 2004), and the decisive roles of an-imals and their masters in the hunt (Brightman1993, Willerslev 2007). The absence of Euro-American distinctions is revealed in huntingbehavior (Nadasdy 2007), rites of passage(Int. Arctic Sci. Comm. 2010), and butchery(Petersen 2003), and through differences inthe treatment of subsistence and commerciallyacquired food (Pars et al. 2001). Although theSachs Harbor project focused on the social-ecological system, singular, cosmological dif-ferences were subordinate to the shared logic ofresource management with the implicit separa-tions of animals, people, and environment thatthis entails. The statement by certain Inuvialuitresearch participants, who told researchersthat they were “lonely for the ice” (Berkes &Jolly 2001, p. 9), for example, is a problem ofa different order to that of unpredictable ice,which can be solved by hunting seal from boats.

Some Arctic research appears to suggestthat animistic views are being eliminated by thealternatives that are embedded in conventionalclimate change discourses. Krupnik & Ray(2007), for example, have compared hunters’views about walrus in the Beringian region withthose of “wildlife biologists” and other scien-tists. They argue that hunters’ explanations forwalrus behavior from the 1800s to the mid-1900s would have been “in terms of breakingtraditional taboo regulations, of bad humantreatment of walruses, and of disrespect (or lowrespect) for their spirits” (p. 8) but that “thegeneration of elders that once held traditionalworldviews and beliefs is mostly gone” (p. 8).The “knowledge change” described by Krupnik& Ray (2007) is distinctly asymmetrical becausetheir conclusion indicates that “[t]he discoursebetween scientists and hunters then may beabout ecosystems, global warming, game man-agement, metapopulations, and similar issuestaken fully from the scientists’ list, but hope-fully augmented by the indigenous hunter’sknowledge base” (p. 9). Martello (2008) has de-scribed the effect of the adoption of elements ofthe global climate change discourse by indige-nous representatives as reinforcing the status of“indigenous peoples both as objects of scientific

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inquiry and as advocates of climate changemitigation” (p. 370). Bravo (2009) suggeststhat “[o]ne way to be more critical aboutthe language of climate change narrativesis to evaluate the extent to which they canaccount for, and mitigate, growing inequalitiesof power and wealth” (p. 256), an invitationthat would be redundant in many other areasof anthropological inquiry. The idea thattraditional ecological knowledge about animalscan be complementary to scientific paradigms(Riedlinger 1999) understates the inequalitythat frames this encounter and the ability ofscience to perpetuate cosmologies of its own,the most powerful of which is the foundationaldistinction between nature and culture (Latour1993, Nadasdy 1999).

CONCLUSION

In the past decade, anthropologists workingwith communities affected by climate changehave argued that researchers should first andforemost protect and advance the interests oftheir research partners (Crate & Nuttall 2009)without always taking this argument to itslogical conclusion (Lindisfarne 2010). Climatechange is a threat particularly to the poorestand least powerful people. To place thesepeople first contains an explicit critique of theidea of adaptation and asks not how marginalcommunities can adjust their animal use tothe changed environmental circumstancesbequeathed to them by their more powerfulneighbors, but rather how they might be

compensated for their losses and protectedfrom future externalities. Limitations to thisapproach include the idea that climate change isvariously understood and may not always be themost powerful concept around which to mobi-lize resistance in particular locations. Forbes &Stammler (2009), for example, have shown thatwhereas “Western indigenous leaders repre-senting the Inuit and Saami peoples are activelyengaged in the academic and political discoursesurrounding climate change,” “their Russiancolleagues tend to focus more on legislationand self-determination, as a post-Soviet legacy”(p. 28).

This review has brought together a numberof sources that view climate change as a cul-tural crisis both “among populations of affluentWestern democratic polities” (Connor 2010,p. 2) and also among people who have animal-centered livelihoods in climate-sensitive areas.The value of juxtaposing work in diversesettings and across various scales is that it high-lights the asymmetry of encounters betweendifferent perceptions of climate change andthe responses they require (Crate 2011, Smith& Parks 2010). Anthropologists have a longtradition of engagement with human-animalrelations and are comfortable scrutinizing theimplications of naturalist assumptions. Thiscritical, holistic approach is especially valuablein places where people, animals, landscapes,the weather, and indeed climate change itselfare aspects of an undifferentiated, spirituallylively, animate environment.

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

The author is not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that mightbe perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.

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Annual Review ofAnthropology

Volume 41, 2012Contents

Prefatory Chapter

Ancient Mesopotamian Urbanism and Blurred Disciplinary BoundariesRobert McC. Adams � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 1

Archaeology

The Archaeology of Emotion and AffectSarah Tarlow � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 169

The Archaeology of MoneyColin Haselgrove and Stefan Krmnicek � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 235

Phenomenological Approaches in Landscape ArchaeologyMatthew H. Johnson � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 269

Paleolithic Archaeology in ChinaOfer Bar-Yosef and Youping Wang � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 319

Archaeological Contributions to Climate Change Research:The Archaeological Record as a Paleoclimaticand Paleoenvironmental ArchiveDaniel H. Sandweiss and Alice R. Kelley � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 371

Colonialism and Migration in the Ancient MediterraneanPeter van Dommelen � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 393

Archaeometallurgy: The Study of Preindustrial Mining and MetallurgyDavid Killick and Thomas Fenn � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 559

Rescue Archaeology: A European ViewJean-Paul Demoule � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 611

Biological Anthropology

Energetics, Locomotion, and Female Reproduction:Implications for Human EvolutionCara M. Wall-Scheffler � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �71

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Ethnoprimatology and the Anthropology of theHuman-Primate InterfaceAgustin Fuentes � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 101

Human Evolution and the Chimpanzee Referential DoctrineKen Sayers, Mary Ann Raghanti, and C. Owen Lovejoy � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 119

Chimpanzees and the Behavior of Ardipithecus ramidusCraig B. Stanford � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 139

Evolution and Environmental Change in Early Human PrehistoryRichard Potts � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 151

Primate Feeding and Foraging: Integrating Studiesof Behavior and MorphologyW. Scott McGraw and David J. Daegling � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 203

Madagascar: A History of Arrivals, What Happened,and Will Happen NextRobert E. Dewar and Alison F. Richard � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 495

Maternal Prenatal Nutrition and Health in Grandchildrenand Subsequent GenerationsE. Susser, J.B. Kirkbride, B.T. Heijmans, J.K. Kresovich, L.H. Lumey,

and A.D. Stein � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 577

Linguistics and Communicative Practices

Media and Religious DiversityPatrick Eisenlohr � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �37

Three Waves of Variation Study: The Emergence of Meaningin the Study of Sociolinguistic VariationPenelope Eckert � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �87

Documents and BureaucracyMatthew S. Hull � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 251

The Semiotics of Collective MemoriesBrigittine M. French � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 337

Language and Materiality in Global CapitalismShalini Shankar and Jillian R. Cavanaugh � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 355

Anthropology in and of the Archives: Possible Futuresand Contingent Pasts. Archives as Anthropological SurrogatesDavid Zeitlyn � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 461

Music, Language, and Texts: Sound and Semiotic EthnographyPaja Faudree � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 519

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International Anthropology and Regional Studies

Contemporary Anthropologies of Indigenous AustraliaTess Lea � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 187

The Politics of PerspectivismAlcida Rita Ramos � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 481

Anthropologies of Arab-Majority SocietiesLara Deeb and Jessica Winegar � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 537

Sociocultural Anthropology

Lives With Others: Climate Change and Human-Animal RelationsRebecca Cassidy � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �21

The Politics of the AnthropogenicNathan F. Sayre � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �57

Objects of Affect: Photography Beyond the ImageElizabeth Edwards � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 221

Sea Change: Island Communities and Climate ChangeHeather Lazrus � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 285

Enculturating Cells: The Anthropology, Substance, and Scienceof Stem CellsAditya Bharadwaj � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 303

Diabetes and CultureSteve Ferzacca � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 411

Toward an Ecology of MaterialsTim Ingold � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 427

Sport, Modernity, and the BodyNiko Besnier and Susan Brownell � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 443

Theme I: Materiality

Objects of Affect: Photography Beyond the ImageElizabeth Edwards � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 221

The Archaeology of MoneyColin Haselgrove and Stefan Krmnicek � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 235

Documents and BureaucracyMatthew S. Hull � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 251

Phenomenological Approaches in Landscape ArchaeologyMatthew H. Johnson � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 269

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Language and Materiality in Global CapitalismShalini Shankar and Jillian R. Cavanaugh � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 355

Toward an Ecology of MaterialsTim Ingold � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 427

Anthropology in and of the Archives: Possible Futures and ContingentPasts. Archives as Anthropological SurrogatesDavid Zeitlyn � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 461

Theme II: Climate Change

Lives With Others: Climate Change and Human-Animal RelationsRebecca Cassidy � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �21

The Politics of the AnthropogenicNathan F. Sayre � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �57

Ethnoprimatology and the Anthropology of theHuman-Primate InterfaceAgustin Fuentes � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 101

Evolution and Environmental Change in Early Human PrehistoryRichard Potts � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 151

Sea Change: Island Communities and Climate ChangeHeather Lazrus � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 285

Archaeological Contributions to Climate Change Research:The Archaeological Record as a Paleoclimatic andPaleoenvironmental ArchiveDaniel H. Sandweiss and Alice R. Kelley � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 371

Madagascar: A History of Arrivals, What Happened,and Will Happen NextRobert E. Dewar and Alison F. Richard � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 495

Indexes

Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 32–41 � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 627

Cumulative Index of Chapter Titles, Volumes 32–41 � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 631

Errata

An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Anthropology articles may be found athttp://anthro.annualreviews.org/errata.shtml

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