Caring for an Aging Society

24
This article was downloaded by: [Northeastern University] On: 23 November 2014, At: 13:12 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Journal of Aging & Social Policy Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wasp20 Caring for an Aging Society Tracy X. Karner PhD a a Sociology Department , University of Houston , USA Published online: 22 Sep 2008. To cite this article: Tracy X. Karner PhD (2002) Caring for an Aging Society, Journal of Aging & Social Policy, 13:1, 15-36, DOI: 10.1300/J031v13n01_02 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/J031v13n01_02 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is

Transcript of Caring for an Aging Society

Page 1: Caring for an Aging Society

This article was downloaded by [Northeastern University]On 23 November 2014 At 1312Publisher RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number 1072954Registered office Mortimer House 37-41 Mortimer Street London W1T 3JHUK

Journal of Aging amp Social PolicyPublication details including instructions forauthors and subscription informationhttpwwwtandfonlinecomloiwasp20

Caring for an Aging SocietyTracy X Karner PhD aa Sociology Department University of Houston USAPublished online 22 Sep 2008

To cite this article Tracy X Karner PhD (2002) Caring for an Aging Society Journal ofAging amp Social Policy 131 15-36 DOI 101300J031v13n01_02

To link to this article httpdxdoiorg101300J031v13n01_02

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Taylor amp Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all theinformation (the ldquoContentrdquo) contained in the publications on our platformHowever Taylor amp Francis our agents and our licensors make norepresentations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy completenessor suitability for any purpose of the Content Any opinions and viewsexpressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors andare not the views of or endorsed by Taylor amp Francis The accuracy of theContent should not be relied upon and should be independently verified withprimary sources of information Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for anylosses actions claims proceedings demands costs expenses damagesand other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly orindirectly in connection with in relation to or arising out of the use of theContent

This article may be used for research teaching and private study purposesAny substantial or systematic reproduction redistribution reselling loansub-licensing systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is

expressly forbidden Terms amp Conditions of access and use can be found athttpwwwtandfonlinecompageterms-and-conditions

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GENERAL ARTICLES

Caring for an Aging SocietyCohort Values and Eldercare Services

Tracy X Karner PhD

University of HoustonHouston TX

ABSTRACT Understanding the impact of cohort values is important intrying to project future aging service needs The cultural characteristicsof cohorts yet to reach the age of 65 are compared with those alreadyldquooldrdquo with specific focus on the Baby Boomers Aging policies (andavailable services) reflect the cultural notions of age and aging held as

Tracy X Karner PhD is Assistant Professor in the Sociology Department at theUniversity of Houston She has published widely on cultural perspectives with re-gard to ethnicity and service use staff and family issues in respite care culture andidentity Vietnam veterans gender and mental illness art aesthetics and Finnish andLithuanian nationalist movements Dr Karner is currently exploring age groups asfluid cultural identities where one may ldquoperformrdquo the behaviors socially and cultur-ally associated with specific ages This perspective removes age from its essentialistchronological mooring and conceives of it as socially constructed categories with as-cribed statuses and behavioral norms Dr Karner can be contacted at the Department ofSociology University of Houston Houston TX 77204-3474 (E-mail txkarneruhedu)

The author wishes to acknowledge the generous and insightful readings of RhondaMontgomery and Jon Hendricks as well as two anonymous reviewers on earlier draftsof this manuscript Their comments helped to clarify the argument and therebystrengthen the article Additionally the assistance of Heather Hales and MaureenSchleyer with editing and library work were also instrumental in completing this workand are greatly appreciated

Journal of Aging amp Social Policy Vol 13(1) 2001 2001 by The Haworth Press Inc All rights reserved 15

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normative during the historical era in which they are enacted Previousresearch into lifestyle preferences consumer practices and key charac-teristics is drawn upon to investigate the values of Baby Boomers in lightof their projected needs for eldercare services Cohort research and gen-erational marketing practices offer a promising foundation for exploringhow best to develop target and deliver aging services that most effec-tively utilize our social resources [Article copies available for a fee fromThe Haworth Document Delivery Service 1-800-342-9678 E-mail addressltgetinfohaworthpressinccomgt Website lthttpwwwHaworthPresscomgt copy 2001by The Haworth Press Inc All rights reserved]

KEYWORDS Cohorts aging generational marketing Baby Boomers

INTRODUCTION

As successive cohorts age notions of need and expectations for carewill continue to be framed both in light of the aging cohortrsquos culture aswell as the values of younger individuals Beliefs about what it is to beldquooldrdquo the moral economy surrounding social ldquodeservednessrdquo and ap-propriate treatment of the aged and the meaning of ldquooldnessrdquo are beingrefined and redefined in an interplay between aging individuals and so-cial structure Understanding the impact of cohort values is especiallyimportant for scholars policy makers and service professionals in try-ing to project future aging needs Indeed the construction of future ag-ing needs and the acceptable responses to those needs will be framedwithin values developed by the different cohorts in their youth

Though the discussion of aging cohorts and their differences is not anew topic for social scientists gerontologists or policy analysts I hopeto frame a new questionndashHow can we use what we know about specificcohorts to better target and market aging services more appropriatelyto each group as it increases in years Elsewhere my colleagues and Ihave investigated various aspects of service delivery that impact clientsatisfaction with services (Montgomery et al 1997 Montgomery et al2000) Additionally we have looked at the impact of race and ethnicculture with regard to service use (Kosloski et al 1999) and service de-livery (Karner 1999) From this work we have identified particular as-pects of service delivery (communication formats staff trainingpresentation of programs culturally specific activities etc) that can bechanged to make services more acceptable to specific populations

16 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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Within this framework I propose that cohort information can be used toinform our future decisions about what kinds of services are most likelyto be well received and thus effective

Some scholars have studied cohorts as a means of understandingchanging support for meeting the needs of the aged (eg Silverstein etal 2001 Uhlenberg 1996 Bengtson amp Achenbaum 1993 Hareven1994) Others have developed the ideas of Ryder (1965) and Mannheim(19221952) in exploring social change as each new cohort comes tomaturity (eg Riley amp Riley 1994) In this article I suggest that cohortresearch could be broadened to explore how services can be best con-ceptualized and presented to attract targeted aging groups specificallythe Baby Boomers Marketers have been approaching the presentationof other products and services by targeting consumer markets yet thisinsight has not been brought into the discussion of how best to providefor the aging service needs of the upcoming Baby Boomer cohorts

The Baby Boomers are now approaching older ages and contributingto the shifting demographic of an aging society Culturally sociallyand economically this cohort in large part due to its extreme and un-precedented size has changed each social institution with which it hascome in contact Indeed ldquoat each stage of their lives the needs and de-sires of the Baby Boomers have become the dominant concerns ofAmerican business and popular culturerdquo (Dychtwald amp Flower 1989p 13) There are no indications that social structures of ldquoold agerdquo will beany less altered The sheer size of this cohort strains all age-gradedevents at the same time Now that this group is facing retirement andSocial Security payments the societal stakes of accommodating Boom-ers is predicted to be high (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) From health carecosts to Medicare and to Social Security programs some speculate thatthis cohort has the potential to exhaust our current aging structuresApocalyptic demography foretells social catastrophe as individuals con-tinue to live longer and sicker (Robertson 1991) As a society we arefacing a potential turning point in how we respond to an aging population(Gutheil 1996)

By the year 2012 the United States population is projected to include14 of the population over age 65 (Sokolovsky 1997 p 2) Thistrend is also global ldquoIn 1995 the 368 million persons aged 65 andover constituted 64 percent of the earthrsquos total populationrdquo (Kinsella1997 p 18) and their numbers will continue to increase Demogra-phers and public policy advocates have long been warning of the in-creasing numbers of older individuals but recently the issue ofproportion of elderly to other segments of the population has come to

Tracy X Karner 17

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the fore By 2030 it is projected that one in five US citizens will beover age 65ndasha full 20 of the population (Siegel amp Taeuber 1986)This is quite a shift from 1900 when only one person in 25 was over age65 (Neugarten 1982 p 33) and the average life expectancy was only47 This issue of proportion becomes very important in discussions ofhow society approaches the needs of its older citizens

Given that US policy at times pays attention to the bottom lineseemingly above all other factors it appears obvious that the way we asa society construct what it means to be ldquooldrdquo and what institutions are inplace to address the needs of ldquoolderrdquo Americans will change Our cur-rent structures have their cultural foundation in the moral economy ofthe 1930s New Deal view of aging The policies and structures havebeen tweaked and shifted a bit but the basic ideology that older individ-uals should be treated differently through government sponsored pro-grams is still there And the services offered to older individuals reflectthe experiences and notions of old age and later life held during the ag-ing of Americarsquos first ldquoold cohortrdquo

Previously Matilda White Riley (1987 Riley amp Riley 1994) elabo-rated on the interdependence and continuing interplay between agingand social change Riley posited that the succession of cohorts providesthe link for sociologists in understanding the relationship between andamong changing cultural understandings the process of aging and so-cial context Each processndashaging and social changendashinforms the otherFurthermore Riley cautions findings from aged cohorts currently un-der study cannot be generalized to future cohorts ldquoThe young of todaywill age differently from those already oldrdquo (Riley 1987 p 2)

My intent here is to follow Rileyrsquos admonishment and to explore thecohort values that underlie our social structures for aging and specifi-cally to raise the question of how they might best be used to inform theconstruction and presentation of aging services for different cohorts Iwill compare the cultural characteristics of cohorts yet to reach the ageof 65 namely the Baby Boomers with those already ldquooldrdquo It is my con-tention that aging policies (and available services) reflect the culturalnotions of age and aging held as normative within the culture during thehistorical era in which they are enacted These notions may also be in-formed with some empirical reality but moreover it is the stereotypesand beliefs prevalent at the time that appear to have the most persuasivepower (see Achenbaum 1986 and Quadagno 1988 for discussions ofenacting Social Security legislation) In addition by relying on a cohortorientation in undertaking this project I will draw on previous researchinto lifestyle preferences consumer practices and key characteristics to

18 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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investigate the values of Baby Boomers in light of their own projectedneeds for eldercare services

AGING COHORTS AND THEIR CULTURES

A cultural approach to the study of the meaning of age oldness andthe process of aging maintains both the influence of the social structureand the agency of the individual actors In exploring shifting ideals ofage and aging across time cohorts provide a midlevel analytic frame forbetter understanding both meanings and expectations within historicalperiods

Cohorts according to Bengtson and colleagues (1985 p 306) areldquoan aggregate of individuals born within the same time intervalrdquo Theyare socialized within a common segment of history and carry the impactof these socio-historical experiences with them as they age It is this im-pact of the context of their early years that influences individualsthroughout their life course that I am focusing on as cohort culturesldquoMen resemble their times more than they do their fathersrdquo says theproverb

Within this discussion I refer to these groupings as cohorts ratherthan generations Leaving the term ldquogenerationrdquo for its kinship usagecohorts are a broader grouping of individuals who share commonsociocultural and historical experiences Onersquos identification with aspecific cohort is determined primarily by the shared cultural contextsthat one faces during the coming of age years or as one becomes an eco-nomic adult In other words what was happening in the world duringonersquos later teens and early twenties Obviously social positions of theindividualsndashtheir gender race and class statusndashwill affect their inculca-tion translation and internalization of the socio-historical influencesAdditionally issues of ldquotouchrdquo and ldquosaturationrdquo need to be considered(Bengtson et al 1985)

Generally cohorts are held together by their shared experiencesldquothings like pop culture economic conditions world events natural di-sasters heroes villains politics and technologyrdquo (Smith amp Clurman1997 p 3) to name a few Cohorts develop and retain similar valuesand life skills as they go about constructing their lives in shared socialand historical contexts Thus the identification of cohort cultures andvalues can assist in understanding how notions of aging and resultingpolicies structures and services have changed and are likely to changeas specific cohorts age

Tracy X Karner 19

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Our current policies programs beliefs and expectations for olderAmericans have their ideological foundation in the Social Security leg-islation initiated in 1935 The social structure of the aging process andthe programs that have grown out of that event have been adjustedamended and expanded over the years However the basic premise thataging individuals should be treated as a distinct social group and pro-tected and cared for within society through government interventionhas remained intact These views can be traced from the values behindthe creation of our first ldquoold cohortrdquo

The First Old Cohort

By first old cohort I am referring to those individuals who reachedtheir middle sixties in the mid 1930s and 1940s when the New Deal oldage pensions that we now know as Social Security were introducedThrough the Social Security legislation these individuals were politi-cally defined as ldquooldrdquo and given the right to retire from the work world(Myles 1984 1991) Thus this cohort became our first group of olderindividuals who were formally recognized by the government as differ-ent from citizens in other phases of their lives (Kohli 1988) Our cur-rent structure of aging programs stems from these social notions of ldquooldagerdquo and the moral economy prevalent during that historical era Recentadjustments to accommodate diversity and delay institutionalizationhave not changed the basic structure of aging services

Life was a linear projection for this cohort with age norms for enter-ing and leaving onersquos social roles (see Figure 1) Some scholars sim-plify this projection to ldquothree boxesrdquo youth adulthood and work andold age whereas others stress the primacy of onersquos labor participationand view the linear life course as three phases pre-work work andpostwork Either way ldquoold agerdquo was the last life phase before death andwas conceptualized as an undesirable state This old pre-death phaseoccurred after one had completed onersquos productive lifendashheld a job andraised a family Aging was thought to be a transitional phase of ldquodetach-mentrdquo (Cummings amp Henry 1961) from productive contribution to theend of life And indeed at that time it was a much briefer phase becausethe majority of individuals did not live far into their forties

Furthermore Kohli (1988) suggests that the political construction ofthe post-work phase through pensions moved the moral universe of so-ciety beyond the family or local community where it had previouslybeen focused and located it within the realm of work and the marketeconomy Using labor force participation as the referent for life stages

20 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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and the pension as a substitutive benefit an individualrsquos value (andthus social deservedness) is related to something external and not in-trinsic to the person

The historical context and the values of the ldquofirst old cohortrdquo contrastmarkedly from current conceptualizations of life possibilities Notionsof a life trajectory (as presented in Figure 1) remain culturally similaruntil the first wave of the Baby Boomers begins to age Indeed thepostmodern world of multiplicity pastiche and hyperreality has recon-stituted current understandings of the life course Work remains a cen-tral form of meaning and personhood but the moral economy hasbecome much more complicated and convoluted and many would ar-gue inadequate for contemporary life (Cole 1991)

Postmodern Life Possibilities

Changes in current life trajectories are being conceptualized in twoways One approach as illustrated in Figure 2 still views life as a seriesof phases but the life phases are no longer accomplished in linear fash-ion or phased at specific chronological ages (Schar 1998) One may goto school or back to retrain at several points along the continuum Onemay marry multiple times and raise multiple families One may retireand then return to work The possibilities are multiple The life coursehas become circuitous curvilinear and repetitive

The second reconceptualization of the life course is the extension ofmidlife into many developmental stages This view still holds to a linearframe focused on chronological life decades but extends the opportu-nity for meaningful life engagement through an individualrsquos nineties

Tracy X Karner 21

Birth School Job Family Old Age amp Death

Children

House

Grandchildren

FIGURE 1 Life Course of the First ldquoOld Cohortrdquo

(Adapted from Schar 1998)

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An illustration of this line of thinking can be found in a recent popularbook by anthropologist Gail Sheehy (1995) entitled New PassagesFinding that the linear conceptualization of life as in Figure 1 is inade-quate for todayrsquos mature person Sheehy posits a ldquonew map of adultliferdquo Taking an Eriksonian approach to adult development Sheehy ex-tends adulthood by dividing it into multiple consecutive stages withinwhich multiple social roles and relationships can be refined retooledrevisited and repeated as illustrated in Figure 3

Sheehyrsquos work provides an illustrative example of the changingmoral economy as the Baby Boomer cohort ages Sheehyrsquos earlierwork Passages in 1976 saw meaningful life involvement ending withonersquos fifties Yet as she (and her Baby Boomer peers) approach theselater years Sheehyrsquos notions of the potential for later life ldquopassagesrdquohave enlarged Her new map presents later life as full of possibilities forenrichment personal growth and fulfilling relationships well intoonersquos nineties This is also consistent with studies that have shown thatyounger adults often exaggerate the obstacles faced in old age and havemore negative images of aging than the older individuals themselves(Seccombe amp Masako 1991)

22 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Birth School Family Single Married Retired

Death

JobApt

NewJob

School

House

Children Apt

House

Grandchildren

Children

Grandchildren

Condo

Job

School

Single

FIGURE 2 Postmodern Life Course Possibilities

(Adapted from Schar 1998)

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AGING COHORTS FROM A MARKETING PERSPECTIVE

Currently in the United States as some older individuals are gainingeconomic and political clout the business sector has begun to see the el-derly in a new lightndashthat of an affluent consumer This has prompted atten-tion to aging individuals as an untapped and unexplored new market(Minkler 1991) From this new perspective marketing research (Smith ampClurman 1997 Schar 1998) has extrapolated from sociological under-standings and has identified six current consumer cohorts the DepressionWorld War II Post-warEisenhower Baby Boomers 1 Trailing BabyBoomers 2 and Generation Xers Market research identifies each of thesecohorts as having experienced significant unique coming of age eventsthat have influenced their values and expectations Each cohort shared theage norms and behavior patterns prevalent in their respective eras

Though marketing research may seem a surprising avenue for betterunderstanding aging issues the connection becomes clear as one con-siders the privatization of medical care and aging services Now marketdriven health care and medical costs are the most pressing factors fac-ing our aging population second only to Social Security income In ef-forts to keep costs down consumption of health care including whichMedicare HMO to enroll in is becoming more and more like a tradi-tional business As business and consumerism are the realm of market-ers their understanding of cohort consumption patterns and purchasingpatterns can be used to inform future projections of the most plausibleforms of care aging Boomers will want and use

A brief general overview of each of the cohorts that is currently ag-ing in the United States population follows The Depression cohortthrough the Post-warEisenhower cohort appear to have a similar linear

Tracy X Karner 23

Tryout20s

Turbulent30s

Flourishing40s

Flaming50s

Serene60s

Sage70s

Uninhibited80s

Noble90s

CelebratoryCentenarians

60 Passageto Age ofIntegrity

50Passageto Age ofMastery

30 Passageto First Adulthood

ProvisionalAdulthood

18 to 30

FirstAdulthood

30 to 45

SecondAdulthood45 to 85+

FIGURE 3 New Life Passages

(Adapted from Sheehy 1995)

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approach to their lives and aging expectations However starting withthe Baby Boomers life expectations for their older years begin tobroaden and include many more possibilities Surely this change in ex-pectations suggests the appropriateness of reconceptualizing how agingservices are developed and delivered

Depression Cohort (Born Between 1912-1921)

This cohort reached adulthood as the Depression halted prosperity andincreased joblessness homelessness and general poverty New Deal pro-grams were developed during this cohortrsquos young adulthood and thegovernment was conceptualized into the welfare state as a safety net forthose in need The influence of the Depression on the initiation of old ageinsurance cannot be overstated As private pensions went bankruptbanks closed and families lost everything these options for security inold age were shown to be inadequate The Social Security programshifted reliance from the family economy and replaced intrafamilial strat-egies with intergenerational tax transfers thereby spreading the riskacross entire populations (Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 87)

The Depression era cohort learned from their parents that only a fewyears of schooling could suffice for most jobs and from their grandparentsthat old age would be bleak (Riley 1987) Indeed this cohortrsquos grandpar-ents could have spent their later years in the Almshouse The Almshouseor poor house had been the only option for elderly without other resourcesAs Social Security denied assistance to institutionalized residents theAlmshouses soon disappeared and private nursing homes came into beingIn general the cultural meaning of age was that an older person was seen asfrail poor and in need of assistance (Haber amp Gratton 1994)

Overall this cohort grew up with a strong work ethic during difficulttimes Their expectations for life and success were narrowly definedMany continued to live in the same geographic areas in which they grewup Their core values ldquoare what we think of today as traditional val-uesndashdiscipline self-denial hard work obedience to authority and fi-nancial and social conservatismrdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 8)Families took care of their own Marriages and family life were thenorm Divorce and remarriage were stigmatized and infrequent

World War II Cohort (Born Between 1922-1927 )

This cohort is characterized by unprecedented patriotism and senseof the country as community The road to victory was paved by the

24 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

common effort of all Americans on the home front or fighting in thewar Ration booklets foil drives victory gardens and sacrificing for thewar effort rallied citizens to the common cause

Hard work and savings were seen as the ways to achieve success Selfsacrifice and discipline were valued traits Cooperation mutual sup-port teamwork and community were important That the Depressionwas overcome and the ldquogoodrdquo war was won were seen as having beenachieved through joint efforts and sacrifices toward a greater commongood Authority was respected The president was seen as the leader ofthe free world Military service was honorable Tough guys were ldquorealrdquomenndashHumphrey Bogart and John Wayne were popular film stars Atombombs were dropped on the foreign lands of social ldquoothersrdquo

Issues of the elderly were just one more problem America would lickafter winning the war The median income of Social Security recipientsfell during the 1940s because benefits failed to keep up with inflation(Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 83)

Post WarEisenhower Cohort (Born Between 1928-1945)

These Americans came of age in an era of unexpected economic afflu-ence and political consensus After decidedly winning the war the suprem-acy of The American Way had been reinforced by the United Statesrsquorelative military might economic strength and anticommunitist moral cer-titude which engendered an aura of natural superiority DomesticallyAmericans espoused unquestioning belief in our social institutions and in-dividual conformity (Hodgson 1976) The political military and eco-nomic orders had become inextricably intertwined during the war and thisldquopower eliterdquo engendered a ldquoliberal ideology of consensusrdquo that permeatedthe immediate post war period with a feeling of confidence in Americanleadership (Mills 1959) The social ldquoone dimensionalityrdquo was so pervasiveas to render dissent improbable if not impossible (Marcuse 1964)

The government spread the prosperity rural America was electrifiedthe interstate highway system was developed The GI bill took manyveterans to college and helped them buy their first homes Televisionbecame popular Overnight it seemed the American Way converted arural nation to a suburban one New suburban lifestyles meant new con-sumer markets and war technology meant more consumer conve-niences Consumer choices were seen as the natural manifestation ofpolitical freedom (Smith amp Clurman 1997 pp 25-28)

Suburbs blossomed and the nuclear family was the ideal ldquoThe longheld dream of a fulfilling family life in a comfortable home seemed at

Tracy X Karner 25

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2014

last to be coming true for millions of people not everyone was affluentor middle class but it was assumed that those left out would eventuallyget their sharerdquo (Skolnick 1991 p 50) Men returned from the warmarried and went to college on the GI bill Family life was the corner-stone of American life It was a profamily decade like no other (Coontz1992 pp 24-26)

After college ldquowhite collarrdquo and ldquoorganizational menrdquo moved up theladder as the economy continued to grow (Mills 1951 Whyte 1956)Companies valued loyalty in their employees and workers could se-curely make their entire careers within a single corporation Poor blacksand whites from the South migrated to northern urban areas in largenumbers seeking the American dream (Hodgson 1976)

Older individuals were idealized as nurturing extended fam-ilyndashldquoGrandparents on the old homesteadrdquo This image was captured inthe illustration ldquoThanksgivingrdquo by Norman Rockwell which had alarge family gathered around as Grandma brings the turkey to set infront of Grandpa at the head of a table This cohort had left the farmsand small towns of their youth and moved to the suburbs to work in themilitary-industrial complex Social Security was adjusted benefits in-creased by 77 and were extended to new populations (Achenbaum1986 p 39)

Baby Boomers 1 Cohort (Born Between 1946-1954)

This cohort is the largest and most influential in American historyThe first Baby Boomers were born during the post-war prosperity theyenjoyed unprecedented opportunities in education and employmentTheir value system is based on a sense of entitlement and a belief in con-tinued economic growth Their interests revolve around the self per-sonal goals and instant gratification (Smith amp Clurman 1997) TheseBoomers in contrast with the later Trailing Boomers are more likely tobe homeowners have better private pension programs and because of highnet earnings could have higher income from investments (Cornman ampKingson 1996)

Boomers also adhere to a more inclusive social perspective than theirpredecessors their beliefs in continued prosperity meant that there wasenough to go around for everyone The Great Society programs broughta renewed focus on eradicating poverty in the richest nation in theworld Identity politics of Civil Rights Womenrsquos Liberation Redpower Chicano power Black Panthers etc were all part of their youngadulthood

26 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

The elderly were seen as one of the disadvantaged social groups bat-tling poverty and lacking social inclusion The Older Americans Act of1965 reframed aging issues as ones of increasing rights and entitlementsPopular films such as The Mad Woman of Chaillot (1969) presented re-tired or nonworking elderly as freed from the establishment of thework-a-day world and portrayed them as eccentrics able to embrace theideals of 60s radicalism

Legislation adjusted Social Security during the 1950s so Boomersrsquograndparents retired with more money in their allotments than they hadpaid in Social Security began to provide largely unearned benefits torecipients while maintaining the myth of ldquoinsurancerdquo by pretending thatthese benefits had been earned through taxes on their wages (Haber ampGratton 1994 pp 81-82) This could have only fueled the Boomers no-tion that there would always be plenty

Medical advances during their youth meant that major illness couldbe wiped out with antibiotics or a single vaccine Boomers grew up withmassive community health programs to immunize children against po-lio measles and smallpox Antibiotics also became widely used andmany life-threatening diseases became curable Boomers took goodhealth for granted so they redefined health not as the absence of ill-ness but as being in shape This meant taking an interest in nutritionand exercise and other deliberate efforts to enhance onersquos health and fit-ness though not necessarily acting on these interests since obesity re-mains a growing problem Taking responsibility for onersquos own healthlead to a lack of respect for traditional medical treatments and an en-grossment in alternative forms of health management Boomers soughtfitness and displayed a ldquodetermination to lsquofixrsquo oneself through diet ex-ercise and mental disciplinerdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 240)

Trailing Boomers 2 Cohort (Born Between 1955-1965)

This cohort came of age in the late 70s and early 80s They grew upwith the same high expectations as the earlier Boomers but found theopportunities forestalled as they approached The hard realities ofldquostagflationrdquo oil embargoes nuclear meltdowns Iran hostages theChrysler bailout and highest unemployment levels since the Depres-sion were not what they were expecting These Boomers are predictedto enter their later years with diminished public and private pension pro-grams and with less wealth in terms of housing and investments(Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Tracy X Karner 27

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Trailing Boomersrsquo adolescent expectations combined with their eco-nomic realities to generate a new form of angry pragmatic cynicismThis group of Boomers has been more concerned with self-survival andpreservation than with personal growth This cohort was confrontedwith the notion that success was not assured and as homelessness grewthat mere survival may not be guaranteed either (Smith amp Clurman1997)

ldquoStagflationrdquo also impacted notions about aging since pensions didnot keep up with inflation Elderly advocacy groups brought issues ofaging into public view Media campaigns focused on the plight of thepoor elderly and portrayed them as frail dependent ignored and livingon pet food Ironically one-quarter of all household wealth was con-trolled by individuals 65 and older Indeed the median aged householdwealth was 150 of the median for all households (Haber amp Gratton1994)

Social Security was also projected to go bankrupt and legislative ad-justments focused on ldquofixingrdquo it The 1983 amendment raised the retire-ment age to 66 (in 2008) and 67 (in 2027) in order to ldquosaverdquo the system(Achenbaum 1986 pp 63-103) Aging issues then became issues ofaccess to environments (ie transportation physical accessibility) andservices

Generation Xers Cohort (Born between 1966ndash1977)

This cohort has only known economic volitility with no promise of acertain future This is the first cohort that has not been able to presumesuccess (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 81) They have grown up withMTV talk shows downsizing and layoffs divorce and latchkey kidsdepleting ozone Internet and the Web increasing national debt reces-sion and infomercials They have also seen the dissolution of long-termplanningndashfew believe Social Security will be there for them The in-creasing threat of nuclear war leads few to contemplate a future at allGenXers face economic and social obstacles that their Boomer parentsnever even considered and that may be even more arduous than thosefaced by the Depression cohort Some speculate that the GenerationXers will come to resemble the older cohorts more so than the Boomersbecause the context of pessimism and scarcity of the latter quarter of the20th century approximates the economic turmoil of the Great Depres-sion (Smith amp Clurman 1997) The Generation X cohort has no guaran-tees In spite of the growth of technology and stock market wealth seenby a small percentage of this cohort most GenXers have not shared in

28 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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the prosperity For the most part GenXers without skills and college de-grees have found an increasing gap between their life opportunities andthose of their educated peers (Levy 1998)

It is likely that notions of aging will shift during GenXersrsquo lifetimesBoomers may redesign retirement lessening the Social Security lienbut continuing the GenXersrsquo employment difficulties Given the familyupheavals the ever increasing geographic mobility and lower incomes(Smith amp Clurman 1997) it seems unlikely that this cohort will partici-pate heavily in familial eldercare They will have to maintain an incomefor their own survivalndashit is unlikely that there will be a ready pool of un-employed women to take on the informal caregiving tasks Growing upin divorced and blended families may also impact a GenXerrsquos sense ofduty and obligation to give care If they grew up as latchkey kids willthey be less likely to provide informal unpaid care When all thepreceeding cohorts control most of the wealth how will this cohort re-spond to their calls for assistance

The aging cohorts of today from the Depression era through theGenXers have come of age in distinct socio-historical times Each co-hort culture has reframed issues of aging and need in light of their ownbeliefs and values For the purposes of this article I narrow the discus-sion to a comparison of the Traditional Agers and Aging Baby Boom-ers

TRADITIONAL AGERS AND AGING BOOMERS

I use the term Traditional Ager to refer to cohorts that held to the lin-ear life course (seen in Figure 1) for comparison with Aging Boomerswho experienced very different life possibilities Some comparisons areuseful in illuminating the different orientations to aging as well as towhat kinds of services might be most acceptable

Traditional Agers incorporate individuals born prior to 1946 in asocio-historical context that adhered to the Figure 1 life trajectorywhich views later life as a transition to death These are the foundationalbeliefs of our current aging structures and policies The focus on illnessthe biomedicalization of aging social isolation of older adults in retire-ment or traditional nursing homes the unwillingness to fund supportiveservices and the expectation of family care all create a structure that en-forces passive aging social detachment and increasing dependency

In contrast the Aging Boomers have experienced the life expecta-tions illustrated in Figure 2 Culturally they have focused on creating

Tracy X Karner 29

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social change to fit their expectations the cult of the body the narcis-sism of recreating onersquos life through recreating onersquos self consumerismas high art and a projection of the self and many other experienceswildly different from earlier cohorts It seems likely that they will ap-proach their own aging as a task to accomplish successfully IndeedRowe and Kahnrsquos (1998) recent best seller Successful Aging provides aclear example of this orientation

Aging Boomers

Scholars have approached the ldquodemographic bulgerdquo of the AgingBaby Boomers in many ways Some attempt to predict the needs of thiscohort Silverstone (1996) explores the economic security health anddisability and social support projection for this group Others (Cornmanamp Kingson 1996) specify the problems more closely for policy and de-fine terms for a needed national conversation on aging Still others (Rob-ertson 1991) decry the apocalyptic potential My intent though focusedon a similar concern is quite different In understanding the issues andpotential changes that lie ahead as this very large cohort ages the under-lying values prevalent in society can illuminate the possibilities likelyto be accepted for addressing these concerns I am referring to the moraleconomy to some extent but more specifically to the beliefs valuesand cultures of cohorts that are likely to participate in financing accom-modating and caring for the aging Boomers Indeed understandingboth the Baby Boomer and the GenXer cultures is key for finding ouraging future With awareness of the cohortrsquos culture and historical ex-perience in concert with the demographic statistics and behavior studiesas they relate to aging issues the picture becomes clearer

There were over 76 million Baby Boomers born between 1946 and1964ndash17 million more than would have been born if fertility rates hadremained at 1940 levels (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Boomers are a di-verse group on many issues but most importantly they differ economi-cally Economically Boomers are different from preceding cohorts inthat they are less likely to own homes less likely to have saved muchand less likely to have significant investments Among the Boomersthis is most true for the Trailing Boomers who entered the labor force ina stagnant economy During 1965 to 1985 when most Boomers begantheir working careers the economy was strong enough to incorporatemost of the new workers However there was a growing trend towardinequity in income distribution from the mid 1970s on This affected thelater Boomers and minority Boomers disproportionately Additionally

30 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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the number of Boomers covered by private pension programs is de-creasing (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Diversity Within the Boomer Cohort

The obstacles to a financially secure retirement are even greater forthe more vulnerable populations among the Boomers Women and mi-nority group members who as a result of social patterns of economicracial and gender stratification find themselves with sparse or low paidwork histories face the most jeopardy Among the Boomers are ldquopoorlyeducated unskilled people whose travails in todayrsquos labor marketwill make them highly vulnerable to economic peril in later liferdquo(Silverstone 1996 p 30) Boomers include 18 million members of mi-nority groups The economic realities that they face in aging will be theculmination of discrimination patterns faced over the life course Addi-tionally the longer life expectancies of the 385 million Baby Boomerwomen will compound the financial difficulties

As sociologists have found correlations between poverty and lack ofquality medical care over the lifetime it is likely that the plight of thepoorer Boomers will also include less health and higher medical costs inlater life As even Rowe and Kahn (1998 p 37) admit poverty makesthe attainment of healthy successful aging more difficult Projectionsindicate that by 2040 55 million people will be in nursing homes and114 million will be using home care for part of the year The majority ofthese will be Baby Boomers (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) There is stillsome debate about whether the increases in life expectancy will lead toliving ldquolonger and sickerrdquo or if advances in health care and ldquosuccessfulagingrdquo will decrease the debilitating illnesses associated with advanc-ing years

Within families where most of the eldercare has been performed(Brody 1985) relationships have changed considerably for the Boomercohort Boomers had fewer children later divorced and remarried moreand entered into more diverse family arrangements Single-parent fami-lies blended families and never married households also increasedThe impact of these shifting family configurations on filial responsibil-ity and caregiving for the dependent old remains to be seen (Silverstone1996) We do know that family structures affect ldquofamily incomes re-tirement income potential for family caregiving and child rearingrdquo(Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Caregiving is currently the domain of themiddle aged adult children caring for aging parents (Uhlenberg 1996)

Tracy X Karner 31

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which is dependent on available unpaid labor of female family mem-bers (Montgomery 1998)

Hareven (1994) found distinctly different cohort attitudes towardeldercare She studied a Depression era cohort and a World War II co-hort finding that the older cohort viewed family as the economic unitthat shared resources and expected that the needs of elder family mem-bers would be met within that context The younger WWII cohort wasmore concerned with improving their own lives and were more likely toaccept government assistance for their older family members Theywere also more likely to place their parents in nursing homes Thisstudy illustrates the relationship among cultural values socio-historicalinfluences and eldercare options

In looking at the economic standing of the Generation Xers the adultchildren in line to care for aging Boomers it is unlikely that theirMcJobs will support themselves let alone free up a spouse for family re-sponsibilities Also when we realize that Boomers even in middle agereceive a disproportionate amount of intergenerational support fromtheir aging parents one questions Boomerrsquos potential as caregiversDavey and Eggebeen (1998 p 93) suggest that ldquoparents do tend to pro-vide more support to children than they receive until very late in liferdquoIndeed it looks as though informal family care will be a limited optionat best for the Boomers Thus it is important to look at how formal carecan best be conceptualized and delivered to respond to their needs

Boomer Culture

As with all the other social institutions in their path Boomers will nodoubt redefine aging to suit their own agenda As exemplified in popu-lar culture with Gail Sheehyrsquos New Passages (1995) it is likely that thecloser the Boomers get to ldquooldnessrdquo the more positively they will con-struct and expand the social definitions of aging and the meaning ofldquooldnessrdquo Moreover since they have a propensity to deny or fight theaging process the term ldquooldrdquo may become reserved for only the veryold and very ill

Other key characteristics of the Boomers appear to be an overwhelm-ing sense of entitlement to what they want and the expectation of instantgratification Their lack of savings loosely defined family relation-ships search for meaning in work and consumerism health and fitnessfanaticism and high value on education are quite different from previ-ous aging generations Boomers will demand a different structure of ag-ing programs and services itrsquos unlikely that they will be content in

32 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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age-segregated communities playing golf Their diversity of experienceand means will dictate diversity in aging but it wonrsquot divorce themfrom their cohort values and expectations

Given these values one might envision retirement communities builton a Club Med model for the affluent Boomers or on a commune modelfor the less fortunate Home health care might be repackaged as fitnesscoaching Sporadic retirement ldquobreaksrdquo between joblets or volunteeringcould become the norm and leisure could be refocused on personalgrowth Though speculation can be endless and at times entertainingthe important message for scholars policy makers and service profes-sionals in trying to project future aging needs is that the construction ofthose needs as well as the acceptable responses to those needs will beframed within values that the Boomers developed some four decadesbefore

AGING IN CULTURAL AND SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Boomersrsquo values and socio-historical context will be factors to ex-plore in understanding how the social structures of aging may changeTo paraphrase Riley the Boomers will age differently than those al-ready old When the Boomers hit 65 Generation Xers will have reachedtheir political maturity GenXersrsquo values perceptions and views of theBoomer cohort will color their responsiveness to Boomer needs Theeconomic difficulties and obstacles to success that the GenXers have in-herited from the Boomers and their predecessors may create a moraleconomy that portrays the Boomers as undeserving of governmentsponsored services Furthermore it is unlikely that GenXers will behappy to each pay a third of a Boomersrsquo social security benefits as thepredicted ratio of 31 would dictate (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Currently the elderly are being blamed for all kinds of social illsfrom poor children to the federal deficient (Estes amp Binney 1991p 129) Unless this fracture is repaired in some way that addressesthe social needs of all cohorts perhaps by refocusing on need rather thanage as Neugarten (1982) has suggested it is unlikely that future cohortswill willingly subsidize the later years of those who have aged before themWe must take into account the cohort values and beliefs about their posi-tion in the social world as well as their values relative to other cohorts

Cohort cultures illuminate the reciprocal intersection of biographyand history within society and from there we can go forward toreconceptualize how best to develop and deliver aging services in the

Tracy X Karner 33

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future that most effectively utilize our social resources Indeed the pub-lic policy challenge remains one of balancing the implied promisesmade to various cohorts as they were paying into social insurance pro-grams through payroll taxes the demands that these groups will makeas they reach ldquoold agerdquo and the willingness of younger cohorts to paythe bills Each of these elements the implied promises the demands ofthe aging and the willingness of the young will be based in their cul-tural experiences and cohort values Our current structure of aging ser-vices is still based in premises about the needs and deservedness ofprevious cohorts Insightful public policy will acknowledge the shiftingcultural values about what it is to be old in our society as we begin to ad-dress the needs of the aging Boomer cohort in the context of a delicatesocial balance between the beliefs and values of those who pay andthose who receive

RECEIVED July 2000REVISED November 2000

ACCEPTED February 2001

REFERENCES

Achenbaum W A (1986) Social Security Visions and Revisions Cambridge Cam-bridge University Press

Bengtson V L amp Achenbaum W A (1993) The Changing Contract Across Gener-ations New York Aldine de Gruyter

Bengtson V L Cutler N E Mangen D J amp Marshall V W (1985) Generationscohorts and relations between age groups pp 304-338 in Handbook of Aging andthe Social Sciences 2nd Edition (Robert H Binstock and Ethel Shanas eds) NewYork Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

Brody E M (1985) Parent care as a normative family stress The Gerontologist 25(l)19-29

Cole T R (1991) The Journey of Life A Cultural History of Aging in America Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Coontz S (1992) The Way We Never Were American Families and the NostalgiaTrap New York Basic Books

Cornman J M amp Kingson E R (1996) Trends issues perspectives and values forthe aging of the baby boom cohorts The Gerontologist 36(l) 15-26

Cummings E amp Henry W F (1961) Growing Old The Process of DisengagementNew York Basic Books

Davey A amp Eggebeen D J (1998) Patterns of intergenerational exchange and men-tal health Journal of Gerontology Psychological Sciences 53B(2) 86-95

34 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

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rsity

] at

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3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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Page 2: Caring for an Aging Society

expressly forbidden Terms amp Conditions of access and use can be found athttpwwwtandfonlinecompageterms-and-conditions

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GENERAL ARTICLES

Caring for an Aging SocietyCohort Values and Eldercare Services

Tracy X Karner PhD

University of HoustonHouston TX

ABSTRACT Understanding the impact of cohort values is important intrying to project future aging service needs The cultural characteristicsof cohorts yet to reach the age of 65 are compared with those alreadyldquooldrdquo with specific focus on the Baby Boomers Aging policies (andavailable services) reflect the cultural notions of age and aging held as

Tracy X Karner PhD is Assistant Professor in the Sociology Department at theUniversity of Houston She has published widely on cultural perspectives with re-gard to ethnicity and service use staff and family issues in respite care culture andidentity Vietnam veterans gender and mental illness art aesthetics and Finnish andLithuanian nationalist movements Dr Karner is currently exploring age groups asfluid cultural identities where one may ldquoperformrdquo the behaviors socially and cultur-ally associated with specific ages This perspective removes age from its essentialistchronological mooring and conceives of it as socially constructed categories with as-cribed statuses and behavioral norms Dr Karner can be contacted at the Department ofSociology University of Houston Houston TX 77204-3474 (E-mail txkarneruhedu)

The author wishes to acknowledge the generous and insightful readings of RhondaMontgomery and Jon Hendricks as well as two anonymous reviewers on earlier draftsof this manuscript Their comments helped to clarify the argument and therebystrengthen the article Additionally the assistance of Heather Hales and MaureenSchleyer with editing and library work were also instrumental in completing this workand are greatly appreciated

Journal of Aging amp Social Policy Vol 13(1) 2001 2001 by The Haworth Press Inc All rights reserved 15

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2014

normative during the historical era in which they are enacted Previousresearch into lifestyle preferences consumer practices and key charac-teristics is drawn upon to investigate the values of Baby Boomers in lightof their projected needs for eldercare services Cohort research and gen-erational marketing practices offer a promising foundation for exploringhow best to develop target and deliver aging services that most effec-tively utilize our social resources [Article copies available for a fee fromThe Haworth Document Delivery Service 1-800-342-9678 E-mail addressltgetinfohaworthpressinccomgt Website lthttpwwwHaworthPresscomgt copy 2001by The Haworth Press Inc All rights reserved]

KEYWORDS Cohorts aging generational marketing Baby Boomers

INTRODUCTION

As successive cohorts age notions of need and expectations for carewill continue to be framed both in light of the aging cohortrsquos culture aswell as the values of younger individuals Beliefs about what it is to beldquooldrdquo the moral economy surrounding social ldquodeservednessrdquo and ap-propriate treatment of the aged and the meaning of ldquooldnessrdquo are beingrefined and redefined in an interplay between aging individuals and so-cial structure Understanding the impact of cohort values is especiallyimportant for scholars policy makers and service professionals in try-ing to project future aging needs Indeed the construction of future ag-ing needs and the acceptable responses to those needs will be framedwithin values developed by the different cohorts in their youth

Though the discussion of aging cohorts and their differences is not anew topic for social scientists gerontologists or policy analysts I hopeto frame a new questionndashHow can we use what we know about specificcohorts to better target and market aging services more appropriatelyto each group as it increases in years Elsewhere my colleagues and Ihave investigated various aspects of service delivery that impact clientsatisfaction with services (Montgomery et al 1997 Montgomery et al2000) Additionally we have looked at the impact of race and ethnicculture with regard to service use (Kosloski et al 1999) and service de-livery (Karner 1999) From this work we have identified particular as-pects of service delivery (communication formats staff trainingpresentation of programs culturally specific activities etc) that can bechanged to make services more acceptable to specific populations

16 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

Within this framework I propose that cohort information can be used toinform our future decisions about what kinds of services are most likelyto be well received and thus effective

Some scholars have studied cohorts as a means of understandingchanging support for meeting the needs of the aged (eg Silverstein etal 2001 Uhlenberg 1996 Bengtson amp Achenbaum 1993 Hareven1994) Others have developed the ideas of Ryder (1965) and Mannheim(19221952) in exploring social change as each new cohort comes tomaturity (eg Riley amp Riley 1994) In this article I suggest that cohortresearch could be broadened to explore how services can be best con-ceptualized and presented to attract targeted aging groups specificallythe Baby Boomers Marketers have been approaching the presentationof other products and services by targeting consumer markets yet thisinsight has not been brought into the discussion of how best to providefor the aging service needs of the upcoming Baby Boomer cohorts

The Baby Boomers are now approaching older ages and contributingto the shifting demographic of an aging society Culturally sociallyand economically this cohort in large part due to its extreme and un-precedented size has changed each social institution with which it hascome in contact Indeed ldquoat each stage of their lives the needs and de-sires of the Baby Boomers have become the dominant concerns ofAmerican business and popular culturerdquo (Dychtwald amp Flower 1989p 13) There are no indications that social structures of ldquoold agerdquo will beany less altered The sheer size of this cohort strains all age-gradedevents at the same time Now that this group is facing retirement andSocial Security payments the societal stakes of accommodating Boom-ers is predicted to be high (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) From health carecosts to Medicare and to Social Security programs some speculate thatthis cohort has the potential to exhaust our current aging structuresApocalyptic demography foretells social catastrophe as individuals con-tinue to live longer and sicker (Robertson 1991) As a society we arefacing a potential turning point in how we respond to an aging population(Gutheil 1996)

By the year 2012 the United States population is projected to include14 of the population over age 65 (Sokolovsky 1997 p 2) Thistrend is also global ldquoIn 1995 the 368 million persons aged 65 andover constituted 64 percent of the earthrsquos total populationrdquo (Kinsella1997 p 18) and their numbers will continue to increase Demogra-phers and public policy advocates have long been warning of the in-creasing numbers of older individuals but recently the issue ofproportion of elderly to other segments of the population has come to

Tracy X Karner 17

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2014

the fore By 2030 it is projected that one in five US citizens will beover age 65ndasha full 20 of the population (Siegel amp Taeuber 1986)This is quite a shift from 1900 when only one person in 25 was over age65 (Neugarten 1982 p 33) and the average life expectancy was only47 This issue of proportion becomes very important in discussions ofhow society approaches the needs of its older citizens

Given that US policy at times pays attention to the bottom lineseemingly above all other factors it appears obvious that the way we asa society construct what it means to be ldquooldrdquo and what institutions are inplace to address the needs of ldquoolderrdquo Americans will change Our cur-rent structures have their cultural foundation in the moral economy ofthe 1930s New Deal view of aging The policies and structures havebeen tweaked and shifted a bit but the basic ideology that older individ-uals should be treated differently through government sponsored pro-grams is still there And the services offered to older individuals reflectthe experiences and notions of old age and later life held during the ag-ing of Americarsquos first ldquoold cohortrdquo

Previously Matilda White Riley (1987 Riley amp Riley 1994) elabo-rated on the interdependence and continuing interplay between agingand social change Riley posited that the succession of cohorts providesthe link for sociologists in understanding the relationship between andamong changing cultural understandings the process of aging and so-cial context Each processndashaging and social changendashinforms the otherFurthermore Riley cautions findings from aged cohorts currently un-der study cannot be generalized to future cohorts ldquoThe young of todaywill age differently from those already oldrdquo (Riley 1987 p 2)

My intent here is to follow Rileyrsquos admonishment and to explore thecohort values that underlie our social structures for aging and specifi-cally to raise the question of how they might best be used to inform theconstruction and presentation of aging services for different cohorts Iwill compare the cultural characteristics of cohorts yet to reach the ageof 65 namely the Baby Boomers with those already ldquooldrdquo It is my con-tention that aging policies (and available services) reflect the culturalnotions of age and aging held as normative within the culture during thehistorical era in which they are enacted These notions may also be in-formed with some empirical reality but moreover it is the stereotypesand beliefs prevalent at the time that appear to have the most persuasivepower (see Achenbaum 1986 and Quadagno 1988 for discussions ofenacting Social Security legislation) In addition by relying on a cohortorientation in undertaking this project I will draw on previous researchinto lifestyle preferences consumer practices and key characteristics to

18 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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investigate the values of Baby Boomers in light of their own projectedneeds for eldercare services

AGING COHORTS AND THEIR CULTURES

A cultural approach to the study of the meaning of age oldness andthe process of aging maintains both the influence of the social structureand the agency of the individual actors In exploring shifting ideals ofage and aging across time cohorts provide a midlevel analytic frame forbetter understanding both meanings and expectations within historicalperiods

Cohorts according to Bengtson and colleagues (1985 p 306) areldquoan aggregate of individuals born within the same time intervalrdquo Theyare socialized within a common segment of history and carry the impactof these socio-historical experiences with them as they age It is this im-pact of the context of their early years that influences individualsthroughout their life course that I am focusing on as cohort culturesldquoMen resemble their times more than they do their fathersrdquo says theproverb

Within this discussion I refer to these groupings as cohorts ratherthan generations Leaving the term ldquogenerationrdquo for its kinship usagecohorts are a broader grouping of individuals who share commonsociocultural and historical experiences Onersquos identification with aspecific cohort is determined primarily by the shared cultural contextsthat one faces during the coming of age years or as one becomes an eco-nomic adult In other words what was happening in the world duringonersquos later teens and early twenties Obviously social positions of theindividualsndashtheir gender race and class statusndashwill affect their inculca-tion translation and internalization of the socio-historical influencesAdditionally issues of ldquotouchrdquo and ldquosaturationrdquo need to be considered(Bengtson et al 1985)

Generally cohorts are held together by their shared experiencesldquothings like pop culture economic conditions world events natural di-sasters heroes villains politics and technologyrdquo (Smith amp Clurman1997 p 3) to name a few Cohorts develop and retain similar valuesand life skills as they go about constructing their lives in shared socialand historical contexts Thus the identification of cohort cultures andvalues can assist in understanding how notions of aging and resultingpolicies structures and services have changed and are likely to changeas specific cohorts age

Tracy X Karner 19

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Our current policies programs beliefs and expectations for olderAmericans have their ideological foundation in the Social Security leg-islation initiated in 1935 The social structure of the aging process andthe programs that have grown out of that event have been adjustedamended and expanded over the years However the basic premise thataging individuals should be treated as a distinct social group and pro-tected and cared for within society through government interventionhas remained intact These views can be traced from the values behindthe creation of our first ldquoold cohortrdquo

The First Old Cohort

By first old cohort I am referring to those individuals who reachedtheir middle sixties in the mid 1930s and 1940s when the New Deal oldage pensions that we now know as Social Security were introducedThrough the Social Security legislation these individuals were politi-cally defined as ldquooldrdquo and given the right to retire from the work world(Myles 1984 1991) Thus this cohort became our first group of olderindividuals who were formally recognized by the government as differ-ent from citizens in other phases of their lives (Kohli 1988) Our cur-rent structure of aging programs stems from these social notions of ldquooldagerdquo and the moral economy prevalent during that historical era Recentadjustments to accommodate diversity and delay institutionalizationhave not changed the basic structure of aging services

Life was a linear projection for this cohort with age norms for enter-ing and leaving onersquos social roles (see Figure 1) Some scholars sim-plify this projection to ldquothree boxesrdquo youth adulthood and work andold age whereas others stress the primacy of onersquos labor participationand view the linear life course as three phases pre-work work andpostwork Either way ldquoold agerdquo was the last life phase before death andwas conceptualized as an undesirable state This old pre-death phaseoccurred after one had completed onersquos productive lifendashheld a job andraised a family Aging was thought to be a transitional phase of ldquodetach-mentrdquo (Cummings amp Henry 1961) from productive contribution to theend of life And indeed at that time it was a much briefer phase becausethe majority of individuals did not live far into their forties

Furthermore Kohli (1988) suggests that the political construction ofthe post-work phase through pensions moved the moral universe of so-ciety beyond the family or local community where it had previouslybeen focused and located it within the realm of work and the marketeconomy Using labor force participation as the referent for life stages

20 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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and the pension as a substitutive benefit an individualrsquos value (andthus social deservedness) is related to something external and not in-trinsic to the person

The historical context and the values of the ldquofirst old cohortrdquo contrastmarkedly from current conceptualizations of life possibilities Notionsof a life trajectory (as presented in Figure 1) remain culturally similaruntil the first wave of the Baby Boomers begins to age Indeed thepostmodern world of multiplicity pastiche and hyperreality has recon-stituted current understandings of the life course Work remains a cen-tral form of meaning and personhood but the moral economy hasbecome much more complicated and convoluted and many would ar-gue inadequate for contemporary life (Cole 1991)

Postmodern Life Possibilities

Changes in current life trajectories are being conceptualized in twoways One approach as illustrated in Figure 2 still views life as a seriesof phases but the life phases are no longer accomplished in linear fash-ion or phased at specific chronological ages (Schar 1998) One may goto school or back to retrain at several points along the continuum Onemay marry multiple times and raise multiple families One may retireand then return to work The possibilities are multiple The life coursehas become circuitous curvilinear and repetitive

The second reconceptualization of the life course is the extension ofmidlife into many developmental stages This view still holds to a linearframe focused on chronological life decades but extends the opportu-nity for meaningful life engagement through an individualrsquos nineties

Tracy X Karner 21

Birth School Job Family Old Age amp Death

Children

House

Grandchildren

FIGURE 1 Life Course of the First ldquoOld Cohortrdquo

(Adapted from Schar 1998)

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An illustration of this line of thinking can be found in a recent popularbook by anthropologist Gail Sheehy (1995) entitled New PassagesFinding that the linear conceptualization of life as in Figure 1 is inade-quate for todayrsquos mature person Sheehy posits a ldquonew map of adultliferdquo Taking an Eriksonian approach to adult development Sheehy ex-tends adulthood by dividing it into multiple consecutive stages withinwhich multiple social roles and relationships can be refined retooledrevisited and repeated as illustrated in Figure 3

Sheehyrsquos work provides an illustrative example of the changingmoral economy as the Baby Boomer cohort ages Sheehyrsquos earlierwork Passages in 1976 saw meaningful life involvement ending withonersquos fifties Yet as she (and her Baby Boomer peers) approach theselater years Sheehyrsquos notions of the potential for later life ldquopassagesrdquohave enlarged Her new map presents later life as full of possibilities forenrichment personal growth and fulfilling relationships well intoonersquos nineties This is also consistent with studies that have shown thatyounger adults often exaggerate the obstacles faced in old age and havemore negative images of aging than the older individuals themselves(Seccombe amp Masako 1991)

22 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Birth School Family Single Married Retired

Death

JobApt

NewJob

School

House

Children Apt

House

Grandchildren

Children

Grandchildren

Condo

Job

School

Single

FIGURE 2 Postmodern Life Course Possibilities

(Adapted from Schar 1998)

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AGING COHORTS FROM A MARKETING PERSPECTIVE

Currently in the United States as some older individuals are gainingeconomic and political clout the business sector has begun to see the el-derly in a new lightndashthat of an affluent consumer This has prompted atten-tion to aging individuals as an untapped and unexplored new market(Minkler 1991) From this new perspective marketing research (Smith ampClurman 1997 Schar 1998) has extrapolated from sociological under-standings and has identified six current consumer cohorts the DepressionWorld War II Post-warEisenhower Baby Boomers 1 Trailing BabyBoomers 2 and Generation Xers Market research identifies each of thesecohorts as having experienced significant unique coming of age eventsthat have influenced their values and expectations Each cohort shared theage norms and behavior patterns prevalent in their respective eras

Though marketing research may seem a surprising avenue for betterunderstanding aging issues the connection becomes clear as one con-siders the privatization of medical care and aging services Now marketdriven health care and medical costs are the most pressing factors fac-ing our aging population second only to Social Security income In ef-forts to keep costs down consumption of health care including whichMedicare HMO to enroll in is becoming more and more like a tradi-tional business As business and consumerism are the realm of market-ers their understanding of cohort consumption patterns and purchasingpatterns can be used to inform future projections of the most plausibleforms of care aging Boomers will want and use

A brief general overview of each of the cohorts that is currently ag-ing in the United States population follows The Depression cohortthrough the Post-warEisenhower cohort appear to have a similar linear

Tracy X Karner 23

Tryout20s

Turbulent30s

Flourishing40s

Flaming50s

Serene60s

Sage70s

Uninhibited80s

Noble90s

CelebratoryCentenarians

60 Passageto Age ofIntegrity

50Passageto Age ofMastery

30 Passageto First Adulthood

ProvisionalAdulthood

18 to 30

FirstAdulthood

30 to 45

SecondAdulthood45 to 85+

FIGURE 3 New Life Passages

(Adapted from Sheehy 1995)

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approach to their lives and aging expectations However starting withthe Baby Boomers life expectations for their older years begin tobroaden and include many more possibilities Surely this change in ex-pectations suggests the appropriateness of reconceptualizing how agingservices are developed and delivered

Depression Cohort (Born Between 1912-1921)

This cohort reached adulthood as the Depression halted prosperity andincreased joblessness homelessness and general poverty New Deal pro-grams were developed during this cohortrsquos young adulthood and thegovernment was conceptualized into the welfare state as a safety net forthose in need The influence of the Depression on the initiation of old ageinsurance cannot be overstated As private pensions went bankruptbanks closed and families lost everything these options for security inold age were shown to be inadequate The Social Security programshifted reliance from the family economy and replaced intrafamilial strat-egies with intergenerational tax transfers thereby spreading the riskacross entire populations (Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 87)

The Depression era cohort learned from their parents that only a fewyears of schooling could suffice for most jobs and from their grandparentsthat old age would be bleak (Riley 1987) Indeed this cohortrsquos grandpar-ents could have spent their later years in the Almshouse The Almshouseor poor house had been the only option for elderly without other resourcesAs Social Security denied assistance to institutionalized residents theAlmshouses soon disappeared and private nursing homes came into beingIn general the cultural meaning of age was that an older person was seen asfrail poor and in need of assistance (Haber amp Gratton 1994)

Overall this cohort grew up with a strong work ethic during difficulttimes Their expectations for life and success were narrowly definedMany continued to live in the same geographic areas in which they grewup Their core values ldquoare what we think of today as traditional val-uesndashdiscipline self-denial hard work obedience to authority and fi-nancial and social conservatismrdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 8)Families took care of their own Marriages and family life were thenorm Divorce and remarriage were stigmatized and infrequent

World War II Cohort (Born Between 1922-1927 )

This cohort is characterized by unprecedented patriotism and senseof the country as community The road to victory was paved by the

24 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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common effort of all Americans on the home front or fighting in thewar Ration booklets foil drives victory gardens and sacrificing for thewar effort rallied citizens to the common cause

Hard work and savings were seen as the ways to achieve success Selfsacrifice and discipline were valued traits Cooperation mutual sup-port teamwork and community were important That the Depressionwas overcome and the ldquogoodrdquo war was won were seen as having beenachieved through joint efforts and sacrifices toward a greater commongood Authority was respected The president was seen as the leader ofthe free world Military service was honorable Tough guys were ldquorealrdquomenndashHumphrey Bogart and John Wayne were popular film stars Atombombs were dropped on the foreign lands of social ldquoothersrdquo

Issues of the elderly were just one more problem America would lickafter winning the war The median income of Social Security recipientsfell during the 1940s because benefits failed to keep up with inflation(Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 83)

Post WarEisenhower Cohort (Born Between 1928-1945)

These Americans came of age in an era of unexpected economic afflu-ence and political consensus After decidedly winning the war the suprem-acy of The American Way had been reinforced by the United Statesrsquorelative military might economic strength and anticommunitist moral cer-titude which engendered an aura of natural superiority DomesticallyAmericans espoused unquestioning belief in our social institutions and in-dividual conformity (Hodgson 1976) The political military and eco-nomic orders had become inextricably intertwined during the war and thisldquopower eliterdquo engendered a ldquoliberal ideology of consensusrdquo that permeatedthe immediate post war period with a feeling of confidence in Americanleadership (Mills 1959) The social ldquoone dimensionalityrdquo was so pervasiveas to render dissent improbable if not impossible (Marcuse 1964)

The government spread the prosperity rural America was electrifiedthe interstate highway system was developed The GI bill took manyveterans to college and helped them buy their first homes Televisionbecame popular Overnight it seemed the American Way converted arural nation to a suburban one New suburban lifestyles meant new con-sumer markets and war technology meant more consumer conve-niences Consumer choices were seen as the natural manifestation ofpolitical freedom (Smith amp Clurman 1997 pp 25-28)

Suburbs blossomed and the nuclear family was the ideal ldquoThe longheld dream of a fulfilling family life in a comfortable home seemed at

Tracy X Karner 25

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2014

last to be coming true for millions of people not everyone was affluentor middle class but it was assumed that those left out would eventuallyget their sharerdquo (Skolnick 1991 p 50) Men returned from the warmarried and went to college on the GI bill Family life was the corner-stone of American life It was a profamily decade like no other (Coontz1992 pp 24-26)

After college ldquowhite collarrdquo and ldquoorganizational menrdquo moved up theladder as the economy continued to grow (Mills 1951 Whyte 1956)Companies valued loyalty in their employees and workers could se-curely make their entire careers within a single corporation Poor blacksand whites from the South migrated to northern urban areas in largenumbers seeking the American dream (Hodgson 1976)

Older individuals were idealized as nurturing extended fam-ilyndashldquoGrandparents on the old homesteadrdquo This image was captured inthe illustration ldquoThanksgivingrdquo by Norman Rockwell which had alarge family gathered around as Grandma brings the turkey to set infront of Grandpa at the head of a table This cohort had left the farmsand small towns of their youth and moved to the suburbs to work in themilitary-industrial complex Social Security was adjusted benefits in-creased by 77 and were extended to new populations (Achenbaum1986 p 39)

Baby Boomers 1 Cohort (Born Between 1946-1954)

This cohort is the largest and most influential in American historyThe first Baby Boomers were born during the post-war prosperity theyenjoyed unprecedented opportunities in education and employmentTheir value system is based on a sense of entitlement and a belief in con-tinued economic growth Their interests revolve around the self per-sonal goals and instant gratification (Smith amp Clurman 1997) TheseBoomers in contrast with the later Trailing Boomers are more likely tobe homeowners have better private pension programs and because of highnet earnings could have higher income from investments (Cornman ampKingson 1996)

Boomers also adhere to a more inclusive social perspective than theirpredecessors their beliefs in continued prosperity meant that there wasenough to go around for everyone The Great Society programs broughta renewed focus on eradicating poverty in the richest nation in theworld Identity politics of Civil Rights Womenrsquos Liberation Redpower Chicano power Black Panthers etc were all part of their youngadulthood

26 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

The elderly were seen as one of the disadvantaged social groups bat-tling poverty and lacking social inclusion The Older Americans Act of1965 reframed aging issues as ones of increasing rights and entitlementsPopular films such as The Mad Woman of Chaillot (1969) presented re-tired or nonworking elderly as freed from the establishment of thework-a-day world and portrayed them as eccentrics able to embrace theideals of 60s radicalism

Legislation adjusted Social Security during the 1950s so Boomersrsquograndparents retired with more money in their allotments than they hadpaid in Social Security began to provide largely unearned benefits torecipients while maintaining the myth of ldquoinsurancerdquo by pretending thatthese benefits had been earned through taxes on their wages (Haber ampGratton 1994 pp 81-82) This could have only fueled the Boomers no-tion that there would always be plenty

Medical advances during their youth meant that major illness couldbe wiped out with antibiotics or a single vaccine Boomers grew up withmassive community health programs to immunize children against po-lio measles and smallpox Antibiotics also became widely used andmany life-threatening diseases became curable Boomers took goodhealth for granted so they redefined health not as the absence of ill-ness but as being in shape This meant taking an interest in nutritionand exercise and other deliberate efforts to enhance onersquos health and fit-ness though not necessarily acting on these interests since obesity re-mains a growing problem Taking responsibility for onersquos own healthlead to a lack of respect for traditional medical treatments and an en-grossment in alternative forms of health management Boomers soughtfitness and displayed a ldquodetermination to lsquofixrsquo oneself through diet ex-ercise and mental disciplinerdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 240)

Trailing Boomers 2 Cohort (Born Between 1955-1965)

This cohort came of age in the late 70s and early 80s They grew upwith the same high expectations as the earlier Boomers but found theopportunities forestalled as they approached The hard realities ofldquostagflationrdquo oil embargoes nuclear meltdowns Iran hostages theChrysler bailout and highest unemployment levels since the Depres-sion were not what they were expecting These Boomers are predictedto enter their later years with diminished public and private pension pro-grams and with less wealth in terms of housing and investments(Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Tracy X Karner 27

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2014

Trailing Boomersrsquo adolescent expectations combined with their eco-nomic realities to generate a new form of angry pragmatic cynicismThis group of Boomers has been more concerned with self-survival andpreservation than with personal growth This cohort was confrontedwith the notion that success was not assured and as homelessness grewthat mere survival may not be guaranteed either (Smith amp Clurman1997)

ldquoStagflationrdquo also impacted notions about aging since pensions didnot keep up with inflation Elderly advocacy groups brought issues ofaging into public view Media campaigns focused on the plight of thepoor elderly and portrayed them as frail dependent ignored and livingon pet food Ironically one-quarter of all household wealth was con-trolled by individuals 65 and older Indeed the median aged householdwealth was 150 of the median for all households (Haber amp Gratton1994)

Social Security was also projected to go bankrupt and legislative ad-justments focused on ldquofixingrdquo it The 1983 amendment raised the retire-ment age to 66 (in 2008) and 67 (in 2027) in order to ldquosaverdquo the system(Achenbaum 1986 pp 63-103) Aging issues then became issues ofaccess to environments (ie transportation physical accessibility) andservices

Generation Xers Cohort (Born between 1966ndash1977)

This cohort has only known economic volitility with no promise of acertain future This is the first cohort that has not been able to presumesuccess (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 81) They have grown up withMTV talk shows downsizing and layoffs divorce and latchkey kidsdepleting ozone Internet and the Web increasing national debt reces-sion and infomercials They have also seen the dissolution of long-termplanningndashfew believe Social Security will be there for them The in-creasing threat of nuclear war leads few to contemplate a future at allGenXers face economic and social obstacles that their Boomer parentsnever even considered and that may be even more arduous than thosefaced by the Depression cohort Some speculate that the GenerationXers will come to resemble the older cohorts more so than the Boomersbecause the context of pessimism and scarcity of the latter quarter of the20th century approximates the economic turmoil of the Great Depres-sion (Smith amp Clurman 1997) The Generation X cohort has no guaran-tees In spite of the growth of technology and stock market wealth seenby a small percentage of this cohort most GenXers have not shared in

28 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

the prosperity For the most part GenXers without skills and college de-grees have found an increasing gap between their life opportunities andthose of their educated peers (Levy 1998)

It is likely that notions of aging will shift during GenXersrsquo lifetimesBoomers may redesign retirement lessening the Social Security lienbut continuing the GenXersrsquo employment difficulties Given the familyupheavals the ever increasing geographic mobility and lower incomes(Smith amp Clurman 1997) it seems unlikely that this cohort will partici-pate heavily in familial eldercare They will have to maintain an incomefor their own survivalndashit is unlikely that there will be a ready pool of un-employed women to take on the informal caregiving tasks Growing upin divorced and blended families may also impact a GenXerrsquos sense ofduty and obligation to give care If they grew up as latchkey kids willthey be less likely to provide informal unpaid care When all thepreceeding cohorts control most of the wealth how will this cohort re-spond to their calls for assistance

The aging cohorts of today from the Depression era through theGenXers have come of age in distinct socio-historical times Each co-hort culture has reframed issues of aging and need in light of their ownbeliefs and values For the purposes of this article I narrow the discus-sion to a comparison of the Traditional Agers and Aging Baby Boom-ers

TRADITIONAL AGERS AND AGING BOOMERS

I use the term Traditional Ager to refer to cohorts that held to the lin-ear life course (seen in Figure 1) for comparison with Aging Boomerswho experienced very different life possibilities Some comparisons areuseful in illuminating the different orientations to aging as well as towhat kinds of services might be most acceptable

Traditional Agers incorporate individuals born prior to 1946 in asocio-historical context that adhered to the Figure 1 life trajectorywhich views later life as a transition to death These are the foundationalbeliefs of our current aging structures and policies The focus on illnessthe biomedicalization of aging social isolation of older adults in retire-ment or traditional nursing homes the unwillingness to fund supportiveservices and the expectation of family care all create a structure that en-forces passive aging social detachment and increasing dependency

In contrast the Aging Boomers have experienced the life expecta-tions illustrated in Figure 2 Culturally they have focused on creating

Tracy X Karner 29

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2014

social change to fit their expectations the cult of the body the narcis-sism of recreating onersquos life through recreating onersquos self consumerismas high art and a projection of the self and many other experienceswildly different from earlier cohorts It seems likely that they will ap-proach their own aging as a task to accomplish successfully IndeedRowe and Kahnrsquos (1998) recent best seller Successful Aging provides aclear example of this orientation

Aging Boomers

Scholars have approached the ldquodemographic bulgerdquo of the AgingBaby Boomers in many ways Some attempt to predict the needs of thiscohort Silverstone (1996) explores the economic security health anddisability and social support projection for this group Others (Cornmanamp Kingson 1996) specify the problems more closely for policy and de-fine terms for a needed national conversation on aging Still others (Rob-ertson 1991) decry the apocalyptic potential My intent though focusedon a similar concern is quite different In understanding the issues andpotential changes that lie ahead as this very large cohort ages the under-lying values prevalent in society can illuminate the possibilities likelyto be accepted for addressing these concerns I am referring to the moraleconomy to some extent but more specifically to the beliefs valuesand cultures of cohorts that are likely to participate in financing accom-modating and caring for the aging Boomers Indeed understandingboth the Baby Boomer and the GenXer cultures is key for finding ouraging future With awareness of the cohortrsquos culture and historical ex-perience in concert with the demographic statistics and behavior studiesas they relate to aging issues the picture becomes clearer

There were over 76 million Baby Boomers born between 1946 and1964ndash17 million more than would have been born if fertility rates hadremained at 1940 levels (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Boomers are a di-verse group on many issues but most importantly they differ economi-cally Economically Boomers are different from preceding cohorts inthat they are less likely to own homes less likely to have saved muchand less likely to have significant investments Among the Boomersthis is most true for the Trailing Boomers who entered the labor force ina stagnant economy During 1965 to 1985 when most Boomers begantheir working careers the economy was strong enough to incorporatemost of the new workers However there was a growing trend towardinequity in income distribution from the mid 1970s on This affected thelater Boomers and minority Boomers disproportionately Additionally

30 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

the number of Boomers covered by private pension programs is de-creasing (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Diversity Within the Boomer Cohort

The obstacles to a financially secure retirement are even greater forthe more vulnerable populations among the Boomers Women and mi-nority group members who as a result of social patterns of economicracial and gender stratification find themselves with sparse or low paidwork histories face the most jeopardy Among the Boomers are ldquopoorlyeducated unskilled people whose travails in todayrsquos labor marketwill make them highly vulnerable to economic peril in later liferdquo(Silverstone 1996 p 30) Boomers include 18 million members of mi-nority groups The economic realities that they face in aging will be theculmination of discrimination patterns faced over the life course Addi-tionally the longer life expectancies of the 385 million Baby Boomerwomen will compound the financial difficulties

As sociologists have found correlations between poverty and lack ofquality medical care over the lifetime it is likely that the plight of thepoorer Boomers will also include less health and higher medical costs inlater life As even Rowe and Kahn (1998 p 37) admit poverty makesthe attainment of healthy successful aging more difficult Projectionsindicate that by 2040 55 million people will be in nursing homes and114 million will be using home care for part of the year The majority ofthese will be Baby Boomers (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) There is stillsome debate about whether the increases in life expectancy will lead toliving ldquolonger and sickerrdquo or if advances in health care and ldquosuccessfulagingrdquo will decrease the debilitating illnesses associated with advanc-ing years

Within families where most of the eldercare has been performed(Brody 1985) relationships have changed considerably for the Boomercohort Boomers had fewer children later divorced and remarried moreand entered into more diverse family arrangements Single-parent fami-lies blended families and never married households also increasedThe impact of these shifting family configurations on filial responsibil-ity and caregiving for the dependent old remains to be seen (Silverstone1996) We do know that family structures affect ldquofamily incomes re-tirement income potential for family caregiving and child rearingrdquo(Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Caregiving is currently the domain of themiddle aged adult children caring for aging parents (Uhlenberg 1996)

Tracy X Karner 31

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2014

which is dependent on available unpaid labor of female family mem-bers (Montgomery 1998)

Hareven (1994) found distinctly different cohort attitudes towardeldercare She studied a Depression era cohort and a World War II co-hort finding that the older cohort viewed family as the economic unitthat shared resources and expected that the needs of elder family mem-bers would be met within that context The younger WWII cohort wasmore concerned with improving their own lives and were more likely toaccept government assistance for their older family members Theywere also more likely to place their parents in nursing homes Thisstudy illustrates the relationship among cultural values socio-historicalinfluences and eldercare options

In looking at the economic standing of the Generation Xers the adultchildren in line to care for aging Boomers it is unlikely that theirMcJobs will support themselves let alone free up a spouse for family re-sponsibilities Also when we realize that Boomers even in middle agereceive a disproportionate amount of intergenerational support fromtheir aging parents one questions Boomerrsquos potential as caregiversDavey and Eggebeen (1998 p 93) suggest that ldquoparents do tend to pro-vide more support to children than they receive until very late in liferdquoIndeed it looks as though informal family care will be a limited optionat best for the Boomers Thus it is important to look at how formal carecan best be conceptualized and delivered to respond to their needs

Boomer Culture

As with all the other social institutions in their path Boomers will nodoubt redefine aging to suit their own agenda As exemplified in popu-lar culture with Gail Sheehyrsquos New Passages (1995) it is likely that thecloser the Boomers get to ldquooldnessrdquo the more positively they will con-struct and expand the social definitions of aging and the meaning ofldquooldnessrdquo Moreover since they have a propensity to deny or fight theaging process the term ldquooldrdquo may become reserved for only the veryold and very ill

Other key characteristics of the Boomers appear to be an overwhelm-ing sense of entitlement to what they want and the expectation of instantgratification Their lack of savings loosely defined family relation-ships search for meaning in work and consumerism health and fitnessfanaticism and high value on education are quite different from previ-ous aging generations Boomers will demand a different structure of ag-ing programs and services itrsquos unlikely that they will be content in

32 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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age-segregated communities playing golf Their diversity of experienceand means will dictate diversity in aging but it wonrsquot divorce themfrom their cohort values and expectations

Given these values one might envision retirement communities builton a Club Med model for the affluent Boomers or on a commune modelfor the less fortunate Home health care might be repackaged as fitnesscoaching Sporadic retirement ldquobreaksrdquo between joblets or volunteeringcould become the norm and leisure could be refocused on personalgrowth Though speculation can be endless and at times entertainingthe important message for scholars policy makers and service profes-sionals in trying to project future aging needs is that the construction ofthose needs as well as the acceptable responses to those needs will beframed within values that the Boomers developed some four decadesbefore

AGING IN CULTURAL AND SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Boomersrsquo values and socio-historical context will be factors to ex-plore in understanding how the social structures of aging may changeTo paraphrase Riley the Boomers will age differently than those al-ready old When the Boomers hit 65 Generation Xers will have reachedtheir political maturity GenXersrsquo values perceptions and views of theBoomer cohort will color their responsiveness to Boomer needs Theeconomic difficulties and obstacles to success that the GenXers have in-herited from the Boomers and their predecessors may create a moraleconomy that portrays the Boomers as undeserving of governmentsponsored services Furthermore it is unlikely that GenXers will behappy to each pay a third of a Boomersrsquo social security benefits as thepredicted ratio of 31 would dictate (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Currently the elderly are being blamed for all kinds of social illsfrom poor children to the federal deficient (Estes amp Binney 1991p 129) Unless this fracture is repaired in some way that addressesthe social needs of all cohorts perhaps by refocusing on need rather thanage as Neugarten (1982) has suggested it is unlikely that future cohortswill willingly subsidize the later years of those who have aged before themWe must take into account the cohort values and beliefs about their posi-tion in the social world as well as their values relative to other cohorts

Cohort cultures illuminate the reciprocal intersection of biographyand history within society and from there we can go forward toreconceptualize how best to develop and deliver aging services in the

Tracy X Karner 33

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future that most effectively utilize our social resources Indeed the pub-lic policy challenge remains one of balancing the implied promisesmade to various cohorts as they were paying into social insurance pro-grams through payroll taxes the demands that these groups will makeas they reach ldquoold agerdquo and the willingness of younger cohorts to paythe bills Each of these elements the implied promises the demands ofthe aging and the willingness of the young will be based in their cul-tural experiences and cohort values Our current structure of aging ser-vices is still based in premises about the needs and deservedness ofprevious cohorts Insightful public policy will acknowledge the shiftingcultural values about what it is to be old in our society as we begin to ad-dress the needs of the aging Boomer cohort in the context of a delicatesocial balance between the beliefs and values of those who pay andthose who receive

RECEIVED July 2000REVISED November 2000

ACCEPTED February 2001

REFERENCES

Achenbaum W A (1986) Social Security Visions and Revisions Cambridge Cam-bridge University Press

Bengtson V L amp Achenbaum W A (1993) The Changing Contract Across Gener-ations New York Aldine de Gruyter

Bengtson V L Cutler N E Mangen D J amp Marshall V W (1985) Generationscohorts and relations between age groups pp 304-338 in Handbook of Aging andthe Social Sciences 2nd Edition (Robert H Binstock and Ethel Shanas eds) NewYork Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

Brody E M (1985) Parent care as a normative family stress The Gerontologist 25(l)19-29

Cole T R (1991) The Journey of Life A Cultural History of Aging in America Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Coontz S (1992) The Way We Never Were American Families and the NostalgiaTrap New York Basic Books

Cornman J M amp Kingson E R (1996) Trends issues perspectives and values forthe aging of the baby boom cohorts The Gerontologist 36(l) 15-26

Cummings E amp Henry W F (1961) Growing Old The Process of DisengagementNew York Basic Books

Davey A amp Eggebeen D J (1998) Patterns of intergenerational exchange and men-tal health Journal of Gerontology Psychological Sciences 53B(2) 86-95

34 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

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rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

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ded

by [

Nor

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nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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Page 3: Caring for an Aging Society

GENERAL ARTICLES

Caring for an Aging SocietyCohort Values and Eldercare Services

Tracy X Karner PhD

University of HoustonHouston TX

ABSTRACT Understanding the impact of cohort values is important intrying to project future aging service needs The cultural characteristicsof cohorts yet to reach the age of 65 are compared with those alreadyldquooldrdquo with specific focus on the Baby Boomers Aging policies (andavailable services) reflect the cultural notions of age and aging held as

Tracy X Karner PhD is Assistant Professor in the Sociology Department at theUniversity of Houston She has published widely on cultural perspectives with re-gard to ethnicity and service use staff and family issues in respite care culture andidentity Vietnam veterans gender and mental illness art aesthetics and Finnish andLithuanian nationalist movements Dr Karner is currently exploring age groups asfluid cultural identities where one may ldquoperformrdquo the behaviors socially and cultur-ally associated with specific ages This perspective removes age from its essentialistchronological mooring and conceives of it as socially constructed categories with as-cribed statuses and behavioral norms Dr Karner can be contacted at the Department ofSociology University of Houston Houston TX 77204-3474 (E-mail txkarneruhedu)

The author wishes to acknowledge the generous and insightful readings of RhondaMontgomery and Jon Hendricks as well as two anonymous reviewers on earlier draftsof this manuscript Their comments helped to clarify the argument and therebystrengthen the article Additionally the assistance of Heather Hales and MaureenSchleyer with editing and library work were also instrumental in completing this workand are greatly appreciated

Journal of Aging amp Social Policy Vol 13(1) 2001 2001 by The Haworth Press Inc All rights reserved 15

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2014

normative during the historical era in which they are enacted Previousresearch into lifestyle preferences consumer practices and key charac-teristics is drawn upon to investigate the values of Baby Boomers in lightof their projected needs for eldercare services Cohort research and gen-erational marketing practices offer a promising foundation for exploringhow best to develop target and deliver aging services that most effec-tively utilize our social resources [Article copies available for a fee fromThe Haworth Document Delivery Service 1-800-342-9678 E-mail addressltgetinfohaworthpressinccomgt Website lthttpwwwHaworthPresscomgt copy 2001by The Haworth Press Inc All rights reserved]

KEYWORDS Cohorts aging generational marketing Baby Boomers

INTRODUCTION

As successive cohorts age notions of need and expectations for carewill continue to be framed both in light of the aging cohortrsquos culture aswell as the values of younger individuals Beliefs about what it is to beldquooldrdquo the moral economy surrounding social ldquodeservednessrdquo and ap-propriate treatment of the aged and the meaning of ldquooldnessrdquo are beingrefined and redefined in an interplay between aging individuals and so-cial structure Understanding the impact of cohort values is especiallyimportant for scholars policy makers and service professionals in try-ing to project future aging needs Indeed the construction of future ag-ing needs and the acceptable responses to those needs will be framedwithin values developed by the different cohorts in their youth

Though the discussion of aging cohorts and their differences is not anew topic for social scientists gerontologists or policy analysts I hopeto frame a new questionndashHow can we use what we know about specificcohorts to better target and market aging services more appropriatelyto each group as it increases in years Elsewhere my colleagues and Ihave investigated various aspects of service delivery that impact clientsatisfaction with services (Montgomery et al 1997 Montgomery et al2000) Additionally we have looked at the impact of race and ethnicculture with regard to service use (Kosloski et al 1999) and service de-livery (Karner 1999) From this work we have identified particular as-pects of service delivery (communication formats staff trainingpresentation of programs culturally specific activities etc) that can bechanged to make services more acceptable to specific populations

16 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

Within this framework I propose that cohort information can be used toinform our future decisions about what kinds of services are most likelyto be well received and thus effective

Some scholars have studied cohorts as a means of understandingchanging support for meeting the needs of the aged (eg Silverstein etal 2001 Uhlenberg 1996 Bengtson amp Achenbaum 1993 Hareven1994) Others have developed the ideas of Ryder (1965) and Mannheim(19221952) in exploring social change as each new cohort comes tomaturity (eg Riley amp Riley 1994) In this article I suggest that cohortresearch could be broadened to explore how services can be best con-ceptualized and presented to attract targeted aging groups specificallythe Baby Boomers Marketers have been approaching the presentationof other products and services by targeting consumer markets yet thisinsight has not been brought into the discussion of how best to providefor the aging service needs of the upcoming Baby Boomer cohorts

The Baby Boomers are now approaching older ages and contributingto the shifting demographic of an aging society Culturally sociallyand economically this cohort in large part due to its extreme and un-precedented size has changed each social institution with which it hascome in contact Indeed ldquoat each stage of their lives the needs and de-sires of the Baby Boomers have become the dominant concerns ofAmerican business and popular culturerdquo (Dychtwald amp Flower 1989p 13) There are no indications that social structures of ldquoold agerdquo will beany less altered The sheer size of this cohort strains all age-gradedevents at the same time Now that this group is facing retirement andSocial Security payments the societal stakes of accommodating Boom-ers is predicted to be high (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) From health carecosts to Medicare and to Social Security programs some speculate thatthis cohort has the potential to exhaust our current aging structuresApocalyptic demography foretells social catastrophe as individuals con-tinue to live longer and sicker (Robertson 1991) As a society we arefacing a potential turning point in how we respond to an aging population(Gutheil 1996)

By the year 2012 the United States population is projected to include14 of the population over age 65 (Sokolovsky 1997 p 2) Thistrend is also global ldquoIn 1995 the 368 million persons aged 65 andover constituted 64 percent of the earthrsquos total populationrdquo (Kinsella1997 p 18) and their numbers will continue to increase Demogra-phers and public policy advocates have long been warning of the in-creasing numbers of older individuals but recently the issue ofproportion of elderly to other segments of the population has come to

Tracy X Karner 17

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2014

the fore By 2030 it is projected that one in five US citizens will beover age 65ndasha full 20 of the population (Siegel amp Taeuber 1986)This is quite a shift from 1900 when only one person in 25 was over age65 (Neugarten 1982 p 33) and the average life expectancy was only47 This issue of proportion becomes very important in discussions ofhow society approaches the needs of its older citizens

Given that US policy at times pays attention to the bottom lineseemingly above all other factors it appears obvious that the way we asa society construct what it means to be ldquooldrdquo and what institutions are inplace to address the needs of ldquoolderrdquo Americans will change Our cur-rent structures have their cultural foundation in the moral economy ofthe 1930s New Deal view of aging The policies and structures havebeen tweaked and shifted a bit but the basic ideology that older individ-uals should be treated differently through government sponsored pro-grams is still there And the services offered to older individuals reflectthe experiences and notions of old age and later life held during the ag-ing of Americarsquos first ldquoold cohortrdquo

Previously Matilda White Riley (1987 Riley amp Riley 1994) elabo-rated on the interdependence and continuing interplay between agingand social change Riley posited that the succession of cohorts providesthe link for sociologists in understanding the relationship between andamong changing cultural understandings the process of aging and so-cial context Each processndashaging and social changendashinforms the otherFurthermore Riley cautions findings from aged cohorts currently un-der study cannot be generalized to future cohorts ldquoThe young of todaywill age differently from those already oldrdquo (Riley 1987 p 2)

My intent here is to follow Rileyrsquos admonishment and to explore thecohort values that underlie our social structures for aging and specifi-cally to raise the question of how they might best be used to inform theconstruction and presentation of aging services for different cohorts Iwill compare the cultural characteristics of cohorts yet to reach the ageof 65 namely the Baby Boomers with those already ldquooldrdquo It is my con-tention that aging policies (and available services) reflect the culturalnotions of age and aging held as normative within the culture during thehistorical era in which they are enacted These notions may also be in-formed with some empirical reality but moreover it is the stereotypesand beliefs prevalent at the time that appear to have the most persuasivepower (see Achenbaum 1986 and Quadagno 1988 for discussions ofenacting Social Security legislation) In addition by relying on a cohortorientation in undertaking this project I will draw on previous researchinto lifestyle preferences consumer practices and key characteristics to

18 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

investigate the values of Baby Boomers in light of their own projectedneeds for eldercare services

AGING COHORTS AND THEIR CULTURES

A cultural approach to the study of the meaning of age oldness andthe process of aging maintains both the influence of the social structureand the agency of the individual actors In exploring shifting ideals ofage and aging across time cohorts provide a midlevel analytic frame forbetter understanding both meanings and expectations within historicalperiods

Cohorts according to Bengtson and colleagues (1985 p 306) areldquoan aggregate of individuals born within the same time intervalrdquo Theyare socialized within a common segment of history and carry the impactof these socio-historical experiences with them as they age It is this im-pact of the context of their early years that influences individualsthroughout their life course that I am focusing on as cohort culturesldquoMen resemble their times more than they do their fathersrdquo says theproverb

Within this discussion I refer to these groupings as cohorts ratherthan generations Leaving the term ldquogenerationrdquo for its kinship usagecohorts are a broader grouping of individuals who share commonsociocultural and historical experiences Onersquos identification with aspecific cohort is determined primarily by the shared cultural contextsthat one faces during the coming of age years or as one becomes an eco-nomic adult In other words what was happening in the world duringonersquos later teens and early twenties Obviously social positions of theindividualsndashtheir gender race and class statusndashwill affect their inculca-tion translation and internalization of the socio-historical influencesAdditionally issues of ldquotouchrdquo and ldquosaturationrdquo need to be considered(Bengtson et al 1985)

Generally cohorts are held together by their shared experiencesldquothings like pop culture economic conditions world events natural di-sasters heroes villains politics and technologyrdquo (Smith amp Clurman1997 p 3) to name a few Cohorts develop and retain similar valuesand life skills as they go about constructing their lives in shared socialand historical contexts Thus the identification of cohort cultures andvalues can assist in understanding how notions of aging and resultingpolicies structures and services have changed and are likely to changeas specific cohorts age

Tracy X Karner 19

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2014

Our current policies programs beliefs and expectations for olderAmericans have their ideological foundation in the Social Security leg-islation initiated in 1935 The social structure of the aging process andthe programs that have grown out of that event have been adjustedamended and expanded over the years However the basic premise thataging individuals should be treated as a distinct social group and pro-tected and cared for within society through government interventionhas remained intact These views can be traced from the values behindthe creation of our first ldquoold cohortrdquo

The First Old Cohort

By first old cohort I am referring to those individuals who reachedtheir middle sixties in the mid 1930s and 1940s when the New Deal oldage pensions that we now know as Social Security were introducedThrough the Social Security legislation these individuals were politi-cally defined as ldquooldrdquo and given the right to retire from the work world(Myles 1984 1991) Thus this cohort became our first group of olderindividuals who were formally recognized by the government as differ-ent from citizens in other phases of their lives (Kohli 1988) Our cur-rent structure of aging programs stems from these social notions of ldquooldagerdquo and the moral economy prevalent during that historical era Recentadjustments to accommodate diversity and delay institutionalizationhave not changed the basic structure of aging services

Life was a linear projection for this cohort with age norms for enter-ing and leaving onersquos social roles (see Figure 1) Some scholars sim-plify this projection to ldquothree boxesrdquo youth adulthood and work andold age whereas others stress the primacy of onersquos labor participationand view the linear life course as three phases pre-work work andpostwork Either way ldquoold agerdquo was the last life phase before death andwas conceptualized as an undesirable state This old pre-death phaseoccurred after one had completed onersquos productive lifendashheld a job andraised a family Aging was thought to be a transitional phase of ldquodetach-mentrdquo (Cummings amp Henry 1961) from productive contribution to theend of life And indeed at that time it was a much briefer phase becausethe majority of individuals did not live far into their forties

Furthermore Kohli (1988) suggests that the political construction ofthe post-work phase through pensions moved the moral universe of so-ciety beyond the family or local community where it had previouslybeen focused and located it within the realm of work and the marketeconomy Using labor force participation as the referent for life stages

20 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

and the pension as a substitutive benefit an individualrsquos value (andthus social deservedness) is related to something external and not in-trinsic to the person

The historical context and the values of the ldquofirst old cohortrdquo contrastmarkedly from current conceptualizations of life possibilities Notionsof a life trajectory (as presented in Figure 1) remain culturally similaruntil the first wave of the Baby Boomers begins to age Indeed thepostmodern world of multiplicity pastiche and hyperreality has recon-stituted current understandings of the life course Work remains a cen-tral form of meaning and personhood but the moral economy hasbecome much more complicated and convoluted and many would ar-gue inadequate for contemporary life (Cole 1991)

Postmodern Life Possibilities

Changes in current life trajectories are being conceptualized in twoways One approach as illustrated in Figure 2 still views life as a seriesof phases but the life phases are no longer accomplished in linear fash-ion or phased at specific chronological ages (Schar 1998) One may goto school or back to retrain at several points along the continuum Onemay marry multiple times and raise multiple families One may retireand then return to work The possibilities are multiple The life coursehas become circuitous curvilinear and repetitive

The second reconceptualization of the life course is the extension ofmidlife into many developmental stages This view still holds to a linearframe focused on chronological life decades but extends the opportu-nity for meaningful life engagement through an individualrsquos nineties

Tracy X Karner 21

Birth School Job Family Old Age amp Death

Children

House

Grandchildren

FIGURE 1 Life Course of the First ldquoOld Cohortrdquo

(Adapted from Schar 1998)

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2014

An illustration of this line of thinking can be found in a recent popularbook by anthropologist Gail Sheehy (1995) entitled New PassagesFinding that the linear conceptualization of life as in Figure 1 is inade-quate for todayrsquos mature person Sheehy posits a ldquonew map of adultliferdquo Taking an Eriksonian approach to adult development Sheehy ex-tends adulthood by dividing it into multiple consecutive stages withinwhich multiple social roles and relationships can be refined retooledrevisited and repeated as illustrated in Figure 3

Sheehyrsquos work provides an illustrative example of the changingmoral economy as the Baby Boomer cohort ages Sheehyrsquos earlierwork Passages in 1976 saw meaningful life involvement ending withonersquos fifties Yet as she (and her Baby Boomer peers) approach theselater years Sheehyrsquos notions of the potential for later life ldquopassagesrdquohave enlarged Her new map presents later life as full of possibilities forenrichment personal growth and fulfilling relationships well intoonersquos nineties This is also consistent with studies that have shown thatyounger adults often exaggerate the obstacles faced in old age and havemore negative images of aging than the older individuals themselves(Seccombe amp Masako 1991)

22 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Birth School Family Single Married Retired

Death

JobApt

NewJob

School

House

Children Apt

House

Grandchildren

Children

Grandchildren

Condo

Job

School

Single

FIGURE 2 Postmodern Life Course Possibilities

(Adapted from Schar 1998)

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AGING COHORTS FROM A MARKETING PERSPECTIVE

Currently in the United States as some older individuals are gainingeconomic and political clout the business sector has begun to see the el-derly in a new lightndashthat of an affluent consumer This has prompted atten-tion to aging individuals as an untapped and unexplored new market(Minkler 1991) From this new perspective marketing research (Smith ampClurman 1997 Schar 1998) has extrapolated from sociological under-standings and has identified six current consumer cohorts the DepressionWorld War II Post-warEisenhower Baby Boomers 1 Trailing BabyBoomers 2 and Generation Xers Market research identifies each of thesecohorts as having experienced significant unique coming of age eventsthat have influenced their values and expectations Each cohort shared theage norms and behavior patterns prevalent in their respective eras

Though marketing research may seem a surprising avenue for betterunderstanding aging issues the connection becomes clear as one con-siders the privatization of medical care and aging services Now marketdriven health care and medical costs are the most pressing factors fac-ing our aging population second only to Social Security income In ef-forts to keep costs down consumption of health care including whichMedicare HMO to enroll in is becoming more and more like a tradi-tional business As business and consumerism are the realm of market-ers their understanding of cohort consumption patterns and purchasingpatterns can be used to inform future projections of the most plausibleforms of care aging Boomers will want and use

A brief general overview of each of the cohorts that is currently ag-ing in the United States population follows The Depression cohortthrough the Post-warEisenhower cohort appear to have a similar linear

Tracy X Karner 23

Tryout20s

Turbulent30s

Flourishing40s

Flaming50s

Serene60s

Sage70s

Uninhibited80s

Noble90s

CelebratoryCentenarians

60 Passageto Age ofIntegrity

50Passageto Age ofMastery

30 Passageto First Adulthood

ProvisionalAdulthood

18 to 30

FirstAdulthood

30 to 45

SecondAdulthood45 to 85+

FIGURE 3 New Life Passages

(Adapted from Sheehy 1995)

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approach to their lives and aging expectations However starting withthe Baby Boomers life expectations for their older years begin tobroaden and include many more possibilities Surely this change in ex-pectations suggests the appropriateness of reconceptualizing how agingservices are developed and delivered

Depression Cohort (Born Between 1912-1921)

This cohort reached adulthood as the Depression halted prosperity andincreased joblessness homelessness and general poverty New Deal pro-grams were developed during this cohortrsquos young adulthood and thegovernment was conceptualized into the welfare state as a safety net forthose in need The influence of the Depression on the initiation of old ageinsurance cannot be overstated As private pensions went bankruptbanks closed and families lost everything these options for security inold age were shown to be inadequate The Social Security programshifted reliance from the family economy and replaced intrafamilial strat-egies with intergenerational tax transfers thereby spreading the riskacross entire populations (Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 87)

The Depression era cohort learned from their parents that only a fewyears of schooling could suffice for most jobs and from their grandparentsthat old age would be bleak (Riley 1987) Indeed this cohortrsquos grandpar-ents could have spent their later years in the Almshouse The Almshouseor poor house had been the only option for elderly without other resourcesAs Social Security denied assistance to institutionalized residents theAlmshouses soon disappeared and private nursing homes came into beingIn general the cultural meaning of age was that an older person was seen asfrail poor and in need of assistance (Haber amp Gratton 1994)

Overall this cohort grew up with a strong work ethic during difficulttimes Their expectations for life and success were narrowly definedMany continued to live in the same geographic areas in which they grewup Their core values ldquoare what we think of today as traditional val-uesndashdiscipline self-denial hard work obedience to authority and fi-nancial and social conservatismrdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 8)Families took care of their own Marriages and family life were thenorm Divorce and remarriage were stigmatized and infrequent

World War II Cohort (Born Between 1922-1927 )

This cohort is characterized by unprecedented patriotism and senseof the country as community The road to victory was paved by the

24 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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common effort of all Americans on the home front or fighting in thewar Ration booklets foil drives victory gardens and sacrificing for thewar effort rallied citizens to the common cause

Hard work and savings were seen as the ways to achieve success Selfsacrifice and discipline were valued traits Cooperation mutual sup-port teamwork and community were important That the Depressionwas overcome and the ldquogoodrdquo war was won were seen as having beenachieved through joint efforts and sacrifices toward a greater commongood Authority was respected The president was seen as the leader ofthe free world Military service was honorable Tough guys were ldquorealrdquomenndashHumphrey Bogart and John Wayne were popular film stars Atombombs were dropped on the foreign lands of social ldquoothersrdquo

Issues of the elderly were just one more problem America would lickafter winning the war The median income of Social Security recipientsfell during the 1940s because benefits failed to keep up with inflation(Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 83)

Post WarEisenhower Cohort (Born Between 1928-1945)

These Americans came of age in an era of unexpected economic afflu-ence and political consensus After decidedly winning the war the suprem-acy of The American Way had been reinforced by the United Statesrsquorelative military might economic strength and anticommunitist moral cer-titude which engendered an aura of natural superiority DomesticallyAmericans espoused unquestioning belief in our social institutions and in-dividual conformity (Hodgson 1976) The political military and eco-nomic orders had become inextricably intertwined during the war and thisldquopower eliterdquo engendered a ldquoliberal ideology of consensusrdquo that permeatedthe immediate post war period with a feeling of confidence in Americanleadership (Mills 1959) The social ldquoone dimensionalityrdquo was so pervasiveas to render dissent improbable if not impossible (Marcuse 1964)

The government spread the prosperity rural America was electrifiedthe interstate highway system was developed The GI bill took manyveterans to college and helped them buy their first homes Televisionbecame popular Overnight it seemed the American Way converted arural nation to a suburban one New suburban lifestyles meant new con-sumer markets and war technology meant more consumer conve-niences Consumer choices were seen as the natural manifestation ofpolitical freedom (Smith amp Clurman 1997 pp 25-28)

Suburbs blossomed and the nuclear family was the ideal ldquoThe longheld dream of a fulfilling family life in a comfortable home seemed at

Tracy X Karner 25

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last to be coming true for millions of people not everyone was affluentor middle class but it was assumed that those left out would eventuallyget their sharerdquo (Skolnick 1991 p 50) Men returned from the warmarried and went to college on the GI bill Family life was the corner-stone of American life It was a profamily decade like no other (Coontz1992 pp 24-26)

After college ldquowhite collarrdquo and ldquoorganizational menrdquo moved up theladder as the economy continued to grow (Mills 1951 Whyte 1956)Companies valued loyalty in their employees and workers could se-curely make their entire careers within a single corporation Poor blacksand whites from the South migrated to northern urban areas in largenumbers seeking the American dream (Hodgson 1976)

Older individuals were idealized as nurturing extended fam-ilyndashldquoGrandparents on the old homesteadrdquo This image was captured inthe illustration ldquoThanksgivingrdquo by Norman Rockwell which had alarge family gathered around as Grandma brings the turkey to set infront of Grandpa at the head of a table This cohort had left the farmsand small towns of their youth and moved to the suburbs to work in themilitary-industrial complex Social Security was adjusted benefits in-creased by 77 and were extended to new populations (Achenbaum1986 p 39)

Baby Boomers 1 Cohort (Born Between 1946-1954)

This cohort is the largest and most influential in American historyThe first Baby Boomers were born during the post-war prosperity theyenjoyed unprecedented opportunities in education and employmentTheir value system is based on a sense of entitlement and a belief in con-tinued economic growth Their interests revolve around the self per-sonal goals and instant gratification (Smith amp Clurman 1997) TheseBoomers in contrast with the later Trailing Boomers are more likely tobe homeowners have better private pension programs and because of highnet earnings could have higher income from investments (Cornman ampKingson 1996)

Boomers also adhere to a more inclusive social perspective than theirpredecessors their beliefs in continued prosperity meant that there wasenough to go around for everyone The Great Society programs broughta renewed focus on eradicating poverty in the richest nation in theworld Identity politics of Civil Rights Womenrsquos Liberation Redpower Chicano power Black Panthers etc were all part of their youngadulthood

26 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

The elderly were seen as one of the disadvantaged social groups bat-tling poverty and lacking social inclusion The Older Americans Act of1965 reframed aging issues as ones of increasing rights and entitlementsPopular films such as The Mad Woman of Chaillot (1969) presented re-tired or nonworking elderly as freed from the establishment of thework-a-day world and portrayed them as eccentrics able to embrace theideals of 60s radicalism

Legislation adjusted Social Security during the 1950s so Boomersrsquograndparents retired with more money in their allotments than they hadpaid in Social Security began to provide largely unearned benefits torecipients while maintaining the myth of ldquoinsurancerdquo by pretending thatthese benefits had been earned through taxes on their wages (Haber ampGratton 1994 pp 81-82) This could have only fueled the Boomers no-tion that there would always be plenty

Medical advances during their youth meant that major illness couldbe wiped out with antibiotics or a single vaccine Boomers grew up withmassive community health programs to immunize children against po-lio measles and smallpox Antibiotics also became widely used andmany life-threatening diseases became curable Boomers took goodhealth for granted so they redefined health not as the absence of ill-ness but as being in shape This meant taking an interest in nutritionand exercise and other deliberate efforts to enhance onersquos health and fit-ness though not necessarily acting on these interests since obesity re-mains a growing problem Taking responsibility for onersquos own healthlead to a lack of respect for traditional medical treatments and an en-grossment in alternative forms of health management Boomers soughtfitness and displayed a ldquodetermination to lsquofixrsquo oneself through diet ex-ercise and mental disciplinerdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 240)

Trailing Boomers 2 Cohort (Born Between 1955-1965)

This cohort came of age in the late 70s and early 80s They grew upwith the same high expectations as the earlier Boomers but found theopportunities forestalled as they approached The hard realities ofldquostagflationrdquo oil embargoes nuclear meltdowns Iran hostages theChrysler bailout and highest unemployment levels since the Depres-sion were not what they were expecting These Boomers are predictedto enter their later years with diminished public and private pension pro-grams and with less wealth in terms of housing and investments(Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Tracy X Karner 27

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2014

Trailing Boomersrsquo adolescent expectations combined with their eco-nomic realities to generate a new form of angry pragmatic cynicismThis group of Boomers has been more concerned with self-survival andpreservation than with personal growth This cohort was confrontedwith the notion that success was not assured and as homelessness grewthat mere survival may not be guaranteed either (Smith amp Clurman1997)

ldquoStagflationrdquo also impacted notions about aging since pensions didnot keep up with inflation Elderly advocacy groups brought issues ofaging into public view Media campaigns focused on the plight of thepoor elderly and portrayed them as frail dependent ignored and livingon pet food Ironically one-quarter of all household wealth was con-trolled by individuals 65 and older Indeed the median aged householdwealth was 150 of the median for all households (Haber amp Gratton1994)

Social Security was also projected to go bankrupt and legislative ad-justments focused on ldquofixingrdquo it The 1983 amendment raised the retire-ment age to 66 (in 2008) and 67 (in 2027) in order to ldquosaverdquo the system(Achenbaum 1986 pp 63-103) Aging issues then became issues ofaccess to environments (ie transportation physical accessibility) andservices

Generation Xers Cohort (Born between 1966ndash1977)

This cohort has only known economic volitility with no promise of acertain future This is the first cohort that has not been able to presumesuccess (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 81) They have grown up withMTV talk shows downsizing and layoffs divorce and latchkey kidsdepleting ozone Internet and the Web increasing national debt reces-sion and infomercials They have also seen the dissolution of long-termplanningndashfew believe Social Security will be there for them The in-creasing threat of nuclear war leads few to contemplate a future at allGenXers face economic and social obstacles that their Boomer parentsnever even considered and that may be even more arduous than thosefaced by the Depression cohort Some speculate that the GenerationXers will come to resemble the older cohorts more so than the Boomersbecause the context of pessimism and scarcity of the latter quarter of the20th century approximates the economic turmoil of the Great Depres-sion (Smith amp Clurman 1997) The Generation X cohort has no guaran-tees In spite of the growth of technology and stock market wealth seenby a small percentage of this cohort most GenXers have not shared in

28 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

the prosperity For the most part GenXers without skills and college de-grees have found an increasing gap between their life opportunities andthose of their educated peers (Levy 1998)

It is likely that notions of aging will shift during GenXersrsquo lifetimesBoomers may redesign retirement lessening the Social Security lienbut continuing the GenXersrsquo employment difficulties Given the familyupheavals the ever increasing geographic mobility and lower incomes(Smith amp Clurman 1997) it seems unlikely that this cohort will partici-pate heavily in familial eldercare They will have to maintain an incomefor their own survivalndashit is unlikely that there will be a ready pool of un-employed women to take on the informal caregiving tasks Growing upin divorced and blended families may also impact a GenXerrsquos sense ofduty and obligation to give care If they grew up as latchkey kids willthey be less likely to provide informal unpaid care When all thepreceeding cohorts control most of the wealth how will this cohort re-spond to their calls for assistance

The aging cohorts of today from the Depression era through theGenXers have come of age in distinct socio-historical times Each co-hort culture has reframed issues of aging and need in light of their ownbeliefs and values For the purposes of this article I narrow the discus-sion to a comparison of the Traditional Agers and Aging Baby Boom-ers

TRADITIONAL AGERS AND AGING BOOMERS

I use the term Traditional Ager to refer to cohorts that held to the lin-ear life course (seen in Figure 1) for comparison with Aging Boomerswho experienced very different life possibilities Some comparisons areuseful in illuminating the different orientations to aging as well as towhat kinds of services might be most acceptable

Traditional Agers incorporate individuals born prior to 1946 in asocio-historical context that adhered to the Figure 1 life trajectorywhich views later life as a transition to death These are the foundationalbeliefs of our current aging structures and policies The focus on illnessthe biomedicalization of aging social isolation of older adults in retire-ment or traditional nursing homes the unwillingness to fund supportiveservices and the expectation of family care all create a structure that en-forces passive aging social detachment and increasing dependency

In contrast the Aging Boomers have experienced the life expecta-tions illustrated in Figure 2 Culturally they have focused on creating

Tracy X Karner 29

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2014

social change to fit their expectations the cult of the body the narcis-sism of recreating onersquos life through recreating onersquos self consumerismas high art and a projection of the self and many other experienceswildly different from earlier cohorts It seems likely that they will ap-proach their own aging as a task to accomplish successfully IndeedRowe and Kahnrsquos (1998) recent best seller Successful Aging provides aclear example of this orientation

Aging Boomers

Scholars have approached the ldquodemographic bulgerdquo of the AgingBaby Boomers in many ways Some attempt to predict the needs of thiscohort Silverstone (1996) explores the economic security health anddisability and social support projection for this group Others (Cornmanamp Kingson 1996) specify the problems more closely for policy and de-fine terms for a needed national conversation on aging Still others (Rob-ertson 1991) decry the apocalyptic potential My intent though focusedon a similar concern is quite different In understanding the issues andpotential changes that lie ahead as this very large cohort ages the under-lying values prevalent in society can illuminate the possibilities likelyto be accepted for addressing these concerns I am referring to the moraleconomy to some extent but more specifically to the beliefs valuesand cultures of cohorts that are likely to participate in financing accom-modating and caring for the aging Boomers Indeed understandingboth the Baby Boomer and the GenXer cultures is key for finding ouraging future With awareness of the cohortrsquos culture and historical ex-perience in concert with the demographic statistics and behavior studiesas they relate to aging issues the picture becomes clearer

There were over 76 million Baby Boomers born between 1946 and1964ndash17 million more than would have been born if fertility rates hadremained at 1940 levels (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Boomers are a di-verse group on many issues but most importantly they differ economi-cally Economically Boomers are different from preceding cohorts inthat they are less likely to own homes less likely to have saved muchand less likely to have significant investments Among the Boomersthis is most true for the Trailing Boomers who entered the labor force ina stagnant economy During 1965 to 1985 when most Boomers begantheir working careers the economy was strong enough to incorporatemost of the new workers However there was a growing trend towardinequity in income distribution from the mid 1970s on This affected thelater Boomers and minority Boomers disproportionately Additionally

30 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

the number of Boomers covered by private pension programs is de-creasing (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Diversity Within the Boomer Cohort

The obstacles to a financially secure retirement are even greater forthe more vulnerable populations among the Boomers Women and mi-nority group members who as a result of social patterns of economicracial and gender stratification find themselves with sparse or low paidwork histories face the most jeopardy Among the Boomers are ldquopoorlyeducated unskilled people whose travails in todayrsquos labor marketwill make them highly vulnerable to economic peril in later liferdquo(Silverstone 1996 p 30) Boomers include 18 million members of mi-nority groups The economic realities that they face in aging will be theculmination of discrimination patterns faced over the life course Addi-tionally the longer life expectancies of the 385 million Baby Boomerwomen will compound the financial difficulties

As sociologists have found correlations between poverty and lack ofquality medical care over the lifetime it is likely that the plight of thepoorer Boomers will also include less health and higher medical costs inlater life As even Rowe and Kahn (1998 p 37) admit poverty makesthe attainment of healthy successful aging more difficult Projectionsindicate that by 2040 55 million people will be in nursing homes and114 million will be using home care for part of the year The majority ofthese will be Baby Boomers (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) There is stillsome debate about whether the increases in life expectancy will lead toliving ldquolonger and sickerrdquo or if advances in health care and ldquosuccessfulagingrdquo will decrease the debilitating illnesses associated with advanc-ing years

Within families where most of the eldercare has been performed(Brody 1985) relationships have changed considerably for the Boomercohort Boomers had fewer children later divorced and remarried moreand entered into more diverse family arrangements Single-parent fami-lies blended families and never married households also increasedThe impact of these shifting family configurations on filial responsibil-ity and caregiving for the dependent old remains to be seen (Silverstone1996) We do know that family structures affect ldquofamily incomes re-tirement income potential for family caregiving and child rearingrdquo(Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Caregiving is currently the domain of themiddle aged adult children caring for aging parents (Uhlenberg 1996)

Tracy X Karner 31

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2014

which is dependent on available unpaid labor of female family mem-bers (Montgomery 1998)

Hareven (1994) found distinctly different cohort attitudes towardeldercare She studied a Depression era cohort and a World War II co-hort finding that the older cohort viewed family as the economic unitthat shared resources and expected that the needs of elder family mem-bers would be met within that context The younger WWII cohort wasmore concerned with improving their own lives and were more likely toaccept government assistance for their older family members Theywere also more likely to place their parents in nursing homes Thisstudy illustrates the relationship among cultural values socio-historicalinfluences and eldercare options

In looking at the economic standing of the Generation Xers the adultchildren in line to care for aging Boomers it is unlikely that theirMcJobs will support themselves let alone free up a spouse for family re-sponsibilities Also when we realize that Boomers even in middle agereceive a disproportionate amount of intergenerational support fromtheir aging parents one questions Boomerrsquos potential as caregiversDavey and Eggebeen (1998 p 93) suggest that ldquoparents do tend to pro-vide more support to children than they receive until very late in liferdquoIndeed it looks as though informal family care will be a limited optionat best for the Boomers Thus it is important to look at how formal carecan best be conceptualized and delivered to respond to their needs

Boomer Culture

As with all the other social institutions in their path Boomers will nodoubt redefine aging to suit their own agenda As exemplified in popu-lar culture with Gail Sheehyrsquos New Passages (1995) it is likely that thecloser the Boomers get to ldquooldnessrdquo the more positively they will con-struct and expand the social definitions of aging and the meaning ofldquooldnessrdquo Moreover since they have a propensity to deny or fight theaging process the term ldquooldrdquo may become reserved for only the veryold and very ill

Other key characteristics of the Boomers appear to be an overwhelm-ing sense of entitlement to what they want and the expectation of instantgratification Their lack of savings loosely defined family relation-ships search for meaning in work and consumerism health and fitnessfanaticism and high value on education are quite different from previ-ous aging generations Boomers will demand a different structure of ag-ing programs and services itrsquos unlikely that they will be content in

32 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

age-segregated communities playing golf Their diversity of experienceand means will dictate diversity in aging but it wonrsquot divorce themfrom their cohort values and expectations

Given these values one might envision retirement communities builton a Club Med model for the affluent Boomers or on a commune modelfor the less fortunate Home health care might be repackaged as fitnesscoaching Sporadic retirement ldquobreaksrdquo between joblets or volunteeringcould become the norm and leisure could be refocused on personalgrowth Though speculation can be endless and at times entertainingthe important message for scholars policy makers and service profes-sionals in trying to project future aging needs is that the construction ofthose needs as well as the acceptable responses to those needs will beframed within values that the Boomers developed some four decadesbefore

AGING IN CULTURAL AND SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Boomersrsquo values and socio-historical context will be factors to ex-plore in understanding how the social structures of aging may changeTo paraphrase Riley the Boomers will age differently than those al-ready old When the Boomers hit 65 Generation Xers will have reachedtheir political maturity GenXersrsquo values perceptions and views of theBoomer cohort will color their responsiveness to Boomer needs Theeconomic difficulties and obstacles to success that the GenXers have in-herited from the Boomers and their predecessors may create a moraleconomy that portrays the Boomers as undeserving of governmentsponsored services Furthermore it is unlikely that GenXers will behappy to each pay a third of a Boomersrsquo social security benefits as thepredicted ratio of 31 would dictate (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Currently the elderly are being blamed for all kinds of social illsfrom poor children to the federal deficient (Estes amp Binney 1991p 129) Unless this fracture is repaired in some way that addressesthe social needs of all cohorts perhaps by refocusing on need rather thanage as Neugarten (1982) has suggested it is unlikely that future cohortswill willingly subsidize the later years of those who have aged before themWe must take into account the cohort values and beliefs about their posi-tion in the social world as well as their values relative to other cohorts

Cohort cultures illuminate the reciprocal intersection of biographyand history within society and from there we can go forward toreconceptualize how best to develop and deliver aging services in the

Tracy X Karner 33

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2014

future that most effectively utilize our social resources Indeed the pub-lic policy challenge remains one of balancing the implied promisesmade to various cohorts as they were paying into social insurance pro-grams through payroll taxes the demands that these groups will makeas they reach ldquoold agerdquo and the willingness of younger cohorts to paythe bills Each of these elements the implied promises the demands ofthe aging and the willingness of the young will be based in their cul-tural experiences and cohort values Our current structure of aging ser-vices is still based in premises about the needs and deservedness ofprevious cohorts Insightful public policy will acknowledge the shiftingcultural values about what it is to be old in our society as we begin to ad-dress the needs of the aging Boomer cohort in the context of a delicatesocial balance between the beliefs and values of those who pay andthose who receive

RECEIVED July 2000REVISED November 2000

ACCEPTED February 2001

REFERENCES

Achenbaum W A (1986) Social Security Visions and Revisions Cambridge Cam-bridge University Press

Bengtson V L amp Achenbaum W A (1993) The Changing Contract Across Gener-ations New York Aldine de Gruyter

Bengtson V L Cutler N E Mangen D J amp Marshall V W (1985) Generationscohorts and relations between age groups pp 304-338 in Handbook of Aging andthe Social Sciences 2nd Edition (Robert H Binstock and Ethel Shanas eds) NewYork Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

Brody E M (1985) Parent care as a normative family stress The Gerontologist 25(l)19-29

Cole T R (1991) The Journey of Life A Cultural History of Aging in America Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Coontz S (1992) The Way We Never Were American Families and the NostalgiaTrap New York Basic Books

Cornman J M amp Kingson E R (1996) Trends issues perspectives and values forthe aging of the baby boom cohorts The Gerontologist 36(l) 15-26

Cummings E amp Henry W F (1961) Growing Old The Process of DisengagementNew York Basic Books

Davey A amp Eggebeen D J (1998) Patterns of intergenerational exchange and men-tal health Journal of Gerontology Psychological Sciences 53B(2) 86-95

34 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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by [

Nor

thea

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nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

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ded

by [

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thea

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rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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Page 4: Caring for an Aging Society

normative during the historical era in which they are enacted Previousresearch into lifestyle preferences consumer practices and key charac-teristics is drawn upon to investigate the values of Baby Boomers in lightof their projected needs for eldercare services Cohort research and gen-erational marketing practices offer a promising foundation for exploringhow best to develop target and deliver aging services that most effec-tively utilize our social resources [Article copies available for a fee fromThe Haworth Document Delivery Service 1-800-342-9678 E-mail addressltgetinfohaworthpressinccomgt Website lthttpwwwHaworthPresscomgt copy 2001by The Haworth Press Inc All rights reserved]

KEYWORDS Cohorts aging generational marketing Baby Boomers

INTRODUCTION

As successive cohorts age notions of need and expectations for carewill continue to be framed both in light of the aging cohortrsquos culture aswell as the values of younger individuals Beliefs about what it is to beldquooldrdquo the moral economy surrounding social ldquodeservednessrdquo and ap-propriate treatment of the aged and the meaning of ldquooldnessrdquo are beingrefined and redefined in an interplay between aging individuals and so-cial structure Understanding the impact of cohort values is especiallyimportant for scholars policy makers and service professionals in try-ing to project future aging needs Indeed the construction of future ag-ing needs and the acceptable responses to those needs will be framedwithin values developed by the different cohorts in their youth

Though the discussion of aging cohorts and their differences is not anew topic for social scientists gerontologists or policy analysts I hopeto frame a new questionndashHow can we use what we know about specificcohorts to better target and market aging services more appropriatelyto each group as it increases in years Elsewhere my colleagues and Ihave investigated various aspects of service delivery that impact clientsatisfaction with services (Montgomery et al 1997 Montgomery et al2000) Additionally we have looked at the impact of race and ethnicculture with regard to service use (Kosloski et al 1999) and service de-livery (Karner 1999) From this work we have identified particular as-pects of service delivery (communication formats staff trainingpresentation of programs culturally specific activities etc) that can bechanged to make services more acceptable to specific populations

16 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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Within this framework I propose that cohort information can be used toinform our future decisions about what kinds of services are most likelyto be well received and thus effective

Some scholars have studied cohorts as a means of understandingchanging support for meeting the needs of the aged (eg Silverstein etal 2001 Uhlenberg 1996 Bengtson amp Achenbaum 1993 Hareven1994) Others have developed the ideas of Ryder (1965) and Mannheim(19221952) in exploring social change as each new cohort comes tomaturity (eg Riley amp Riley 1994) In this article I suggest that cohortresearch could be broadened to explore how services can be best con-ceptualized and presented to attract targeted aging groups specificallythe Baby Boomers Marketers have been approaching the presentationof other products and services by targeting consumer markets yet thisinsight has not been brought into the discussion of how best to providefor the aging service needs of the upcoming Baby Boomer cohorts

The Baby Boomers are now approaching older ages and contributingto the shifting demographic of an aging society Culturally sociallyand economically this cohort in large part due to its extreme and un-precedented size has changed each social institution with which it hascome in contact Indeed ldquoat each stage of their lives the needs and de-sires of the Baby Boomers have become the dominant concerns ofAmerican business and popular culturerdquo (Dychtwald amp Flower 1989p 13) There are no indications that social structures of ldquoold agerdquo will beany less altered The sheer size of this cohort strains all age-gradedevents at the same time Now that this group is facing retirement andSocial Security payments the societal stakes of accommodating Boom-ers is predicted to be high (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) From health carecosts to Medicare and to Social Security programs some speculate thatthis cohort has the potential to exhaust our current aging structuresApocalyptic demography foretells social catastrophe as individuals con-tinue to live longer and sicker (Robertson 1991) As a society we arefacing a potential turning point in how we respond to an aging population(Gutheil 1996)

By the year 2012 the United States population is projected to include14 of the population over age 65 (Sokolovsky 1997 p 2) Thistrend is also global ldquoIn 1995 the 368 million persons aged 65 andover constituted 64 percent of the earthrsquos total populationrdquo (Kinsella1997 p 18) and their numbers will continue to increase Demogra-phers and public policy advocates have long been warning of the in-creasing numbers of older individuals but recently the issue ofproportion of elderly to other segments of the population has come to

Tracy X Karner 17

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the fore By 2030 it is projected that one in five US citizens will beover age 65ndasha full 20 of the population (Siegel amp Taeuber 1986)This is quite a shift from 1900 when only one person in 25 was over age65 (Neugarten 1982 p 33) and the average life expectancy was only47 This issue of proportion becomes very important in discussions ofhow society approaches the needs of its older citizens

Given that US policy at times pays attention to the bottom lineseemingly above all other factors it appears obvious that the way we asa society construct what it means to be ldquooldrdquo and what institutions are inplace to address the needs of ldquoolderrdquo Americans will change Our cur-rent structures have their cultural foundation in the moral economy ofthe 1930s New Deal view of aging The policies and structures havebeen tweaked and shifted a bit but the basic ideology that older individ-uals should be treated differently through government sponsored pro-grams is still there And the services offered to older individuals reflectthe experiences and notions of old age and later life held during the ag-ing of Americarsquos first ldquoold cohortrdquo

Previously Matilda White Riley (1987 Riley amp Riley 1994) elabo-rated on the interdependence and continuing interplay between agingand social change Riley posited that the succession of cohorts providesthe link for sociologists in understanding the relationship between andamong changing cultural understandings the process of aging and so-cial context Each processndashaging and social changendashinforms the otherFurthermore Riley cautions findings from aged cohorts currently un-der study cannot be generalized to future cohorts ldquoThe young of todaywill age differently from those already oldrdquo (Riley 1987 p 2)

My intent here is to follow Rileyrsquos admonishment and to explore thecohort values that underlie our social structures for aging and specifi-cally to raise the question of how they might best be used to inform theconstruction and presentation of aging services for different cohorts Iwill compare the cultural characteristics of cohorts yet to reach the ageof 65 namely the Baby Boomers with those already ldquooldrdquo It is my con-tention that aging policies (and available services) reflect the culturalnotions of age and aging held as normative within the culture during thehistorical era in which they are enacted These notions may also be in-formed with some empirical reality but moreover it is the stereotypesand beliefs prevalent at the time that appear to have the most persuasivepower (see Achenbaum 1986 and Quadagno 1988 for discussions ofenacting Social Security legislation) In addition by relying on a cohortorientation in undertaking this project I will draw on previous researchinto lifestyle preferences consumer practices and key characteristics to

18 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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investigate the values of Baby Boomers in light of their own projectedneeds for eldercare services

AGING COHORTS AND THEIR CULTURES

A cultural approach to the study of the meaning of age oldness andthe process of aging maintains both the influence of the social structureand the agency of the individual actors In exploring shifting ideals ofage and aging across time cohorts provide a midlevel analytic frame forbetter understanding both meanings and expectations within historicalperiods

Cohorts according to Bengtson and colleagues (1985 p 306) areldquoan aggregate of individuals born within the same time intervalrdquo Theyare socialized within a common segment of history and carry the impactof these socio-historical experiences with them as they age It is this im-pact of the context of their early years that influences individualsthroughout their life course that I am focusing on as cohort culturesldquoMen resemble their times more than they do their fathersrdquo says theproverb

Within this discussion I refer to these groupings as cohorts ratherthan generations Leaving the term ldquogenerationrdquo for its kinship usagecohorts are a broader grouping of individuals who share commonsociocultural and historical experiences Onersquos identification with aspecific cohort is determined primarily by the shared cultural contextsthat one faces during the coming of age years or as one becomes an eco-nomic adult In other words what was happening in the world duringonersquos later teens and early twenties Obviously social positions of theindividualsndashtheir gender race and class statusndashwill affect their inculca-tion translation and internalization of the socio-historical influencesAdditionally issues of ldquotouchrdquo and ldquosaturationrdquo need to be considered(Bengtson et al 1985)

Generally cohorts are held together by their shared experiencesldquothings like pop culture economic conditions world events natural di-sasters heroes villains politics and technologyrdquo (Smith amp Clurman1997 p 3) to name a few Cohorts develop and retain similar valuesand life skills as they go about constructing their lives in shared socialand historical contexts Thus the identification of cohort cultures andvalues can assist in understanding how notions of aging and resultingpolicies structures and services have changed and are likely to changeas specific cohorts age

Tracy X Karner 19

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Our current policies programs beliefs and expectations for olderAmericans have their ideological foundation in the Social Security leg-islation initiated in 1935 The social structure of the aging process andthe programs that have grown out of that event have been adjustedamended and expanded over the years However the basic premise thataging individuals should be treated as a distinct social group and pro-tected and cared for within society through government interventionhas remained intact These views can be traced from the values behindthe creation of our first ldquoold cohortrdquo

The First Old Cohort

By first old cohort I am referring to those individuals who reachedtheir middle sixties in the mid 1930s and 1940s when the New Deal oldage pensions that we now know as Social Security were introducedThrough the Social Security legislation these individuals were politi-cally defined as ldquooldrdquo and given the right to retire from the work world(Myles 1984 1991) Thus this cohort became our first group of olderindividuals who were formally recognized by the government as differ-ent from citizens in other phases of their lives (Kohli 1988) Our cur-rent structure of aging programs stems from these social notions of ldquooldagerdquo and the moral economy prevalent during that historical era Recentadjustments to accommodate diversity and delay institutionalizationhave not changed the basic structure of aging services

Life was a linear projection for this cohort with age norms for enter-ing and leaving onersquos social roles (see Figure 1) Some scholars sim-plify this projection to ldquothree boxesrdquo youth adulthood and work andold age whereas others stress the primacy of onersquos labor participationand view the linear life course as three phases pre-work work andpostwork Either way ldquoold agerdquo was the last life phase before death andwas conceptualized as an undesirable state This old pre-death phaseoccurred after one had completed onersquos productive lifendashheld a job andraised a family Aging was thought to be a transitional phase of ldquodetach-mentrdquo (Cummings amp Henry 1961) from productive contribution to theend of life And indeed at that time it was a much briefer phase becausethe majority of individuals did not live far into their forties

Furthermore Kohli (1988) suggests that the political construction ofthe post-work phase through pensions moved the moral universe of so-ciety beyond the family or local community where it had previouslybeen focused and located it within the realm of work and the marketeconomy Using labor force participation as the referent for life stages

20 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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and the pension as a substitutive benefit an individualrsquos value (andthus social deservedness) is related to something external and not in-trinsic to the person

The historical context and the values of the ldquofirst old cohortrdquo contrastmarkedly from current conceptualizations of life possibilities Notionsof a life trajectory (as presented in Figure 1) remain culturally similaruntil the first wave of the Baby Boomers begins to age Indeed thepostmodern world of multiplicity pastiche and hyperreality has recon-stituted current understandings of the life course Work remains a cen-tral form of meaning and personhood but the moral economy hasbecome much more complicated and convoluted and many would ar-gue inadequate for contemporary life (Cole 1991)

Postmodern Life Possibilities

Changes in current life trajectories are being conceptualized in twoways One approach as illustrated in Figure 2 still views life as a seriesof phases but the life phases are no longer accomplished in linear fash-ion or phased at specific chronological ages (Schar 1998) One may goto school or back to retrain at several points along the continuum Onemay marry multiple times and raise multiple families One may retireand then return to work The possibilities are multiple The life coursehas become circuitous curvilinear and repetitive

The second reconceptualization of the life course is the extension ofmidlife into many developmental stages This view still holds to a linearframe focused on chronological life decades but extends the opportu-nity for meaningful life engagement through an individualrsquos nineties

Tracy X Karner 21

Birth School Job Family Old Age amp Death

Children

House

Grandchildren

FIGURE 1 Life Course of the First ldquoOld Cohortrdquo

(Adapted from Schar 1998)

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An illustration of this line of thinking can be found in a recent popularbook by anthropologist Gail Sheehy (1995) entitled New PassagesFinding that the linear conceptualization of life as in Figure 1 is inade-quate for todayrsquos mature person Sheehy posits a ldquonew map of adultliferdquo Taking an Eriksonian approach to adult development Sheehy ex-tends adulthood by dividing it into multiple consecutive stages withinwhich multiple social roles and relationships can be refined retooledrevisited and repeated as illustrated in Figure 3

Sheehyrsquos work provides an illustrative example of the changingmoral economy as the Baby Boomer cohort ages Sheehyrsquos earlierwork Passages in 1976 saw meaningful life involvement ending withonersquos fifties Yet as she (and her Baby Boomer peers) approach theselater years Sheehyrsquos notions of the potential for later life ldquopassagesrdquohave enlarged Her new map presents later life as full of possibilities forenrichment personal growth and fulfilling relationships well intoonersquos nineties This is also consistent with studies that have shown thatyounger adults often exaggerate the obstacles faced in old age and havemore negative images of aging than the older individuals themselves(Seccombe amp Masako 1991)

22 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Birth School Family Single Married Retired

Death

JobApt

NewJob

School

House

Children Apt

House

Grandchildren

Children

Grandchildren

Condo

Job

School

Single

FIGURE 2 Postmodern Life Course Possibilities

(Adapted from Schar 1998)

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2014

AGING COHORTS FROM A MARKETING PERSPECTIVE

Currently in the United States as some older individuals are gainingeconomic and political clout the business sector has begun to see the el-derly in a new lightndashthat of an affluent consumer This has prompted atten-tion to aging individuals as an untapped and unexplored new market(Minkler 1991) From this new perspective marketing research (Smith ampClurman 1997 Schar 1998) has extrapolated from sociological under-standings and has identified six current consumer cohorts the DepressionWorld War II Post-warEisenhower Baby Boomers 1 Trailing BabyBoomers 2 and Generation Xers Market research identifies each of thesecohorts as having experienced significant unique coming of age eventsthat have influenced their values and expectations Each cohort shared theage norms and behavior patterns prevalent in their respective eras

Though marketing research may seem a surprising avenue for betterunderstanding aging issues the connection becomes clear as one con-siders the privatization of medical care and aging services Now marketdriven health care and medical costs are the most pressing factors fac-ing our aging population second only to Social Security income In ef-forts to keep costs down consumption of health care including whichMedicare HMO to enroll in is becoming more and more like a tradi-tional business As business and consumerism are the realm of market-ers their understanding of cohort consumption patterns and purchasingpatterns can be used to inform future projections of the most plausibleforms of care aging Boomers will want and use

A brief general overview of each of the cohorts that is currently ag-ing in the United States population follows The Depression cohortthrough the Post-warEisenhower cohort appear to have a similar linear

Tracy X Karner 23

Tryout20s

Turbulent30s

Flourishing40s

Flaming50s

Serene60s

Sage70s

Uninhibited80s

Noble90s

CelebratoryCentenarians

60 Passageto Age ofIntegrity

50Passageto Age ofMastery

30 Passageto First Adulthood

ProvisionalAdulthood

18 to 30

FirstAdulthood

30 to 45

SecondAdulthood45 to 85+

FIGURE 3 New Life Passages

(Adapted from Sheehy 1995)

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approach to their lives and aging expectations However starting withthe Baby Boomers life expectations for their older years begin tobroaden and include many more possibilities Surely this change in ex-pectations suggests the appropriateness of reconceptualizing how agingservices are developed and delivered

Depression Cohort (Born Between 1912-1921)

This cohort reached adulthood as the Depression halted prosperity andincreased joblessness homelessness and general poverty New Deal pro-grams were developed during this cohortrsquos young adulthood and thegovernment was conceptualized into the welfare state as a safety net forthose in need The influence of the Depression on the initiation of old ageinsurance cannot be overstated As private pensions went bankruptbanks closed and families lost everything these options for security inold age were shown to be inadequate The Social Security programshifted reliance from the family economy and replaced intrafamilial strat-egies with intergenerational tax transfers thereby spreading the riskacross entire populations (Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 87)

The Depression era cohort learned from their parents that only a fewyears of schooling could suffice for most jobs and from their grandparentsthat old age would be bleak (Riley 1987) Indeed this cohortrsquos grandpar-ents could have spent their later years in the Almshouse The Almshouseor poor house had been the only option for elderly without other resourcesAs Social Security denied assistance to institutionalized residents theAlmshouses soon disappeared and private nursing homes came into beingIn general the cultural meaning of age was that an older person was seen asfrail poor and in need of assistance (Haber amp Gratton 1994)

Overall this cohort grew up with a strong work ethic during difficulttimes Their expectations for life and success were narrowly definedMany continued to live in the same geographic areas in which they grewup Their core values ldquoare what we think of today as traditional val-uesndashdiscipline self-denial hard work obedience to authority and fi-nancial and social conservatismrdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 8)Families took care of their own Marriages and family life were thenorm Divorce and remarriage were stigmatized and infrequent

World War II Cohort (Born Between 1922-1927 )

This cohort is characterized by unprecedented patriotism and senseof the country as community The road to victory was paved by the

24 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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common effort of all Americans on the home front or fighting in thewar Ration booklets foil drives victory gardens and sacrificing for thewar effort rallied citizens to the common cause

Hard work and savings were seen as the ways to achieve success Selfsacrifice and discipline were valued traits Cooperation mutual sup-port teamwork and community were important That the Depressionwas overcome and the ldquogoodrdquo war was won were seen as having beenachieved through joint efforts and sacrifices toward a greater commongood Authority was respected The president was seen as the leader ofthe free world Military service was honorable Tough guys were ldquorealrdquomenndashHumphrey Bogart and John Wayne were popular film stars Atombombs were dropped on the foreign lands of social ldquoothersrdquo

Issues of the elderly were just one more problem America would lickafter winning the war The median income of Social Security recipientsfell during the 1940s because benefits failed to keep up with inflation(Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 83)

Post WarEisenhower Cohort (Born Between 1928-1945)

These Americans came of age in an era of unexpected economic afflu-ence and political consensus After decidedly winning the war the suprem-acy of The American Way had been reinforced by the United Statesrsquorelative military might economic strength and anticommunitist moral cer-titude which engendered an aura of natural superiority DomesticallyAmericans espoused unquestioning belief in our social institutions and in-dividual conformity (Hodgson 1976) The political military and eco-nomic orders had become inextricably intertwined during the war and thisldquopower eliterdquo engendered a ldquoliberal ideology of consensusrdquo that permeatedthe immediate post war period with a feeling of confidence in Americanleadership (Mills 1959) The social ldquoone dimensionalityrdquo was so pervasiveas to render dissent improbable if not impossible (Marcuse 1964)

The government spread the prosperity rural America was electrifiedthe interstate highway system was developed The GI bill took manyveterans to college and helped them buy their first homes Televisionbecame popular Overnight it seemed the American Way converted arural nation to a suburban one New suburban lifestyles meant new con-sumer markets and war technology meant more consumer conve-niences Consumer choices were seen as the natural manifestation ofpolitical freedom (Smith amp Clurman 1997 pp 25-28)

Suburbs blossomed and the nuclear family was the ideal ldquoThe longheld dream of a fulfilling family life in a comfortable home seemed at

Tracy X Karner 25

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2014

last to be coming true for millions of people not everyone was affluentor middle class but it was assumed that those left out would eventuallyget their sharerdquo (Skolnick 1991 p 50) Men returned from the warmarried and went to college on the GI bill Family life was the corner-stone of American life It was a profamily decade like no other (Coontz1992 pp 24-26)

After college ldquowhite collarrdquo and ldquoorganizational menrdquo moved up theladder as the economy continued to grow (Mills 1951 Whyte 1956)Companies valued loyalty in their employees and workers could se-curely make their entire careers within a single corporation Poor blacksand whites from the South migrated to northern urban areas in largenumbers seeking the American dream (Hodgson 1976)

Older individuals were idealized as nurturing extended fam-ilyndashldquoGrandparents on the old homesteadrdquo This image was captured inthe illustration ldquoThanksgivingrdquo by Norman Rockwell which had alarge family gathered around as Grandma brings the turkey to set infront of Grandpa at the head of a table This cohort had left the farmsand small towns of their youth and moved to the suburbs to work in themilitary-industrial complex Social Security was adjusted benefits in-creased by 77 and were extended to new populations (Achenbaum1986 p 39)

Baby Boomers 1 Cohort (Born Between 1946-1954)

This cohort is the largest and most influential in American historyThe first Baby Boomers were born during the post-war prosperity theyenjoyed unprecedented opportunities in education and employmentTheir value system is based on a sense of entitlement and a belief in con-tinued economic growth Their interests revolve around the self per-sonal goals and instant gratification (Smith amp Clurman 1997) TheseBoomers in contrast with the later Trailing Boomers are more likely tobe homeowners have better private pension programs and because of highnet earnings could have higher income from investments (Cornman ampKingson 1996)

Boomers also adhere to a more inclusive social perspective than theirpredecessors their beliefs in continued prosperity meant that there wasenough to go around for everyone The Great Society programs broughta renewed focus on eradicating poverty in the richest nation in theworld Identity politics of Civil Rights Womenrsquos Liberation Redpower Chicano power Black Panthers etc were all part of their youngadulthood

26 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

The elderly were seen as one of the disadvantaged social groups bat-tling poverty and lacking social inclusion The Older Americans Act of1965 reframed aging issues as ones of increasing rights and entitlementsPopular films such as The Mad Woman of Chaillot (1969) presented re-tired or nonworking elderly as freed from the establishment of thework-a-day world and portrayed them as eccentrics able to embrace theideals of 60s radicalism

Legislation adjusted Social Security during the 1950s so Boomersrsquograndparents retired with more money in their allotments than they hadpaid in Social Security began to provide largely unearned benefits torecipients while maintaining the myth of ldquoinsurancerdquo by pretending thatthese benefits had been earned through taxes on their wages (Haber ampGratton 1994 pp 81-82) This could have only fueled the Boomers no-tion that there would always be plenty

Medical advances during their youth meant that major illness couldbe wiped out with antibiotics or a single vaccine Boomers grew up withmassive community health programs to immunize children against po-lio measles and smallpox Antibiotics also became widely used andmany life-threatening diseases became curable Boomers took goodhealth for granted so they redefined health not as the absence of ill-ness but as being in shape This meant taking an interest in nutritionand exercise and other deliberate efforts to enhance onersquos health and fit-ness though not necessarily acting on these interests since obesity re-mains a growing problem Taking responsibility for onersquos own healthlead to a lack of respect for traditional medical treatments and an en-grossment in alternative forms of health management Boomers soughtfitness and displayed a ldquodetermination to lsquofixrsquo oneself through diet ex-ercise and mental disciplinerdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 240)

Trailing Boomers 2 Cohort (Born Between 1955-1965)

This cohort came of age in the late 70s and early 80s They grew upwith the same high expectations as the earlier Boomers but found theopportunities forestalled as they approached The hard realities ofldquostagflationrdquo oil embargoes nuclear meltdowns Iran hostages theChrysler bailout and highest unemployment levels since the Depres-sion were not what they were expecting These Boomers are predictedto enter their later years with diminished public and private pension pro-grams and with less wealth in terms of housing and investments(Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Tracy X Karner 27

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2014

Trailing Boomersrsquo adolescent expectations combined with their eco-nomic realities to generate a new form of angry pragmatic cynicismThis group of Boomers has been more concerned with self-survival andpreservation than with personal growth This cohort was confrontedwith the notion that success was not assured and as homelessness grewthat mere survival may not be guaranteed either (Smith amp Clurman1997)

ldquoStagflationrdquo also impacted notions about aging since pensions didnot keep up with inflation Elderly advocacy groups brought issues ofaging into public view Media campaigns focused on the plight of thepoor elderly and portrayed them as frail dependent ignored and livingon pet food Ironically one-quarter of all household wealth was con-trolled by individuals 65 and older Indeed the median aged householdwealth was 150 of the median for all households (Haber amp Gratton1994)

Social Security was also projected to go bankrupt and legislative ad-justments focused on ldquofixingrdquo it The 1983 amendment raised the retire-ment age to 66 (in 2008) and 67 (in 2027) in order to ldquosaverdquo the system(Achenbaum 1986 pp 63-103) Aging issues then became issues ofaccess to environments (ie transportation physical accessibility) andservices

Generation Xers Cohort (Born between 1966ndash1977)

This cohort has only known economic volitility with no promise of acertain future This is the first cohort that has not been able to presumesuccess (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 81) They have grown up withMTV talk shows downsizing and layoffs divorce and latchkey kidsdepleting ozone Internet and the Web increasing national debt reces-sion and infomercials They have also seen the dissolution of long-termplanningndashfew believe Social Security will be there for them The in-creasing threat of nuclear war leads few to contemplate a future at allGenXers face economic and social obstacles that their Boomer parentsnever even considered and that may be even more arduous than thosefaced by the Depression cohort Some speculate that the GenerationXers will come to resemble the older cohorts more so than the Boomersbecause the context of pessimism and scarcity of the latter quarter of the20th century approximates the economic turmoil of the Great Depres-sion (Smith amp Clurman 1997) The Generation X cohort has no guaran-tees In spite of the growth of technology and stock market wealth seenby a small percentage of this cohort most GenXers have not shared in

28 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

the prosperity For the most part GenXers without skills and college de-grees have found an increasing gap between their life opportunities andthose of their educated peers (Levy 1998)

It is likely that notions of aging will shift during GenXersrsquo lifetimesBoomers may redesign retirement lessening the Social Security lienbut continuing the GenXersrsquo employment difficulties Given the familyupheavals the ever increasing geographic mobility and lower incomes(Smith amp Clurman 1997) it seems unlikely that this cohort will partici-pate heavily in familial eldercare They will have to maintain an incomefor their own survivalndashit is unlikely that there will be a ready pool of un-employed women to take on the informal caregiving tasks Growing upin divorced and blended families may also impact a GenXerrsquos sense ofduty and obligation to give care If they grew up as latchkey kids willthey be less likely to provide informal unpaid care When all thepreceeding cohorts control most of the wealth how will this cohort re-spond to their calls for assistance

The aging cohorts of today from the Depression era through theGenXers have come of age in distinct socio-historical times Each co-hort culture has reframed issues of aging and need in light of their ownbeliefs and values For the purposes of this article I narrow the discus-sion to a comparison of the Traditional Agers and Aging Baby Boom-ers

TRADITIONAL AGERS AND AGING BOOMERS

I use the term Traditional Ager to refer to cohorts that held to the lin-ear life course (seen in Figure 1) for comparison with Aging Boomerswho experienced very different life possibilities Some comparisons areuseful in illuminating the different orientations to aging as well as towhat kinds of services might be most acceptable

Traditional Agers incorporate individuals born prior to 1946 in asocio-historical context that adhered to the Figure 1 life trajectorywhich views later life as a transition to death These are the foundationalbeliefs of our current aging structures and policies The focus on illnessthe biomedicalization of aging social isolation of older adults in retire-ment or traditional nursing homes the unwillingness to fund supportiveservices and the expectation of family care all create a structure that en-forces passive aging social detachment and increasing dependency

In contrast the Aging Boomers have experienced the life expecta-tions illustrated in Figure 2 Culturally they have focused on creating

Tracy X Karner 29

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social change to fit their expectations the cult of the body the narcis-sism of recreating onersquos life through recreating onersquos self consumerismas high art and a projection of the self and many other experienceswildly different from earlier cohorts It seems likely that they will ap-proach their own aging as a task to accomplish successfully IndeedRowe and Kahnrsquos (1998) recent best seller Successful Aging provides aclear example of this orientation

Aging Boomers

Scholars have approached the ldquodemographic bulgerdquo of the AgingBaby Boomers in many ways Some attempt to predict the needs of thiscohort Silverstone (1996) explores the economic security health anddisability and social support projection for this group Others (Cornmanamp Kingson 1996) specify the problems more closely for policy and de-fine terms for a needed national conversation on aging Still others (Rob-ertson 1991) decry the apocalyptic potential My intent though focusedon a similar concern is quite different In understanding the issues andpotential changes that lie ahead as this very large cohort ages the under-lying values prevalent in society can illuminate the possibilities likelyto be accepted for addressing these concerns I am referring to the moraleconomy to some extent but more specifically to the beliefs valuesand cultures of cohorts that are likely to participate in financing accom-modating and caring for the aging Boomers Indeed understandingboth the Baby Boomer and the GenXer cultures is key for finding ouraging future With awareness of the cohortrsquos culture and historical ex-perience in concert with the demographic statistics and behavior studiesas they relate to aging issues the picture becomes clearer

There were over 76 million Baby Boomers born between 1946 and1964ndash17 million more than would have been born if fertility rates hadremained at 1940 levels (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Boomers are a di-verse group on many issues but most importantly they differ economi-cally Economically Boomers are different from preceding cohorts inthat they are less likely to own homes less likely to have saved muchand less likely to have significant investments Among the Boomersthis is most true for the Trailing Boomers who entered the labor force ina stagnant economy During 1965 to 1985 when most Boomers begantheir working careers the economy was strong enough to incorporatemost of the new workers However there was a growing trend towardinequity in income distribution from the mid 1970s on This affected thelater Boomers and minority Boomers disproportionately Additionally

30 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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the number of Boomers covered by private pension programs is de-creasing (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Diversity Within the Boomer Cohort

The obstacles to a financially secure retirement are even greater forthe more vulnerable populations among the Boomers Women and mi-nority group members who as a result of social patterns of economicracial and gender stratification find themselves with sparse or low paidwork histories face the most jeopardy Among the Boomers are ldquopoorlyeducated unskilled people whose travails in todayrsquos labor marketwill make them highly vulnerable to economic peril in later liferdquo(Silverstone 1996 p 30) Boomers include 18 million members of mi-nority groups The economic realities that they face in aging will be theculmination of discrimination patterns faced over the life course Addi-tionally the longer life expectancies of the 385 million Baby Boomerwomen will compound the financial difficulties

As sociologists have found correlations between poverty and lack ofquality medical care over the lifetime it is likely that the plight of thepoorer Boomers will also include less health and higher medical costs inlater life As even Rowe and Kahn (1998 p 37) admit poverty makesthe attainment of healthy successful aging more difficult Projectionsindicate that by 2040 55 million people will be in nursing homes and114 million will be using home care for part of the year The majority ofthese will be Baby Boomers (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) There is stillsome debate about whether the increases in life expectancy will lead toliving ldquolonger and sickerrdquo or if advances in health care and ldquosuccessfulagingrdquo will decrease the debilitating illnesses associated with advanc-ing years

Within families where most of the eldercare has been performed(Brody 1985) relationships have changed considerably for the Boomercohort Boomers had fewer children later divorced and remarried moreand entered into more diverse family arrangements Single-parent fami-lies blended families and never married households also increasedThe impact of these shifting family configurations on filial responsibil-ity and caregiving for the dependent old remains to be seen (Silverstone1996) We do know that family structures affect ldquofamily incomes re-tirement income potential for family caregiving and child rearingrdquo(Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Caregiving is currently the domain of themiddle aged adult children caring for aging parents (Uhlenberg 1996)

Tracy X Karner 31

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2014

which is dependent on available unpaid labor of female family mem-bers (Montgomery 1998)

Hareven (1994) found distinctly different cohort attitudes towardeldercare She studied a Depression era cohort and a World War II co-hort finding that the older cohort viewed family as the economic unitthat shared resources and expected that the needs of elder family mem-bers would be met within that context The younger WWII cohort wasmore concerned with improving their own lives and were more likely toaccept government assistance for their older family members Theywere also more likely to place their parents in nursing homes Thisstudy illustrates the relationship among cultural values socio-historicalinfluences and eldercare options

In looking at the economic standing of the Generation Xers the adultchildren in line to care for aging Boomers it is unlikely that theirMcJobs will support themselves let alone free up a spouse for family re-sponsibilities Also when we realize that Boomers even in middle agereceive a disproportionate amount of intergenerational support fromtheir aging parents one questions Boomerrsquos potential as caregiversDavey and Eggebeen (1998 p 93) suggest that ldquoparents do tend to pro-vide more support to children than they receive until very late in liferdquoIndeed it looks as though informal family care will be a limited optionat best for the Boomers Thus it is important to look at how formal carecan best be conceptualized and delivered to respond to their needs

Boomer Culture

As with all the other social institutions in their path Boomers will nodoubt redefine aging to suit their own agenda As exemplified in popu-lar culture with Gail Sheehyrsquos New Passages (1995) it is likely that thecloser the Boomers get to ldquooldnessrdquo the more positively they will con-struct and expand the social definitions of aging and the meaning ofldquooldnessrdquo Moreover since they have a propensity to deny or fight theaging process the term ldquooldrdquo may become reserved for only the veryold and very ill

Other key characteristics of the Boomers appear to be an overwhelm-ing sense of entitlement to what they want and the expectation of instantgratification Their lack of savings loosely defined family relation-ships search for meaning in work and consumerism health and fitnessfanaticism and high value on education are quite different from previ-ous aging generations Boomers will demand a different structure of ag-ing programs and services itrsquos unlikely that they will be content in

32 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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age-segregated communities playing golf Their diversity of experienceand means will dictate diversity in aging but it wonrsquot divorce themfrom their cohort values and expectations

Given these values one might envision retirement communities builton a Club Med model for the affluent Boomers or on a commune modelfor the less fortunate Home health care might be repackaged as fitnesscoaching Sporadic retirement ldquobreaksrdquo between joblets or volunteeringcould become the norm and leisure could be refocused on personalgrowth Though speculation can be endless and at times entertainingthe important message for scholars policy makers and service profes-sionals in trying to project future aging needs is that the construction ofthose needs as well as the acceptable responses to those needs will beframed within values that the Boomers developed some four decadesbefore

AGING IN CULTURAL AND SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Boomersrsquo values and socio-historical context will be factors to ex-plore in understanding how the social structures of aging may changeTo paraphrase Riley the Boomers will age differently than those al-ready old When the Boomers hit 65 Generation Xers will have reachedtheir political maturity GenXersrsquo values perceptions and views of theBoomer cohort will color their responsiveness to Boomer needs Theeconomic difficulties and obstacles to success that the GenXers have in-herited from the Boomers and their predecessors may create a moraleconomy that portrays the Boomers as undeserving of governmentsponsored services Furthermore it is unlikely that GenXers will behappy to each pay a third of a Boomersrsquo social security benefits as thepredicted ratio of 31 would dictate (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Currently the elderly are being blamed for all kinds of social illsfrom poor children to the federal deficient (Estes amp Binney 1991p 129) Unless this fracture is repaired in some way that addressesthe social needs of all cohorts perhaps by refocusing on need rather thanage as Neugarten (1982) has suggested it is unlikely that future cohortswill willingly subsidize the later years of those who have aged before themWe must take into account the cohort values and beliefs about their posi-tion in the social world as well as their values relative to other cohorts

Cohort cultures illuminate the reciprocal intersection of biographyand history within society and from there we can go forward toreconceptualize how best to develop and deliver aging services in the

Tracy X Karner 33

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future that most effectively utilize our social resources Indeed the pub-lic policy challenge remains one of balancing the implied promisesmade to various cohorts as they were paying into social insurance pro-grams through payroll taxes the demands that these groups will makeas they reach ldquoold agerdquo and the willingness of younger cohorts to paythe bills Each of these elements the implied promises the demands ofthe aging and the willingness of the young will be based in their cul-tural experiences and cohort values Our current structure of aging ser-vices is still based in premises about the needs and deservedness ofprevious cohorts Insightful public policy will acknowledge the shiftingcultural values about what it is to be old in our society as we begin to ad-dress the needs of the aging Boomer cohort in the context of a delicatesocial balance between the beliefs and values of those who pay andthose who receive

RECEIVED July 2000REVISED November 2000

ACCEPTED February 2001

REFERENCES

Achenbaum W A (1986) Social Security Visions and Revisions Cambridge Cam-bridge University Press

Bengtson V L amp Achenbaum W A (1993) The Changing Contract Across Gener-ations New York Aldine de Gruyter

Bengtson V L Cutler N E Mangen D J amp Marshall V W (1985) Generationscohorts and relations between age groups pp 304-338 in Handbook of Aging andthe Social Sciences 2nd Edition (Robert H Binstock and Ethel Shanas eds) NewYork Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

Brody E M (1985) Parent care as a normative family stress The Gerontologist 25(l)19-29

Cole T R (1991) The Journey of Life A Cultural History of Aging in America Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Coontz S (1992) The Way We Never Were American Families and the NostalgiaTrap New York Basic Books

Cornman J M amp Kingson E R (1996) Trends issues perspectives and values forthe aging of the baby boom cohorts The Gerontologist 36(l) 15-26

Cummings E amp Henry W F (1961) Growing Old The Process of DisengagementNew York Basic Books

Davey A amp Eggebeen D J (1998) Patterns of intergenerational exchange and men-tal health Journal of Gerontology Psychological Sciences 53B(2) 86-95

34 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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ded

by [

Nor

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ster

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rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

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ded

by [

Nor

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ster

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rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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ber

2014

Page 5: Caring for an Aging Society

Within this framework I propose that cohort information can be used toinform our future decisions about what kinds of services are most likelyto be well received and thus effective

Some scholars have studied cohorts as a means of understandingchanging support for meeting the needs of the aged (eg Silverstein etal 2001 Uhlenberg 1996 Bengtson amp Achenbaum 1993 Hareven1994) Others have developed the ideas of Ryder (1965) and Mannheim(19221952) in exploring social change as each new cohort comes tomaturity (eg Riley amp Riley 1994) In this article I suggest that cohortresearch could be broadened to explore how services can be best con-ceptualized and presented to attract targeted aging groups specificallythe Baby Boomers Marketers have been approaching the presentationof other products and services by targeting consumer markets yet thisinsight has not been brought into the discussion of how best to providefor the aging service needs of the upcoming Baby Boomer cohorts

The Baby Boomers are now approaching older ages and contributingto the shifting demographic of an aging society Culturally sociallyand economically this cohort in large part due to its extreme and un-precedented size has changed each social institution with which it hascome in contact Indeed ldquoat each stage of their lives the needs and de-sires of the Baby Boomers have become the dominant concerns ofAmerican business and popular culturerdquo (Dychtwald amp Flower 1989p 13) There are no indications that social structures of ldquoold agerdquo will beany less altered The sheer size of this cohort strains all age-gradedevents at the same time Now that this group is facing retirement andSocial Security payments the societal stakes of accommodating Boom-ers is predicted to be high (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) From health carecosts to Medicare and to Social Security programs some speculate thatthis cohort has the potential to exhaust our current aging structuresApocalyptic demography foretells social catastrophe as individuals con-tinue to live longer and sicker (Robertson 1991) As a society we arefacing a potential turning point in how we respond to an aging population(Gutheil 1996)

By the year 2012 the United States population is projected to include14 of the population over age 65 (Sokolovsky 1997 p 2) Thistrend is also global ldquoIn 1995 the 368 million persons aged 65 andover constituted 64 percent of the earthrsquos total populationrdquo (Kinsella1997 p 18) and their numbers will continue to increase Demogra-phers and public policy advocates have long been warning of the in-creasing numbers of older individuals but recently the issue ofproportion of elderly to other segments of the population has come to

Tracy X Karner 17

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2014

the fore By 2030 it is projected that one in five US citizens will beover age 65ndasha full 20 of the population (Siegel amp Taeuber 1986)This is quite a shift from 1900 when only one person in 25 was over age65 (Neugarten 1982 p 33) and the average life expectancy was only47 This issue of proportion becomes very important in discussions ofhow society approaches the needs of its older citizens

Given that US policy at times pays attention to the bottom lineseemingly above all other factors it appears obvious that the way we asa society construct what it means to be ldquooldrdquo and what institutions are inplace to address the needs of ldquoolderrdquo Americans will change Our cur-rent structures have their cultural foundation in the moral economy ofthe 1930s New Deal view of aging The policies and structures havebeen tweaked and shifted a bit but the basic ideology that older individ-uals should be treated differently through government sponsored pro-grams is still there And the services offered to older individuals reflectthe experiences and notions of old age and later life held during the ag-ing of Americarsquos first ldquoold cohortrdquo

Previously Matilda White Riley (1987 Riley amp Riley 1994) elabo-rated on the interdependence and continuing interplay between agingand social change Riley posited that the succession of cohorts providesthe link for sociologists in understanding the relationship between andamong changing cultural understandings the process of aging and so-cial context Each processndashaging and social changendashinforms the otherFurthermore Riley cautions findings from aged cohorts currently un-der study cannot be generalized to future cohorts ldquoThe young of todaywill age differently from those already oldrdquo (Riley 1987 p 2)

My intent here is to follow Rileyrsquos admonishment and to explore thecohort values that underlie our social structures for aging and specifi-cally to raise the question of how they might best be used to inform theconstruction and presentation of aging services for different cohorts Iwill compare the cultural characteristics of cohorts yet to reach the ageof 65 namely the Baby Boomers with those already ldquooldrdquo It is my con-tention that aging policies (and available services) reflect the culturalnotions of age and aging held as normative within the culture during thehistorical era in which they are enacted These notions may also be in-formed with some empirical reality but moreover it is the stereotypesand beliefs prevalent at the time that appear to have the most persuasivepower (see Achenbaum 1986 and Quadagno 1988 for discussions ofenacting Social Security legislation) In addition by relying on a cohortorientation in undertaking this project I will draw on previous researchinto lifestyle preferences consumer practices and key characteristics to

18 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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investigate the values of Baby Boomers in light of their own projectedneeds for eldercare services

AGING COHORTS AND THEIR CULTURES

A cultural approach to the study of the meaning of age oldness andthe process of aging maintains both the influence of the social structureand the agency of the individual actors In exploring shifting ideals ofage and aging across time cohorts provide a midlevel analytic frame forbetter understanding both meanings and expectations within historicalperiods

Cohorts according to Bengtson and colleagues (1985 p 306) areldquoan aggregate of individuals born within the same time intervalrdquo Theyare socialized within a common segment of history and carry the impactof these socio-historical experiences with them as they age It is this im-pact of the context of their early years that influences individualsthroughout their life course that I am focusing on as cohort culturesldquoMen resemble their times more than they do their fathersrdquo says theproverb

Within this discussion I refer to these groupings as cohorts ratherthan generations Leaving the term ldquogenerationrdquo for its kinship usagecohorts are a broader grouping of individuals who share commonsociocultural and historical experiences Onersquos identification with aspecific cohort is determined primarily by the shared cultural contextsthat one faces during the coming of age years or as one becomes an eco-nomic adult In other words what was happening in the world duringonersquos later teens and early twenties Obviously social positions of theindividualsndashtheir gender race and class statusndashwill affect their inculca-tion translation and internalization of the socio-historical influencesAdditionally issues of ldquotouchrdquo and ldquosaturationrdquo need to be considered(Bengtson et al 1985)

Generally cohorts are held together by their shared experiencesldquothings like pop culture economic conditions world events natural di-sasters heroes villains politics and technologyrdquo (Smith amp Clurman1997 p 3) to name a few Cohorts develop and retain similar valuesand life skills as they go about constructing their lives in shared socialand historical contexts Thus the identification of cohort cultures andvalues can assist in understanding how notions of aging and resultingpolicies structures and services have changed and are likely to changeas specific cohorts age

Tracy X Karner 19

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2014

Our current policies programs beliefs and expectations for olderAmericans have their ideological foundation in the Social Security leg-islation initiated in 1935 The social structure of the aging process andthe programs that have grown out of that event have been adjustedamended and expanded over the years However the basic premise thataging individuals should be treated as a distinct social group and pro-tected and cared for within society through government interventionhas remained intact These views can be traced from the values behindthe creation of our first ldquoold cohortrdquo

The First Old Cohort

By first old cohort I am referring to those individuals who reachedtheir middle sixties in the mid 1930s and 1940s when the New Deal oldage pensions that we now know as Social Security were introducedThrough the Social Security legislation these individuals were politi-cally defined as ldquooldrdquo and given the right to retire from the work world(Myles 1984 1991) Thus this cohort became our first group of olderindividuals who were formally recognized by the government as differ-ent from citizens in other phases of their lives (Kohli 1988) Our cur-rent structure of aging programs stems from these social notions of ldquooldagerdquo and the moral economy prevalent during that historical era Recentadjustments to accommodate diversity and delay institutionalizationhave not changed the basic structure of aging services

Life was a linear projection for this cohort with age norms for enter-ing and leaving onersquos social roles (see Figure 1) Some scholars sim-plify this projection to ldquothree boxesrdquo youth adulthood and work andold age whereas others stress the primacy of onersquos labor participationand view the linear life course as three phases pre-work work andpostwork Either way ldquoold agerdquo was the last life phase before death andwas conceptualized as an undesirable state This old pre-death phaseoccurred after one had completed onersquos productive lifendashheld a job andraised a family Aging was thought to be a transitional phase of ldquodetach-mentrdquo (Cummings amp Henry 1961) from productive contribution to theend of life And indeed at that time it was a much briefer phase becausethe majority of individuals did not live far into their forties

Furthermore Kohli (1988) suggests that the political construction ofthe post-work phase through pensions moved the moral universe of so-ciety beyond the family or local community where it had previouslybeen focused and located it within the realm of work and the marketeconomy Using labor force participation as the referent for life stages

20 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

and the pension as a substitutive benefit an individualrsquos value (andthus social deservedness) is related to something external and not in-trinsic to the person

The historical context and the values of the ldquofirst old cohortrdquo contrastmarkedly from current conceptualizations of life possibilities Notionsof a life trajectory (as presented in Figure 1) remain culturally similaruntil the first wave of the Baby Boomers begins to age Indeed thepostmodern world of multiplicity pastiche and hyperreality has recon-stituted current understandings of the life course Work remains a cen-tral form of meaning and personhood but the moral economy hasbecome much more complicated and convoluted and many would ar-gue inadequate for contemporary life (Cole 1991)

Postmodern Life Possibilities

Changes in current life trajectories are being conceptualized in twoways One approach as illustrated in Figure 2 still views life as a seriesof phases but the life phases are no longer accomplished in linear fash-ion or phased at specific chronological ages (Schar 1998) One may goto school or back to retrain at several points along the continuum Onemay marry multiple times and raise multiple families One may retireand then return to work The possibilities are multiple The life coursehas become circuitous curvilinear and repetitive

The second reconceptualization of the life course is the extension ofmidlife into many developmental stages This view still holds to a linearframe focused on chronological life decades but extends the opportu-nity for meaningful life engagement through an individualrsquos nineties

Tracy X Karner 21

Birth School Job Family Old Age amp Death

Children

House

Grandchildren

FIGURE 1 Life Course of the First ldquoOld Cohortrdquo

(Adapted from Schar 1998)

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2014

An illustration of this line of thinking can be found in a recent popularbook by anthropologist Gail Sheehy (1995) entitled New PassagesFinding that the linear conceptualization of life as in Figure 1 is inade-quate for todayrsquos mature person Sheehy posits a ldquonew map of adultliferdquo Taking an Eriksonian approach to adult development Sheehy ex-tends adulthood by dividing it into multiple consecutive stages withinwhich multiple social roles and relationships can be refined retooledrevisited and repeated as illustrated in Figure 3

Sheehyrsquos work provides an illustrative example of the changingmoral economy as the Baby Boomer cohort ages Sheehyrsquos earlierwork Passages in 1976 saw meaningful life involvement ending withonersquos fifties Yet as she (and her Baby Boomer peers) approach theselater years Sheehyrsquos notions of the potential for later life ldquopassagesrdquohave enlarged Her new map presents later life as full of possibilities forenrichment personal growth and fulfilling relationships well intoonersquos nineties This is also consistent with studies that have shown thatyounger adults often exaggerate the obstacles faced in old age and havemore negative images of aging than the older individuals themselves(Seccombe amp Masako 1991)

22 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Birth School Family Single Married Retired

Death

JobApt

NewJob

School

House

Children Apt

House

Grandchildren

Children

Grandchildren

Condo

Job

School

Single

FIGURE 2 Postmodern Life Course Possibilities

(Adapted from Schar 1998)

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2014

AGING COHORTS FROM A MARKETING PERSPECTIVE

Currently in the United States as some older individuals are gainingeconomic and political clout the business sector has begun to see the el-derly in a new lightndashthat of an affluent consumer This has prompted atten-tion to aging individuals as an untapped and unexplored new market(Minkler 1991) From this new perspective marketing research (Smith ampClurman 1997 Schar 1998) has extrapolated from sociological under-standings and has identified six current consumer cohorts the DepressionWorld War II Post-warEisenhower Baby Boomers 1 Trailing BabyBoomers 2 and Generation Xers Market research identifies each of thesecohorts as having experienced significant unique coming of age eventsthat have influenced their values and expectations Each cohort shared theage norms and behavior patterns prevalent in their respective eras

Though marketing research may seem a surprising avenue for betterunderstanding aging issues the connection becomes clear as one con-siders the privatization of medical care and aging services Now marketdriven health care and medical costs are the most pressing factors fac-ing our aging population second only to Social Security income In ef-forts to keep costs down consumption of health care including whichMedicare HMO to enroll in is becoming more and more like a tradi-tional business As business and consumerism are the realm of market-ers their understanding of cohort consumption patterns and purchasingpatterns can be used to inform future projections of the most plausibleforms of care aging Boomers will want and use

A brief general overview of each of the cohorts that is currently ag-ing in the United States population follows The Depression cohortthrough the Post-warEisenhower cohort appear to have a similar linear

Tracy X Karner 23

Tryout20s

Turbulent30s

Flourishing40s

Flaming50s

Serene60s

Sage70s

Uninhibited80s

Noble90s

CelebratoryCentenarians

60 Passageto Age ofIntegrity

50Passageto Age ofMastery

30 Passageto First Adulthood

ProvisionalAdulthood

18 to 30

FirstAdulthood

30 to 45

SecondAdulthood45 to 85+

FIGURE 3 New Life Passages

(Adapted from Sheehy 1995)

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approach to their lives and aging expectations However starting withthe Baby Boomers life expectations for their older years begin tobroaden and include many more possibilities Surely this change in ex-pectations suggests the appropriateness of reconceptualizing how agingservices are developed and delivered

Depression Cohort (Born Between 1912-1921)

This cohort reached adulthood as the Depression halted prosperity andincreased joblessness homelessness and general poverty New Deal pro-grams were developed during this cohortrsquos young adulthood and thegovernment was conceptualized into the welfare state as a safety net forthose in need The influence of the Depression on the initiation of old ageinsurance cannot be overstated As private pensions went bankruptbanks closed and families lost everything these options for security inold age were shown to be inadequate The Social Security programshifted reliance from the family economy and replaced intrafamilial strat-egies with intergenerational tax transfers thereby spreading the riskacross entire populations (Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 87)

The Depression era cohort learned from their parents that only a fewyears of schooling could suffice for most jobs and from their grandparentsthat old age would be bleak (Riley 1987) Indeed this cohortrsquos grandpar-ents could have spent their later years in the Almshouse The Almshouseor poor house had been the only option for elderly without other resourcesAs Social Security denied assistance to institutionalized residents theAlmshouses soon disappeared and private nursing homes came into beingIn general the cultural meaning of age was that an older person was seen asfrail poor and in need of assistance (Haber amp Gratton 1994)

Overall this cohort grew up with a strong work ethic during difficulttimes Their expectations for life and success were narrowly definedMany continued to live in the same geographic areas in which they grewup Their core values ldquoare what we think of today as traditional val-uesndashdiscipline self-denial hard work obedience to authority and fi-nancial and social conservatismrdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 8)Families took care of their own Marriages and family life were thenorm Divorce and remarriage were stigmatized and infrequent

World War II Cohort (Born Between 1922-1927 )

This cohort is characterized by unprecedented patriotism and senseof the country as community The road to victory was paved by the

24 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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common effort of all Americans on the home front or fighting in thewar Ration booklets foil drives victory gardens and sacrificing for thewar effort rallied citizens to the common cause

Hard work and savings were seen as the ways to achieve success Selfsacrifice and discipline were valued traits Cooperation mutual sup-port teamwork and community were important That the Depressionwas overcome and the ldquogoodrdquo war was won were seen as having beenachieved through joint efforts and sacrifices toward a greater commongood Authority was respected The president was seen as the leader ofthe free world Military service was honorable Tough guys were ldquorealrdquomenndashHumphrey Bogart and John Wayne were popular film stars Atombombs were dropped on the foreign lands of social ldquoothersrdquo

Issues of the elderly were just one more problem America would lickafter winning the war The median income of Social Security recipientsfell during the 1940s because benefits failed to keep up with inflation(Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 83)

Post WarEisenhower Cohort (Born Between 1928-1945)

These Americans came of age in an era of unexpected economic afflu-ence and political consensus After decidedly winning the war the suprem-acy of The American Way had been reinforced by the United Statesrsquorelative military might economic strength and anticommunitist moral cer-titude which engendered an aura of natural superiority DomesticallyAmericans espoused unquestioning belief in our social institutions and in-dividual conformity (Hodgson 1976) The political military and eco-nomic orders had become inextricably intertwined during the war and thisldquopower eliterdquo engendered a ldquoliberal ideology of consensusrdquo that permeatedthe immediate post war period with a feeling of confidence in Americanleadership (Mills 1959) The social ldquoone dimensionalityrdquo was so pervasiveas to render dissent improbable if not impossible (Marcuse 1964)

The government spread the prosperity rural America was electrifiedthe interstate highway system was developed The GI bill took manyveterans to college and helped them buy their first homes Televisionbecame popular Overnight it seemed the American Way converted arural nation to a suburban one New suburban lifestyles meant new con-sumer markets and war technology meant more consumer conve-niences Consumer choices were seen as the natural manifestation ofpolitical freedom (Smith amp Clurman 1997 pp 25-28)

Suburbs blossomed and the nuclear family was the ideal ldquoThe longheld dream of a fulfilling family life in a comfortable home seemed at

Tracy X Karner 25

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last to be coming true for millions of people not everyone was affluentor middle class but it was assumed that those left out would eventuallyget their sharerdquo (Skolnick 1991 p 50) Men returned from the warmarried and went to college on the GI bill Family life was the corner-stone of American life It was a profamily decade like no other (Coontz1992 pp 24-26)

After college ldquowhite collarrdquo and ldquoorganizational menrdquo moved up theladder as the economy continued to grow (Mills 1951 Whyte 1956)Companies valued loyalty in their employees and workers could se-curely make their entire careers within a single corporation Poor blacksand whites from the South migrated to northern urban areas in largenumbers seeking the American dream (Hodgson 1976)

Older individuals were idealized as nurturing extended fam-ilyndashldquoGrandparents on the old homesteadrdquo This image was captured inthe illustration ldquoThanksgivingrdquo by Norman Rockwell which had alarge family gathered around as Grandma brings the turkey to set infront of Grandpa at the head of a table This cohort had left the farmsand small towns of their youth and moved to the suburbs to work in themilitary-industrial complex Social Security was adjusted benefits in-creased by 77 and were extended to new populations (Achenbaum1986 p 39)

Baby Boomers 1 Cohort (Born Between 1946-1954)

This cohort is the largest and most influential in American historyThe first Baby Boomers were born during the post-war prosperity theyenjoyed unprecedented opportunities in education and employmentTheir value system is based on a sense of entitlement and a belief in con-tinued economic growth Their interests revolve around the self per-sonal goals and instant gratification (Smith amp Clurman 1997) TheseBoomers in contrast with the later Trailing Boomers are more likely tobe homeowners have better private pension programs and because of highnet earnings could have higher income from investments (Cornman ampKingson 1996)

Boomers also adhere to a more inclusive social perspective than theirpredecessors their beliefs in continued prosperity meant that there wasenough to go around for everyone The Great Society programs broughta renewed focus on eradicating poverty in the richest nation in theworld Identity politics of Civil Rights Womenrsquos Liberation Redpower Chicano power Black Panthers etc were all part of their youngadulthood

26 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

The elderly were seen as one of the disadvantaged social groups bat-tling poverty and lacking social inclusion The Older Americans Act of1965 reframed aging issues as ones of increasing rights and entitlementsPopular films such as The Mad Woman of Chaillot (1969) presented re-tired or nonworking elderly as freed from the establishment of thework-a-day world and portrayed them as eccentrics able to embrace theideals of 60s radicalism

Legislation adjusted Social Security during the 1950s so Boomersrsquograndparents retired with more money in their allotments than they hadpaid in Social Security began to provide largely unearned benefits torecipients while maintaining the myth of ldquoinsurancerdquo by pretending thatthese benefits had been earned through taxes on their wages (Haber ampGratton 1994 pp 81-82) This could have only fueled the Boomers no-tion that there would always be plenty

Medical advances during their youth meant that major illness couldbe wiped out with antibiotics or a single vaccine Boomers grew up withmassive community health programs to immunize children against po-lio measles and smallpox Antibiotics also became widely used andmany life-threatening diseases became curable Boomers took goodhealth for granted so they redefined health not as the absence of ill-ness but as being in shape This meant taking an interest in nutritionand exercise and other deliberate efforts to enhance onersquos health and fit-ness though not necessarily acting on these interests since obesity re-mains a growing problem Taking responsibility for onersquos own healthlead to a lack of respect for traditional medical treatments and an en-grossment in alternative forms of health management Boomers soughtfitness and displayed a ldquodetermination to lsquofixrsquo oneself through diet ex-ercise and mental disciplinerdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 240)

Trailing Boomers 2 Cohort (Born Between 1955-1965)

This cohort came of age in the late 70s and early 80s They grew upwith the same high expectations as the earlier Boomers but found theopportunities forestalled as they approached The hard realities ofldquostagflationrdquo oil embargoes nuclear meltdowns Iran hostages theChrysler bailout and highest unemployment levels since the Depres-sion were not what they were expecting These Boomers are predictedto enter their later years with diminished public and private pension pro-grams and with less wealth in terms of housing and investments(Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Tracy X Karner 27

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2014

Trailing Boomersrsquo adolescent expectations combined with their eco-nomic realities to generate a new form of angry pragmatic cynicismThis group of Boomers has been more concerned with self-survival andpreservation than with personal growth This cohort was confrontedwith the notion that success was not assured and as homelessness grewthat mere survival may not be guaranteed either (Smith amp Clurman1997)

ldquoStagflationrdquo also impacted notions about aging since pensions didnot keep up with inflation Elderly advocacy groups brought issues ofaging into public view Media campaigns focused on the plight of thepoor elderly and portrayed them as frail dependent ignored and livingon pet food Ironically one-quarter of all household wealth was con-trolled by individuals 65 and older Indeed the median aged householdwealth was 150 of the median for all households (Haber amp Gratton1994)

Social Security was also projected to go bankrupt and legislative ad-justments focused on ldquofixingrdquo it The 1983 amendment raised the retire-ment age to 66 (in 2008) and 67 (in 2027) in order to ldquosaverdquo the system(Achenbaum 1986 pp 63-103) Aging issues then became issues ofaccess to environments (ie transportation physical accessibility) andservices

Generation Xers Cohort (Born between 1966ndash1977)

This cohort has only known economic volitility with no promise of acertain future This is the first cohort that has not been able to presumesuccess (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 81) They have grown up withMTV talk shows downsizing and layoffs divorce and latchkey kidsdepleting ozone Internet and the Web increasing national debt reces-sion and infomercials They have also seen the dissolution of long-termplanningndashfew believe Social Security will be there for them The in-creasing threat of nuclear war leads few to contemplate a future at allGenXers face economic and social obstacles that their Boomer parentsnever even considered and that may be even more arduous than thosefaced by the Depression cohort Some speculate that the GenerationXers will come to resemble the older cohorts more so than the Boomersbecause the context of pessimism and scarcity of the latter quarter of the20th century approximates the economic turmoil of the Great Depres-sion (Smith amp Clurman 1997) The Generation X cohort has no guaran-tees In spite of the growth of technology and stock market wealth seenby a small percentage of this cohort most GenXers have not shared in

28 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

the prosperity For the most part GenXers without skills and college de-grees have found an increasing gap between their life opportunities andthose of their educated peers (Levy 1998)

It is likely that notions of aging will shift during GenXersrsquo lifetimesBoomers may redesign retirement lessening the Social Security lienbut continuing the GenXersrsquo employment difficulties Given the familyupheavals the ever increasing geographic mobility and lower incomes(Smith amp Clurman 1997) it seems unlikely that this cohort will partici-pate heavily in familial eldercare They will have to maintain an incomefor their own survivalndashit is unlikely that there will be a ready pool of un-employed women to take on the informal caregiving tasks Growing upin divorced and blended families may also impact a GenXerrsquos sense ofduty and obligation to give care If they grew up as latchkey kids willthey be less likely to provide informal unpaid care When all thepreceeding cohorts control most of the wealth how will this cohort re-spond to their calls for assistance

The aging cohorts of today from the Depression era through theGenXers have come of age in distinct socio-historical times Each co-hort culture has reframed issues of aging and need in light of their ownbeliefs and values For the purposes of this article I narrow the discus-sion to a comparison of the Traditional Agers and Aging Baby Boom-ers

TRADITIONAL AGERS AND AGING BOOMERS

I use the term Traditional Ager to refer to cohorts that held to the lin-ear life course (seen in Figure 1) for comparison with Aging Boomerswho experienced very different life possibilities Some comparisons areuseful in illuminating the different orientations to aging as well as towhat kinds of services might be most acceptable

Traditional Agers incorporate individuals born prior to 1946 in asocio-historical context that adhered to the Figure 1 life trajectorywhich views later life as a transition to death These are the foundationalbeliefs of our current aging structures and policies The focus on illnessthe biomedicalization of aging social isolation of older adults in retire-ment or traditional nursing homes the unwillingness to fund supportiveservices and the expectation of family care all create a structure that en-forces passive aging social detachment and increasing dependency

In contrast the Aging Boomers have experienced the life expecta-tions illustrated in Figure 2 Culturally they have focused on creating

Tracy X Karner 29

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2014

social change to fit their expectations the cult of the body the narcis-sism of recreating onersquos life through recreating onersquos self consumerismas high art and a projection of the self and many other experienceswildly different from earlier cohorts It seems likely that they will ap-proach their own aging as a task to accomplish successfully IndeedRowe and Kahnrsquos (1998) recent best seller Successful Aging provides aclear example of this orientation

Aging Boomers

Scholars have approached the ldquodemographic bulgerdquo of the AgingBaby Boomers in many ways Some attempt to predict the needs of thiscohort Silverstone (1996) explores the economic security health anddisability and social support projection for this group Others (Cornmanamp Kingson 1996) specify the problems more closely for policy and de-fine terms for a needed national conversation on aging Still others (Rob-ertson 1991) decry the apocalyptic potential My intent though focusedon a similar concern is quite different In understanding the issues andpotential changes that lie ahead as this very large cohort ages the under-lying values prevalent in society can illuminate the possibilities likelyto be accepted for addressing these concerns I am referring to the moraleconomy to some extent but more specifically to the beliefs valuesand cultures of cohorts that are likely to participate in financing accom-modating and caring for the aging Boomers Indeed understandingboth the Baby Boomer and the GenXer cultures is key for finding ouraging future With awareness of the cohortrsquos culture and historical ex-perience in concert with the demographic statistics and behavior studiesas they relate to aging issues the picture becomes clearer

There were over 76 million Baby Boomers born between 1946 and1964ndash17 million more than would have been born if fertility rates hadremained at 1940 levels (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Boomers are a di-verse group on many issues but most importantly they differ economi-cally Economically Boomers are different from preceding cohorts inthat they are less likely to own homes less likely to have saved muchand less likely to have significant investments Among the Boomersthis is most true for the Trailing Boomers who entered the labor force ina stagnant economy During 1965 to 1985 when most Boomers begantheir working careers the economy was strong enough to incorporatemost of the new workers However there was a growing trend towardinequity in income distribution from the mid 1970s on This affected thelater Boomers and minority Boomers disproportionately Additionally

30 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

the number of Boomers covered by private pension programs is de-creasing (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Diversity Within the Boomer Cohort

The obstacles to a financially secure retirement are even greater forthe more vulnerable populations among the Boomers Women and mi-nority group members who as a result of social patterns of economicracial and gender stratification find themselves with sparse or low paidwork histories face the most jeopardy Among the Boomers are ldquopoorlyeducated unskilled people whose travails in todayrsquos labor marketwill make them highly vulnerable to economic peril in later liferdquo(Silverstone 1996 p 30) Boomers include 18 million members of mi-nority groups The economic realities that they face in aging will be theculmination of discrimination patterns faced over the life course Addi-tionally the longer life expectancies of the 385 million Baby Boomerwomen will compound the financial difficulties

As sociologists have found correlations between poverty and lack ofquality medical care over the lifetime it is likely that the plight of thepoorer Boomers will also include less health and higher medical costs inlater life As even Rowe and Kahn (1998 p 37) admit poverty makesthe attainment of healthy successful aging more difficult Projectionsindicate that by 2040 55 million people will be in nursing homes and114 million will be using home care for part of the year The majority ofthese will be Baby Boomers (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) There is stillsome debate about whether the increases in life expectancy will lead toliving ldquolonger and sickerrdquo or if advances in health care and ldquosuccessfulagingrdquo will decrease the debilitating illnesses associated with advanc-ing years

Within families where most of the eldercare has been performed(Brody 1985) relationships have changed considerably for the Boomercohort Boomers had fewer children later divorced and remarried moreand entered into more diverse family arrangements Single-parent fami-lies blended families and never married households also increasedThe impact of these shifting family configurations on filial responsibil-ity and caregiving for the dependent old remains to be seen (Silverstone1996) We do know that family structures affect ldquofamily incomes re-tirement income potential for family caregiving and child rearingrdquo(Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Caregiving is currently the domain of themiddle aged adult children caring for aging parents (Uhlenberg 1996)

Tracy X Karner 31

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2014

which is dependent on available unpaid labor of female family mem-bers (Montgomery 1998)

Hareven (1994) found distinctly different cohort attitudes towardeldercare She studied a Depression era cohort and a World War II co-hort finding that the older cohort viewed family as the economic unitthat shared resources and expected that the needs of elder family mem-bers would be met within that context The younger WWII cohort wasmore concerned with improving their own lives and were more likely toaccept government assistance for their older family members Theywere also more likely to place their parents in nursing homes Thisstudy illustrates the relationship among cultural values socio-historicalinfluences and eldercare options

In looking at the economic standing of the Generation Xers the adultchildren in line to care for aging Boomers it is unlikely that theirMcJobs will support themselves let alone free up a spouse for family re-sponsibilities Also when we realize that Boomers even in middle agereceive a disproportionate amount of intergenerational support fromtheir aging parents one questions Boomerrsquos potential as caregiversDavey and Eggebeen (1998 p 93) suggest that ldquoparents do tend to pro-vide more support to children than they receive until very late in liferdquoIndeed it looks as though informal family care will be a limited optionat best for the Boomers Thus it is important to look at how formal carecan best be conceptualized and delivered to respond to their needs

Boomer Culture

As with all the other social institutions in their path Boomers will nodoubt redefine aging to suit their own agenda As exemplified in popu-lar culture with Gail Sheehyrsquos New Passages (1995) it is likely that thecloser the Boomers get to ldquooldnessrdquo the more positively they will con-struct and expand the social definitions of aging and the meaning ofldquooldnessrdquo Moreover since they have a propensity to deny or fight theaging process the term ldquooldrdquo may become reserved for only the veryold and very ill

Other key characteristics of the Boomers appear to be an overwhelm-ing sense of entitlement to what they want and the expectation of instantgratification Their lack of savings loosely defined family relation-ships search for meaning in work and consumerism health and fitnessfanaticism and high value on education are quite different from previ-ous aging generations Boomers will demand a different structure of ag-ing programs and services itrsquos unlikely that they will be content in

32 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

age-segregated communities playing golf Their diversity of experienceand means will dictate diversity in aging but it wonrsquot divorce themfrom their cohort values and expectations

Given these values one might envision retirement communities builton a Club Med model for the affluent Boomers or on a commune modelfor the less fortunate Home health care might be repackaged as fitnesscoaching Sporadic retirement ldquobreaksrdquo between joblets or volunteeringcould become the norm and leisure could be refocused on personalgrowth Though speculation can be endless and at times entertainingthe important message for scholars policy makers and service profes-sionals in trying to project future aging needs is that the construction ofthose needs as well as the acceptable responses to those needs will beframed within values that the Boomers developed some four decadesbefore

AGING IN CULTURAL AND SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Boomersrsquo values and socio-historical context will be factors to ex-plore in understanding how the social structures of aging may changeTo paraphrase Riley the Boomers will age differently than those al-ready old When the Boomers hit 65 Generation Xers will have reachedtheir political maturity GenXersrsquo values perceptions and views of theBoomer cohort will color their responsiveness to Boomer needs Theeconomic difficulties and obstacles to success that the GenXers have in-herited from the Boomers and their predecessors may create a moraleconomy that portrays the Boomers as undeserving of governmentsponsored services Furthermore it is unlikely that GenXers will behappy to each pay a third of a Boomersrsquo social security benefits as thepredicted ratio of 31 would dictate (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Currently the elderly are being blamed for all kinds of social illsfrom poor children to the federal deficient (Estes amp Binney 1991p 129) Unless this fracture is repaired in some way that addressesthe social needs of all cohorts perhaps by refocusing on need rather thanage as Neugarten (1982) has suggested it is unlikely that future cohortswill willingly subsidize the later years of those who have aged before themWe must take into account the cohort values and beliefs about their posi-tion in the social world as well as their values relative to other cohorts

Cohort cultures illuminate the reciprocal intersection of biographyand history within society and from there we can go forward toreconceptualize how best to develop and deliver aging services in the

Tracy X Karner 33

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2014

future that most effectively utilize our social resources Indeed the pub-lic policy challenge remains one of balancing the implied promisesmade to various cohorts as they were paying into social insurance pro-grams through payroll taxes the demands that these groups will makeas they reach ldquoold agerdquo and the willingness of younger cohorts to paythe bills Each of these elements the implied promises the demands ofthe aging and the willingness of the young will be based in their cul-tural experiences and cohort values Our current structure of aging ser-vices is still based in premises about the needs and deservedness ofprevious cohorts Insightful public policy will acknowledge the shiftingcultural values about what it is to be old in our society as we begin to ad-dress the needs of the aging Boomer cohort in the context of a delicatesocial balance between the beliefs and values of those who pay andthose who receive

RECEIVED July 2000REVISED November 2000

ACCEPTED February 2001

REFERENCES

Achenbaum W A (1986) Social Security Visions and Revisions Cambridge Cam-bridge University Press

Bengtson V L amp Achenbaum W A (1993) The Changing Contract Across Gener-ations New York Aldine de Gruyter

Bengtson V L Cutler N E Mangen D J amp Marshall V W (1985) Generationscohorts and relations between age groups pp 304-338 in Handbook of Aging andthe Social Sciences 2nd Edition (Robert H Binstock and Ethel Shanas eds) NewYork Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

Brody E M (1985) Parent care as a normative family stress The Gerontologist 25(l)19-29

Cole T R (1991) The Journey of Life A Cultural History of Aging in America Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Coontz S (1992) The Way We Never Were American Families and the NostalgiaTrap New York Basic Books

Cornman J M amp Kingson E R (1996) Trends issues perspectives and values forthe aging of the baby boom cohorts The Gerontologist 36(l) 15-26

Cummings E amp Henry W F (1961) Growing Old The Process of DisengagementNew York Basic Books

Davey A amp Eggebeen D J (1998) Patterns of intergenerational exchange and men-tal health Journal of Gerontology Psychological Sciences 53B(2) 86-95

34 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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rsity

] at

13

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3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

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] at

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ber

2014

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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Page 6: Caring for an Aging Society

the fore By 2030 it is projected that one in five US citizens will beover age 65ndasha full 20 of the population (Siegel amp Taeuber 1986)This is quite a shift from 1900 when only one person in 25 was over age65 (Neugarten 1982 p 33) and the average life expectancy was only47 This issue of proportion becomes very important in discussions ofhow society approaches the needs of its older citizens

Given that US policy at times pays attention to the bottom lineseemingly above all other factors it appears obvious that the way we asa society construct what it means to be ldquooldrdquo and what institutions are inplace to address the needs of ldquoolderrdquo Americans will change Our cur-rent structures have their cultural foundation in the moral economy ofthe 1930s New Deal view of aging The policies and structures havebeen tweaked and shifted a bit but the basic ideology that older individ-uals should be treated differently through government sponsored pro-grams is still there And the services offered to older individuals reflectthe experiences and notions of old age and later life held during the ag-ing of Americarsquos first ldquoold cohortrdquo

Previously Matilda White Riley (1987 Riley amp Riley 1994) elabo-rated on the interdependence and continuing interplay between agingand social change Riley posited that the succession of cohorts providesthe link for sociologists in understanding the relationship between andamong changing cultural understandings the process of aging and so-cial context Each processndashaging and social changendashinforms the otherFurthermore Riley cautions findings from aged cohorts currently un-der study cannot be generalized to future cohorts ldquoThe young of todaywill age differently from those already oldrdquo (Riley 1987 p 2)

My intent here is to follow Rileyrsquos admonishment and to explore thecohort values that underlie our social structures for aging and specifi-cally to raise the question of how they might best be used to inform theconstruction and presentation of aging services for different cohorts Iwill compare the cultural characteristics of cohorts yet to reach the ageof 65 namely the Baby Boomers with those already ldquooldrdquo It is my con-tention that aging policies (and available services) reflect the culturalnotions of age and aging held as normative within the culture during thehistorical era in which they are enacted These notions may also be in-formed with some empirical reality but moreover it is the stereotypesand beliefs prevalent at the time that appear to have the most persuasivepower (see Achenbaum 1986 and Quadagno 1988 for discussions ofenacting Social Security legislation) In addition by relying on a cohortorientation in undertaking this project I will draw on previous researchinto lifestyle preferences consumer practices and key characteristics to

18 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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investigate the values of Baby Boomers in light of their own projectedneeds for eldercare services

AGING COHORTS AND THEIR CULTURES

A cultural approach to the study of the meaning of age oldness andthe process of aging maintains both the influence of the social structureand the agency of the individual actors In exploring shifting ideals ofage and aging across time cohorts provide a midlevel analytic frame forbetter understanding both meanings and expectations within historicalperiods

Cohorts according to Bengtson and colleagues (1985 p 306) areldquoan aggregate of individuals born within the same time intervalrdquo Theyare socialized within a common segment of history and carry the impactof these socio-historical experiences with them as they age It is this im-pact of the context of their early years that influences individualsthroughout their life course that I am focusing on as cohort culturesldquoMen resemble their times more than they do their fathersrdquo says theproverb

Within this discussion I refer to these groupings as cohorts ratherthan generations Leaving the term ldquogenerationrdquo for its kinship usagecohorts are a broader grouping of individuals who share commonsociocultural and historical experiences Onersquos identification with aspecific cohort is determined primarily by the shared cultural contextsthat one faces during the coming of age years or as one becomes an eco-nomic adult In other words what was happening in the world duringonersquos later teens and early twenties Obviously social positions of theindividualsndashtheir gender race and class statusndashwill affect their inculca-tion translation and internalization of the socio-historical influencesAdditionally issues of ldquotouchrdquo and ldquosaturationrdquo need to be considered(Bengtson et al 1985)

Generally cohorts are held together by their shared experiencesldquothings like pop culture economic conditions world events natural di-sasters heroes villains politics and technologyrdquo (Smith amp Clurman1997 p 3) to name a few Cohorts develop and retain similar valuesand life skills as they go about constructing their lives in shared socialand historical contexts Thus the identification of cohort cultures andvalues can assist in understanding how notions of aging and resultingpolicies structures and services have changed and are likely to changeas specific cohorts age

Tracy X Karner 19

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Our current policies programs beliefs and expectations for olderAmericans have their ideological foundation in the Social Security leg-islation initiated in 1935 The social structure of the aging process andthe programs that have grown out of that event have been adjustedamended and expanded over the years However the basic premise thataging individuals should be treated as a distinct social group and pro-tected and cared for within society through government interventionhas remained intact These views can be traced from the values behindthe creation of our first ldquoold cohortrdquo

The First Old Cohort

By first old cohort I am referring to those individuals who reachedtheir middle sixties in the mid 1930s and 1940s when the New Deal oldage pensions that we now know as Social Security were introducedThrough the Social Security legislation these individuals were politi-cally defined as ldquooldrdquo and given the right to retire from the work world(Myles 1984 1991) Thus this cohort became our first group of olderindividuals who were formally recognized by the government as differ-ent from citizens in other phases of their lives (Kohli 1988) Our cur-rent structure of aging programs stems from these social notions of ldquooldagerdquo and the moral economy prevalent during that historical era Recentadjustments to accommodate diversity and delay institutionalizationhave not changed the basic structure of aging services

Life was a linear projection for this cohort with age norms for enter-ing and leaving onersquos social roles (see Figure 1) Some scholars sim-plify this projection to ldquothree boxesrdquo youth adulthood and work andold age whereas others stress the primacy of onersquos labor participationand view the linear life course as three phases pre-work work andpostwork Either way ldquoold agerdquo was the last life phase before death andwas conceptualized as an undesirable state This old pre-death phaseoccurred after one had completed onersquos productive lifendashheld a job andraised a family Aging was thought to be a transitional phase of ldquodetach-mentrdquo (Cummings amp Henry 1961) from productive contribution to theend of life And indeed at that time it was a much briefer phase becausethe majority of individuals did not live far into their forties

Furthermore Kohli (1988) suggests that the political construction ofthe post-work phase through pensions moved the moral universe of so-ciety beyond the family or local community where it had previouslybeen focused and located it within the realm of work and the marketeconomy Using labor force participation as the referent for life stages

20 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

and the pension as a substitutive benefit an individualrsquos value (andthus social deservedness) is related to something external and not in-trinsic to the person

The historical context and the values of the ldquofirst old cohortrdquo contrastmarkedly from current conceptualizations of life possibilities Notionsof a life trajectory (as presented in Figure 1) remain culturally similaruntil the first wave of the Baby Boomers begins to age Indeed thepostmodern world of multiplicity pastiche and hyperreality has recon-stituted current understandings of the life course Work remains a cen-tral form of meaning and personhood but the moral economy hasbecome much more complicated and convoluted and many would ar-gue inadequate for contemporary life (Cole 1991)

Postmodern Life Possibilities

Changes in current life trajectories are being conceptualized in twoways One approach as illustrated in Figure 2 still views life as a seriesof phases but the life phases are no longer accomplished in linear fash-ion or phased at specific chronological ages (Schar 1998) One may goto school or back to retrain at several points along the continuum Onemay marry multiple times and raise multiple families One may retireand then return to work The possibilities are multiple The life coursehas become circuitous curvilinear and repetitive

The second reconceptualization of the life course is the extension ofmidlife into many developmental stages This view still holds to a linearframe focused on chronological life decades but extends the opportu-nity for meaningful life engagement through an individualrsquos nineties

Tracy X Karner 21

Birth School Job Family Old Age amp Death

Children

House

Grandchildren

FIGURE 1 Life Course of the First ldquoOld Cohortrdquo

(Adapted from Schar 1998)

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An illustration of this line of thinking can be found in a recent popularbook by anthropologist Gail Sheehy (1995) entitled New PassagesFinding that the linear conceptualization of life as in Figure 1 is inade-quate for todayrsquos mature person Sheehy posits a ldquonew map of adultliferdquo Taking an Eriksonian approach to adult development Sheehy ex-tends adulthood by dividing it into multiple consecutive stages withinwhich multiple social roles and relationships can be refined retooledrevisited and repeated as illustrated in Figure 3

Sheehyrsquos work provides an illustrative example of the changingmoral economy as the Baby Boomer cohort ages Sheehyrsquos earlierwork Passages in 1976 saw meaningful life involvement ending withonersquos fifties Yet as she (and her Baby Boomer peers) approach theselater years Sheehyrsquos notions of the potential for later life ldquopassagesrdquohave enlarged Her new map presents later life as full of possibilities forenrichment personal growth and fulfilling relationships well intoonersquos nineties This is also consistent with studies that have shown thatyounger adults often exaggerate the obstacles faced in old age and havemore negative images of aging than the older individuals themselves(Seccombe amp Masako 1991)

22 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Birth School Family Single Married Retired

Death

JobApt

NewJob

School

House

Children Apt

House

Grandchildren

Children

Grandchildren

Condo

Job

School

Single

FIGURE 2 Postmodern Life Course Possibilities

(Adapted from Schar 1998)

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AGING COHORTS FROM A MARKETING PERSPECTIVE

Currently in the United States as some older individuals are gainingeconomic and political clout the business sector has begun to see the el-derly in a new lightndashthat of an affluent consumer This has prompted atten-tion to aging individuals as an untapped and unexplored new market(Minkler 1991) From this new perspective marketing research (Smith ampClurman 1997 Schar 1998) has extrapolated from sociological under-standings and has identified six current consumer cohorts the DepressionWorld War II Post-warEisenhower Baby Boomers 1 Trailing BabyBoomers 2 and Generation Xers Market research identifies each of thesecohorts as having experienced significant unique coming of age eventsthat have influenced their values and expectations Each cohort shared theage norms and behavior patterns prevalent in their respective eras

Though marketing research may seem a surprising avenue for betterunderstanding aging issues the connection becomes clear as one con-siders the privatization of medical care and aging services Now marketdriven health care and medical costs are the most pressing factors fac-ing our aging population second only to Social Security income In ef-forts to keep costs down consumption of health care including whichMedicare HMO to enroll in is becoming more and more like a tradi-tional business As business and consumerism are the realm of market-ers their understanding of cohort consumption patterns and purchasingpatterns can be used to inform future projections of the most plausibleforms of care aging Boomers will want and use

A brief general overview of each of the cohorts that is currently ag-ing in the United States population follows The Depression cohortthrough the Post-warEisenhower cohort appear to have a similar linear

Tracy X Karner 23

Tryout20s

Turbulent30s

Flourishing40s

Flaming50s

Serene60s

Sage70s

Uninhibited80s

Noble90s

CelebratoryCentenarians

60 Passageto Age ofIntegrity

50Passageto Age ofMastery

30 Passageto First Adulthood

ProvisionalAdulthood

18 to 30

FirstAdulthood

30 to 45

SecondAdulthood45 to 85+

FIGURE 3 New Life Passages

(Adapted from Sheehy 1995)

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approach to their lives and aging expectations However starting withthe Baby Boomers life expectations for their older years begin tobroaden and include many more possibilities Surely this change in ex-pectations suggests the appropriateness of reconceptualizing how agingservices are developed and delivered

Depression Cohort (Born Between 1912-1921)

This cohort reached adulthood as the Depression halted prosperity andincreased joblessness homelessness and general poverty New Deal pro-grams were developed during this cohortrsquos young adulthood and thegovernment was conceptualized into the welfare state as a safety net forthose in need The influence of the Depression on the initiation of old ageinsurance cannot be overstated As private pensions went bankruptbanks closed and families lost everything these options for security inold age were shown to be inadequate The Social Security programshifted reliance from the family economy and replaced intrafamilial strat-egies with intergenerational tax transfers thereby spreading the riskacross entire populations (Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 87)

The Depression era cohort learned from their parents that only a fewyears of schooling could suffice for most jobs and from their grandparentsthat old age would be bleak (Riley 1987) Indeed this cohortrsquos grandpar-ents could have spent their later years in the Almshouse The Almshouseor poor house had been the only option for elderly without other resourcesAs Social Security denied assistance to institutionalized residents theAlmshouses soon disappeared and private nursing homes came into beingIn general the cultural meaning of age was that an older person was seen asfrail poor and in need of assistance (Haber amp Gratton 1994)

Overall this cohort grew up with a strong work ethic during difficulttimes Their expectations for life and success were narrowly definedMany continued to live in the same geographic areas in which they grewup Their core values ldquoare what we think of today as traditional val-uesndashdiscipline self-denial hard work obedience to authority and fi-nancial and social conservatismrdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 8)Families took care of their own Marriages and family life were thenorm Divorce and remarriage were stigmatized and infrequent

World War II Cohort (Born Between 1922-1927 )

This cohort is characterized by unprecedented patriotism and senseof the country as community The road to victory was paved by the

24 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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common effort of all Americans on the home front or fighting in thewar Ration booklets foil drives victory gardens and sacrificing for thewar effort rallied citizens to the common cause

Hard work and savings were seen as the ways to achieve success Selfsacrifice and discipline were valued traits Cooperation mutual sup-port teamwork and community were important That the Depressionwas overcome and the ldquogoodrdquo war was won were seen as having beenachieved through joint efforts and sacrifices toward a greater commongood Authority was respected The president was seen as the leader ofthe free world Military service was honorable Tough guys were ldquorealrdquomenndashHumphrey Bogart and John Wayne were popular film stars Atombombs were dropped on the foreign lands of social ldquoothersrdquo

Issues of the elderly were just one more problem America would lickafter winning the war The median income of Social Security recipientsfell during the 1940s because benefits failed to keep up with inflation(Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 83)

Post WarEisenhower Cohort (Born Between 1928-1945)

These Americans came of age in an era of unexpected economic afflu-ence and political consensus After decidedly winning the war the suprem-acy of The American Way had been reinforced by the United Statesrsquorelative military might economic strength and anticommunitist moral cer-titude which engendered an aura of natural superiority DomesticallyAmericans espoused unquestioning belief in our social institutions and in-dividual conformity (Hodgson 1976) The political military and eco-nomic orders had become inextricably intertwined during the war and thisldquopower eliterdquo engendered a ldquoliberal ideology of consensusrdquo that permeatedthe immediate post war period with a feeling of confidence in Americanleadership (Mills 1959) The social ldquoone dimensionalityrdquo was so pervasiveas to render dissent improbable if not impossible (Marcuse 1964)

The government spread the prosperity rural America was electrifiedthe interstate highway system was developed The GI bill took manyveterans to college and helped them buy their first homes Televisionbecame popular Overnight it seemed the American Way converted arural nation to a suburban one New suburban lifestyles meant new con-sumer markets and war technology meant more consumer conve-niences Consumer choices were seen as the natural manifestation ofpolitical freedom (Smith amp Clurman 1997 pp 25-28)

Suburbs blossomed and the nuclear family was the ideal ldquoThe longheld dream of a fulfilling family life in a comfortable home seemed at

Tracy X Karner 25

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last to be coming true for millions of people not everyone was affluentor middle class but it was assumed that those left out would eventuallyget their sharerdquo (Skolnick 1991 p 50) Men returned from the warmarried and went to college on the GI bill Family life was the corner-stone of American life It was a profamily decade like no other (Coontz1992 pp 24-26)

After college ldquowhite collarrdquo and ldquoorganizational menrdquo moved up theladder as the economy continued to grow (Mills 1951 Whyte 1956)Companies valued loyalty in their employees and workers could se-curely make their entire careers within a single corporation Poor blacksand whites from the South migrated to northern urban areas in largenumbers seeking the American dream (Hodgson 1976)

Older individuals were idealized as nurturing extended fam-ilyndashldquoGrandparents on the old homesteadrdquo This image was captured inthe illustration ldquoThanksgivingrdquo by Norman Rockwell which had alarge family gathered around as Grandma brings the turkey to set infront of Grandpa at the head of a table This cohort had left the farmsand small towns of their youth and moved to the suburbs to work in themilitary-industrial complex Social Security was adjusted benefits in-creased by 77 and were extended to new populations (Achenbaum1986 p 39)

Baby Boomers 1 Cohort (Born Between 1946-1954)

This cohort is the largest and most influential in American historyThe first Baby Boomers were born during the post-war prosperity theyenjoyed unprecedented opportunities in education and employmentTheir value system is based on a sense of entitlement and a belief in con-tinued economic growth Their interests revolve around the self per-sonal goals and instant gratification (Smith amp Clurman 1997) TheseBoomers in contrast with the later Trailing Boomers are more likely tobe homeowners have better private pension programs and because of highnet earnings could have higher income from investments (Cornman ampKingson 1996)

Boomers also adhere to a more inclusive social perspective than theirpredecessors their beliefs in continued prosperity meant that there wasenough to go around for everyone The Great Society programs broughta renewed focus on eradicating poverty in the richest nation in theworld Identity politics of Civil Rights Womenrsquos Liberation Redpower Chicano power Black Panthers etc were all part of their youngadulthood

26 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

The elderly were seen as one of the disadvantaged social groups bat-tling poverty and lacking social inclusion The Older Americans Act of1965 reframed aging issues as ones of increasing rights and entitlementsPopular films such as The Mad Woman of Chaillot (1969) presented re-tired or nonworking elderly as freed from the establishment of thework-a-day world and portrayed them as eccentrics able to embrace theideals of 60s radicalism

Legislation adjusted Social Security during the 1950s so Boomersrsquograndparents retired with more money in their allotments than they hadpaid in Social Security began to provide largely unearned benefits torecipients while maintaining the myth of ldquoinsurancerdquo by pretending thatthese benefits had been earned through taxes on their wages (Haber ampGratton 1994 pp 81-82) This could have only fueled the Boomers no-tion that there would always be plenty

Medical advances during their youth meant that major illness couldbe wiped out with antibiotics or a single vaccine Boomers grew up withmassive community health programs to immunize children against po-lio measles and smallpox Antibiotics also became widely used andmany life-threatening diseases became curable Boomers took goodhealth for granted so they redefined health not as the absence of ill-ness but as being in shape This meant taking an interest in nutritionand exercise and other deliberate efforts to enhance onersquos health and fit-ness though not necessarily acting on these interests since obesity re-mains a growing problem Taking responsibility for onersquos own healthlead to a lack of respect for traditional medical treatments and an en-grossment in alternative forms of health management Boomers soughtfitness and displayed a ldquodetermination to lsquofixrsquo oneself through diet ex-ercise and mental disciplinerdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 240)

Trailing Boomers 2 Cohort (Born Between 1955-1965)

This cohort came of age in the late 70s and early 80s They grew upwith the same high expectations as the earlier Boomers but found theopportunities forestalled as they approached The hard realities ofldquostagflationrdquo oil embargoes nuclear meltdowns Iran hostages theChrysler bailout and highest unemployment levels since the Depres-sion were not what they were expecting These Boomers are predictedto enter their later years with diminished public and private pension pro-grams and with less wealth in terms of housing and investments(Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Tracy X Karner 27

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2014

Trailing Boomersrsquo adolescent expectations combined with their eco-nomic realities to generate a new form of angry pragmatic cynicismThis group of Boomers has been more concerned with self-survival andpreservation than with personal growth This cohort was confrontedwith the notion that success was not assured and as homelessness grewthat mere survival may not be guaranteed either (Smith amp Clurman1997)

ldquoStagflationrdquo also impacted notions about aging since pensions didnot keep up with inflation Elderly advocacy groups brought issues ofaging into public view Media campaigns focused on the plight of thepoor elderly and portrayed them as frail dependent ignored and livingon pet food Ironically one-quarter of all household wealth was con-trolled by individuals 65 and older Indeed the median aged householdwealth was 150 of the median for all households (Haber amp Gratton1994)

Social Security was also projected to go bankrupt and legislative ad-justments focused on ldquofixingrdquo it The 1983 amendment raised the retire-ment age to 66 (in 2008) and 67 (in 2027) in order to ldquosaverdquo the system(Achenbaum 1986 pp 63-103) Aging issues then became issues ofaccess to environments (ie transportation physical accessibility) andservices

Generation Xers Cohort (Born between 1966ndash1977)

This cohort has only known economic volitility with no promise of acertain future This is the first cohort that has not been able to presumesuccess (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 81) They have grown up withMTV talk shows downsizing and layoffs divorce and latchkey kidsdepleting ozone Internet and the Web increasing national debt reces-sion and infomercials They have also seen the dissolution of long-termplanningndashfew believe Social Security will be there for them The in-creasing threat of nuclear war leads few to contemplate a future at allGenXers face economic and social obstacles that their Boomer parentsnever even considered and that may be even more arduous than thosefaced by the Depression cohort Some speculate that the GenerationXers will come to resemble the older cohorts more so than the Boomersbecause the context of pessimism and scarcity of the latter quarter of the20th century approximates the economic turmoil of the Great Depres-sion (Smith amp Clurman 1997) The Generation X cohort has no guaran-tees In spite of the growth of technology and stock market wealth seenby a small percentage of this cohort most GenXers have not shared in

28 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

the prosperity For the most part GenXers without skills and college de-grees have found an increasing gap between their life opportunities andthose of their educated peers (Levy 1998)

It is likely that notions of aging will shift during GenXersrsquo lifetimesBoomers may redesign retirement lessening the Social Security lienbut continuing the GenXersrsquo employment difficulties Given the familyupheavals the ever increasing geographic mobility and lower incomes(Smith amp Clurman 1997) it seems unlikely that this cohort will partici-pate heavily in familial eldercare They will have to maintain an incomefor their own survivalndashit is unlikely that there will be a ready pool of un-employed women to take on the informal caregiving tasks Growing upin divorced and blended families may also impact a GenXerrsquos sense ofduty and obligation to give care If they grew up as latchkey kids willthey be less likely to provide informal unpaid care When all thepreceeding cohorts control most of the wealth how will this cohort re-spond to their calls for assistance

The aging cohorts of today from the Depression era through theGenXers have come of age in distinct socio-historical times Each co-hort culture has reframed issues of aging and need in light of their ownbeliefs and values For the purposes of this article I narrow the discus-sion to a comparison of the Traditional Agers and Aging Baby Boom-ers

TRADITIONAL AGERS AND AGING BOOMERS

I use the term Traditional Ager to refer to cohorts that held to the lin-ear life course (seen in Figure 1) for comparison with Aging Boomerswho experienced very different life possibilities Some comparisons areuseful in illuminating the different orientations to aging as well as towhat kinds of services might be most acceptable

Traditional Agers incorporate individuals born prior to 1946 in asocio-historical context that adhered to the Figure 1 life trajectorywhich views later life as a transition to death These are the foundationalbeliefs of our current aging structures and policies The focus on illnessthe biomedicalization of aging social isolation of older adults in retire-ment or traditional nursing homes the unwillingness to fund supportiveservices and the expectation of family care all create a structure that en-forces passive aging social detachment and increasing dependency

In contrast the Aging Boomers have experienced the life expecta-tions illustrated in Figure 2 Culturally they have focused on creating

Tracy X Karner 29

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social change to fit their expectations the cult of the body the narcis-sism of recreating onersquos life through recreating onersquos self consumerismas high art and a projection of the self and many other experienceswildly different from earlier cohorts It seems likely that they will ap-proach their own aging as a task to accomplish successfully IndeedRowe and Kahnrsquos (1998) recent best seller Successful Aging provides aclear example of this orientation

Aging Boomers

Scholars have approached the ldquodemographic bulgerdquo of the AgingBaby Boomers in many ways Some attempt to predict the needs of thiscohort Silverstone (1996) explores the economic security health anddisability and social support projection for this group Others (Cornmanamp Kingson 1996) specify the problems more closely for policy and de-fine terms for a needed national conversation on aging Still others (Rob-ertson 1991) decry the apocalyptic potential My intent though focusedon a similar concern is quite different In understanding the issues andpotential changes that lie ahead as this very large cohort ages the under-lying values prevalent in society can illuminate the possibilities likelyto be accepted for addressing these concerns I am referring to the moraleconomy to some extent but more specifically to the beliefs valuesand cultures of cohorts that are likely to participate in financing accom-modating and caring for the aging Boomers Indeed understandingboth the Baby Boomer and the GenXer cultures is key for finding ouraging future With awareness of the cohortrsquos culture and historical ex-perience in concert with the demographic statistics and behavior studiesas they relate to aging issues the picture becomes clearer

There were over 76 million Baby Boomers born between 1946 and1964ndash17 million more than would have been born if fertility rates hadremained at 1940 levels (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Boomers are a di-verse group on many issues but most importantly they differ economi-cally Economically Boomers are different from preceding cohorts inthat they are less likely to own homes less likely to have saved muchand less likely to have significant investments Among the Boomersthis is most true for the Trailing Boomers who entered the labor force ina stagnant economy During 1965 to 1985 when most Boomers begantheir working careers the economy was strong enough to incorporatemost of the new workers However there was a growing trend towardinequity in income distribution from the mid 1970s on This affected thelater Boomers and minority Boomers disproportionately Additionally

30 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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the number of Boomers covered by private pension programs is de-creasing (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Diversity Within the Boomer Cohort

The obstacles to a financially secure retirement are even greater forthe more vulnerable populations among the Boomers Women and mi-nority group members who as a result of social patterns of economicracial and gender stratification find themselves with sparse or low paidwork histories face the most jeopardy Among the Boomers are ldquopoorlyeducated unskilled people whose travails in todayrsquos labor marketwill make them highly vulnerable to economic peril in later liferdquo(Silverstone 1996 p 30) Boomers include 18 million members of mi-nority groups The economic realities that they face in aging will be theculmination of discrimination patterns faced over the life course Addi-tionally the longer life expectancies of the 385 million Baby Boomerwomen will compound the financial difficulties

As sociologists have found correlations between poverty and lack ofquality medical care over the lifetime it is likely that the plight of thepoorer Boomers will also include less health and higher medical costs inlater life As even Rowe and Kahn (1998 p 37) admit poverty makesthe attainment of healthy successful aging more difficult Projectionsindicate that by 2040 55 million people will be in nursing homes and114 million will be using home care for part of the year The majority ofthese will be Baby Boomers (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) There is stillsome debate about whether the increases in life expectancy will lead toliving ldquolonger and sickerrdquo or if advances in health care and ldquosuccessfulagingrdquo will decrease the debilitating illnesses associated with advanc-ing years

Within families where most of the eldercare has been performed(Brody 1985) relationships have changed considerably for the Boomercohort Boomers had fewer children later divorced and remarried moreand entered into more diverse family arrangements Single-parent fami-lies blended families and never married households also increasedThe impact of these shifting family configurations on filial responsibil-ity and caregiving for the dependent old remains to be seen (Silverstone1996) We do know that family structures affect ldquofamily incomes re-tirement income potential for family caregiving and child rearingrdquo(Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Caregiving is currently the domain of themiddle aged adult children caring for aging parents (Uhlenberg 1996)

Tracy X Karner 31

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which is dependent on available unpaid labor of female family mem-bers (Montgomery 1998)

Hareven (1994) found distinctly different cohort attitudes towardeldercare She studied a Depression era cohort and a World War II co-hort finding that the older cohort viewed family as the economic unitthat shared resources and expected that the needs of elder family mem-bers would be met within that context The younger WWII cohort wasmore concerned with improving their own lives and were more likely toaccept government assistance for their older family members Theywere also more likely to place their parents in nursing homes Thisstudy illustrates the relationship among cultural values socio-historicalinfluences and eldercare options

In looking at the economic standing of the Generation Xers the adultchildren in line to care for aging Boomers it is unlikely that theirMcJobs will support themselves let alone free up a spouse for family re-sponsibilities Also when we realize that Boomers even in middle agereceive a disproportionate amount of intergenerational support fromtheir aging parents one questions Boomerrsquos potential as caregiversDavey and Eggebeen (1998 p 93) suggest that ldquoparents do tend to pro-vide more support to children than they receive until very late in liferdquoIndeed it looks as though informal family care will be a limited optionat best for the Boomers Thus it is important to look at how formal carecan best be conceptualized and delivered to respond to their needs

Boomer Culture

As with all the other social institutions in their path Boomers will nodoubt redefine aging to suit their own agenda As exemplified in popu-lar culture with Gail Sheehyrsquos New Passages (1995) it is likely that thecloser the Boomers get to ldquooldnessrdquo the more positively they will con-struct and expand the social definitions of aging and the meaning ofldquooldnessrdquo Moreover since they have a propensity to deny or fight theaging process the term ldquooldrdquo may become reserved for only the veryold and very ill

Other key characteristics of the Boomers appear to be an overwhelm-ing sense of entitlement to what they want and the expectation of instantgratification Their lack of savings loosely defined family relation-ships search for meaning in work and consumerism health and fitnessfanaticism and high value on education are quite different from previ-ous aging generations Boomers will demand a different structure of ag-ing programs and services itrsquos unlikely that they will be content in

32 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

age-segregated communities playing golf Their diversity of experienceand means will dictate diversity in aging but it wonrsquot divorce themfrom their cohort values and expectations

Given these values one might envision retirement communities builton a Club Med model for the affluent Boomers or on a commune modelfor the less fortunate Home health care might be repackaged as fitnesscoaching Sporadic retirement ldquobreaksrdquo between joblets or volunteeringcould become the norm and leisure could be refocused on personalgrowth Though speculation can be endless and at times entertainingthe important message for scholars policy makers and service profes-sionals in trying to project future aging needs is that the construction ofthose needs as well as the acceptable responses to those needs will beframed within values that the Boomers developed some four decadesbefore

AGING IN CULTURAL AND SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Boomersrsquo values and socio-historical context will be factors to ex-plore in understanding how the social structures of aging may changeTo paraphrase Riley the Boomers will age differently than those al-ready old When the Boomers hit 65 Generation Xers will have reachedtheir political maturity GenXersrsquo values perceptions and views of theBoomer cohort will color their responsiveness to Boomer needs Theeconomic difficulties and obstacles to success that the GenXers have in-herited from the Boomers and their predecessors may create a moraleconomy that portrays the Boomers as undeserving of governmentsponsored services Furthermore it is unlikely that GenXers will behappy to each pay a third of a Boomersrsquo social security benefits as thepredicted ratio of 31 would dictate (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Currently the elderly are being blamed for all kinds of social illsfrom poor children to the federal deficient (Estes amp Binney 1991p 129) Unless this fracture is repaired in some way that addressesthe social needs of all cohorts perhaps by refocusing on need rather thanage as Neugarten (1982) has suggested it is unlikely that future cohortswill willingly subsidize the later years of those who have aged before themWe must take into account the cohort values and beliefs about their posi-tion in the social world as well as their values relative to other cohorts

Cohort cultures illuminate the reciprocal intersection of biographyand history within society and from there we can go forward toreconceptualize how best to develop and deliver aging services in the

Tracy X Karner 33

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future that most effectively utilize our social resources Indeed the pub-lic policy challenge remains one of balancing the implied promisesmade to various cohorts as they were paying into social insurance pro-grams through payroll taxes the demands that these groups will makeas they reach ldquoold agerdquo and the willingness of younger cohorts to paythe bills Each of these elements the implied promises the demands ofthe aging and the willingness of the young will be based in their cul-tural experiences and cohort values Our current structure of aging ser-vices is still based in premises about the needs and deservedness ofprevious cohorts Insightful public policy will acknowledge the shiftingcultural values about what it is to be old in our society as we begin to ad-dress the needs of the aging Boomer cohort in the context of a delicatesocial balance between the beliefs and values of those who pay andthose who receive

RECEIVED July 2000REVISED November 2000

ACCEPTED February 2001

REFERENCES

Achenbaum W A (1986) Social Security Visions and Revisions Cambridge Cam-bridge University Press

Bengtson V L amp Achenbaum W A (1993) The Changing Contract Across Gener-ations New York Aldine de Gruyter

Bengtson V L Cutler N E Mangen D J amp Marshall V W (1985) Generationscohorts and relations between age groups pp 304-338 in Handbook of Aging andthe Social Sciences 2nd Edition (Robert H Binstock and Ethel Shanas eds) NewYork Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

Brody E M (1985) Parent care as a normative family stress The Gerontologist 25(l)19-29

Cole T R (1991) The Journey of Life A Cultural History of Aging in America Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Coontz S (1992) The Way We Never Were American Families and the NostalgiaTrap New York Basic Books

Cornman J M amp Kingson E R (1996) Trends issues perspectives and values forthe aging of the baby boom cohorts The Gerontologist 36(l) 15-26

Cummings E amp Henry W F (1961) Growing Old The Process of DisengagementNew York Basic Books

Davey A amp Eggebeen D J (1998) Patterns of intergenerational exchange and men-tal health Journal of Gerontology Psychological Sciences 53B(2) 86-95

34 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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ded

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] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

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ded

by [

Nor

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rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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ber

2014

Page 7: Caring for an Aging Society

investigate the values of Baby Boomers in light of their own projectedneeds for eldercare services

AGING COHORTS AND THEIR CULTURES

A cultural approach to the study of the meaning of age oldness andthe process of aging maintains both the influence of the social structureand the agency of the individual actors In exploring shifting ideals ofage and aging across time cohorts provide a midlevel analytic frame forbetter understanding both meanings and expectations within historicalperiods

Cohorts according to Bengtson and colleagues (1985 p 306) areldquoan aggregate of individuals born within the same time intervalrdquo Theyare socialized within a common segment of history and carry the impactof these socio-historical experiences with them as they age It is this im-pact of the context of their early years that influences individualsthroughout their life course that I am focusing on as cohort culturesldquoMen resemble their times more than they do their fathersrdquo says theproverb

Within this discussion I refer to these groupings as cohorts ratherthan generations Leaving the term ldquogenerationrdquo for its kinship usagecohorts are a broader grouping of individuals who share commonsociocultural and historical experiences Onersquos identification with aspecific cohort is determined primarily by the shared cultural contextsthat one faces during the coming of age years or as one becomes an eco-nomic adult In other words what was happening in the world duringonersquos later teens and early twenties Obviously social positions of theindividualsndashtheir gender race and class statusndashwill affect their inculca-tion translation and internalization of the socio-historical influencesAdditionally issues of ldquotouchrdquo and ldquosaturationrdquo need to be considered(Bengtson et al 1985)

Generally cohorts are held together by their shared experiencesldquothings like pop culture economic conditions world events natural di-sasters heroes villains politics and technologyrdquo (Smith amp Clurman1997 p 3) to name a few Cohorts develop and retain similar valuesand life skills as they go about constructing their lives in shared socialand historical contexts Thus the identification of cohort cultures andvalues can assist in understanding how notions of aging and resultingpolicies structures and services have changed and are likely to changeas specific cohorts age

Tracy X Karner 19

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2014

Our current policies programs beliefs and expectations for olderAmericans have their ideological foundation in the Social Security leg-islation initiated in 1935 The social structure of the aging process andthe programs that have grown out of that event have been adjustedamended and expanded over the years However the basic premise thataging individuals should be treated as a distinct social group and pro-tected and cared for within society through government interventionhas remained intact These views can be traced from the values behindthe creation of our first ldquoold cohortrdquo

The First Old Cohort

By first old cohort I am referring to those individuals who reachedtheir middle sixties in the mid 1930s and 1940s when the New Deal oldage pensions that we now know as Social Security were introducedThrough the Social Security legislation these individuals were politi-cally defined as ldquooldrdquo and given the right to retire from the work world(Myles 1984 1991) Thus this cohort became our first group of olderindividuals who were formally recognized by the government as differ-ent from citizens in other phases of their lives (Kohli 1988) Our cur-rent structure of aging programs stems from these social notions of ldquooldagerdquo and the moral economy prevalent during that historical era Recentadjustments to accommodate diversity and delay institutionalizationhave not changed the basic structure of aging services

Life was a linear projection for this cohort with age norms for enter-ing and leaving onersquos social roles (see Figure 1) Some scholars sim-plify this projection to ldquothree boxesrdquo youth adulthood and work andold age whereas others stress the primacy of onersquos labor participationand view the linear life course as three phases pre-work work andpostwork Either way ldquoold agerdquo was the last life phase before death andwas conceptualized as an undesirable state This old pre-death phaseoccurred after one had completed onersquos productive lifendashheld a job andraised a family Aging was thought to be a transitional phase of ldquodetach-mentrdquo (Cummings amp Henry 1961) from productive contribution to theend of life And indeed at that time it was a much briefer phase becausethe majority of individuals did not live far into their forties

Furthermore Kohli (1988) suggests that the political construction ofthe post-work phase through pensions moved the moral universe of so-ciety beyond the family or local community where it had previouslybeen focused and located it within the realm of work and the marketeconomy Using labor force participation as the referent for life stages

20 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

and the pension as a substitutive benefit an individualrsquos value (andthus social deservedness) is related to something external and not in-trinsic to the person

The historical context and the values of the ldquofirst old cohortrdquo contrastmarkedly from current conceptualizations of life possibilities Notionsof a life trajectory (as presented in Figure 1) remain culturally similaruntil the first wave of the Baby Boomers begins to age Indeed thepostmodern world of multiplicity pastiche and hyperreality has recon-stituted current understandings of the life course Work remains a cen-tral form of meaning and personhood but the moral economy hasbecome much more complicated and convoluted and many would ar-gue inadequate for contemporary life (Cole 1991)

Postmodern Life Possibilities

Changes in current life trajectories are being conceptualized in twoways One approach as illustrated in Figure 2 still views life as a seriesof phases but the life phases are no longer accomplished in linear fash-ion or phased at specific chronological ages (Schar 1998) One may goto school or back to retrain at several points along the continuum Onemay marry multiple times and raise multiple families One may retireand then return to work The possibilities are multiple The life coursehas become circuitous curvilinear and repetitive

The second reconceptualization of the life course is the extension ofmidlife into many developmental stages This view still holds to a linearframe focused on chronological life decades but extends the opportu-nity for meaningful life engagement through an individualrsquos nineties

Tracy X Karner 21

Birth School Job Family Old Age amp Death

Children

House

Grandchildren

FIGURE 1 Life Course of the First ldquoOld Cohortrdquo

(Adapted from Schar 1998)

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2014

An illustration of this line of thinking can be found in a recent popularbook by anthropologist Gail Sheehy (1995) entitled New PassagesFinding that the linear conceptualization of life as in Figure 1 is inade-quate for todayrsquos mature person Sheehy posits a ldquonew map of adultliferdquo Taking an Eriksonian approach to adult development Sheehy ex-tends adulthood by dividing it into multiple consecutive stages withinwhich multiple social roles and relationships can be refined retooledrevisited and repeated as illustrated in Figure 3

Sheehyrsquos work provides an illustrative example of the changingmoral economy as the Baby Boomer cohort ages Sheehyrsquos earlierwork Passages in 1976 saw meaningful life involvement ending withonersquos fifties Yet as she (and her Baby Boomer peers) approach theselater years Sheehyrsquos notions of the potential for later life ldquopassagesrdquohave enlarged Her new map presents later life as full of possibilities forenrichment personal growth and fulfilling relationships well intoonersquos nineties This is also consistent with studies that have shown thatyounger adults often exaggerate the obstacles faced in old age and havemore negative images of aging than the older individuals themselves(Seccombe amp Masako 1991)

22 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Birth School Family Single Married Retired

Death

JobApt

NewJob

School

House

Children Apt

House

Grandchildren

Children

Grandchildren

Condo

Job

School

Single

FIGURE 2 Postmodern Life Course Possibilities

(Adapted from Schar 1998)

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2014

AGING COHORTS FROM A MARKETING PERSPECTIVE

Currently in the United States as some older individuals are gainingeconomic and political clout the business sector has begun to see the el-derly in a new lightndashthat of an affluent consumer This has prompted atten-tion to aging individuals as an untapped and unexplored new market(Minkler 1991) From this new perspective marketing research (Smith ampClurman 1997 Schar 1998) has extrapolated from sociological under-standings and has identified six current consumer cohorts the DepressionWorld War II Post-warEisenhower Baby Boomers 1 Trailing BabyBoomers 2 and Generation Xers Market research identifies each of thesecohorts as having experienced significant unique coming of age eventsthat have influenced their values and expectations Each cohort shared theage norms and behavior patterns prevalent in their respective eras

Though marketing research may seem a surprising avenue for betterunderstanding aging issues the connection becomes clear as one con-siders the privatization of medical care and aging services Now marketdriven health care and medical costs are the most pressing factors fac-ing our aging population second only to Social Security income In ef-forts to keep costs down consumption of health care including whichMedicare HMO to enroll in is becoming more and more like a tradi-tional business As business and consumerism are the realm of market-ers their understanding of cohort consumption patterns and purchasingpatterns can be used to inform future projections of the most plausibleforms of care aging Boomers will want and use

A brief general overview of each of the cohorts that is currently ag-ing in the United States population follows The Depression cohortthrough the Post-warEisenhower cohort appear to have a similar linear

Tracy X Karner 23

Tryout20s

Turbulent30s

Flourishing40s

Flaming50s

Serene60s

Sage70s

Uninhibited80s

Noble90s

CelebratoryCentenarians

60 Passageto Age ofIntegrity

50Passageto Age ofMastery

30 Passageto First Adulthood

ProvisionalAdulthood

18 to 30

FirstAdulthood

30 to 45

SecondAdulthood45 to 85+

FIGURE 3 New Life Passages

(Adapted from Sheehy 1995)

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2014

approach to their lives and aging expectations However starting withthe Baby Boomers life expectations for their older years begin tobroaden and include many more possibilities Surely this change in ex-pectations suggests the appropriateness of reconceptualizing how agingservices are developed and delivered

Depression Cohort (Born Between 1912-1921)

This cohort reached adulthood as the Depression halted prosperity andincreased joblessness homelessness and general poverty New Deal pro-grams were developed during this cohortrsquos young adulthood and thegovernment was conceptualized into the welfare state as a safety net forthose in need The influence of the Depression on the initiation of old ageinsurance cannot be overstated As private pensions went bankruptbanks closed and families lost everything these options for security inold age were shown to be inadequate The Social Security programshifted reliance from the family economy and replaced intrafamilial strat-egies with intergenerational tax transfers thereby spreading the riskacross entire populations (Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 87)

The Depression era cohort learned from their parents that only a fewyears of schooling could suffice for most jobs and from their grandparentsthat old age would be bleak (Riley 1987) Indeed this cohortrsquos grandpar-ents could have spent their later years in the Almshouse The Almshouseor poor house had been the only option for elderly without other resourcesAs Social Security denied assistance to institutionalized residents theAlmshouses soon disappeared and private nursing homes came into beingIn general the cultural meaning of age was that an older person was seen asfrail poor and in need of assistance (Haber amp Gratton 1994)

Overall this cohort grew up with a strong work ethic during difficulttimes Their expectations for life and success were narrowly definedMany continued to live in the same geographic areas in which they grewup Their core values ldquoare what we think of today as traditional val-uesndashdiscipline self-denial hard work obedience to authority and fi-nancial and social conservatismrdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 8)Families took care of their own Marriages and family life were thenorm Divorce and remarriage were stigmatized and infrequent

World War II Cohort (Born Between 1922-1927 )

This cohort is characterized by unprecedented patriotism and senseof the country as community The road to victory was paved by the

24 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

common effort of all Americans on the home front or fighting in thewar Ration booklets foil drives victory gardens and sacrificing for thewar effort rallied citizens to the common cause

Hard work and savings were seen as the ways to achieve success Selfsacrifice and discipline were valued traits Cooperation mutual sup-port teamwork and community were important That the Depressionwas overcome and the ldquogoodrdquo war was won were seen as having beenachieved through joint efforts and sacrifices toward a greater commongood Authority was respected The president was seen as the leader ofthe free world Military service was honorable Tough guys were ldquorealrdquomenndashHumphrey Bogart and John Wayne were popular film stars Atombombs were dropped on the foreign lands of social ldquoothersrdquo

Issues of the elderly were just one more problem America would lickafter winning the war The median income of Social Security recipientsfell during the 1940s because benefits failed to keep up with inflation(Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 83)

Post WarEisenhower Cohort (Born Between 1928-1945)

These Americans came of age in an era of unexpected economic afflu-ence and political consensus After decidedly winning the war the suprem-acy of The American Way had been reinforced by the United Statesrsquorelative military might economic strength and anticommunitist moral cer-titude which engendered an aura of natural superiority DomesticallyAmericans espoused unquestioning belief in our social institutions and in-dividual conformity (Hodgson 1976) The political military and eco-nomic orders had become inextricably intertwined during the war and thisldquopower eliterdquo engendered a ldquoliberal ideology of consensusrdquo that permeatedthe immediate post war period with a feeling of confidence in Americanleadership (Mills 1959) The social ldquoone dimensionalityrdquo was so pervasiveas to render dissent improbable if not impossible (Marcuse 1964)

The government spread the prosperity rural America was electrifiedthe interstate highway system was developed The GI bill took manyveterans to college and helped them buy their first homes Televisionbecame popular Overnight it seemed the American Way converted arural nation to a suburban one New suburban lifestyles meant new con-sumer markets and war technology meant more consumer conve-niences Consumer choices were seen as the natural manifestation ofpolitical freedom (Smith amp Clurman 1997 pp 25-28)

Suburbs blossomed and the nuclear family was the ideal ldquoThe longheld dream of a fulfilling family life in a comfortable home seemed at

Tracy X Karner 25

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ovem

ber

2014

last to be coming true for millions of people not everyone was affluentor middle class but it was assumed that those left out would eventuallyget their sharerdquo (Skolnick 1991 p 50) Men returned from the warmarried and went to college on the GI bill Family life was the corner-stone of American life It was a profamily decade like no other (Coontz1992 pp 24-26)

After college ldquowhite collarrdquo and ldquoorganizational menrdquo moved up theladder as the economy continued to grow (Mills 1951 Whyte 1956)Companies valued loyalty in their employees and workers could se-curely make their entire careers within a single corporation Poor blacksand whites from the South migrated to northern urban areas in largenumbers seeking the American dream (Hodgson 1976)

Older individuals were idealized as nurturing extended fam-ilyndashldquoGrandparents on the old homesteadrdquo This image was captured inthe illustration ldquoThanksgivingrdquo by Norman Rockwell which had alarge family gathered around as Grandma brings the turkey to set infront of Grandpa at the head of a table This cohort had left the farmsand small towns of their youth and moved to the suburbs to work in themilitary-industrial complex Social Security was adjusted benefits in-creased by 77 and were extended to new populations (Achenbaum1986 p 39)

Baby Boomers 1 Cohort (Born Between 1946-1954)

This cohort is the largest and most influential in American historyThe first Baby Boomers were born during the post-war prosperity theyenjoyed unprecedented opportunities in education and employmentTheir value system is based on a sense of entitlement and a belief in con-tinued economic growth Their interests revolve around the self per-sonal goals and instant gratification (Smith amp Clurman 1997) TheseBoomers in contrast with the later Trailing Boomers are more likely tobe homeowners have better private pension programs and because of highnet earnings could have higher income from investments (Cornman ampKingson 1996)

Boomers also adhere to a more inclusive social perspective than theirpredecessors their beliefs in continued prosperity meant that there wasenough to go around for everyone The Great Society programs broughta renewed focus on eradicating poverty in the richest nation in theworld Identity politics of Civil Rights Womenrsquos Liberation Redpower Chicano power Black Panthers etc were all part of their youngadulthood

26 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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The elderly were seen as one of the disadvantaged social groups bat-tling poverty and lacking social inclusion The Older Americans Act of1965 reframed aging issues as ones of increasing rights and entitlementsPopular films such as The Mad Woman of Chaillot (1969) presented re-tired or nonworking elderly as freed from the establishment of thework-a-day world and portrayed them as eccentrics able to embrace theideals of 60s radicalism

Legislation adjusted Social Security during the 1950s so Boomersrsquograndparents retired with more money in their allotments than they hadpaid in Social Security began to provide largely unearned benefits torecipients while maintaining the myth of ldquoinsurancerdquo by pretending thatthese benefits had been earned through taxes on their wages (Haber ampGratton 1994 pp 81-82) This could have only fueled the Boomers no-tion that there would always be plenty

Medical advances during their youth meant that major illness couldbe wiped out with antibiotics or a single vaccine Boomers grew up withmassive community health programs to immunize children against po-lio measles and smallpox Antibiotics also became widely used andmany life-threatening diseases became curable Boomers took goodhealth for granted so they redefined health not as the absence of ill-ness but as being in shape This meant taking an interest in nutritionand exercise and other deliberate efforts to enhance onersquos health and fit-ness though not necessarily acting on these interests since obesity re-mains a growing problem Taking responsibility for onersquos own healthlead to a lack of respect for traditional medical treatments and an en-grossment in alternative forms of health management Boomers soughtfitness and displayed a ldquodetermination to lsquofixrsquo oneself through diet ex-ercise and mental disciplinerdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 240)

Trailing Boomers 2 Cohort (Born Between 1955-1965)

This cohort came of age in the late 70s and early 80s They grew upwith the same high expectations as the earlier Boomers but found theopportunities forestalled as they approached The hard realities ofldquostagflationrdquo oil embargoes nuclear meltdowns Iran hostages theChrysler bailout and highest unemployment levels since the Depres-sion were not what they were expecting These Boomers are predictedto enter their later years with diminished public and private pension pro-grams and with less wealth in terms of housing and investments(Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Tracy X Karner 27

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Trailing Boomersrsquo adolescent expectations combined with their eco-nomic realities to generate a new form of angry pragmatic cynicismThis group of Boomers has been more concerned with self-survival andpreservation than with personal growth This cohort was confrontedwith the notion that success was not assured and as homelessness grewthat mere survival may not be guaranteed either (Smith amp Clurman1997)

ldquoStagflationrdquo also impacted notions about aging since pensions didnot keep up with inflation Elderly advocacy groups brought issues ofaging into public view Media campaigns focused on the plight of thepoor elderly and portrayed them as frail dependent ignored and livingon pet food Ironically one-quarter of all household wealth was con-trolled by individuals 65 and older Indeed the median aged householdwealth was 150 of the median for all households (Haber amp Gratton1994)

Social Security was also projected to go bankrupt and legislative ad-justments focused on ldquofixingrdquo it The 1983 amendment raised the retire-ment age to 66 (in 2008) and 67 (in 2027) in order to ldquosaverdquo the system(Achenbaum 1986 pp 63-103) Aging issues then became issues ofaccess to environments (ie transportation physical accessibility) andservices

Generation Xers Cohort (Born between 1966ndash1977)

This cohort has only known economic volitility with no promise of acertain future This is the first cohort that has not been able to presumesuccess (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 81) They have grown up withMTV talk shows downsizing and layoffs divorce and latchkey kidsdepleting ozone Internet and the Web increasing national debt reces-sion and infomercials They have also seen the dissolution of long-termplanningndashfew believe Social Security will be there for them The in-creasing threat of nuclear war leads few to contemplate a future at allGenXers face economic and social obstacles that their Boomer parentsnever even considered and that may be even more arduous than thosefaced by the Depression cohort Some speculate that the GenerationXers will come to resemble the older cohorts more so than the Boomersbecause the context of pessimism and scarcity of the latter quarter of the20th century approximates the economic turmoil of the Great Depres-sion (Smith amp Clurman 1997) The Generation X cohort has no guaran-tees In spite of the growth of technology and stock market wealth seenby a small percentage of this cohort most GenXers have not shared in

28 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

the prosperity For the most part GenXers without skills and college de-grees have found an increasing gap between their life opportunities andthose of their educated peers (Levy 1998)

It is likely that notions of aging will shift during GenXersrsquo lifetimesBoomers may redesign retirement lessening the Social Security lienbut continuing the GenXersrsquo employment difficulties Given the familyupheavals the ever increasing geographic mobility and lower incomes(Smith amp Clurman 1997) it seems unlikely that this cohort will partici-pate heavily in familial eldercare They will have to maintain an incomefor their own survivalndashit is unlikely that there will be a ready pool of un-employed women to take on the informal caregiving tasks Growing upin divorced and blended families may also impact a GenXerrsquos sense ofduty and obligation to give care If they grew up as latchkey kids willthey be less likely to provide informal unpaid care When all thepreceeding cohorts control most of the wealth how will this cohort re-spond to their calls for assistance

The aging cohorts of today from the Depression era through theGenXers have come of age in distinct socio-historical times Each co-hort culture has reframed issues of aging and need in light of their ownbeliefs and values For the purposes of this article I narrow the discus-sion to a comparison of the Traditional Agers and Aging Baby Boom-ers

TRADITIONAL AGERS AND AGING BOOMERS

I use the term Traditional Ager to refer to cohorts that held to the lin-ear life course (seen in Figure 1) for comparison with Aging Boomerswho experienced very different life possibilities Some comparisons areuseful in illuminating the different orientations to aging as well as towhat kinds of services might be most acceptable

Traditional Agers incorporate individuals born prior to 1946 in asocio-historical context that adhered to the Figure 1 life trajectorywhich views later life as a transition to death These are the foundationalbeliefs of our current aging structures and policies The focus on illnessthe biomedicalization of aging social isolation of older adults in retire-ment or traditional nursing homes the unwillingness to fund supportiveservices and the expectation of family care all create a structure that en-forces passive aging social detachment and increasing dependency

In contrast the Aging Boomers have experienced the life expecta-tions illustrated in Figure 2 Culturally they have focused on creating

Tracy X Karner 29

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2014

social change to fit their expectations the cult of the body the narcis-sism of recreating onersquos life through recreating onersquos self consumerismas high art and a projection of the self and many other experienceswildly different from earlier cohorts It seems likely that they will ap-proach their own aging as a task to accomplish successfully IndeedRowe and Kahnrsquos (1998) recent best seller Successful Aging provides aclear example of this orientation

Aging Boomers

Scholars have approached the ldquodemographic bulgerdquo of the AgingBaby Boomers in many ways Some attempt to predict the needs of thiscohort Silverstone (1996) explores the economic security health anddisability and social support projection for this group Others (Cornmanamp Kingson 1996) specify the problems more closely for policy and de-fine terms for a needed national conversation on aging Still others (Rob-ertson 1991) decry the apocalyptic potential My intent though focusedon a similar concern is quite different In understanding the issues andpotential changes that lie ahead as this very large cohort ages the under-lying values prevalent in society can illuminate the possibilities likelyto be accepted for addressing these concerns I am referring to the moraleconomy to some extent but more specifically to the beliefs valuesand cultures of cohorts that are likely to participate in financing accom-modating and caring for the aging Boomers Indeed understandingboth the Baby Boomer and the GenXer cultures is key for finding ouraging future With awareness of the cohortrsquos culture and historical ex-perience in concert with the demographic statistics and behavior studiesas they relate to aging issues the picture becomes clearer

There were over 76 million Baby Boomers born between 1946 and1964ndash17 million more than would have been born if fertility rates hadremained at 1940 levels (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Boomers are a di-verse group on many issues but most importantly they differ economi-cally Economically Boomers are different from preceding cohorts inthat they are less likely to own homes less likely to have saved muchand less likely to have significant investments Among the Boomersthis is most true for the Trailing Boomers who entered the labor force ina stagnant economy During 1965 to 1985 when most Boomers begantheir working careers the economy was strong enough to incorporatemost of the new workers However there was a growing trend towardinequity in income distribution from the mid 1970s on This affected thelater Boomers and minority Boomers disproportionately Additionally

30 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

the number of Boomers covered by private pension programs is de-creasing (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Diversity Within the Boomer Cohort

The obstacles to a financially secure retirement are even greater forthe more vulnerable populations among the Boomers Women and mi-nority group members who as a result of social patterns of economicracial and gender stratification find themselves with sparse or low paidwork histories face the most jeopardy Among the Boomers are ldquopoorlyeducated unskilled people whose travails in todayrsquos labor marketwill make them highly vulnerable to economic peril in later liferdquo(Silverstone 1996 p 30) Boomers include 18 million members of mi-nority groups The economic realities that they face in aging will be theculmination of discrimination patterns faced over the life course Addi-tionally the longer life expectancies of the 385 million Baby Boomerwomen will compound the financial difficulties

As sociologists have found correlations between poverty and lack ofquality medical care over the lifetime it is likely that the plight of thepoorer Boomers will also include less health and higher medical costs inlater life As even Rowe and Kahn (1998 p 37) admit poverty makesthe attainment of healthy successful aging more difficult Projectionsindicate that by 2040 55 million people will be in nursing homes and114 million will be using home care for part of the year The majority ofthese will be Baby Boomers (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) There is stillsome debate about whether the increases in life expectancy will lead toliving ldquolonger and sickerrdquo or if advances in health care and ldquosuccessfulagingrdquo will decrease the debilitating illnesses associated with advanc-ing years

Within families where most of the eldercare has been performed(Brody 1985) relationships have changed considerably for the Boomercohort Boomers had fewer children later divorced and remarried moreand entered into more diverse family arrangements Single-parent fami-lies blended families and never married households also increasedThe impact of these shifting family configurations on filial responsibil-ity and caregiving for the dependent old remains to be seen (Silverstone1996) We do know that family structures affect ldquofamily incomes re-tirement income potential for family caregiving and child rearingrdquo(Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Caregiving is currently the domain of themiddle aged adult children caring for aging parents (Uhlenberg 1996)

Tracy X Karner 31

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2014

which is dependent on available unpaid labor of female family mem-bers (Montgomery 1998)

Hareven (1994) found distinctly different cohort attitudes towardeldercare She studied a Depression era cohort and a World War II co-hort finding that the older cohort viewed family as the economic unitthat shared resources and expected that the needs of elder family mem-bers would be met within that context The younger WWII cohort wasmore concerned with improving their own lives and were more likely toaccept government assistance for their older family members Theywere also more likely to place their parents in nursing homes Thisstudy illustrates the relationship among cultural values socio-historicalinfluences and eldercare options

In looking at the economic standing of the Generation Xers the adultchildren in line to care for aging Boomers it is unlikely that theirMcJobs will support themselves let alone free up a spouse for family re-sponsibilities Also when we realize that Boomers even in middle agereceive a disproportionate amount of intergenerational support fromtheir aging parents one questions Boomerrsquos potential as caregiversDavey and Eggebeen (1998 p 93) suggest that ldquoparents do tend to pro-vide more support to children than they receive until very late in liferdquoIndeed it looks as though informal family care will be a limited optionat best for the Boomers Thus it is important to look at how formal carecan best be conceptualized and delivered to respond to their needs

Boomer Culture

As with all the other social institutions in their path Boomers will nodoubt redefine aging to suit their own agenda As exemplified in popu-lar culture with Gail Sheehyrsquos New Passages (1995) it is likely that thecloser the Boomers get to ldquooldnessrdquo the more positively they will con-struct and expand the social definitions of aging and the meaning ofldquooldnessrdquo Moreover since they have a propensity to deny or fight theaging process the term ldquooldrdquo may become reserved for only the veryold and very ill

Other key characteristics of the Boomers appear to be an overwhelm-ing sense of entitlement to what they want and the expectation of instantgratification Their lack of savings loosely defined family relation-ships search for meaning in work and consumerism health and fitnessfanaticism and high value on education are quite different from previ-ous aging generations Boomers will demand a different structure of ag-ing programs and services itrsquos unlikely that they will be content in

32 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

age-segregated communities playing golf Their diversity of experienceand means will dictate diversity in aging but it wonrsquot divorce themfrom their cohort values and expectations

Given these values one might envision retirement communities builton a Club Med model for the affluent Boomers or on a commune modelfor the less fortunate Home health care might be repackaged as fitnesscoaching Sporadic retirement ldquobreaksrdquo between joblets or volunteeringcould become the norm and leisure could be refocused on personalgrowth Though speculation can be endless and at times entertainingthe important message for scholars policy makers and service profes-sionals in trying to project future aging needs is that the construction ofthose needs as well as the acceptable responses to those needs will beframed within values that the Boomers developed some four decadesbefore

AGING IN CULTURAL AND SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Boomersrsquo values and socio-historical context will be factors to ex-plore in understanding how the social structures of aging may changeTo paraphrase Riley the Boomers will age differently than those al-ready old When the Boomers hit 65 Generation Xers will have reachedtheir political maturity GenXersrsquo values perceptions and views of theBoomer cohort will color their responsiveness to Boomer needs Theeconomic difficulties and obstacles to success that the GenXers have in-herited from the Boomers and their predecessors may create a moraleconomy that portrays the Boomers as undeserving of governmentsponsored services Furthermore it is unlikely that GenXers will behappy to each pay a third of a Boomersrsquo social security benefits as thepredicted ratio of 31 would dictate (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Currently the elderly are being blamed for all kinds of social illsfrom poor children to the federal deficient (Estes amp Binney 1991p 129) Unless this fracture is repaired in some way that addressesthe social needs of all cohorts perhaps by refocusing on need rather thanage as Neugarten (1982) has suggested it is unlikely that future cohortswill willingly subsidize the later years of those who have aged before themWe must take into account the cohort values and beliefs about their posi-tion in the social world as well as their values relative to other cohorts

Cohort cultures illuminate the reciprocal intersection of biographyand history within society and from there we can go forward toreconceptualize how best to develop and deliver aging services in the

Tracy X Karner 33

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2014

future that most effectively utilize our social resources Indeed the pub-lic policy challenge remains one of balancing the implied promisesmade to various cohorts as they were paying into social insurance pro-grams through payroll taxes the demands that these groups will makeas they reach ldquoold agerdquo and the willingness of younger cohorts to paythe bills Each of these elements the implied promises the demands ofthe aging and the willingness of the young will be based in their cul-tural experiences and cohort values Our current structure of aging ser-vices is still based in premises about the needs and deservedness ofprevious cohorts Insightful public policy will acknowledge the shiftingcultural values about what it is to be old in our society as we begin to ad-dress the needs of the aging Boomer cohort in the context of a delicatesocial balance between the beliefs and values of those who pay andthose who receive

RECEIVED July 2000REVISED November 2000

ACCEPTED February 2001

REFERENCES

Achenbaum W A (1986) Social Security Visions and Revisions Cambridge Cam-bridge University Press

Bengtson V L amp Achenbaum W A (1993) The Changing Contract Across Gener-ations New York Aldine de Gruyter

Bengtson V L Cutler N E Mangen D J amp Marshall V W (1985) Generationscohorts and relations between age groups pp 304-338 in Handbook of Aging andthe Social Sciences 2nd Edition (Robert H Binstock and Ethel Shanas eds) NewYork Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

Brody E M (1985) Parent care as a normative family stress The Gerontologist 25(l)19-29

Cole T R (1991) The Journey of Life A Cultural History of Aging in America Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Coontz S (1992) The Way We Never Were American Families and the NostalgiaTrap New York Basic Books

Cornman J M amp Kingson E R (1996) Trends issues perspectives and values forthe aging of the baby boom cohorts The Gerontologist 36(l) 15-26

Cummings E amp Henry W F (1961) Growing Old The Process of DisengagementNew York Basic Books

Davey A amp Eggebeen D J (1998) Patterns of intergenerational exchange and men-tal health Journal of Gerontology Psychological Sciences 53B(2) 86-95

34 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

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] at

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ber

2014

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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Page 8: Caring for an Aging Society

Our current policies programs beliefs and expectations for olderAmericans have their ideological foundation in the Social Security leg-islation initiated in 1935 The social structure of the aging process andthe programs that have grown out of that event have been adjustedamended and expanded over the years However the basic premise thataging individuals should be treated as a distinct social group and pro-tected and cared for within society through government interventionhas remained intact These views can be traced from the values behindthe creation of our first ldquoold cohortrdquo

The First Old Cohort

By first old cohort I am referring to those individuals who reachedtheir middle sixties in the mid 1930s and 1940s when the New Deal oldage pensions that we now know as Social Security were introducedThrough the Social Security legislation these individuals were politi-cally defined as ldquooldrdquo and given the right to retire from the work world(Myles 1984 1991) Thus this cohort became our first group of olderindividuals who were formally recognized by the government as differ-ent from citizens in other phases of their lives (Kohli 1988) Our cur-rent structure of aging programs stems from these social notions of ldquooldagerdquo and the moral economy prevalent during that historical era Recentadjustments to accommodate diversity and delay institutionalizationhave not changed the basic structure of aging services

Life was a linear projection for this cohort with age norms for enter-ing and leaving onersquos social roles (see Figure 1) Some scholars sim-plify this projection to ldquothree boxesrdquo youth adulthood and work andold age whereas others stress the primacy of onersquos labor participationand view the linear life course as three phases pre-work work andpostwork Either way ldquoold agerdquo was the last life phase before death andwas conceptualized as an undesirable state This old pre-death phaseoccurred after one had completed onersquos productive lifendashheld a job andraised a family Aging was thought to be a transitional phase of ldquodetach-mentrdquo (Cummings amp Henry 1961) from productive contribution to theend of life And indeed at that time it was a much briefer phase becausethe majority of individuals did not live far into their forties

Furthermore Kohli (1988) suggests that the political construction ofthe post-work phase through pensions moved the moral universe of so-ciety beyond the family or local community where it had previouslybeen focused and located it within the realm of work and the marketeconomy Using labor force participation as the referent for life stages

20 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

and the pension as a substitutive benefit an individualrsquos value (andthus social deservedness) is related to something external and not in-trinsic to the person

The historical context and the values of the ldquofirst old cohortrdquo contrastmarkedly from current conceptualizations of life possibilities Notionsof a life trajectory (as presented in Figure 1) remain culturally similaruntil the first wave of the Baby Boomers begins to age Indeed thepostmodern world of multiplicity pastiche and hyperreality has recon-stituted current understandings of the life course Work remains a cen-tral form of meaning and personhood but the moral economy hasbecome much more complicated and convoluted and many would ar-gue inadequate for contemporary life (Cole 1991)

Postmodern Life Possibilities

Changes in current life trajectories are being conceptualized in twoways One approach as illustrated in Figure 2 still views life as a seriesof phases but the life phases are no longer accomplished in linear fash-ion or phased at specific chronological ages (Schar 1998) One may goto school or back to retrain at several points along the continuum Onemay marry multiple times and raise multiple families One may retireand then return to work The possibilities are multiple The life coursehas become circuitous curvilinear and repetitive

The second reconceptualization of the life course is the extension ofmidlife into many developmental stages This view still holds to a linearframe focused on chronological life decades but extends the opportu-nity for meaningful life engagement through an individualrsquos nineties

Tracy X Karner 21

Birth School Job Family Old Age amp Death

Children

House

Grandchildren

FIGURE 1 Life Course of the First ldquoOld Cohortrdquo

(Adapted from Schar 1998)

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2014

An illustration of this line of thinking can be found in a recent popularbook by anthropologist Gail Sheehy (1995) entitled New PassagesFinding that the linear conceptualization of life as in Figure 1 is inade-quate for todayrsquos mature person Sheehy posits a ldquonew map of adultliferdquo Taking an Eriksonian approach to adult development Sheehy ex-tends adulthood by dividing it into multiple consecutive stages withinwhich multiple social roles and relationships can be refined retooledrevisited and repeated as illustrated in Figure 3

Sheehyrsquos work provides an illustrative example of the changingmoral economy as the Baby Boomer cohort ages Sheehyrsquos earlierwork Passages in 1976 saw meaningful life involvement ending withonersquos fifties Yet as she (and her Baby Boomer peers) approach theselater years Sheehyrsquos notions of the potential for later life ldquopassagesrdquohave enlarged Her new map presents later life as full of possibilities forenrichment personal growth and fulfilling relationships well intoonersquos nineties This is also consistent with studies that have shown thatyounger adults often exaggerate the obstacles faced in old age and havemore negative images of aging than the older individuals themselves(Seccombe amp Masako 1991)

22 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Birth School Family Single Married Retired

Death

JobApt

NewJob

School

House

Children Apt

House

Grandchildren

Children

Grandchildren

Condo

Job

School

Single

FIGURE 2 Postmodern Life Course Possibilities

(Adapted from Schar 1998)

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AGING COHORTS FROM A MARKETING PERSPECTIVE

Currently in the United States as some older individuals are gainingeconomic and political clout the business sector has begun to see the el-derly in a new lightndashthat of an affluent consumer This has prompted atten-tion to aging individuals as an untapped and unexplored new market(Minkler 1991) From this new perspective marketing research (Smith ampClurman 1997 Schar 1998) has extrapolated from sociological under-standings and has identified six current consumer cohorts the DepressionWorld War II Post-warEisenhower Baby Boomers 1 Trailing BabyBoomers 2 and Generation Xers Market research identifies each of thesecohorts as having experienced significant unique coming of age eventsthat have influenced their values and expectations Each cohort shared theage norms and behavior patterns prevalent in their respective eras

Though marketing research may seem a surprising avenue for betterunderstanding aging issues the connection becomes clear as one con-siders the privatization of medical care and aging services Now marketdriven health care and medical costs are the most pressing factors fac-ing our aging population second only to Social Security income In ef-forts to keep costs down consumption of health care including whichMedicare HMO to enroll in is becoming more and more like a tradi-tional business As business and consumerism are the realm of market-ers their understanding of cohort consumption patterns and purchasingpatterns can be used to inform future projections of the most plausibleforms of care aging Boomers will want and use

A brief general overview of each of the cohorts that is currently ag-ing in the United States population follows The Depression cohortthrough the Post-warEisenhower cohort appear to have a similar linear

Tracy X Karner 23

Tryout20s

Turbulent30s

Flourishing40s

Flaming50s

Serene60s

Sage70s

Uninhibited80s

Noble90s

CelebratoryCentenarians

60 Passageto Age ofIntegrity

50Passageto Age ofMastery

30 Passageto First Adulthood

ProvisionalAdulthood

18 to 30

FirstAdulthood

30 to 45

SecondAdulthood45 to 85+

FIGURE 3 New Life Passages

(Adapted from Sheehy 1995)

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approach to their lives and aging expectations However starting withthe Baby Boomers life expectations for their older years begin tobroaden and include many more possibilities Surely this change in ex-pectations suggests the appropriateness of reconceptualizing how agingservices are developed and delivered

Depression Cohort (Born Between 1912-1921)

This cohort reached adulthood as the Depression halted prosperity andincreased joblessness homelessness and general poverty New Deal pro-grams were developed during this cohortrsquos young adulthood and thegovernment was conceptualized into the welfare state as a safety net forthose in need The influence of the Depression on the initiation of old ageinsurance cannot be overstated As private pensions went bankruptbanks closed and families lost everything these options for security inold age were shown to be inadequate The Social Security programshifted reliance from the family economy and replaced intrafamilial strat-egies with intergenerational tax transfers thereby spreading the riskacross entire populations (Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 87)

The Depression era cohort learned from their parents that only a fewyears of schooling could suffice for most jobs and from their grandparentsthat old age would be bleak (Riley 1987) Indeed this cohortrsquos grandpar-ents could have spent their later years in the Almshouse The Almshouseor poor house had been the only option for elderly without other resourcesAs Social Security denied assistance to institutionalized residents theAlmshouses soon disappeared and private nursing homes came into beingIn general the cultural meaning of age was that an older person was seen asfrail poor and in need of assistance (Haber amp Gratton 1994)

Overall this cohort grew up with a strong work ethic during difficulttimes Their expectations for life and success were narrowly definedMany continued to live in the same geographic areas in which they grewup Their core values ldquoare what we think of today as traditional val-uesndashdiscipline self-denial hard work obedience to authority and fi-nancial and social conservatismrdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 8)Families took care of their own Marriages and family life were thenorm Divorce and remarriage were stigmatized and infrequent

World War II Cohort (Born Between 1922-1927 )

This cohort is characterized by unprecedented patriotism and senseof the country as community The road to victory was paved by the

24 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

common effort of all Americans on the home front or fighting in thewar Ration booklets foil drives victory gardens and sacrificing for thewar effort rallied citizens to the common cause

Hard work and savings were seen as the ways to achieve success Selfsacrifice and discipline were valued traits Cooperation mutual sup-port teamwork and community were important That the Depressionwas overcome and the ldquogoodrdquo war was won were seen as having beenachieved through joint efforts and sacrifices toward a greater commongood Authority was respected The president was seen as the leader ofthe free world Military service was honorable Tough guys were ldquorealrdquomenndashHumphrey Bogart and John Wayne were popular film stars Atombombs were dropped on the foreign lands of social ldquoothersrdquo

Issues of the elderly were just one more problem America would lickafter winning the war The median income of Social Security recipientsfell during the 1940s because benefits failed to keep up with inflation(Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 83)

Post WarEisenhower Cohort (Born Between 1928-1945)

These Americans came of age in an era of unexpected economic afflu-ence and political consensus After decidedly winning the war the suprem-acy of The American Way had been reinforced by the United Statesrsquorelative military might economic strength and anticommunitist moral cer-titude which engendered an aura of natural superiority DomesticallyAmericans espoused unquestioning belief in our social institutions and in-dividual conformity (Hodgson 1976) The political military and eco-nomic orders had become inextricably intertwined during the war and thisldquopower eliterdquo engendered a ldquoliberal ideology of consensusrdquo that permeatedthe immediate post war period with a feeling of confidence in Americanleadership (Mills 1959) The social ldquoone dimensionalityrdquo was so pervasiveas to render dissent improbable if not impossible (Marcuse 1964)

The government spread the prosperity rural America was electrifiedthe interstate highway system was developed The GI bill took manyveterans to college and helped them buy their first homes Televisionbecame popular Overnight it seemed the American Way converted arural nation to a suburban one New suburban lifestyles meant new con-sumer markets and war technology meant more consumer conve-niences Consumer choices were seen as the natural manifestation ofpolitical freedom (Smith amp Clurman 1997 pp 25-28)

Suburbs blossomed and the nuclear family was the ideal ldquoThe longheld dream of a fulfilling family life in a comfortable home seemed at

Tracy X Karner 25

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last to be coming true for millions of people not everyone was affluentor middle class but it was assumed that those left out would eventuallyget their sharerdquo (Skolnick 1991 p 50) Men returned from the warmarried and went to college on the GI bill Family life was the corner-stone of American life It was a profamily decade like no other (Coontz1992 pp 24-26)

After college ldquowhite collarrdquo and ldquoorganizational menrdquo moved up theladder as the economy continued to grow (Mills 1951 Whyte 1956)Companies valued loyalty in their employees and workers could se-curely make their entire careers within a single corporation Poor blacksand whites from the South migrated to northern urban areas in largenumbers seeking the American dream (Hodgson 1976)

Older individuals were idealized as nurturing extended fam-ilyndashldquoGrandparents on the old homesteadrdquo This image was captured inthe illustration ldquoThanksgivingrdquo by Norman Rockwell which had alarge family gathered around as Grandma brings the turkey to set infront of Grandpa at the head of a table This cohort had left the farmsand small towns of their youth and moved to the suburbs to work in themilitary-industrial complex Social Security was adjusted benefits in-creased by 77 and were extended to new populations (Achenbaum1986 p 39)

Baby Boomers 1 Cohort (Born Between 1946-1954)

This cohort is the largest and most influential in American historyThe first Baby Boomers were born during the post-war prosperity theyenjoyed unprecedented opportunities in education and employmentTheir value system is based on a sense of entitlement and a belief in con-tinued economic growth Their interests revolve around the self per-sonal goals and instant gratification (Smith amp Clurman 1997) TheseBoomers in contrast with the later Trailing Boomers are more likely tobe homeowners have better private pension programs and because of highnet earnings could have higher income from investments (Cornman ampKingson 1996)

Boomers also adhere to a more inclusive social perspective than theirpredecessors their beliefs in continued prosperity meant that there wasenough to go around for everyone The Great Society programs broughta renewed focus on eradicating poverty in the richest nation in theworld Identity politics of Civil Rights Womenrsquos Liberation Redpower Chicano power Black Panthers etc were all part of their youngadulthood

26 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

The elderly were seen as one of the disadvantaged social groups bat-tling poverty and lacking social inclusion The Older Americans Act of1965 reframed aging issues as ones of increasing rights and entitlementsPopular films such as The Mad Woman of Chaillot (1969) presented re-tired or nonworking elderly as freed from the establishment of thework-a-day world and portrayed them as eccentrics able to embrace theideals of 60s radicalism

Legislation adjusted Social Security during the 1950s so Boomersrsquograndparents retired with more money in their allotments than they hadpaid in Social Security began to provide largely unearned benefits torecipients while maintaining the myth of ldquoinsurancerdquo by pretending thatthese benefits had been earned through taxes on their wages (Haber ampGratton 1994 pp 81-82) This could have only fueled the Boomers no-tion that there would always be plenty

Medical advances during their youth meant that major illness couldbe wiped out with antibiotics or a single vaccine Boomers grew up withmassive community health programs to immunize children against po-lio measles and smallpox Antibiotics also became widely used andmany life-threatening diseases became curable Boomers took goodhealth for granted so they redefined health not as the absence of ill-ness but as being in shape This meant taking an interest in nutritionand exercise and other deliberate efforts to enhance onersquos health and fit-ness though not necessarily acting on these interests since obesity re-mains a growing problem Taking responsibility for onersquos own healthlead to a lack of respect for traditional medical treatments and an en-grossment in alternative forms of health management Boomers soughtfitness and displayed a ldquodetermination to lsquofixrsquo oneself through diet ex-ercise and mental disciplinerdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 240)

Trailing Boomers 2 Cohort (Born Between 1955-1965)

This cohort came of age in the late 70s and early 80s They grew upwith the same high expectations as the earlier Boomers but found theopportunities forestalled as they approached The hard realities ofldquostagflationrdquo oil embargoes nuclear meltdowns Iran hostages theChrysler bailout and highest unemployment levels since the Depres-sion were not what they were expecting These Boomers are predictedto enter their later years with diminished public and private pension pro-grams and with less wealth in terms of housing and investments(Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Tracy X Karner 27

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2014

Trailing Boomersrsquo adolescent expectations combined with their eco-nomic realities to generate a new form of angry pragmatic cynicismThis group of Boomers has been more concerned with self-survival andpreservation than with personal growth This cohort was confrontedwith the notion that success was not assured and as homelessness grewthat mere survival may not be guaranteed either (Smith amp Clurman1997)

ldquoStagflationrdquo also impacted notions about aging since pensions didnot keep up with inflation Elderly advocacy groups brought issues ofaging into public view Media campaigns focused on the plight of thepoor elderly and portrayed them as frail dependent ignored and livingon pet food Ironically one-quarter of all household wealth was con-trolled by individuals 65 and older Indeed the median aged householdwealth was 150 of the median for all households (Haber amp Gratton1994)

Social Security was also projected to go bankrupt and legislative ad-justments focused on ldquofixingrdquo it The 1983 amendment raised the retire-ment age to 66 (in 2008) and 67 (in 2027) in order to ldquosaverdquo the system(Achenbaum 1986 pp 63-103) Aging issues then became issues ofaccess to environments (ie transportation physical accessibility) andservices

Generation Xers Cohort (Born between 1966ndash1977)

This cohort has only known economic volitility with no promise of acertain future This is the first cohort that has not been able to presumesuccess (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 81) They have grown up withMTV talk shows downsizing and layoffs divorce and latchkey kidsdepleting ozone Internet and the Web increasing national debt reces-sion and infomercials They have also seen the dissolution of long-termplanningndashfew believe Social Security will be there for them The in-creasing threat of nuclear war leads few to contemplate a future at allGenXers face economic and social obstacles that their Boomer parentsnever even considered and that may be even more arduous than thosefaced by the Depression cohort Some speculate that the GenerationXers will come to resemble the older cohorts more so than the Boomersbecause the context of pessimism and scarcity of the latter quarter of the20th century approximates the economic turmoil of the Great Depres-sion (Smith amp Clurman 1997) The Generation X cohort has no guaran-tees In spite of the growth of technology and stock market wealth seenby a small percentage of this cohort most GenXers have not shared in

28 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

the prosperity For the most part GenXers without skills and college de-grees have found an increasing gap between their life opportunities andthose of their educated peers (Levy 1998)

It is likely that notions of aging will shift during GenXersrsquo lifetimesBoomers may redesign retirement lessening the Social Security lienbut continuing the GenXersrsquo employment difficulties Given the familyupheavals the ever increasing geographic mobility and lower incomes(Smith amp Clurman 1997) it seems unlikely that this cohort will partici-pate heavily in familial eldercare They will have to maintain an incomefor their own survivalndashit is unlikely that there will be a ready pool of un-employed women to take on the informal caregiving tasks Growing upin divorced and blended families may also impact a GenXerrsquos sense ofduty and obligation to give care If they grew up as latchkey kids willthey be less likely to provide informal unpaid care When all thepreceeding cohorts control most of the wealth how will this cohort re-spond to their calls for assistance

The aging cohorts of today from the Depression era through theGenXers have come of age in distinct socio-historical times Each co-hort culture has reframed issues of aging and need in light of their ownbeliefs and values For the purposes of this article I narrow the discus-sion to a comparison of the Traditional Agers and Aging Baby Boom-ers

TRADITIONAL AGERS AND AGING BOOMERS

I use the term Traditional Ager to refer to cohorts that held to the lin-ear life course (seen in Figure 1) for comparison with Aging Boomerswho experienced very different life possibilities Some comparisons areuseful in illuminating the different orientations to aging as well as towhat kinds of services might be most acceptable

Traditional Agers incorporate individuals born prior to 1946 in asocio-historical context that adhered to the Figure 1 life trajectorywhich views later life as a transition to death These are the foundationalbeliefs of our current aging structures and policies The focus on illnessthe biomedicalization of aging social isolation of older adults in retire-ment or traditional nursing homes the unwillingness to fund supportiveservices and the expectation of family care all create a structure that en-forces passive aging social detachment and increasing dependency

In contrast the Aging Boomers have experienced the life expecta-tions illustrated in Figure 2 Culturally they have focused on creating

Tracy X Karner 29

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2014

social change to fit their expectations the cult of the body the narcis-sism of recreating onersquos life through recreating onersquos self consumerismas high art and a projection of the self and many other experienceswildly different from earlier cohorts It seems likely that they will ap-proach their own aging as a task to accomplish successfully IndeedRowe and Kahnrsquos (1998) recent best seller Successful Aging provides aclear example of this orientation

Aging Boomers

Scholars have approached the ldquodemographic bulgerdquo of the AgingBaby Boomers in many ways Some attempt to predict the needs of thiscohort Silverstone (1996) explores the economic security health anddisability and social support projection for this group Others (Cornmanamp Kingson 1996) specify the problems more closely for policy and de-fine terms for a needed national conversation on aging Still others (Rob-ertson 1991) decry the apocalyptic potential My intent though focusedon a similar concern is quite different In understanding the issues andpotential changes that lie ahead as this very large cohort ages the under-lying values prevalent in society can illuminate the possibilities likelyto be accepted for addressing these concerns I am referring to the moraleconomy to some extent but more specifically to the beliefs valuesand cultures of cohorts that are likely to participate in financing accom-modating and caring for the aging Boomers Indeed understandingboth the Baby Boomer and the GenXer cultures is key for finding ouraging future With awareness of the cohortrsquos culture and historical ex-perience in concert with the demographic statistics and behavior studiesas they relate to aging issues the picture becomes clearer

There were over 76 million Baby Boomers born between 1946 and1964ndash17 million more than would have been born if fertility rates hadremained at 1940 levels (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Boomers are a di-verse group on many issues but most importantly they differ economi-cally Economically Boomers are different from preceding cohorts inthat they are less likely to own homes less likely to have saved muchand less likely to have significant investments Among the Boomersthis is most true for the Trailing Boomers who entered the labor force ina stagnant economy During 1965 to 1985 when most Boomers begantheir working careers the economy was strong enough to incorporatemost of the new workers However there was a growing trend towardinequity in income distribution from the mid 1970s on This affected thelater Boomers and minority Boomers disproportionately Additionally

30 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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ber

2014

the number of Boomers covered by private pension programs is de-creasing (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Diversity Within the Boomer Cohort

The obstacles to a financially secure retirement are even greater forthe more vulnerable populations among the Boomers Women and mi-nority group members who as a result of social patterns of economicracial and gender stratification find themselves with sparse or low paidwork histories face the most jeopardy Among the Boomers are ldquopoorlyeducated unskilled people whose travails in todayrsquos labor marketwill make them highly vulnerable to economic peril in later liferdquo(Silverstone 1996 p 30) Boomers include 18 million members of mi-nority groups The economic realities that they face in aging will be theculmination of discrimination patterns faced over the life course Addi-tionally the longer life expectancies of the 385 million Baby Boomerwomen will compound the financial difficulties

As sociologists have found correlations between poverty and lack ofquality medical care over the lifetime it is likely that the plight of thepoorer Boomers will also include less health and higher medical costs inlater life As even Rowe and Kahn (1998 p 37) admit poverty makesthe attainment of healthy successful aging more difficult Projectionsindicate that by 2040 55 million people will be in nursing homes and114 million will be using home care for part of the year The majority ofthese will be Baby Boomers (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) There is stillsome debate about whether the increases in life expectancy will lead toliving ldquolonger and sickerrdquo or if advances in health care and ldquosuccessfulagingrdquo will decrease the debilitating illnesses associated with advanc-ing years

Within families where most of the eldercare has been performed(Brody 1985) relationships have changed considerably for the Boomercohort Boomers had fewer children later divorced and remarried moreand entered into more diverse family arrangements Single-parent fami-lies blended families and never married households also increasedThe impact of these shifting family configurations on filial responsibil-ity and caregiving for the dependent old remains to be seen (Silverstone1996) We do know that family structures affect ldquofamily incomes re-tirement income potential for family caregiving and child rearingrdquo(Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Caregiving is currently the domain of themiddle aged adult children caring for aging parents (Uhlenberg 1996)

Tracy X Karner 31

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2014

which is dependent on available unpaid labor of female family mem-bers (Montgomery 1998)

Hareven (1994) found distinctly different cohort attitudes towardeldercare She studied a Depression era cohort and a World War II co-hort finding that the older cohort viewed family as the economic unitthat shared resources and expected that the needs of elder family mem-bers would be met within that context The younger WWII cohort wasmore concerned with improving their own lives and were more likely toaccept government assistance for their older family members Theywere also more likely to place their parents in nursing homes Thisstudy illustrates the relationship among cultural values socio-historicalinfluences and eldercare options

In looking at the economic standing of the Generation Xers the adultchildren in line to care for aging Boomers it is unlikely that theirMcJobs will support themselves let alone free up a spouse for family re-sponsibilities Also when we realize that Boomers even in middle agereceive a disproportionate amount of intergenerational support fromtheir aging parents one questions Boomerrsquos potential as caregiversDavey and Eggebeen (1998 p 93) suggest that ldquoparents do tend to pro-vide more support to children than they receive until very late in liferdquoIndeed it looks as though informal family care will be a limited optionat best for the Boomers Thus it is important to look at how formal carecan best be conceptualized and delivered to respond to their needs

Boomer Culture

As with all the other social institutions in their path Boomers will nodoubt redefine aging to suit their own agenda As exemplified in popu-lar culture with Gail Sheehyrsquos New Passages (1995) it is likely that thecloser the Boomers get to ldquooldnessrdquo the more positively they will con-struct and expand the social definitions of aging and the meaning ofldquooldnessrdquo Moreover since they have a propensity to deny or fight theaging process the term ldquooldrdquo may become reserved for only the veryold and very ill

Other key characteristics of the Boomers appear to be an overwhelm-ing sense of entitlement to what they want and the expectation of instantgratification Their lack of savings loosely defined family relation-ships search for meaning in work and consumerism health and fitnessfanaticism and high value on education are quite different from previ-ous aging generations Boomers will demand a different structure of ag-ing programs and services itrsquos unlikely that they will be content in

32 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

age-segregated communities playing golf Their diversity of experienceand means will dictate diversity in aging but it wonrsquot divorce themfrom their cohort values and expectations

Given these values one might envision retirement communities builton a Club Med model for the affluent Boomers or on a commune modelfor the less fortunate Home health care might be repackaged as fitnesscoaching Sporadic retirement ldquobreaksrdquo between joblets or volunteeringcould become the norm and leisure could be refocused on personalgrowth Though speculation can be endless and at times entertainingthe important message for scholars policy makers and service profes-sionals in trying to project future aging needs is that the construction ofthose needs as well as the acceptable responses to those needs will beframed within values that the Boomers developed some four decadesbefore

AGING IN CULTURAL AND SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Boomersrsquo values and socio-historical context will be factors to ex-plore in understanding how the social structures of aging may changeTo paraphrase Riley the Boomers will age differently than those al-ready old When the Boomers hit 65 Generation Xers will have reachedtheir political maturity GenXersrsquo values perceptions and views of theBoomer cohort will color their responsiveness to Boomer needs Theeconomic difficulties and obstacles to success that the GenXers have in-herited from the Boomers and their predecessors may create a moraleconomy that portrays the Boomers as undeserving of governmentsponsored services Furthermore it is unlikely that GenXers will behappy to each pay a third of a Boomersrsquo social security benefits as thepredicted ratio of 31 would dictate (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Currently the elderly are being blamed for all kinds of social illsfrom poor children to the federal deficient (Estes amp Binney 1991p 129) Unless this fracture is repaired in some way that addressesthe social needs of all cohorts perhaps by refocusing on need rather thanage as Neugarten (1982) has suggested it is unlikely that future cohortswill willingly subsidize the later years of those who have aged before themWe must take into account the cohort values and beliefs about their posi-tion in the social world as well as their values relative to other cohorts

Cohort cultures illuminate the reciprocal intersection of biographyand history within society and from there we can go forward toreconceptualize how best to develop and deliver aging services in the

Tracy X Karner 33

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2014

future that most effectively utilize our social resources Indeed the pub-lic policy challenge remains one of balancing the implied promisesmade to various cohorts as they were paying into social insurance pro-grams through payroll taxes the demands that these groups will makeas they reach ldquoold agerdquo and the willingness of younger cohorts to paythe bills Each of these elements the implied promises the demands ofthe aging and the willingness of the young will be based in their cul-tural experiences and cohort values Our current structure of aging ser-vices is still based in premises about the needs and deservedness ofprevious cohorts Insightful public policy will acknowledge the shiftingcultural values about what it is to be old in our society as we begin to ad-dress the needs of the aging Boomer cohort in the context of a delicatesocial balance between the beliefs and values of those who pay andthose who receive

RECEIVED July 2000REVISED November 2000

ACCEPTED February 2001

REFERENCES

Achenbaum W A (1986) Social Security Visions and Revisions Cambridge Cam-bridge University Press

Bengtson V L amp Achenbaum W A (1993) The Changing Contract Across Gener-ations New York Aldine de Gruyter

Bengtson V L Cutler N E Mangen D J amp Marshall V W (1985) Generationscohorts and relations between age groups pp 304-338 in Handbook of Aging andthe Social Sciences 2nd Edition (Robert H Binstock and Ethel Shanas eds) NewYork Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

Brody E M (1985) Parent care as a normative family stress The Gerontologist 25(l)19-29

Cole T R (1991) The Journey of Life A Cultural History of Aging in America Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Coontz S (1992) The Way We Never Were American Families and the NostalgiaTrap New York Basic Books

Cornman J M amp Kingson E R (1996) Trends issues perspectives and values forthe aging of the baby boom cohorts The Gerontologist 36(l) 15-26

Cummings E amp Henry W F (1961) Growing Old The Process of DisengagementNew York Basic Books

Davey A amp Eggebeen D J (1998) Patterns of intergenerational exchange and men-tal health Journal of Gerontology Psychological Sciences 53B(2) 86-95

34 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

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ber

2014

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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Page 9: Caring for an Aging Society

and the pension as a substitutive benefit an individualrsquos value (andthus social deservedness) is related to something external and not in-trinsic to the person

The historical context and the values of the ldquofirst old cohortrdquo contrastmarkedly from current conceptualizations of life possibilities Notionsof a life trajectory (as presented in Figure 1) remain culturally similaruntil the first wave of the Baby Boomers begins to age Indeed thepostmodern world of multiplicity pastiche and hyperreality has recon-stituted current understandings of the life course Work remains a cen-tral form of meaning and personhood but the moral economy hasbecome much more complicated and convoluted and many would ar-gue inadequate for contemporary life (Cole 1991)

Postmodern Life Possibilities

Changes in current life trajectories are being conceptualized in twoways One approach as illustrated in Figure 2 still views life as a seriesof phases but the life phases are no longer accomplished in linear fash-ion or phased at specific chronological ages (Schar 1998) One may goto school or back to retrain at several points along the continuum Onemay marry multiple times and raise multiple families One may retireand then return to work The possibilities are multiple The life coursehas become circuitous curvilinear and repetitive

The second reconceptualization of the life course is the extension ofmidlife into many developmental stages This view still holds to a linearframe focused on chronological life decades but extends the opportu-nity for meaningful life engagement through an individualrsquos nineties

Tracy X Karner 21

Birth School Job Family Old Age amp Death

Children

House

Grandchildren

FIGURE 1 Life Course of the First ldquoOld Cohortrdquo

(Adapted from Schar 1998)

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An illustration of this line of thinking can be found in a recent popularbook by anthropologist Gail Sheehy (1995) entitled New PassagesFinding that the linear conceptualization of life as in Figure 1 is inade-quate for todayrsquos mature person Sheehy posits a ldquonew map of adultliferdquo Taking an Eriksonian approach to adult development Sheehy ex-tends adulthood by dividing it into multiple consecutive stages withinwhich multiple social roles and relationships can be refined retooledrevisited and repeated as illustrated in Figure 3

Sheehyrsquos work provides an illustrative example of the changingmoral economy as the Baby Boomer cohort ages Sheehyrsquos earlierwork Passages in 1976 saw meaningful life involvement ending withonersquos fifties Yet as she (and her Baby Boomer peers) approach theselater years Sheehyrsquos notions of the potential for later life ldquopassagesrdquohave enlarged Her new map presents later life as full of possibilities forenrichment personal growth and fulfilling relationships well intoonersquos nineties This is also consistent with studies that have shown thatyounger adults often exaggerate the obstacles faced in old age and havemore negative images of aging than the older individuals themselves(Seccombe amp Masako 1991)

22 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Birth School Family Single Married Retired

Death

JobApt

NewJob

School

House

Children Apt

House

Grandchildren

Children

Grandchildren

Condo

Job

School

Single

FIGURE 2 Postmodern Life Course Possibilities

(Adapted from Schar 1998)

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AGING COHORTS FROM A MARKETING PERSPECTIVE

Currently in the United States as some older individuals are gainingeconomic and political clout the business sector has begun to see the el-derly in a new lightndashthat of an affluent consumer This has prompted atten-tion to aging individuals as an untapped and unexplored new market(Minkler 1991) From this new perspective marketing research (Smith ampClurman 1997 Schar 1998) has extrapolated from sociological under-standings and has identified six current consumer cohorts the DepressionWorld War II Post-warEisenhower Baby Boomers 1 Trailing BabyBoomers 2 and Generation Xers Market research identifies each of thesecohorts as having experienced significant unique coming of age eventsthat have influenced their values and expectations Each cohort shared theage norms and behavior patterns prevalent in their respective eras

Though marketing research may seem a surprising avenue for betterunderstanding aging issues the connection becomes clear as one con-siders the privatization of medical care and aging services Now marketdriven health care and medical costs are the most pressing factors fac-ing our aging population second only to Social Security income In ef-forts to keep costs down consumption of health care including whichMedicare HMO to enroll in is becoming more and more like a tradi-tional business As business and consumerism are the realm of market-ers their understanding of cohort consumption patterns and purchasingpatterns can be used to inform future projections of the most plausibleforms of care aging Boomers will want and use

A brief general overview of each of the cohorts that is currently ag-ing in the United States population follows The Depression cohortthrough the Post-warEisenhower cohort appear to have a similar linear

Tracy X Karner 23

Tryout20s

Turbulent30s

Flourishing40s

Flaming50s

Serene60s

Sage70s

Uninhibited80s

Noble90s

CelebratoryCentenarians

60 Passageto Age ofIntegrity

50Passageto Age ofMastery

30 Passageto First Adulthood

ProvisionalAdulthood

18 to 30

FirstAdulthood

30 to 45

SecondAdulthood45 to 85+

FIGURE 3 New Life Passages

(Adapted from Sheehy 1995)

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approach to their lives and aging expectations However starting withthe Baby Boomers life expectations for their older years begin tobroaden and include many more possibilities Surely this change in ex-pectations suggests the appropriateness of reconceptualizing how agingservices are developed and delivered

Depression Cohort (Born Between 1912-1921)

This cohort reached adulthood as the Depression halted prosperity andincreased joblessness homelessness and general poverty New Deal pro-grams were developed during this cohortrsquos young adulthood and thegovernment was conceptualized into the welfare state as a safety net forthose in need The influence of the Depression on the initiation of old ageinsurance cannot be overstated As private pensions went bankruptbanks closed and families lost everything these options for security inold age were shown to be inadequate The Social Security programshifted reliance from the family economy and replaced intrafamilial strat-egies with intergenerational tax transfers thereby spreading the riskacross entire populations (Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 87)

The Depression era cohort learned from their parents that only a fewyears of schooling could suffice for most jobs and from their grandparentsthat old age would be bleak (Riley 1987) Indeed this cohortrsquos grandpar-ents could have spent their later years in the Almshouse The Almshouseor poor house had been the only option for elderly without other resourcesAs Social Security denied assistance to institutionalized residents theAlmshouses soon disappeared and private nursing homes came into beingIn general the cultural meaning of age was that an older person was seen asfrail poor and in need of assistance (Haber amp Gratton 1994)

Overall this cohort grew up with a strong work ethic during difficulttimes Their expectations for life and success were narrowly definedMany continued to live in the same geographic areas in which they grewup Their core values ldquoare what we think of today as traditional val-uesndashdiscipline self-denial hard work obedience to authority and fi-nancial and social conservatismrdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 8)Families took care of their own Marriages and family life were thenorm Divorce and remarriage were stigmatized and infrequent

World War II Cohort (Born Between 1922-1927 )

This cohort is characterized by unprecedented patriotism and senseof the country as community The road to victory was paved by the

24 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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common effort of all Americans on the home front or fighting in thewar Ration booklets foil drives victory gardens and sacrificing for thewar effort rallied citizens to the common cause

Hard work and savings were seen as the ways to achieve success Selfsacrifice and discipline were valued traits Cooperation mutual sup-port teamwork and community were important That the Depressionwas overcome and the ldquogoodrdquo war was won were seen as having beenachieved through joint efforts and sacrifices toward a greater commongood Authority was respected The president was seen as the leader ofthe free world Military service was honorable Tough guys were ldquorealrdquomenndashHumphrey Bogart and John Wayne were popular film stars Atombombs were dropped on the foreign lands of social ldquoothersrdquo

Issues of the elderly were just one more problem America would lickafter winning the war The median income of Social Security recipientsfell during the 1940s because benefits failed to keep up with inflation(Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 83)

Post WarEisenhower Cohort (Born Between 1928-1945)

These Americans came of age in an era of unexpected economic afflu-ence and political consensus After decidedly winning the war the suprem-acy of The American Way had been reinforced by the United Statesrsquorelative military might economic strength and anticommunitist moral cer-titude which engendered an aura of natural superiority DomesticallyAmericans espoused unquestioning belief in our social institutions and in-dividual conformity (Hodgson 1976) The political military and eco-nomic orders had become inextricably intertwined during the war and thisldquopower eliterdquo engendered a ldquoliberal ideology of consensusrdquo that permeatedthe immediate post war period with a feeling of confidence in Americanleadership (Mills 1959) The social ldquoone dimensionalityrdquo was so pervasiveas to render dissent improbable if not impossible (Marcuse 1964)

The government spread the prosperity rural America was electrifiedthe interstate highway system was developed The GI bill took manyveterans to college and helped them buy their first homes Televisionbecame popular Overnight it seemed the American Way converted arural nation to a suburban one New suburban lifestyles meant new con-sumer markets and war technology meant more consumer conve-niences Consumer choices were seen as the natural manifestation ofpolitical freedom (Smith amp Clurman 1997 pp 25-28)

Suburbs blossomed and the nuclear family was the ideal ldquoThe longheld dream of a fulfilling family life in a comfortable home seemed at

Tracy X Karner 25

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2014

last to be coming true for millions of people not everyone was affluentor middle class but it was assumed that those left out would eventuallyget their sharerdquo (Skolnick 1991 p 50) Men returned from the warmarried and went to college on the GI bill Family life was the corner-stone of American life It was a profamily decade like no other (Coontz1992 pp 24-26)

After college ldquowhite collarrdquo and ldquoorganizational menrdquo moved up theladder as the economy continued to grow (Mills 1951 Whyte 1956)Companies valued loyalty in their employees and workers could se-curely make their entire careers within a single corporation Poor blacksand whites from the South migrated to northern urban areas in largenumbers seeking the American dream (Hodgson 1976)

Older individuals were idealized as nurturing extended fam-ilyndashldquoGrandparents on the old homesteadrdquo This image was captured inthe illustration ldquoThanksgivingrdquo by Norman Rockwell which had alarge family gathered around as Grandma brings the turkey to set infront of Grandpa at the head of a table This cohort had left the farmsand small towns of their youth and moved to the suburbs to work in themilitary-industrial complex Social Security was adjusted benefits in-creased by 77 and were extended to new populations (Achenbaum1986 p 39)

Baby Boomers 1 Cohort (Born Between 1946-1954)

This cohort is the largest and most influential in American historyThe first Baby Boomers were born during the post-war prosperity theyenjoyed unprecedented opportunities in education and employmentTheir value system is based on a sense of entitlement and a belief in con-tinued economic growth Their interests revolve around the self per-sonal goals and instant gratification (Smith amp Clurman 1997) TheseBoomers in contrast with the later Trailing Boomers are more likely tobe homeowners have better private pension programs and because of highnet earnings could have higher income from investments (Cornman ampKingson 1996)

Boomers also adhere to a more inclusive social perspective than theirpredecessors their beliefs in continued prosperity meant that there wasenough to go around for everyone The Great Society programs broughta renewed focus on eradicating poverty in the richest nation in theworld Identity politics of Civil Rights Womenrsquos Liberation Redpower Chicano power Black Panthers etc were all part of their youngadulthood

26 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

The elderly were seen as one of the disadvantaged social groups bat-tling poverty and lacking social inclusion The Older Americans Act of1965 reframed aging issues as ones of increasing rights and entitlementsPopular films such as The Mad Woman of Chaillot (1969) presented re-tired or nonworking elderly as freed from the establishment of thework-a-day world and portrayed them as eccentrics able to embrace theideals of 60s radicalism

Legislation adjusted Social Security during the 1950s so Boomersrsquograndparents retired with more money in their allotments than they hadpaid in Social Security began to provide largely unearned benefits torecipients while maintaining the myth of ldquoinsurancerdquo by pretending thatthese benefits had been earned through taxes on their wages (Haber ampGratton 1994 pp 81-82) This could have only fueled the Boomers no-tion that there would always be plenty

Medical advances during their youth meant that major illness couldbe wiped out with antibiotics or a single vaccine Boomers grew up withmassive community health programs to immunize children against po-lio measles and smallpox Antibiotics also became widely used andmany life-threatening diseases became curable Boomers took goodhealth for granted so they redefined health not as the absence of ill-ness but as being in shape This meant taking an interest in nutritionand exercise and other deliberate efforts to enhance onersquos health and fit-ness though not necessarily acting on these interests since obesity re-mains a growing problem Taking responsibility for onersquos own healthlead to a lack of respect for traditional medical treatments and an en-grossment in alternative forms of health management Boomers soughtfitness and displayed a ldquodetermination to lsquofixrsquo oneself through diet ex-ercise and mental disciplinerdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 240)

Trailing Boomers 2 Cohort (Born Between 1955-1965)

This cohort came of age in the late 70s and early 80s They grew upwith the same high expectations as the earlier Boomers but found theopportunities forestalled as they approached The hard realities ofldquostagflationrdquo oil embargoes nuclear meltdowns Iran hostages theChrysler bailout and highest unemployment levels since the Depres-sion were not what they were expecting These Boomers are predictedto enter their later years with diminished public and private pension pro-grams and with less wealth in terms of housing and investments(Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Tracy X Karner 27

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2014

Trailing Boomersrsquo adolescent expectations combined with their eco-nomic realities to generate a new form of angry pragmatic cynicismThis group of Boomers has been more concerned with self-survival andpreservation than with personal growth This cohort was confrontedwith the notion that success was not assured and as homelessness grewthat mere survival may not be guaranteed either (Smith amp Clurman1997)

ldquoStagflationrdquo also impacted notions about aging since pensions didnot keep up with inflation Elderly advocacy groups brought issues ofaging into public view Media campaigns focused on the plight of thepoor elderly and portrayed them as frail dependent ignored and livingon pet food Ironically one-quarter of all household wealth was con-trolled by individuals 65 and older Indeed the median aged householdwealth was 150 of the median for all households (Haber amp Gratton1994)

Social Security was also projected to go bankrupt and legislative ad-justments focused on ldquofixingrdquo it The 1983 amendment raised the retire-ment age to 66 (in 2008) and 67 (in 2027) in order to ldquosaverdquo the system(Achenbaum 1986 pp 63-103) Aging issues then became issues ofaccess to environments (ie transportation physical accessibility) andservices

Generation Xers Cohort (Born between 1966ndash1977)

This cohort has only known economic volitility with no promise of acertain future This is the first cohort that has not been able to presumesuccess (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 81) They have grown up withMTV talk shows downsizing and layoffs divorce and latchkey kidsdepleting ozone Internet and the Web increasing national debt reces-sion and infomercials They have also seen the dissolution of long-termplanningndashfew believe Social Security will be there for them The in-creasing threat of nuclear war leads few to contemplate a future at allGenXers face economic and social obstacles that their Boomer parentsnever even considered and that may be even more arduous than thosefaced by the Depression cohort Some speculate that the GenerationXers will come to resemble the older cohorts more so than the Boomersbecause the context of pessimism and scarcity of the latter quarter of the20th century approximates the economic turmoil of the Great Depres-sion (Smith amp Clurman 1997) The Generation X cohort has no guaran-tees In spite of the growth of technology and stock market wealth seenby a small percentage of this cohort most GenXers have not shared in

28 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

the prosperity For the most part GenXers without skills and college de-grees have found an increasing gap between their life opportunities andthose of their educated peers (Levy 1998)

It is likely that notions of aging will shift during GenXersrsquo lifetimesBoomers may redesign retirement lessening the Social Security lienbut continuing the GenXersrsquo employment difficulties Given the familyupheavals the ever increasing geographic mobility and lower incomes(Smith amp Clurman 1997) it seems unlikely that this cohort will partici-pate heavily in familial eldercare They will have to maintain an incomefor their own survivalndashit is unlikely that there will be a ready pool of un-employed women to take on the informal caregiving tasks Growing upin divorced and blended families may also impact a GenXerrsquos sense ofduty and obligation to give care If they grew up as latchkey kids willthey be less likely to provide informal unpaid care When all thepreceeding cohorts control most of the wealth how will this cohort re-spond to their calls for assistance

The aging cohorts of today from the Depression era through theGenXers have come of age in distinct socio-historical times Each co-hort culture has reframed issues of aging and need in light of their ownbeliefs and values For the purposes of this article I narrow the discus-sion to a comparison of the Traditional Agers and Aging Baby Boom-ers

TRADITIONAL AGERS AND AGING BOOMERS

I use the term Traditional Ager to refer to cohorts that held to the lin-ear life course (seen in Figure 1) for comparison with Aging Boomerswho experienced very different life possibilities Some comparisons areuseful in illuminating the different orientations to aging as well as towhat kinds of services might be most acceptable

Traditional Agers incorporate individuals born prior to 1946 in asocio-historical context that adhered to the Figure 1 life trajectorywhich views later life as a transition to death These are the foundationalbeliefs of our current aging structures and policies The focus on illnessthe biomedicalization of aging social isolation of older adults in retire-ment or traditional nursing homes the unwillingness to fund supportiveservices and the expectation of family care all create a structure that en-forces passive aging social detachment and increasing dependency

In contrast the Aging Boomers have experienced the life expecta-tions illustrated in Figure 2 Culturally they have focused on creating

Tracy X Karner 29

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2014

social change to fit their expectations the cult of the body the narcis-sism of recreating onersquos life through recreating onersquos self consumerismas high art and a projection of the self and many other experienceswildly different from earlier cohorts It seems likely that they will ap-proach their own aging as a task to accomplish successfully IndeedRowe and Kahnrsquos (1998) recent best seller Successful Aging provides aclear example of this orientation

Aging Boomers

Scholars have approached the ldquodemographic bulgerdquo of the AgingBaby Boomers in many ways Some attempt to predict the needs of thiscohort Silverstone (1996) explores the economic security health anddisability and social support projection for this group Others (Cornmanamp Kingson 1996) specify the problems more closely for policy and de-fine terms for a needed national conversation on aging Still others (Rob-ertson 1991) decry the apocalyptic potential My intent though focusedon a similar concern is quite different In understanding the issues andpotential changes that lie ahead as this very large cohort ages the under-lying values prevalent in society can illuminate the possibilities likelyto be accepted for addressing these concerns I am referring to the moraleconomy to some extent but more specifically to the beliefs valuesand cultures of cohorts that are likely to participate in financing accom-modating and caring for the aging Boomers Indeed understandingboth the Baby Boomer and the GenXer cultures is key for finding ouraging future With awareness of the cohortrsquos culture and historical ex-perience in concert with the demographic statistics and behavior studiesas they relate to aging issues the picture becomes clearer

There were over 76 million Baby Boomers born between 1946 and1964ndash17 million more than would have been born if fertility rates hadremained at 1940 levels (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Boomers are a di-verse group on many issues but most importantly they differ economi-cally Economically Boomers are different from preceding cohorts inthat they are less likely to own homes less likely to have saved muchand less likely to have significant investments Among the Boomersthis is most true for the Trailing Boomers who entered the labor force ina stagnant economy During 1965 to 1985 when most Boomers begantheir working careers the economy was strong enough to incorporatemost of the new workers However there was a growing trend towardinequity in income distribution from the mid 1970s on This affected thelater Boomers and minority Boomers disproportionately Additionally

30 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

the number of Boomers covered by private pension programs is de-creasing (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Diversity Within the Boomer Cohort

The obstacles to a financially secure retirement are even greater forthe more vulnerable populations among the Boomers Women and mi-nority group members who as a result of social patterns of economicracial and gender stratification find themselves with sparse or low paidwork histories face the most jeopardy Among the Boomers are ldquopoorlyeducated unskilled people whose travails in todayrsquos labor marketwill make them highly vulnerable to economic peril in later liferdquo(Silverstone 1996 p 30) Boomers include 18 million members of mi-nority groups The economic realities that they face in aging will be theculmination of discrimination patterns faced over the life course Addi-tionally the longer life expectancies of the 385 million Baby Boomerwomen will compound the financial difficulties

As sociologists have found correlations between poverty and lack ofquality medical care over the lifetime it is likely that the plight of thepoorer Boomers will also include less health and higher medical costs inlater life As even Rowe and Kahn (1998 p 37) admit poverty makesthe attainment of healthy successful aging more difficult Projectionsindicate that by 2040 55 million people will be in nursing homes and114 million will be using home care for part of the year The majority ofthese will be Baby Boomers (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) There is stillsome debate about whether the increases in life expectancy will lead toliving ldquolonger and sickerrdquo or if advances in health care and ldquosuccessfulagingrdquo will decrease the debilitating illnesses associated with advanc-ing years

Within families where most of the eldercare has been performed(Brody 1985) relationships have changed considerably for the Boomercohort Boomers had fewer children later divorced and remarried moreand entered into more diverse family arrangements Single-parent fami-lies blended families and never married households also increasedThe impact of these shifting family configurations on filial responsibil-ity and caregiving for the dependent old remains to be seen (Silverstone1996) We do know that family structures affect ldquofamily incomes re-tirement income potential for family caregiving and child rearingrdquo(Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Caregiving is currently the domain of themiddle aged adult children caring for aging parents (Uhlenberg 1996)

Tracy X Karner 31

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which is dependent on available unpaid labor of female family mem-bers (Montgomery 1998)

Hareven (1994) found distinctly different cohort attitudes towardeldercare She studied a Depression era cohort and a World War II co-hort finding that the older cohort viewed family as the economic unitthat shared resources and expected that the needs of elder family mem-bers would be met within that context The younger WWII cohort wasmore concerned with improving their own lives and were more likely toaccept government assistance for their older family members Theywere also more likely to place their parents in nursing homes Thisstudy illustrates the relationship among cultural values socio-historicalinfluences and eldercare options

In looking at the economic standing of the Generation Xers the adultchildren in line to care for aging Boomers it is unlikely that theirMcJobs will support themselves let alone free up a spouse for family re-sponsibilities Also when we realize that Boomers even in middle agereceive a disproportionate amount of intergenerational support fromtheir aging parents one questions Boomerrsquos potential as caregiversDavey and Eggebeen (1998 p 93) suggest that ldquoparents do tend to pro-vide more support to children than they receive until very late in liferdquoIndeed it looks as though informal family care will be a limited optionat best for the Boomers Thus it is important to look at how formal carecan best be conceptualized and delivered to respond to their needs

Boomer Culture

As with all the other social institutions in their path Boomers will nodoubt redefine aging to suit their own agenda As exemplified in popu-lar culture with Gail Sheehyrsquos New Passages (1995) it is likely that thecloser the Boomers get to ldquooldnessrdquo the more positively they will con-struct and expand the social definitions of aging and the meaning ofldquooldnessrdquo Moreover since they have a propensity to deny or fight theaging process the term ldquooldrdquo may become reserved for only the veryold and very ill

Other key characteristics of the Boomers appear to be an overwhelm-ing sense of entitlement to what they want and the expectation of instantgratification Their lack of savings loosely defined family relation-ships search for meaning in work and consumerism health and fitnessfanaticism and high value on education are quite different from previ-ous aging generations Boomers will demand a different structure of ag-ing programs and services itrsquos unlikely that they will be content in

32 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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age-segregated communities playing golf Their diversity of experienceand means will dictate diversity in aging but it wonrsquot divorce themfrom their cohort values and expectations

Given these values one might envision retirement communities builton a Club Med model for the affluent Boomers or on a commune modelfor the less fortunate Home health care might be repackaged as fitnesscoaching Sporadic retirement ldquobreaksrdquo between joblets or volunteeringcould become the norm and leisure could be refocused on personalgrowth Though speculation can be endless and at times entertainingthe important message for scholars policy makers and service profes-sionals in trying to project future aging needs is that the construction ofthose needs as well as the acceptable responses to those needs will beframed within values that the Boomers developed some four decadesbefore

AGING IN CULTURAL AND SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Boomersrsquo values and socio-historical context will be factors to ex-plore in understanding how the social structures of aging may changeTo paraphrase Riley the Boomers will age differently than those al-ready old When the Boomers hit 65 Generation Xers will have reachedtheir political maturity GenXersrsquo values perceptions and views of theBoomer cohort will color their responsiveness to Boomer needs Theeconomic difficulties and obstacles to success that the GenXers have in-herited from the Boomers and their predecessors may create a moraleconomy that portrays the Boomers as undeserving of governmentsponsored services Furthermore it is unlikely that GenXers will behappy to each pay a third of a Boomersrsquo social security benefits as thepredicted ratio of 31 would dictate (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Currently the elderly are being blamed for all kinds of social illsfrom poor children to the federal deficient (Estes amp Binney 1991p 129) Unless this fracture is repaired in some way that addressesthe social needs of all cohorts perhaps by refocusing on need rather thanage as Neugarten (1982) has suggested it is unlikely that future cohortswill willingly subsidize the later years of those who have aged before themWe must take into account the cohort values and beliefs about their posi-tion in the social world as well as their values relative to other cohorts

Cohort cultures illuminate the reciprocal intersection of biographyand history within society and from there we can go forward toreconceptualize how best to develop and deliver aging services in the

Tracy X Karner 33

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future that most effectively utilize our social resources Indeed the pub-lic policy challenge remains one of balancing the implied promisesmade to various cohorts as they were paying into social insurance pro-grams through payroll taxes the demands that these groups will makeas they reach ldquoold agerdquo and the willingness of younger cohorts to paythe bills Each of these elements the implied promises the demands ofthe aging and the willingness of the young will be based in their cul-tural experiences and cohort values Our current structure of aging ser-vices is still based in premises about the needs and deservedness ofprevious cohorts Insightful public policy will acknowledge the shiftingcultural values about what it is to be old in our society as we begin to ad-dress the needs of the aging Boomer cohort in the context of a delicatesocial balance between the beliefs and values of those who pay andthose who receive

RECEIVED July 2000REVISED November 2000

ACCEPTED February 2001

REFERENCES

Achenbaum W A (1986) Social Security Visions and Revisions Cambridge Cam-bridge University Press

Bengtson V L amp Achenbaum W A (1993) The Changing Contract Across Gener-ations New York Aldine de Gruyter

Bengtson V L Cutler N E Mangen D J amp Marshall V W (1985) Generationscohorts and relations between age groups pp 304-338 in Handbook of Aging andthe Social Sciences 2nd Edition (Robert H Binstock and Ethel Shanas eds) NewYork Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

Brody E M (1985) Parent care as a normative family stress The Gerontologist 25(l)19-29

Cole T R (1991) The Journey of Life A Cultural History of Aging in America Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Coontz S (1992) The Way We Never Were American Families and the NostalgiaTrap New York Basic Books

Cornman J M amp Kingson E R (1996) Trends issues perspectives and values forthe aging of the baby boom cohorts The Gerontologist 36(l) 15-26

Cummings E amp Henry W F (1961) Growing Old The Process of DisengagementNew York Basic Books

Davey A amp Eggebeen D J (1998) Patterns of intergenerational exchange and men-tal health Journal of Gerontology Psychological Sciences 53B(2) 86-95

34 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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ded

by [

Nor

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rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

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by [

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rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

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ber

2014

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

Page 10: Caring for an Aging Society

An illustration of this line of thinking can be found in a recent popularbook by anthropologist Gail Sheehy (1995) entitled New PassagesFinding that the linear conceptualization of life as in Figure 1 is inade-quate for todayrsquos mature person Sheehy posits a ldquonew map of adultliferdquo Taking an Eriksonian approach to adult development Sheehy ex-tends adulthood by dividing it into multiple consecutive stages withinwhich multiple social roles and relationships can be refined retooledrevisited and repeated as illustrated in Figure 3

Sheehyrsquos work provides an illustrative example of the changingmoral economy as the Baby Boomer cohort ages Sheehyrsquos earlierwork Passages in 1976 saw meaningful life involvement ending withonersquos fifties Yet as she (and her Baby Boomer peers) approach theselater years Sheehyrsquos notions of the potential for later life ldquopassagesrdquohave enlarged Her new map presents later life as full of possibilities forenrichment personal growth and fulfilling relationships well intoonersquos nineties This is also consistent with studies that have shown thatyounger adults often exaggerate the obstacles faced in old age and havemore negative images of aging than the older individuals themselves(Seccombe amp Masako 1991)

22 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Birth School Family Single Married Retired

Death

JobApt

NewJob

School

House

Children Apt

House

Grandchildren

Children

Grandchildren

Condo

Job

School

Single

FIGURE 2 Postmodern Life Course Possibilities

(Adapted from Schar 1998)

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AGING COHORTS FROM A MARKETING PERSPECTIVE

Currently in the United States as some older individuals are gainingeconomic and political clout the business sector has begun to see the el-derly in a new lightndashthat of an affluent consumer This has prompted atten-tion to aging individuals as an untapped and unexplored new market(Minkler 1991) From this new perspective marketing research (Smith ampClurman 1997 Schar 1998) has extrapolated from sociological under-standings and has identified six current consumer cohorts the DepressionWorld War II Post-warEisenhower Baby Boomers 1 Trailing BabyBoomers 2 and Generation Xers Market research identifies each of thesecohorts as having experienced significant unique coming of age eventsthat have influenced their values and expectations Each cohort shared theage norms and behavior patterns prevalent in their respective eras

Though marketing research may seem a surprising avenue for betterunderstanding aging issues the connection becomes clear as one con-siders the privatization of medical care and aging services Now marketdriven health care and medical costs are the most pressing factors fac-ing our aging population second only to Social Security income In ef-forts to keep costs down consumption of health care including whichMedicare HMO to enroll in is becoming more and more like a tradi-tional business As business and consumerism are the realm of market-ers their understanding of cohort consumption patterns and purchasingpatterns can be used to inform future projections of the most plausibleforms of care aging Boomers will want and use

A brief general overview of each of the cohorts that is currently ag-ing in the United States population follows The Depression cohortthrough the Post-warEisenhower cohort appear to have a similar linear

Tracy X Karner 23

Tryout20s

Turbulent30s

Flourishing40s

Flaming50s

Serene60s

Sage70s

Uninhibited80s

Noble90s

CelebratoryCentenarians

60 Passageto Age ofIntegrity

50Passageto Age ofMastery

30 Passageto First Adulthood

ProvisionalAdulthood

18 to 30

FirstAdulthood

30 to 45

SecondAdulthood45 to 85+

FIGURE 3 New Life Passages

(Adapted from Sheehy 1995)

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approach to their lives and aging expectations However starting withthe Baby Boomers life expectations for their older years begin tobroaden and include many more possibilities Surely this change in ex-pectations suggests the appropriateness of reconceptualizing how agingservices are developed and delivered

Depression Cohort (Born Between 1912-1921)

This cohort reached adulthood as the Depression halted prosperity andincreased joblessness homelessness and general poverty New Deal pro-grams were developed during this cohortrsquos young adulthood and thegovernment was conceptualized into the welfare state as a safety net forthose in need The influence of the Depression on the initiation of old ageinsurance cannot be overstated As private pensions went bankruptbanks closed and families lost everything these options for security inold age were shown to be inadequate The Social Security programshifted reliance from the family economy and replaced intrafamilial strat-egies with intergenerational tax transfers thereby spreading the riskacross entire populations (Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 87)

The Depression era cohort learned from their parents that only a fewyears of schooling could suffice for most jobs and from their grandparentsthat old age would be bleak (Riley 1987) Indeed this cohortrsquos grandpar-ents could have spent their later years in the Almshouse The Almshouseor poor house had been the only option for elderly without other resourcesAs Social Security denied assistance to institutionalized residents theAlmshouses soon disappeared and private nursing homes came into beingIn general the cultural meaning of age was that an older person was seen asfrail poor and in need of assistance (Haber amp Gratton 1994)

Overall this cohort grew up with a strong work ethic during difficulttimes Their expectations for life and success were narrowly definedMany continued to live in the same geographic areas in which they grewup Their core values ldquoare what we think of today as traditional val-uesndashdiscipline self-denial hard work obedience to authority and fi-nancial and social conservatismrdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 8)Families took care of their own Marriages and family life were thenorm Divorce and remarriage were stigmatized and infrequent

World War II Cohort (Born Between 1922-1927 )

This cohort is characterized by unprecedented patriotism and senseof the country as community The road to victory was paved by the

24 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

common effort of all Americans on the home front or fighting in thewar Ration booklets foil drives victory gardens and sacrificing for thewar effort rallied citizens to the common cause

Hard work and savings were seen as the ways to achieve success Selfsacrifice and discipline were valued traits Cooperation mutual sup-port teamwork and community were important That the Depressionwas overcome and the ldquogoodrdquo war was won were seen as having beenachieved through joint efforts and sacrifices toward a greater commongood Authority was respected The president was seen as the leader ofthe free world Military service was honorable Tough guys were ldquorealrdquomenndashHumphrey Bogart and John Wayne were popular film stars Atombombs were dropped on the foreign lands of social ldquoothersrdquo

Issues of the elderly were just one more problem America would lickafter winning the war The median income of Social Security recipientsfell during the 1940s because benefits failed to keep up with inflation(Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 83)

Post WarEisenhower Cohort (Born Between 1928-1945)

These Americans came of age in an era of unexpected economic afflu-ence and political consensus After decidedly winning the war the suprem-acy of The American Way had been reinforced by the United Statesrsquorelative military might economic strength and anticommunitist moral cer-titude which engendered an aura of natural superiority DomesticallyAmericans espoused unquestioning belief in our social institutions and in-dividual conformity (Hodgson 1976) The political military and eco-nomic orders had become inextricably intertwined during the war and thisldquopower eliterdquo engendered a ldquoliberal ideology of consensusrdquo that permeatedthe immediate post war period with a feeling of confidence in Americanleadership (Mills 1959) The social ldquoone dimensionalityrdquo was so pervasiveas to render dissent improbable if not impossible (Marcuse 1964)

The government spread the prosperity rural America was electrifiedthe interstate highway system was developed The GI bill took manyveterans to college and helped them buy their first homes Televisionbecame popular Overnight it seemed the American Way converted arural nation to a suburban one New suburban lifestyles meant new con-sumer markets and war technology meant more consumer conve-niences Consumer choices were seen as the natural manifestation ofpolitical freedom (Smith amp Clurman 1997 pp 25-28)

Suburbs blossomed and the nuclear family was the ideal ldquoThe longheld dream of a fulfilling family life in a comfortable home seemed at

Tracy X Karner 25

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2014

last to be coming true for millions of people not everyone was affluentor middle class but it was assumed that those left out would eventuallyget their sharerdquo (Skolnick 1991 p 50) Men returned from the warmarried and went to college on the GI bill Family life was the corner-stone of American life It was a profamily decade like no other (Coontz1992 pp 24-26)

After college ldquowhite collarrdquo and ldquoorganizational menrdquo moved up theladder as the economy continued to grow (Mills 1951 Whyte 1956)Companies valued loyalty in their employees and workers could se-curely make their entire careers within a single corporation Poor blacksand whites from the South migrated to northern urban areas in largenumbers seeking the American dream (Hodgson 1976)

Older individuals were idealized as nurturing extended fam-ilyndashldquoGrandparents on the old homesteadrdquo This image was captured inthe illustration ldquoThanksgivingrdquo by Norman Rockwell which had alarge family gathered around as Grandma brings the turkey to set infront of Grandpa at the head of a table This cohort had left the farmsand small towns of their youth and moved to the suburbs to work in themilitary-industrial complex Social Security was adjusted benefits in-creased by 77 and were extended to new populations (Achenbaum1986 p 39)

Baby Boomers 1 Cohort (Born Between 1946-1954)

This cohort is the largest and most influential in American historyThe first Baby Boomers were born during the post-war prosperity theyenjoyed unprecedented opportunities in education and employmentTheir value system is based on a sense of entitlement and a belief in con-tinued economic growth Their interests revolve around the self per-sonal goals and instant gratification (Smith amp Clurman 1997) TheseBoomers in contrast with the later Trailing Boomers are more likely tobe homeowners have better private pension programs and because of highnet earnings could have higher income from investments (Cornman ampKingson 1996)

Boomers also adhere to a more inclusive social perspective than theirpredecessors their beliefs in continued prosperity meant that there wasenough to go around for everyone The Great Society programs broughta renewed focus on eradicating poverty in the richest nation in theworld Identity politics of Civil Rights Womenrsquos Liberation Redpower Chicano power Black Panthers etc were all part of their youngadulthood

26 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

The elderly were seen as one of the disadvantaged social groups bat-tling poverty and lacking social inclusion The Older Americans Act of1965 reframed aging issues as ones of increasing rights and entitlementsPopular films such as The Mad Woman of Chaillot (1969) presented re-tired or nonworking elderly as freed from the establishment of thework-a-day world and portrayed them as eccentrics able to embrace theideals of 60s radicalism

Legislation adjusted Social Security during the 1950s so Boomersrsquograndparents retired with more money in their allotments than they hadpaid in Social Security began to provide largely unearned benefits torecipients while maintaining the myth of ldquoinsurancerdquo by pretending thatthese benefits had been earned through taxes on their wages (Haber ampGratton 1994 pp 81-82) This could have only fueled the Boomers no-tion that there would always be plenty

Medical advances during their youth meant that major illness couldbe wiped out with antibiotics or a single vaccine Boomers grew up withmassive community health programs to immunize children against po-lio measles and smallpox Antibiotics also became widely used andmany life-threatening diseases became curable Boomers took goodhealth for granted so they redefined health not as the absence of ill-ness but as being in shape This meant taking an interest in nutritionand exercise and other deliberate efforts to enhance onersquos health and fit-ness though not necessarily acting on these interests since obesity re-mains a growing problem Taking responsibility for onersquos own healthlead to a lack of respect for traditional medical treatments and an en-grossment in alternative forms of health management Boomers soughtfitness and displayed a ldquodetermination to lsquofixrsquo oneself through diet ex-ercise and mental disciplinerdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 240)

Trailing Boomers 2 Cohort (Born Between 1955-1965)

This cohort came of age in the late 70s and early 80s They grew upwith the same high expectations as the earlier Boomers but found theopportunities forestalled as they approached The hard realities ofldquostagflationrdquo oil embargoes nuclear meltdowns Iran hostages theChrysler bailout and highest unemployment levels since the Depres-sion were not what they were expecting These Boomers are predictedto enter their later years with diminished public and private pension pro-grams and with less wealth in terms of housing and investments(Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Tracy X Karner 27

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2014

Trailing Boomersrsquo adolescent expectations combined with their eco-nomic realities to generate a new form of angry pragmatic cynicismThis group of Boomers has been more concerned with self-survival andpreservation than with personal growth This cohort was confrontedwith the notion that success was not assured and as homelessness grewthat mere survival may not be guaranteed either (Smith amp Clurman1997)

ldquoStagflationrdquo also impacted notions about aging since pensions didnot keep up with inflation Elderly advocacy groups brought issues ofaging into public view Media campaigns focused on the plight of thepoor elderly and portrayed them as frail dependent ignored and livingon pet food Ironically one-quarter of all household wealth was con-trolled by individuals 65 and older Indeed the median aged householdwealth was 150 of the median for all households (Haber amp Gratton1994)

Social Security was also projected to go bankrupt and legislative ad-justments focused on ldquofixingrdquo it The 1983 amendment raised the retire-ment age to 66 (in 2008) and 67 (in 2027) in order to ldquosaverdquo the system(Achenbaum 1986 pp 63-103) Aging issues then became issues ofaccess to environments (ie transportation physical accessibility) andservices

Generation Xers Cohort (Born between 1966ndash1977)

This cohort has only known economic volitility with no promise of acertain future This is the first cohort that has not been able to presumesuccess (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 81) They have grown up withMTV talk shows downsizing and layoffs divorce and latchkey kidsdepleting ozone Internet and the Web increasing national debt reces-sion and infomercials They have also seen the dissolution of long-termplanningndashfew believe Social Security will be there for them The in-creasing threat of nuclear war leads few to contemplate a future at allGenXers face economic and social obstacles that their Boomer parentsnever even considered and that may be even more arduous than thosefaced by the Depression cohort Some speculate that the GenerationXers will come to resemble the older cohorts more so than the Boomersbecause the context of pessimism and scarcity of the latter quarter of the20th century approximates the economic turmoil of the Great Depres-sion (Smith amp Clurman 1997) The Generation X cohort has no guaran-tees In spite of the growth of technology and stock market wealth seenby a small percentage of this cohort most GenXers have not shared in

28 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

the prosperity For the most part GenXers without skills and college de-grees have found an increasing gap between their life opportunities andthose of their educated peers (Levy 1998)

It is likely that notions of aging will shift during GenXersrsquo lifetimesBoomers may redesign retirement lessening the Social Security lienbut continuing the GenXersrsquo employment difficulties Given the familyupheavals the ever increasing geographic mobility and lower incomes(Smith amp Clurman 1997) it seems unlikely that this cohort will partici-pate heavily in familial eldercare They will have to maintain an incomefor their own survivalndashit is unlikely that there will be a ready pool of un-employed women to take on the informal caregiving tasks Growing upin divorced and blended families may also impact a GenXerrsquos sense ofduty and obligation to give care If they grew up as latchkey kids willthey be less likely to provide informal unpaid care When all thepreceeding cohorts control most of the wealth how will this cohort re-spond to their calls for assistance

The aging cohorts of today from the Depression era through theGenXers have come of age in distinct socio-historical times Each co-hort culture has reframed issues of aging and need in light of their ownbeliefs and values For the purposes of this article I narrow the discus-sion to a comparison of the Traditional Agers and Aging Baby Boom-ers

TRADITIONAL AGERS AND AGING BOOMERS

I use the term Traditional Ager to refer to cohorts that held to the lin-ear life course (seen in Figure 1) for comparison with Aging Boomerswho experienced very different life possibilities Some comparisons areuseful in illuminating the different orientations to aging as well as towhat kinds of services might be most acceptable

Traditional Agers incorporate individuals born prior to 1946 in asocio-historical context that adhered to the Figure 1 life trajectorywhich views later life as a transition to death These are the foundationalbeliefs of our current aging structures and policies The focus on illnessthe biomedicalization of aging social isolation of older adults in retire-ment or traditional nursing homes the unwillingness to fund supportiveservices and the expectation of family care all create a structure that en-forces passive aging social detachment and increasing dependency

In contrast the Aging Boomers have experienced the life expecta-tions illustrated in Figure 2 Culturally they have focused on creating

Tracy X Karner 29

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2014

social change to fit their expectations the cult of the body the narcis-sism of recreating onersquos life through recreating onersquos self consumerismas high art and a projection of the self and many other experienceswildly different from earlier cohorts It seems likely that they will ap-proach their own aging as a task to accomplish successfully IndeedRowe and Kahnrsquos (1998) recent best seller Successful Aging provides aclear example of this orientation

Aging Boomers

Scholars have approached the ldquodemographic bulgerdquo of the AgingBaby Boomers in many ways Some attempt to predict the needs of thiscohort Silverstone (1996) explores the economic security health anddisability and social support projection for this group Others (Cornmanamp Kingson 1996) specify the problems more closely for policy and de-fine terms for a needed national conversation on aging Still others (Rob-ertson 1991) decry the apocalyptic potential My intent though focusedon a similar concern is quite different In understanding the issues andpotential changes that lie ahead as this very large cohort ages the under-lying values prevalent in society can illuminate the possibilities likelyto be accepted for addressing these concerns I am referring to the moraleconomy to some extent but more specifically to the beliefs valuesand cultures of cohorts that are likely to participate in financing accom-modating and caring for the aging Boomers Indeed understandingboth the Baby Boomer and the GenXer cultures is key for finding ouraging future With awareness of the cohortrsquos culture and historical ex-perience in concert with the demographic statistics and behavior studiesas they relate to aging issues the picture becomes clearer

There were over 76 million Baby Boomers born between 1946 and1964ndash17 million more than would have been born if fertility rates hadremained at 1940 levels (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Boomers are a di-verse group on many issues but most importantly they differ economi-cally Economically Boomers are different from preceding cohorts inthat they are less likely to own homes less likely to have saved muchand less likely to have significant investments Among the Boomersthis is most true for the Trailing Boomers who entered the labor force ina stagnant economy During 1965 to 1985 when most Boomers begantheir working careers the economy was strong enough to incorporatemost of the new workers However there was a growing trend towardinequity in income distribution from the mid 1970s on This affected thelater Boomers and minority Boomers disproportionately Additionally

30 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

the number of Boomers covered by private pension programs is de-creasing (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Diversity Within the Boomer Cohort

The obstacles to a financially secure retirement are even greater forthe more vulnerable populations among the Boomers Women and mi-nority group members who as a result of social patterns of economicracial and gender stratification find themselves with sparse or low paidwork histories face the most jeopardy Among the Boomers are ldquopoorlyeducated unskilled people whose travails in todayrsquos labor marketwill make them highly vulnerable to economic peril in later liferdquo(Silverstone 1996 p 30) Boomers include 18 million members of mi-nority groups The economic realities that they face in aging will be theculmination of discrimination patterns faced over the life course Addi-tionally the longer life expectancies of the 385 million Baby Boomerwomen will compound the financial difficulties

As sociologists have found correlations between poverty and lack ofquality medical care over the lifetime it is likely that the plight of thepoorer Boomers will also include less health and higher medical costs inlater life As even Rowe and Kahn (1998 p 37) admit poverty makesthe attainment of healthy successful aging more difficult Projectionsindicate that by 2040 55 million people will be in nursing homes and114 million will be using home care for part of the year The majority ofthese will be Baby Boomers (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) There is stillsome debate about whether the increases in life expectancy will lead toliving ldquolonger and sickerrdquo or if advances in health care and ldquosuccessfulagingrdquo will decrease the debilitating illnesses associated with advanc-ing years

Within families where most of the eldercare has been performed(Brody 1985) relationships have changed considerably for the Boomercohort Boomers had fewer children later divorced and remarried moreand entered into more diverse family arrangements Single-parent fami-lies blended families and never married households also increasedThe impact of these shifting family configurations on filial responsibil-ity and caregiving for the dependent old remains to be seen (Silverstone1996) We do know that family structures affect ldquofamily incomes re-tirement income potential for family caregiving and child rearingrdquo(Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Caregiving is currently the domain of themiddle aged adult children caring for aging parents (Uhlenberg 1996)

Tracy X Karner 31

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which is dependent on available unpaid labor of female family mem-bers (Montgomery 1998)

Hareven (1994) found distinctly different cohort attitudes towardeldercare She studied a Depression era cohort and a World War II co-hort finding that the older cohort viewed family as the economic unitthat shared resources and expected that the needs of elder family mem-bers would be met within that context The younger WWII cohort wasmore concerned with improving their own lives and were more likely toaccept government assistance for their older family members Theywere also more likely to place their parents in nursing homes Thisstudy illustrates the relationship among cultural values socio-historicalinfluences and eldercare options

In looking at the economic standing of the Generation Xers the adultchildren in line to care for aging Boomers it is unlikely that theirMcJobs will support themselves let alone free up a spouse for family re-sponsibilities Also when we realize that Boomers even in middle agereceive a disproportionate amount of intergenerational support fromtheir aging parents one questions Boomerrsquos potential as caregiversDavey and Eggebeen (1998 p 93) suggest that ldquoparents do tend to pro-vide more support to children than they receive until very late in liferdquoIndeed it looks as though informal family care will be a limited optionat best for the Boomers Thus it is important to look at how formal carecan best be conceptualized and delivered to respond to their needs

Boomer Culture

As with all the other social institutions in their path Boomers will nodoubt redefine aging to suit their own agenda As exemplified in popu-lar culture with Gail Sheehyrsquos New Passages (1995) it is likely that thecloser the Boomers get to ldquooldnessrdquo the more positively they will con-struct and expand the social definitions of aging and the meaning ofldquooldnessrdquo Moreover since they have a propensity to deny or fight theaging process the term ldquooldrdquo may become reserved for only the veryold and very ill

Other key characteristics of the Boomers appear to be an overwhelm-ing sense of entitlement to what they want and the expectation of instantgratification Their lack of savings loosely defined family relation-ships search for meaning in work and consumerism health and fitnessfanaticism and high value on education are quite different from previ-ous aging generations Boomers will demand a different structure of ag-ing programs and services itrsquos unlikely that they will be content in

32 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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age-segregated communities playing golf Their diversity of experienceand means will dictate diversity in aging but it wonrsquot divorce themfrom their cohort values and expectations

Given these values one might envision retirement communities builton a Club Med model for the affluent Boomers or on a commune modelfor the less fortunate Home health care might be repackaged as fitnesscoaching Sporadic retirement ldquobreaksrdquo between joblets or volunteeringcould become the norm and leisure could be refocused on personalgrowth Though speculation can be endless and at times entertainingthe important message for scholars policy makers and service profes-sionals in trying to project future aging needs is that the construction ofthose needs as well as the acceptable responses to those needs will beframed within values that the Boomers developed some four decadesbefore

AGING IN CULTURAL AND SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Boomersrsquo values and socio-historical context will be factors to ex-plore in understanding how the social structures of aging may changeTo paraphrase Riley the Boomers will age differently than those al-ready old When the Boomers hit 65 Generation Xers will have reachedtheir political maturity GenXersrsquo values perceptions and views of theBoomer cohort will color their responsiveness to Boomer needs Theeconomic difficulties and obstacles to success that the GenXers have in-herited from the Boomers and their predecessors may create a moraleconomy that portrays the Boomers as undeserving of governmentsponsored services Furthermore it is unlikely that GenXers will behappy to each pay a third of a Boomersrsquo social security benefits as thepredicted ratio of 31 would dictate (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Currently the elderly are being blamed for all kinds of social illsfrom poor children to the federal deficient (Estes amp Binney 1991p 129) Unless this fracture is repaired in some way that addressesthe social needs of all cohorts perhaps by refocusing on need rather thanage as Neugarten (1982) has suggested it is unlikely that future cohortswill willingly subsidize the later years of those who have aged before themWe must take into account the cohort values and beliefs about their posi-tion in the social world as well as their values relative to other cohorts

Cohort cultures illuminate the reciprocal intersection of biographyand history within society and from there we can go forward toreconceptualize how best to develop and deliver aging services in the

Tracy X Karner 33

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future that most effectively utilize our social resources Indeed the pub-lic policy challenge remains one of balancing the implied promisesmade to various cohorts as they were paying into social insurance pro-grams through payroll taxes the demands that these groups will makeas they reach ldquoold agerdquo and the willingness of younger cohorts to paythe bills Each of these elements the implied promises the demands ofthe aging and the willingness of the young will be based in their cul-tural experiences and cohort values Our current structure of aging ser-vices is still based in premises about the needs and deservedness ofprevious cohorts Insightful public policy will acknowledge the shiftingcultural values about what it is to be old in our society as we begin to ad-dress the needs of the aging Boomer cohort in the context of a delicatesocial balance between the beliefs and values of those who pay andthose who receive

RECEIVED July 2000REVISED November 2000

ACCEPTED February 2001

REFERENCES

Achenbaum W A (1986) Social Security Visions and Revisions Cambridge Cam-bridge University Press

Bengtson V L amp Achenbaum W A (1993) The Changing Contract Across Gener-ations New York Aldine de Gruyter

Bengtson V L Cutler N E Mangen D J amp Marshall V W (1985) Generationscohorts and relations between age groups pp 304-338 in Handbook of Aging andthe Social Sciences 2nd Edition (Robert H Binstock and Ethel Shanas eds) NewYork Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

Brody E M (1985) Parent care as a normative family stress The Gerontologist 25(l)19-29

Cole T R (1991) The Journey of Life A Cultural History of Aging in America Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Coontz S (1992) The Way We Never Were American Families and the NostalgiaTrap New York Basic Books

Cornman J M amp Kingson E R (1996) Trends issues perspectives and values forthe aging of the baby boom cohorts The Gerontologist 36(l) 15-26

Cummings E amp Henry W F (1961) Growing Old The Process of DisengagementNew York Basic Books

Davey A amp Eggebeen D J (1998) Patterns of intergenerational exchange and men-tal health Journal of Gerontology Psychological Sciences 53B(2) 86-95

34 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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ded

by [

Nor

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ster

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rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

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rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

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ber

2014

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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Page 11: Caring for an Aging Society

AGING COHORTS FROM A MARKETING PERSPECTIVE

Currently in the United States as some older individuals are gainingeconomic and political clout the business sector has begun to see the el-derly in a new lightndashthat of an affluent consumer This has prompted atten-tion to aging individuals as an untapped and unexplored new market(Minkler 1991) From this new perspective marketing research (Smith ampClurman 1997 Schar 1998) has extrapolated from sociological under-standings and has identified six current consumer cohorts the DepressionWorld War II Post-warEisenhower Baby Boomers 1 Trailing BabyBoomers 2 and Generation Xers Market research identifies each of thesecohorts as having experienced significant unique coming of age eventsthat have influenced their values and expectations Each cohort shared theage norms and behavior patterns prevalent in their respective eras

Though marketing research may seem a surprising avenue for betterunderstanding aging issues the connection becomes clear as one con-siders the privatization of medical care and aging services Now marketdriven health care and medical costs are the most pressing factors fac-ing our aging population second only to Social Security income In ef-forts to keep costs down consumption of health care including whichMedicare HMO to enroll in is becoming more and more like a tradi-tional business As business and consumerism are the realm of market-ers their understanding of cohort consumption patterns and purchasingpatterns can be used to inform future projections of the most plausibleforms of care aging Boomers will want and use

A brief general overview of each of the cohorts that is currently ag-ing in the United States population follows The Depression cohortthrough the Post-warEisenhower cohort appear to have a similar linear

Tracy X Karner 23

Tryout20s

Turbulent30s

Flourishing40s

Flaming50s

Serene60s

Sage70s

Uninhibited80s

Noble90s

CelebratoryCentenarians

60 Passageto Age ofIntegrity

50Passageto Age ofMastery

30 Passageto First Adulthood

ProvisionalAdulthood

18 to 30

FirstAdulthood

30 to 45

SecondAdulthood45 to 85+

FIGURE 3 New Life Passages

(Adapted from Sheehy 1995)

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approach to their lives and aging expectations However starting withthe Baby Boomers life expectations for their older years begin tobroaden and include many more possibilities Surely this change in ex-pectations suggests the appropriateness of reconceptualizing how agingservices are developed and delivered

Depression Cohort (Born Between 1912-1921)

This cohort reached adulthood as the Depression halted prosperity andincreased joblessness homelessness and general poverty New Deal pro-grams were developed during this cohortrsquos young adulthood and thegovernment was conceptualized into the welfare state as a safety net forthose in need The influence of the Depression on the initiation of old ageinsurance cannot be overstated As private pensions went bankruptbanks closed and families lost everything these options for security inold age were shown to be inadequate The Social Security programshifted reliance from the family economy and replaced intrafamilial strat-egies with intergenerational tax transfers thereby spreading the riskacross entire populations (Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 87)

The Depression era cohort learned from their parents that only a fewyears of schooling could suffice for most jobs and from their grandparentsthat old age would be bleak (Riley 1987) Indeed this cohortrsquos grandpar-ents could have spent their later years in the Almshouse The Almshouseor poor house had been the only option for elderly without other resourcesAs Social Security denied assistance to institutionalized residents theAlmshouses soon disappeared and private nursing homes came into beingIn general the cultural meaning of age was that an older person was seen asfrail poor and in need of assistance (Haber amp Gratton 1994)

Overall this cohort grew up with a strong work ethic during difficulttimes Their expectations for life and success were narrowly definedMany continued to live in the same geographic areas in which they grewup Their core values ldquoare what we think of today as traditional val-uesndashdiscipline self-denial hard work obedience to authority and fi-nancial and social conservatismrdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 8)Families took care of their own Marriages and family life were thenorm Divorce and remarriage were stigmatized and infrequent

World War II Cohort (Born Between 1922-1927 )

This cohort is characterized by unprecedented patriotism and senseof the country as community The road to victory was paved by the

24 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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common effort of all Americans on the home front or fighting in thewar Ration booklets foil drives victory gardens and sacrificing for thewar effort rallied citizens to the common cause

Hard work and savings were seen as the ways to achieve success Selfsacrifice and discipline were valued traits Cooperation mutual sup-port teamwork and community were important That the Depressionwas overcome and the ldquogoodrdquo war was won were seen as having beenachieved through joint efforts and sacrifices toward a greater commongood Authority was respected The president was seen as the leader ofthe free world Military service was honorable Tough guys were ldquorealrdquomenndashHumphrey Bogart and John Wayne were popular film stars Atombombs were dropped on the foreign lands of social ldquoothersrdquo

Issues of the elderly were just one more problem America would lickafter winning the war The median income of Social Security recipientsfell during the 1940s because benefits failed to keep up with inflation(Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 83)

Post WarEisenhower Cohort (Born Between 1928-1945)

These Americans came of age in an era of unexpected economic afflu-ence and political consensus After decidedly winning the war the suprem-acy of The American Way had been reinforced by the United Statesrsquorelative military might economic strength and anticommunitist moral cer-titude which engendered an aura of natural superiority DomesticallyAmericans espoused unquestioning belief in our social institutions and in-dividual conformity (Hodgson 1976) The political military and eco-nomic orders had become inextricably intertwined during the war and thisldquopower eliterdquo engendered a ldquoliberal ideology of consensusrdquo that permeatedthe immediate post war period with a feeling of confidence in Americanleadership (Mills 1959) The social ldquoone dimensionalityrdquo was so pervasiveas to render dissent improbable if not impossible (Marcuse 1964)

The government spread the prosperity rural America was electrifiedthe interstate highway system was developed The GI bill took manyveterans to college and helped them buy their first homes Televisionbecame popular Overnight it seemed the American Way converted arural nation to a suburban one New suburban lifestyles meant new con-sumer markets and war technology meant more consumer conve-niences Consumer choices were seen as the natural manifestation ofpolitical freedom (Smith amp Clurman 1997 pp 25-28)

Suburbs blossomed and the nuclear family was the ideal ldquoThe longheld dream of a fulfilling family life in a comfortable home seemed at

Tracy X Karner 25

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last to be coming true for millions of people not everyone was affluentor middle class but it was assumed that those left out would eventuallyget their sharerdquo (Skolnick 1991 p 50) Men returned from the warmarried and went to college on the GI bill Family life was the corner-stone of American life It was a profamily decade like no other (Coontz1992 pp 24-26)

After college ldquowhite collarrdquo and ldquoorganizational menrdquo moved up theladder as the economy continued to grow (Mills 1951 Whyte 1956)Companies valued loyalty in their employees and workers could se-curely make their entire careers within a single corporation Poor blacksand whites from the South migrated to northern urban areas in largenumbers seeking the American dream (Hodgson 1976)

Older individuals were idealized as nurturing extended fam-ilyndashldquoGrandparents on the old homesteadrdquo This image was captured inthe illustration ldquoThanksgivingrdquo by Norman Rockwell which had alarge family gathered around as Grandma brings the turkey to set infront of Grandpa at the head of a table This cohort had left the farmsand small towns of their youth and moved to the suburbs to work in themilitary-industrial complex Social Security was adjusted benefits in-creased by 77 and were extended to new populations (Achenbaum1986 p 39)

Baby Boomers 1 Cohort (Born Between 1946-1954)

This cohort is the largest and most influential in American historyThe first Baby Boomers were born during the post-war prosperity theyenjoyed unprecedented opportunities in education and employmentTheir value system is based on a sense of entitlement and a belief in con-tinued economic growth Their interests revolve around the self per-sonal goals and instant gratification (Smith amp Clurman 1997) TheseBoomers in contrast with the later Trailing Boomers are more likely tobe homeowners have better private pension programs and because of highnet earnings could have higher income from investments (Cornman ampKingson 1996)

Boomers also adhere to a more inclusive social perspective than theirpredecessors their beliefs in continued prosperity meant that there wasenough to go around for everyone The Great Society programs broughta renewed focus on eradicating poverty in the richest nation in theworld Identity politics of Civil Rights Womenrsquos Liberation Redpower Chicano power Black Panthers etc were all part of their youngadulthood

26 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

The elderly were seen as one of the disadvantaged social groups bat-tling poverty and lacking social inclusion The Older Americans Act of1965 reframed aging issues as ones of increasing rights and entitlementsPopular films such as The Mad Woman of Chaillot (1969) presented re-tired or nonworking elderly as freed from the establishment of thework-a-day world and portrayed them as eccentrics able to embrace theideals of 60s radicalism

Legislation adjusted Social Security during the 1950s so Boomersrsquograndparents retired with more money in their allotments than they hadpaid in Social Security began to provide largely unearned benefits torecipients while maintaining the myth of ldquoinsurancerdquo by pretending thatthese benefits had been earned through taxes on their wages (Haber ampGratton 1994 pp 81-82) This could have only fueled the Boomers no-tion that there would always be plenty

Medical advances during their youth meant that major illness couldbe wiped out with antibiotics or a single vaccine Boomers grew up withmassive community health programs to immunize children against po-lio measles and smallpox Antibiotics also became widely used andmany life-threatening diseases became curable Boomers took goodhealth for granted so they redefined health not as the absence of ill-ness but as being in shape This meant taking an interest in nutritionand exercise and other deliberate efforts to enhance onersquos health and fit-ness though not necessarily acting on these interests since obesity re-mains a growing problem Taking responsibility for onersquos own healthlead to a lack of respect for traditional medical treatments and an en-grossment in alternative forms of health management Boomers soughtfitness and displayed a ldquodetermination to lsquofixrsquo oneself through diet ex-ercise and mental disciplinerdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 240)

Trailing Boomers 2 Cohort (Born Between 1955-1965)

This cohort came of age in the late 70s and early 80s They grew upwith the same high expectations as the earlier Boomers but found theopportunities forestalled as they approached The hard realities ofldquostagflationrdquo oil embargoes nuclear meltdowns Iran hostages theChrysler bailout and highest unemployment levels since the Depres-sion were not what they were expecting These Boomers are predictedto enter their later years with diminished public and private pension pro-grams and with less wealth in terms of housing and investments(Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Tracy X Karner 27

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2014

Trailing Boomersrsquo adolescent expectations combined with their eco-nomic realities to generate a new form of angry pragmatic cynicismThis group of Boomers has been more concerned with self-survival andpreservation than with personal growth This cohort was confrontedwith the notion that success was not assured and as homelessness grewthat mere survival may not be guaranteed either (Smith amp Clurman1997)

ldquoStagflationrdquo also impacted notions about aging since pensions didnot keep up with inflation Elderly advocacy groups brought issues ofaging into public view Media campaigns focused on the plight of thepoor elderly and portrayed them as frail dependent ignored and livingon pet food Ironically one-quarter of all household wealth was con-trolled by individuals 65 and older Indeed the median aged householdwealth was 150 of the median for all households (Haber amp Gratton1994)

Social Security was also projected to go bankrupt and legislative ad-justments focused on ldquofixingrdquo it The 1983 amendment raised the retire-ment age to 66 (in 2008) and 67 (in 2027) in order to ldquosaverdquo the system(Achenbaum 1986 pp 63-103) Aging issues then became issues ofaccess to environments (ie transportation physical accessibility) andservices

Generation Xers Cohort (Born between 1966ndash1977)

This cohort has only known economic volitility with no promise of acertain future This is the first cohort that has not been able to presumesuccess (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 81) They have grown up withMTV talk shows downsizing and layoffs divorce and latchkey kidsdepleting ozone Internet and the Web increasing national debt reces-sion and infomercials They have also seen the dissolution of long-termplanningndashfew believe Social Security will be there for them The in-creasing threat of nuclear war leads few to contemplate a future at allGenXers face economic and social obstacles that their Boomer parentsnever even considered and that may be even more arduous than thosefaced by the Depression cohort Some speculate that the GenerationXers will come to resemble the older cohorts more so than the Boomersbecause the context of pessimism and scarcity of the latter quarter of the20th century approximates the economic turmoil of the Great Depres-sion (Smith amp Clurman 1997) The Generation X cohort has no guaran-tees In spite of the growth of technology and stock market wealth seenby a small percentage of this cohort most GenXers have not shared in

28 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

the prosperity For the most part GenXers without skills and college de-grees have found an increasing gap between their life opportunities andthose of their educated peers (Levy 1998)

It is likely that notions of aging will shift during GenXersrsquo lifetimesBoomers may redesign retirement lessening the Social Security lienbut continuing the GenXersrsquo employment difficulties Given the familyupheavals the ever increasing geographic mobility and lower incomes(Smith amp Clurman 1997) it seems unlikely that this cohort will partici-pate heavily in familial eldercare They will have to maintain an incomefor their own survivalndashit is unlikely that there will be a ready pool of un-employed women to take on the informal caregiving tasks Growing upin divorced and blended families may also impact a GenXerrsquos sense ofduty and obligation to give care If they grew up as latchkey kids willthey be less likely to provide informal unpaid care When all thepreceeding cohorts control most of the wealth how will this cohort re-spond to their calls for assistance

The aging cohorts of today from the Depression era through theGenXers have come of age in distinct socio-historical times Each co-hort culture has reframed issues of aging and need in light of their ownbeliefs and values For the purposes of this article I narrow the discus-sion to a comparison of the Traditional Agers and Aging Baby Boom-ers

TRADITIONAL AGERS AND AGING BOOMERS

I use the term Traditional Ager to refer to cohorts that held to the lin-ear life course (seen in Figure 1) for comparison with Aging Boomerswho experienced very different life possibilities Some comparisons areuseful in illuminating the different orientations to aging as well as towhat kinds of services might be most acceptable

Traditional Agers incorporate individuals born prior to 1946 in asocio-historical context that adhered to the Figure 1 life trajectorywhich views later life as a transition to death These are the foundationalbeliefs of our current aging structures and policies The focus on illnessthe biomedicalization of aging social isolation of older adults in retire-ment or traditional nursing homes the unwillingness to fund supportiveservices and the expectation of family care all create a structure that en-forces passive aging social detachment and increasing dependency

In contrast the Aging Boomers have experienced the life expecta-tions illustrated in Figure 2 Culturally they have focused on creating

Tracy X Karner 29

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2014

social change to fit their expectations the cult of the body the narcis-sism of recreating onersquos life through recreating onersquos self consumerismas high art and a projection of the self and many other experienceswildly different from earlier cohorts It seems likely that they will ap-proach their own aging as a task to accomplish successfully IndeedRowe and Kahnrsquos (1998) recent best seller Successful Aging provides aclear example of this orientation

Aging Boomers

Scholars have approached the ldquodemographic bulgerdquo of the AgingBaby Boomers in many ways Some attempt to predict the needs of thiscohort Silverstone (1996) explores the economic security health anddisability and social support projection for this group Others (Cornmanamp Kingson 1996) specify the problems more closely for policy and de-fine terms for a needed national conversation on aging Still others (Rob-ertson 1991) decry the apocalyptic potential My intent though focusedon a similar concern is quite different In understanding the issues andpotential changes that lie ahead as this very large cohort ages the under-lying values prevalent in society can illuminate the possibilities likelyto be accepted for addressing these concerns I am referring to the moraleconomy to some extent but more specifically to the beliefs valuesand cultures of cohorts that are likely to participate in financing accom-modating and caring for the aging Boomers Indeed understandingboth the Baby Boomer and the GenXer cultures is key for finding ouraging future With awareness of the cohortrsquos culture and historical ex-perience in concert with the demographic statistics and behavior studiesas they relate to aging issues the picture becomes clearer

There were over 76 million Baby Boomers born between 1946 and1964ndash17 million more than would have been born if fertility rates hadremained at 1940 levels (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Boomers are a di-verse group on many issues but most importantly they differ economi-cally Economically Boomers are different from preceding cohorts inthat they are less likely to own homes less likely to have saved muchand less likely to have significant investments Among the Boomersthis is most true for the Trailing Boomers who entered the labor force ina stagnant economy During 1965 to 1985 when most Boomers begantheir working careers the economy was strong enough to incorporatemost of the new workers However there was a growing trend towardinequity in income distribution from the mid 1970s on This affected thelater Boomers and minority Boomers disproportionately Additionally

30 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

the number of Boomers covered by private pension programs is de-creasing (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Diversity Within the Boomer Cohort

The obstacles to a financially secure retirement are even greater forthe more vulnerable populations among the Boomers Women and mi-nority group members who as a result of social patterns of economicracial and gender stratification find themselves with sparse or low paidwork histories face the most jeopardy Among the Boomers are ldquopoorlyeducated unskilled people whose travails in todayrsquos labor marketwill make them highly vulnerable to economic peril in later liferdquo(Silverstone 1996 p 30) Boomers include 18 million members of mi-nority groups The economic realities that they face in aging will be theculmination of discrimination patterns faced over the life course Addi-tionally the longer life expectancies of the 385 million Baby Boomerwomen will compound the financial difficulties

As sociologists have found correlations between poverty and lack ofquality medical care over the lifetime it is likely that the plight of thepoorer Boomers will also include less health and higher medical costs inlater life As even Rowe and Kahn (1998 p 37) admit poverty makesthe attainment of healthy successful aging more difficult Projectionsindicate that by 2040 55 million people will be in nursing homes and114 million will be using home care for part of the year The majority ofthese will be Baby Boomers (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) There is stillsome debate about whether the increases in life expectancy will lead toliving ldquolonger and sickerrdquo or if advances in health care and ldquosuccessfulagingrdquo will decrease the debilitating illnesses associated with advanc-ing years

Within families where most of the eldercare has been performed(Brody 1985) relationships have changed considerably for the Boomercohort Boomers had fewer children later divorced and remarried moreand entered into more diverse family arrangements Single-parent fami-lies blended families and never married households also increasedThe impact of these shifting family configurations on filial responsibil-ity and caregiving for the dependent old remains to be seen (Silverstone1996) We do know that family structures affect ldquofamily incomes re-tirement income potential for family caregiving and child rearingrdquo(Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Caregiving is currently the domain of themiddle aged adult children caring for aging parents (Uhlenberg 1996)

Tracy X Karner 31

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which is dependent on available unpaid labor of female family mem-bers (Montgomery 1998)

Hareven (1994) found distinctly different cohort attitudes towardeldercare She studied a Depression era cohort and a World War II co-hort finding that the older cohort viewed family as the economic unitthat shared resources and expected that the needs of elder family mem-bers would be met within that context The younger WWII cohort wasmore concerned with improving their own lives and were more likely toaccept government assistance for their older family members Theywere also more likely to place their parents in nursing homes Thisstudy illustrates the relationship among cultural values socio-historicalinfluences and eldercare options

In looking at the economic standing of the Generation Xers the adultchildren in line to care for aging Boomers it is unlikely that theirMcJobs will support themselves let alone free up a spouse for family re-sponsibilities Also when we realize that Boomers even in middle agereceive a disproportionate amount of intergenerational support fromtheir aging parents one questions Boomerrsquos potential as caregiversDavey and Eggebeen (1998 p 93) suggest that ldquoparents do tend to pro-vide more support to children than they receive until very late in liferdquoIndeed it looks as though informal family care will be a limited optionat best for the Boomers Thus it is important to look at how formal carecan best be conceptualized and delivered to respond to their needs

Boomer Culture

As with all the other social institutions in their path Boomers will nodoubt redefine aging to suit their own agenda As exemplified in popu-lar culture with Gail Sheehyrsquos New Passages (1995) it is likely that thecloser the Boomers get to ldquooldnessrdquo the more positively they will con-struct and expand the social definitions of aging and the meaning ofldquooldnessrdquo Moreover since they have a propensity to deny or fight theaging process the term ldquooldrdquo may become reserved for only the veryold and very ill

Other key characteristics of the Boomers appear to be an overwhelm-ing sense of entitlement to what they want and the expectation of instantgratification Their lack of savings loosely defined family relation-ships search for meaning in work and consumerism health and fitnessfanaticism and high value on education are quite different from previ-ous aging generations Boomers will demand a different structure of ag-ing programs and services itrsquos unlikely that they will be content in

32 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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age-segregated communities playing golf Their diversity of experienceand means will dictate diversity in aging but it wonrsquot divorce themfrom their cohort values and expectations

Given these values one might envision retirement communities builton a Club Med model for the affluent Boomers or on a commune modelfor the less fortunate Home health care might be repackaged as fitnesscoaching Sporadic retirement ldquobreaksrdquo between joblets or volunteeringcould become the norm and leisure could be refocused on personalgrowth Though speculation can be endless and at times entertainingthe important message for scholars policy makers and service profes-sionals in trying to project future aging needs is that the construction ofthose needs as well as the acceptable responses to those needs will beframed within values that the Boomers developed some four decadesbefore

AGING IN CULTURAL AND SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Boomersrsquo values and socio-historical context will be factors to ex-plore in understanding how the social structures of aging may changeTo paraphrase Riley the Boomers will age differently than those al-ready old When the Boomers hit 65 Generation Xers will have reachedtheir political maturity GenXersrsquo values perceptions and views of theBoomer cohort will color their responsiveness to Boomer needs Theeconomic difficulties and obstacles to success that the GenXers have in-herited from the Boomers and their predecessors may create a moraleconomy that portrays the Boomers as undeserving of governmentsponsored services Furthermore it is unlikely that GenXers will behappy to each pay a third of a Boomersrsquo social security benefits as thepredicted ratio of 31 would dictate (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Currently the elderly are being blamed for all kinds of social illsfrom poor children to the federal deficient (Estes amp Binney 1991p 129) Unless this fracture is repaired in some way that addressesthe social needs of all cohorts perhaps by refocusing on need rather thanage as Neugarten (1982) has suggested it is unlikely that future cohortswill willingly subsidize the later years of those who have aged before themWe must take into account the cohort values and beliefs about their posi-tion in the social world as well as their values relative to other cohorts

Cohort cultures illuminate the reciprocal intersection of biographyand history within society and from there we can go forward toreconceptualize how best to develop and deliver aging services in the

Tracy X Karner 33

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future that most effectively utilize our social resources Indeed the pub-lic policy challenge remains one of balancing the implied promisesmade to various cohorts as they were paying into social insurance pro-grams through payroll taxes the demands that these groups will makeas they reach ldquoold agerdquo and the willingness of younger cohorts to paythe bills Each of these elements the implied promises the demands ofthe aging and the willingness of the young will be based in their cul-tural experiences and cohort values Our current structure of aging ser-vices is still based in premises about the needs and deservedness ofprevious cohorts Insightful public policy will acknowledge the shiftingcultural values about what it is to be old in our society as we begin to ad-dress the needs of the aging Boomer cohort in the context of a delicatesocial balance between the beliefs and values of those who pay andthose who receive

RECEIVED July 2000REVISED November 2000

ACCEPTED February 2001

REFERENCES

Achenbaum W A (1986) Social Security Visions and Revisions Cambridge Cam-bridge University Press

Bengtson V L amp Achenbaum W A (1993) The Changing Contract Across Gener-ations New York Aldine de Gruyter

Bengtson V L Cutler N E Mangen D J amp Marshall V W (1985) Generationscohorts and relations between age groups pp 304-338 in Handbook of Aging andthe Social Sciences 2nd Edition (Robert H Binstock and Ethel Shanas eds) NewYork Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

Brody E M (1985) Parent care as a normative family stress The Gerontologist 25(l)19-29

Cole T R (1991) The Journey of Life A Cultural History of Aging in America Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Coontz S (1992) The Way We Never Were American Families and the NostalgiaTrap New York Basic Books

Cornman J M amp Kingson E R (1996) Trends issues perspectives and values forthe aging of the baby boom cohorts The Gerontologist 36(l) 15-26

Cummings E amp Henry W F (1961) Growing Old The Process of DisengagementNew York Basic Books

Davey A amp Eggebeen D J (1998) Patterns of intergenerational exchange and men-tal health Journal of Gerontology Psychological Sciences 53B(2) 86-95

34 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

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rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

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ded

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Nor

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rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

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ber

2014

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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Page 12: Caring for an Aging Society

approach to their lives and aging expectations However starting withthe Baby Boomers life expectations for their older years begin tobroaden and include many more possibilities Surely this change in ex-pectations suggests the appropriateness of reconceptualizing how agingservices are developed and delivered

Depression Cohort (Born Between 1912-1921)

This cohort reached adulthood as the Depression halted prosperity andincreased joblessness homelessness and general poverty New Deal pro-grams were developed during this cohortrsquos young adulthood and thegovernment was conceptualized into the welfare state as a safety net forthose in need The influence of the Depression on the initiation of old ageinsurance cannot be overstated As private pensions went bankruptbanks closed and families lost everything these options for security inold age were shown to be inadequate The Social Security programshifted reliance from the family economy and replaced intrafamilial strat-egies with intergenerational tax transfers thereby spreading the riskacross entire populations (Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 87)

The Depression era cohort learned from their parents that only a fewyears of schooling could suffice for most jobs and from their grandparentsthat old age would be bleak (Riley 1987) Indeed this cohortrsquos grandpar-ents could have spent their later years in the Almshouse The Almshouseor poor house had been the only option for elderly without other resourcesAs Social Security denied assistance to institutionalized residents theAlmshouses soon disappeared and private nursing homes came into beingIn general the cultural meaning of age was that an older person was seen asfrail poor and in need of assistance (Haber amp Gratton 1994)

Overall this cohort grew up with a strong work ethic during difficulttimes Their expectations for life and success were narrowly definedMany continued to live in the same geographic areas in which they grewup Their core values ldquoare what we think of today as traditional val-uesndashdiscipline self-denial hard work obedience to authority and fi-nancial and social conservatismrdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 8)Families took care of their own Marriages and family life were thenorm Divorce and remarriage were stigmatized and infrequent

World War II Cohort (Born Between 1922-1927 )

This cohort is characterized by unprecedented patriotism and senseof the country as community The road to victory was paved by the

24 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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common effort of all Americans on the home front or fighting in thewar Ration booklets foil drives victory gardens and sacrificing for thewar effort rallied citizens to the common cause

Hard work and savings were seen as the ways to achieve success Selfsacrifice and discipline were valued traits Cooperation mutual sup-port teamwork and community were important That the Depressionwas overcome and the ldquogoodrdquo war was won were seen as having beenachieved through joint efforts and sacrifices toward a greater commongood Authority was respected The president was seen as the leader ofthe free world Military service was honorable Tough guys were ldquorealrdquomenndashHumphrey Bogart and John Wayne were popular film stars Atombombs were dropped on the foreign lands of social ldquoothersrdquo

Issues of the elderly were just one more problem America would lickafter winning the war The median income of Social Security recipientsfell during the 1940s because benefits failed to keep up with inflation(Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 83)

Post WarEisenhower Cohort (Born Between 1928-1945)

These Americans came of age in an era of unexpected economic afflu-ence and political consensus After decidedly winning the war the suprem-acy of The American Way had been reinforced by the United Statesrsquorelative military might economic strength and anticommunitist moral cer-titude which engendered an aura of natural superiority DomesticallyAmericans espoused unquestioning belief in our social institutions and in-dividual conformity (Hodgson 1976) The political military and eco-nomic orders had become inextricably intertwined during the war and thisldquopower eliterdquo engendered a ldquoliberal ideology of consensusrdquo that permeatedthe immediate post war period with a feeling of confidence in Americanleadership (Mills 1959) The social ldquoone dimensionalityrdquo was so pervasiveas to render dissent improbable if not impossible (Marcuse 1964)

The government spread the prosperity rural America was electrifiedthe interstate highway system was developed The GI bill took manyveterans to college and helped them buy their first homes Televisionbecame popular Overnight it seemed the American Way converted arural nation to a suburban one New suburban lifestyles meant new con-sumer markets and war technology meant more consumer conve-niences Consumer choices were seen as the natural manifestation ofpolitical freedom (Smith amp Clurman 1997 pp 25-28)

Suburbs blossomed and the nuclear family was the ideal ldquoThe longheld dream of a fulfilling family life in a comfortable home seemed at

Tracy X Karner 25

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last to be coming true for millions of people not everyone was affluentor middle class but it was assumed that those left out would eventuallyget their sharerdquo (Skolnick 1991 p 50) Men returned from the warmarried and went to college on the GI bill Family life was the corner-stone of American life It was a profamily decade like no other (Coontz1992 pp 24-26)

After college ldquowhite collarrdquo and ldquoorganizational menrdquo moved up theladder as the economy continued to grow (Mills 1951 Whyte 1956)Companies valued loyalty in their employees and workers could se-curely make their entire careers within a single corporation Poor blacksand whites from the South migrated to northern urban areas in largenumbers seeking the American dream (Hodgson 1976)

Older individuals were idealized as nurturing extended fam-ilyndashldquoGrandparents on the old homesteadrdquo This image was captured inthe illustration ldquoThanksgivingrdquo by Norman Rockwell which had alarge family gathered around as Grandma brings the turkey to set infront of Grandpa at the head of a table This cohort had left the farmsand small towns of their youth and moved to the suburbs to work in themilitary-industrial complex Social Security was adjusted benefits in-creased by 77 and were extended to new populations (Achenbaum1986 p 39)

Baby Boomers 1 Cohort (Born Between 1946-1954)

This cohort is the largest and most influential in American historyThe first Baby Boomers were born during the post-war prosperity theyenjoyed unprecedented opportunities in education and employmentTheir value system is based on a sense of entitlement and a belief in con-tinued economic growth Their interests revolve around the self per-sonal goals and instant gratification (Smith amp Clurman 1997) TheseBoomers in contrast with the later Trailing Boomers are more likely tobe homeowners have better private pension programs and because of highnet earnings could have higher income from investments (Cornman ampKingson 1996)

Boomers also adhere to a more inclusive social perspective than theirpredecessors their beliefs in continued prosperity meant that there wasenough to go around for everyone The Great Society programs broughta renewed focus on eradicating poverty in the richest nation in theworld Identity politics of Civil Rights Womenrsquos Liberation Redpower Chicano power Black Panthers etc were all part of their youngadulthood

26 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

The elderly were seen as one of the disadvantaged social groups bat-tling poverty and lacking social inclusion The Older Americans Act of1965 reframed aging issues as ones of increasing rights and entitlementsPopular films such as The Mad Woman of Chaillot (1969) presented re-tired or nonworking elderly as freed from the establishment of thework-a-day world and portrayed them as eccentrics able to embrace theideals of 60s radicalism

Legislation adjusted Social Security during the 1950s so Boomersrsquograndparents retired with more money in their allotments than they hadpaid in Social Security began to provide largely unearned benefits torecipients while maintaining the myth of ldquoinsurancerdquo by pretending thatthese benefits had been earned through taxes on their wages (Haber ampGratton 1994 pp 81-82) This could have only fueled the Boomers no-tion that there would always be plenty

Medical advances during their youth meant that major illness couldbe wiped out with antibiotics or a single vaccine Boomers grew up withmassive community health programs to immunize children against po-lio measles and smallpox Antibiotics also became widely used andmany life-threatening diseases became curable Boomers took goodhealth for granted so they redefined health not as the absence of ill-ness but as being in shape This meant taking an interest in nutritionand exercise and other deliberate efforts to enhance onersquos health and fit-ness though not necessarily acting on these interests since obesity re-mains a growing problem Taking responsibility for onersquos own healthlead to a lack of respect for traditional medical treatments and an en-grossment in alternative forms of health management Boomers soughtfitness and displayed a ldquodetermination to lsquofixrsquo oneself through diet ex-ercise and mental disciplinerdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 240)

Trailing Boomers 2 Cohort (Born Between 1955-1965)

This cohort came of age in the late 70s and early 80s They grew upwith the same high expectations as the earlier Boomers but found theopportunities forestalled as they approached The hard realities ofldquostagflationrdquo oil embargoes nuclear meltdowns Iran hostages theChrysler bailout and highest unemployment levels since the Depres-sion were not what they were expecting These Boomers are predictedto enter their later years with diminished public and private pension pro-grams and with less wealth in terms of housing and investments(Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Tracy X Karner 27

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2014

Trailing Boomersrsquo adolescent expectations combined with their eco-nomic realities to generate a new form of angry pragmatic cynicismThis group of Boomers has been more concerned with self-survival andpreservation than with personal growth This cohort was confrontedwith the notion that success was not assured and as homelessness grewthat mere survival may not be guaranteed either (Smith amp Clurman1997)

ldquoStagflationrdquo also impacted notions about aging since pensions didnot keep up with inflation Elderly advocacy groups brought issues ofaging into public view Media campaigns focused on the plight of thepoor elderly and portrayed them as frail dependent ignored and livingon pet food Ironically one-quarter of all household wealth was con-trolled by individuals 65 and older Indeed the median aged householdwealth was 150 of the median for all households (Haber amp Gratton1994)

Social Security was also projected to go bankrupt and legislative ad-justments focused on ldquofixingrdquo it The 1983 amendment raised the retire-ment age to 66 (in 2008) and 67 (in 2027) in order to ldquosaverdquo the system(Achenbaum 1986 pp 63-103) Aging issues then became issues ofaccess to environments (ie transportation physical accessibility) andservices

Generation Xers Cohort (Born between 1966ndash1977)

This cohort has only known economic volitility with no promise of acertain future This is the first cohort that has not been able to presumesuccess (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 81) They have grown up withMTV talk shows downsizing and layoffs divorce and latchkey kidsdepleting ozone Internet and the Web increasing national debt reces-sion and infomercials They have also seen the dissolution of long-termplanningndashfew believe Social Security will be there for them The in-creasing threat of nuclear war leads few to contemplate a future at allGenXers face economic and social obstacles that their Boomer parentsnever even considered and that may be even more arduous than thosefaced by the Depression cohort Some speculate that the GenerationXers will come to resemble the older cohorts more so than the Boomersbecause the context of pessimism and scarcity of the latter quarter of the20th century approximates the economic turmoil of the Great Depres-sion (Smith amp Clurman 1997) The Generation X cohort has no guaran-tees In spite of the growth of technology and stock market wealth seenby a small percentage of this cohort most GenXers have not shared in

28 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

the prosperity For the most part GenXers without skills and college de-grees have found an increasing gap between their life opportunities andthose of their educated peers (Levy 1998)

It is likely that notions of aging will shift during GenXersrsquo lifetimesBoomers may redesign retirement lessening the Social Security lienbut continuing the GenXersrsquo employment difficulties Given the familyupheavals the ever increasing geographic mobility and lower incomes(Smith amp Clurman 1997) it seems unlikely that this cohort will partici-pate heavily in familial eldercare They will have to maintain an incomefor their own survivalndashit is unlikely that there will be a ready pool of un-employed women to take on the informal caregiving tasks Growing upin divorced and blended families may also impact a GenXerrsquos sense ofduty and obligation to give care If they grew up as latchkey kids willthey be less likely to provide informal unpaid care When all thepreceeding cohorts control most of the wealth how will this cohort re-spond to their calls for assistance

The aging cohorts of today from the Depression era through theGenXers have come of age in distinct socio-historical times Each co-hort culture has reframed issues of aging and need in light of their ownbeliefs and values For the purposes of this article I narrow the discus-sion to a comparison of the Traditional Agers and Aging Baby Boom-ers

TRADITIONAL AGERS AND AGING BOOMERS

I use the term Traditional Ager to refer to cohorts that held to the lin-ear life course (seen in Figure 1) for comparison with Aging Boomerswho experienced very different life possibilities Some comparisons areuseful in illuminating the different orientations to aging as well as towhat kinds of services might be most acceptable

Traditional Agers incorporate individuals born prior to 1946 in asocio-historical context that adhered to the Figure 1 life trajectorywhich views later life as a transition to death These are the foundationalbeliefs of our current aging structures and policies The focus on illnessthe biomedicalization of aging social isolation of older adults in retire-ment or traditional nursing homes the unwillingness to fund supportiveservices and the expectation of family care all create a structure that en-forces passive aging social detachment and increasing dependency

In contrast the Aging Boomers have experienced the life expecta-tions illustrated in Figure 2 Culturally they have focused on creating

Tracy X Karner 29

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2014

social change to fit their expectations the cult of the body the narcis-sism of recreating onersquos life through recreating onersquos self consumerismas high art and a projection of the self and many other experienceswildly different from earlier cohorts It seems likely that they will ap-proach their own aging as a task to accomplish successfully IndeedRowe and Kahnrsquos (1998) recent best seller Successful Aging provides aclear example of this orientation

Aging Boomers

Scholars have approached the ldquodemographic bulgerdquo of the AgingBaby Boomers in many ways Some attempt to predict the needs of thiscohort Silverstone (1996) explores the economic security health anddisability and social support projection for this group Others (Cornmanamp Kingson 1996) specify the problems more closely for policy and de-fine terms for a needed national conversation on aging Still others (Rob-ertson 1991) decry the apocalyptic potential My intent though focusedon a similar concern is quite different In understanding the issues andpotential changes that lie ahead as this very large cohort ages the under-lying values prevalent in society can illuminate the possibilities likelyto be accepted for addressing these concerns I am referring to the moraleconomy to some extent but more specifically to the beliefs valuesand cultures of cohorts that are likely to participate in financing accom-modating and caring for the aging Boomers Indeed understandingboth the Baby Boomer and the GenXer cultures is key for finding ouraging future With awareness of the cohortrsquos culture and historical ex-perience in concert with the demographic statistics and behavior studiesas they relate to aging issues the picture becomes clearer

There were over 76 million Baby Boomers born between 1946 and1964ndash17 million more than would have been born if fertility rates hadremained at 1940 levels (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Boomers are a di-verse group on many issues but most importantly they differ economi-cally Economically Boomers are different from preceding cohorts inthat they are less likely to own homes less likely to have saved muchand less likely to have significant investments Among the Boomersthis is most true for the Trailing Boomers who entered the labor force ina stagnant economy During 1965 to 1985 when most Boomers begantheir working careers the economy was strong enough to incorporatemost of the new workers However there was a growing trend towardinequity in income distribution from the mid 1970s on This affected thelater Boomers and minority Boomers disproportionately Additionally

30 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

the number of Boomers covered by private pension programs is de-creasing (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Diversity Within the Boomer Cohort

The obstacles to a financially secure retirement are even greater forthe more vulnerable populations among the Boomers Women and mi-nority group members who as a result of social patterns of economicracial and gender stratification find themselves with sparse or low paidwork histories face the most jeopardy Among the Boomers are ldquopoorlyeducated unskilled people whose travails in todayrsquos labor marketwill make them highly vulnerable to economic peril in later liferdquo(Silverstone 1996 p 30) Boomers include 18 million members of mi-nority groups The economic realities that they face in aging will be theculmination of discrimination patterns faced over the life course Addi-tionally the longer life expectancies of the 385 million Baby Boomerwomen will compound the financial difficulties

As sociologists have found correlations between poverty and lack ofquality medical care over the lifetime it is likely that the plight of thepoorer Boomers will also include less health and higher medical costs inlater life As even Rowe and Kahn (1998 p 37) admit poverty makesthe attainment of healthy successful aging more difficult Projectionsindicate that by 2040 55 million people will be in nursing homes and114 million will be using home care for part of the year The majority ofthese will be Baby Boomers (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) There is stillsome debate about whether the increases in life expectancy will lead toliving ldquolonger and sickerrdquo or if advances in health care and ldquosuccessfulagingrdquo will decrease the debilitating illnesses associated with advanc-ing years

Within families where most of the eldercare has been performed(Brody 1985) relationships have changed considerably for the Boomercohort Boomers had fewer children later divorced and remarried moreand entered into more diverse family arrangements Single-parent fami-lies blended families and never married households also increasedThe impact of these shifting family configurations on filial responsibil-ity and caregiving for the dependent old remains to be seen (Silverstone1996) We do know that family structures affect ldquofamily incomes re-tirement income potential for family caregiving and child rearingrdquo(Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Caregiving is currently the domain of themiddle aged adult children caring for aging parents (Uhlenberg 1996)

Tracy X Karner 31

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2014

which is dependent on available unpaid labor of female family mem-bers (Montgomery 1998)

Hareven (1994) found distinctly different cohort attitudes towardeldercare She studied a Depression era cohort and a World War II co-hort finding that the older cohort viewed family as the economic unitthat shared resources and expected that the needs of elder family mem-bers would be met within that context The younger WWII cohort wasmore concerned with improving their own lives and were more likely toaccept government assistance for their older family members Theywere also more likely to place their parents in nursing homes Thisstudy illustrates the relationship among cultural values socio-historicalinfluences and eldercare options

In looking at the economic standing of the Generation Xers the adultchildren in line to care for aging Boomers it is unlikely that theirMcJobs will support themselves let alone free up a spouse for family re-sponsibilities Also when we realize that Boomers even in middle agereceive a disproportionate amount of intergenerational support fromtheir aging parents one questions Boomerrsquos potential as caregiversDavey and Eggebeen (1998 p 93) suggest that ldquoparents do tend to pro-vide more support to children than they receive until very late in liferdquoIndeed it looks as though informal family care will be a limited optionat best for the Boomers Thus it is important to look at how formal carecan best be conceptualized and delivered to respond to their needs

Boomer Culture

As with all the other social institutions in their path Boomers will nodoubt redefine aging to suit their own agenda As exemplified in popu-lar culture with Gail Sheehyrsquos New Passages (1995) it is likely that thecloser the Boomers get to ldquooldnessrdquo the more positively they will con-struct and expand the social definitions of aging and the meaning ofldquooldnessrdquo Moreover since they have a propensity to deny or fight theaging process the term ldquooldrdquo may become reserved for only the veryold and very ill

Other key characteristics of the Boomers appear to be an overwhelm-ing sense of entitlement to what they want and the expectation of instantgratification Their lack of savings loosely defined family relation-ships search for meaning in work and consumerism health and fitnessfanaticism and high value on education are quite different from previ-ous aging generations Boomers will demand a different structure of ag-ing programs and services itrsquos unlikely that they will be content in

32 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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age-segregated communities playing golf Their diversity of experienceand means will dictate diversity in aging but it wonrsquot divorce themfrom their cohort values and expectations

Given these values one might envision retirement communities builton a Club Med model for the affluent Boomers or on a commune modelfor the less fortunate Home health care might be repackaged as fitnesscoaching Sporadic retirement ldquobreaksrdquo between joblets or volunteeringcould become the norm and leisure could be refocused on personalgrowth Though speculation can be endless and at times entertainingthe important message for scholars policy makers and service profes-sionals in trying to project future aging needs is that the construction ofthose needs as well as the acceptable responses to those needs will beframed within values that the Boomers developed some four decadesbefore

AGING IN CULTURAL AND SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Boomersrsquo values and socio-historical context will be factors to ex-plore in understanding how the social structures of aging may changeTo paraphrase Riley the Boomers will age differently than those al-ready old When the Boomers hit 65 Generation Xers will have reachedtheir political maturity GenXersrsquo values perceptions and views of theBoomer cohort will color their responsiveness to Boomer needs Theeconomic difficulties and obstacles to success that the GenXers have in-herited from the Boomers and their predecessors may create a moraleconomy that portrays the Boomers as undeserving of governmentsponsored services Furthermore it is unlikely that GenXers will behappy to each pay a third of a Boomersrsquo social security benefits as thepredicted ratio of 31 would dictate (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Currently the elderly are being blamed for all kinds of social illsfrom poor children to the federal deficient (Estes amp Binney 1991p 129) Unless this fracture is repaired in some way that addressesthe social needs of all cohorts perhaps by refocusing on need rather thanage as Neugarten (1982) has suggested it is unlikely that future cohortswill willingly subsidize the later years of those who have aged before themWe must take into account the cohort values and beliefs about their posi-tion in the social world as well as their values relative to other cohorts

Cohort cultures illuminate the reciprocal intersection of biographyand history within society and from there we can go forward toreconceptualize how best to develop and deliver aging services in the

Tracy X Karner 33

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future that most effectively utilize our social resources Indeed the pub-lic policy challenge remains one of balancing the implied promisesmade to various cohorts as they were paying into social insurance pro-grams through payroll taxes the demands that these groups will makeas they reach ldquoold agerdquo and the willingness of younger cohorts to paythe bills Each of these elements the implied promises the demands ofthe aging and the willingness of the young will be based in their cul-tural experiences and cohort values Our current structure of aging ser-vices is still based in premises about the needs and deservedness ofprevious cohorts Insightful public policy will acknowledge the shiftingcultural values about what it is to be old in our society as we begin to ad-dress the needs of the aging Boomer cohort in the context of a delicatesocial balance between the beliefs and values of those who pay andthose who receive

RECEIVED July 2000REVISED November 2000

ACCEPTED February 2001

REFERENCES

Achenbaum W A (1986) Social Security Visions and Revisions Cambridge Cam-bridge University Press

Bengtson V L amp Achenbaum W A (1993) The Changing Contract Across Gener-ations New York Aldine de Gruyter

Bengtson V L Cutler N E Mangen D J amp Marshall V W (1985) Generationscohorts and relations between age groups pp 304-338 in Handbook of Aging andthe Social Sciences 2nd Edition (Robert H Binstock and Ethel Shanas eds) NewYork Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

Brody E M (1985) Parent care as a normative family stress The Gerontologist 25(l)19-29

Cole T R (1991) The Journey of Life A Cultural History of Aging in America Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Coontz S (1992) The Way We Never Were American Families and the NostalgiaTrap New York Basic Books

Cornman J M amp Kingson E R (1996) Trends issues perspectives and values forthe aging of the baby boom cohorts The Gerontologist 36(l) 15-26

Cummings E amp Henry W F (1961) Growing Old The Process of DisengagementNew York Basic Books

Davey A amp Eggebeen D J (1998) Patterns of intergenerational exchange and men-tal health Journal of Gerontology Psychological Sciences 53B(2) 86-95

34 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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ded

by [

Nor

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ster

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rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

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Nor

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] at

13

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3 N

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ber

2014

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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Page 13: Caring for an Aging Society

common effort of all Americans on the home front or fighting in thewar Ration booklets foil drives victory gardens and sacrificing for thewar effort rallied citizens to the common cause

Hard work and savings were seen as the ways to achieve success Selfsacrifice and discipline were valued traits Cooperation mutual sup-port teamwork and community were important That the Depressionwas overcome and the ldquogoodrdquo war was won were seen as having beenachieved through joint efforts and sacrifices toward a greater commongood Authority was respected The president was seen as the leader ofthe free world Military service was honorable Tough guys were ldquorealrdquomenndashHumphrey Bogart and John Wayne were popular film stars Atombombs were dropped on the foreign lands of social ldquoothersrdquo

Issues of the elderly were just one more problem America would lickafter winning the war The median income of Social Security recipientsfell during the 1940s because benefits failed to keep up with inflation(Haber amp Gratton 1994 p 83)

Post WarEisenhower Cohort (Born Between 1928-1945)

These Americans came of age in an era of unexpected economic afflu-ence and political consensus After decidedly winning the war the suprem-acy of The American Way had been reinforced by the United Statesrsquorelative military might economic strength and anticommunitist moral cer-titude which engendered an aura of natural superiority DomesticallyAmericans espoused unquestioning belief in our social institutions and in-dividual conformity (Hodgson 1976) The political military and eco-nomic orders had become inextricably intertwined during the war and thisldquopower eliterdquo engendered a ldquoliberal ideology of consensusrdquo that permeatedthe immediate post war period with a feeling of confidence in Americanleadership (Mills 1959) The social ldquoone dimensionalityrdquo was so pervasiveas to render dissent improbable if not impossible (Marcuse 1964)

The government spread the prosperity rural America was electrifiedthe interstate highway system was developed The GI bill took manyveterans to college and helped them buy their first homes Televisionbecame popular Overnight it seemed the American Way converted arural nation to a suburban one New suburban lifestyles meant new con-sumer markets and war technology meant more consumer conve-niences Consumer choices were seen as the natural manifestation ofpolitical freedom (Smith amp Clurman 1997 pp 25-28)

Suburbs blossomed and the nuclear family was the ideal ldquoThe longheld dream of a fulfilling family life in a comfortable home seemed at

Tracy X Karner 25

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last to be coming true for millions of people not everyone was affluentor middle class but it was assumed that those left out would eventuallyget their sharerdquo (Skolnick 1991 p 50) Men returned from the warmarried and went to college on the GI bill Family life was the corner-stone of American life It was a profamily decade like no other (Coontz1992 pp 24-26)

After college ldquowhite collarrdquo and ldquoorganizational menrdquo moved up theladder as the economy continued to grow (Mills 1951 Whyte 1956)Companies valued loyalty in their employees and workers could se-curely make their entire careers within a single corporation Poor blacksand whites from the South migrated to northern urban areas in largenumbers seeking the American dream (Hodgson 1976)

Older individuals were idealized as nurturing extended fam-ilyndashldquoGrandparents on the old homesteadrdquo This image was captured inthe illustration ldquoThanksgivingrdquo by Norman Rockwell which had alarge family gathered around as Grandma brings the turkey to set infront of Grandpa at the head of a table This cohort had left the farmsand small towns of their youth and moved to the suburbs to work in themilitary-industrial complex Social Security was adjusted benefits in-creased by 77 and were extended to new populations (Achenbaum1986 p 39)

Baby Boomers 1 Cohort (Born Between 1946-1954)

This cohort is the largest and most influential in American historyThe first Baby Boomers were born during the post-war prosperity theyenjoyed unprecedented opportunities in education and employmentTheir value system is based on a sense of entitlement and a belief in con-tinued economic growth Their interests revolve around the self per-sonal goals and instant gratification (Smith amp Clurman 1997) TheseBoomers in contrast with the later Trailing Boomers are more likely tobe homeowners have better private pension programs and because of highnet earnings could have higher income from investments (Cornman ampKingson 1996)

Boomers also adhere to a more inclusive social perspective than theirpredecessors their beliefs in continued prosperity meant that there wasenough to go around for everyone The Great Society programs broughta renewed focus on eradicating poverty in the richest nation in theworld Identity politics of Civil Rights Womenrsquos Liberation Redpower Chicano power Black Panthers etc were all part of their youngadulthood

26 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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The elderly were seen as one of the disadvantaged social groups bat-tling poverty and lacking social inclusion The Older Americans Act of1965 reframed aging issues as ones of increasing rights and entitlementsPopular films such as The Mad Woman of Chaillot (1969) presented re-tired or nonworking elderly as freed from the establishment of thework-a-day world and portrayed them as eccentrics able to embrace theideals of 60s radicalism

Legislation adjusted Social Security during the 1950s so Boomersrsquograndparents retired with more money in their allotments than they hadpaid in Social Security began to provide largely unearned benefits torecipients while maintaining the myth of ldquoinsurancerdquo by pretending thatthese benefits had been earned through taxes on their wages (Haber ampGratton 1994 pp 81-82) This could have only fueled the Boomers no-tion that there would always be plenty

Medical advances during their youth meant that major illness couldbe wiped out with antibiotics or a single vaccine Boomers grew up withmassive community health programs to immunize children against po-lio measles and smallpox Antibiotics also became widely used andmany life-threatening diseases became curable Boomers took goodhealth for granted so they redefined health not as the absence of ill-ness but as being in shape This meant taking an interest in nutritionand exercise and other deliberate efforts to enhance onersquos health and fit-ness though not necessarily acting on these interests since obesity re-mains a growing problem Taking responsibility for onersquos own healthlead to a lack of respect for traditional medical treatments and an en-grossment in alternative forms of health management Boomers soughtfitness and displayed a ldquodetermination to lsquofixrsquo oneself through diet ex-ercise and mental disciplinerdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 240)

Trailing Boomers 2 Cohort (Born Between 1955-1965)

This cohort came of age in the late 70s and early 80s They grew upwith the same high expectations as the earlier Boomers but found theopportunities forestalled as they approached The hard realities ofldquostagflationrdquo oil embargoes nuclear meltdowns Iran hostages theChrysler bailout and highest unemployment levels since the Depres-sion were not what they were expecting These Boomers are predictedto enter their later years with diminished public and private pension pro-grams and with less wealth in terms of housing and investments(Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Tracy X Karner 27

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Trailing Boomersrsquo adolescent expectations combined with their eco-nomic realities to generate a new form of angry pragmatic cynicismThis group of Boomers has been more concerned with self-survival andpreservation than with personal growth This cohort was confrontedwith the notion that success was not assured and as homelessness grewthat mere survival may not be guaranteed either (Smith amp Clurman1997)

ldquoStagflationrdquo also impacted notions about aging since pensions didnot keep up with inflation Elderly advocacy groups brought issues ofaging into public view Media campaigns focused on the plight of thepoor elderly and portrayed them as frail dependent ignored and livingon pet food Ironically one-quarter of all household wealth was con-trolled by individuals 65 and older Indeed the median aged householdwealth was 150 of the median for all households (Haber amp Gratton1994)

Social Security was also projected to go bankrupt and legislative ad-justments focused on ldquofixingrdquo it The 1983 amendment raised the retire-ment age to 66 (in 2008) and 67 (in 2027) in order to ldquosaverdquo the system(Achenbaum 1986 pp 63-103) Aging issues then became issues ofaccess to environments (ie transportation physical accessibility) andservices

Generation Xers Cohort (Born between 1966ndash1977)

This cohort has only known economic volitility with no promise of acertain future This is the first cohort that has not been able to presumesuccess (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 81) They have grown up withMTV talk shows downsizing and layoffs divorce and latchkey kidsdepleting ozone Internet and the Web increasing national debt reces-sion and infomercials They have also seen the dissolution of long-termplanningndashfew believe Social Security will be there for them The in-creasing threat of nuclear war leads few to contemplate a future at allGenXers face economic and social obstacles that their Boomer parentsnever even considered and that may be even more arduous than thosefaced by the Depression cohort Some speculate that the GenerationXers will come to resemble the older cohorts more so than the Boomersbecause the context of pessimism and scarcity of the latter quarter of the20th century approximates the economic turmoil of the Great Depres-sion (Smith amp Clurman 1997) The Generation X cohort has no guaran-tees In spite of the growth of technology and stock market wealth seenby a small percentage of this cohort most GenXers have not shared in

28 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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the prosperity For the most part GenXers without skills and college de-grees have found an increasing gap between their life opportunities andthose of their educated peers (Levy 1998)

It is likely that notions of aging will shift during GenXersrsquo lifetimesBoomers may redesign retirement lessening the Social Security lienbut continuing the GenXersrsquo employment difficulties Given the familyupheavals the ever increasing geographic mobility and lower incomes(Smith amp Clurman 1997) it seems unlikely that this cohort will partici-pate heavily in familial eldercare They will have to maintain an incomefor their own survivalndashit is unlikely that there will be a ready pool of un-employed women to take on the informal caregiving tasks Growing upin divorced and blended families may also impact a GenXerrsquos sense ofduty and obligation to give care If they grew up as latchkey kids willthey be less likely to provide informal unpaid care When all thepreceeding cohorts control most of the wealth how will this cohort re-spond to their calls for assistance

The aging cohorts of today from the Depression era through theGenXers have come of age in distinct socio-historical times Each co-hort culture has reframed issues of aging and need in light of their ownbeliefs and values For the purposes of this article I narrow the discus-sion to a comparison of the Traditional Agers and Aging Baby Boom-ers

TRADITIONAL AGERS AND AGING BOOMERS

I use the term Traditional Ager to refer to cohorts that held to the lin-ear life course (seen in Figure 1) for comparison with Aging Boomerswho experienced very different life possibilities Some comparisons areuseful in illuminating the different orientations to aging as well as towhat kinds of services might be most acceptable

Traditional Agers incorporate individuals born prior to 1946 in asocio-historical context that adhered to the Figure 1 life trajectorywhich views later life as a transition to death These are the foundationalbeliefs of our current aging structures and policies The focus on illnessthe biomedicalization of aging social isolation of older adults in retire-ment or traditional nursing homes the unwillingness to fund supportiveservices and the expectation of family care all create a structure that en-forces passive aging social detachment and increasing dependency

In contrast the Aging Boomers have experienced the life expecta-tions illustrated in Figure 2 Culturally they have focused on creating

Tracy X Karner 29

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social change to fit their expectations the cult of the body the narcis-sism of recreating onersquos life through recreating onersquos self consumerismas high art and a projection of the self and many other experienceswildly different from earlier cohorts It seems likely that they will ap-proach their own aging as a task to accomplish successfully IndeedRowe and Kahnrsquos (1998) recent best seller Successful Aging provides aclear example of this orientation

Aging Boomers

Scholars have approached the ldquodemographic bulgerdquo of the AgingBaby Boomers in many ways Some attempt to predict the needs of thiscohort Silverstone (1996) explores the economic security health anddisability and social support projection for this group Others (Cornmanamp Kingson 1996) specify the problems more closely for policy and de-fine terms for a needed national conversation on aging Still others (Rob-ertson 1991) decry the apocalyptic potential My intent though focusedon a similar concern is quite different In understanding the issues andpotential changes that lie ahead as this very large cohort ages the under-lying values prevalent in society can illuminate the possibilities likelyto be accepted for addressing these concerns I am referring to the moraleconomy to some extent but more specifically to the beliefs valuesand cultures of cohorts that are likely to participate in financing accom-modating and caring for the aging Boomers Indeed understandingboth the Baby Boomer and the GenXer cultures is key for finding ouraging future With awareness of the cohortrsquos culture and historical ex-perience in concert with the demographic statistics and behavior studiesas they relate to aging issues the picture becomes clearer

There were over 76 million Baby Boomers born between 1946 and1964ndash17 million more than would have been born if fertility rates hadremained at 1940 levels (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Boomers are a di-verse group on many issues but most importantly they differ economi-cally Economically Boomers are different from preceding cohorts inthat they are less likely to own homes less likely to have saved muchand less likely to have significant investments Among the Boomersthis is most true for the Trailing Boomers who entered the labor force ina stagnant economy During 1965 to 1985 when most Boomers begantheir working careers the economy was strong enough to incorporatemost of the new workers However there was a growing trend towardinequity in income distribution from the mid 1970s on This affected thelater Boomers and minority Boomers disproportionately Additionally

30 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

the number of Boomers covered by private pension programs is de-creasing (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Diversity Within the Boomer Cohort

The obstacles to a financially secure retirement are even greater forthe more vulnerable populations among the Boomers Women and mi-nority group members who as a result of social patterns of economicracial and gender stratification find themselves with sparse or low paidwork histories face the most jeopardy Among the Boomers are ldquopoorlyeducated unskilled people whose travails in todayrsquos labor marketwill make them highly vulnerable to economic peril in later liferdquo(Silverstone 1996 p 30) Boomers include 18 million members of mi-nority groups The economic realities that they face in aging will be theculmination of discrimination patterns faced over the life course Addi-tionally the longer life expectancies of the 385 million Baby Boomerwomen will compound the financial difficulties

As sociologists have found correlations between poverty and lack ofquality medical care over the lifetime it is likely that the plight of thepoorer Boomers will also include less health and higher medical costs inlater life As even Rowe and Kahn (1998 p 37) admit poverty makesthe attainment of healthy successful aging more difficult Projectionsindicate that by 2040 55 million people will be in nursing homes and114 million will be using home care for part of the year The majority ofthese will be Baby Boomers (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) There is stillsome debate about whether the increases in life expectancy will lead toliving ldquolonger and sickerrdquo or if advances in health care and ldquosuccessfulagingrdquo will decrease the debilitating illnesses associated with advanc-ing years

Within families where most of the eldercare has been performed(Brody 1985) relationships have changed considerably for the Boomercohort Boomers had fewer children later divorced and remarried moreand entered into more diverse family arrangements Single-parent fami-lies blended families and never married households also increasedThe impact of these shifting family configurations on filial responsibil-ity and caregiving for the dependent old remains to be seen (Silverstone1996) We do know that family structures affect ldquofamily incomes re-tirement income potential for family caregiving and child rearingrdquo(Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Caregiving is currently the domain of themiddle aged adult children caring for aging parents (Uhlenberg 1996)

Tracy X Karner 31

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2014

which is dependent on available unpaid labor of female family mem-bers (Montgomery 1998)

Hareven (1994) found distinctly different cohort attitudes towardeldercare She studied a Depression era cohort and a World War II co-hort finding that the older cohort viewed family as the economic unitthat shared resources and expected that the needs of elder family mem-bers would be met within that context The younger WWII cohort wasmore concerned with improving their own lives and were more likely toaccept government assistance for their older family members Theywere also more likely to place their parents in nursing homes Thisstudy illustrates the relationship among cultural values socio-historicalinfluences and eldercare options

In looking at the economic standing of the Generation Xers the adultchildren in line to care for aging Boomers it is unlikely that theirMcJobs will support themselves let alone free up a spouse for family re-sponsibilities Also when we realize that Boomers even in middle agereceive a disproportionate amount of intergenerational support fromtheir aging parents one questions Boomerrsquos potential as caregiversDavey and Eggebeen (1998 p 93) suggest that ldquoparents do tend to pro-vide more support to children than they receive until very late in liferdquoIndeed it looks as though informal family care will be a limited optionat best for the Boomers Thus it is important to look at how formal carecan best be conceptualized and delivered to respond to their needs

Boomer Culture

As with all the other social institutions in their path Boomers will nodoubt redefine aging to suit their own agenda As exemplified in popu-lar culture with Gail Sheehyrsquos New Passages (1995) it is likely that thecloser the Boomers get to ldquooldnessrdquo the more positively they will con-struct and expand the social definitions of aging and the meaning ofldquooldnessrdquo Moreover since they have a propensity to deny or fight theaging process the term ldquooldrdquo may become reserved for only the veryold and very ill

Other key characteristics of the Boomers appear to be an overwhelm-ing sense of entitlement to what they want and the expectation of instantgratification Their lack of savings loosely defined family relation-ships search for meaning in work and consumerism health and fitnessfanaticism and high value on education are quite different from previ-ous aging generations Boomers will demand a different structure of ag-ing programs and services itrsquos unlikely that they will be content in

32 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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age-segregated communities playing golf Their diversity of experienceand means will dictate diversity in aging but it wonrsquot divorce themfrom their cohort values and expectations

Given these values one might envision retirement communities builton a Club Med model for the affluent Boomers or on a commune modelfor the less fortunate Home health care might be repackaged as fitnesscoaching Sporadic retirement ldquobreaksrdquo between joblets or volunteeringcould become the norm and leisure could be refocused on personalgrowth Though speculation can be endless and at times entertainingthe important message for scholars policy makers and service profes-sionals in trying to project future aging needs is that the construction ofthose needs as well as the acceptable responses to those needs will beframed within values that the Boomers developed some four decadesbefore

AGING IN CULTURAL AND SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Boomersrsquo values and socio-historical context will be factors to ex-plore in understanding how the social structures of aging may changeTo paraphrase Riley the Boomers will age differently than those al-ready old When the Boomers hit 65 Generation Xers will have reachedtheir political maturity GenXersrsquo values perceptions and views of theBoomer cohort will color their responsiveness to Boomer needs Theeconomic difficulties and obstacles to success that the GenXers have in-herited from the Boomers and their predecessors may create a moraleconomy that portrays the Boomers as undeserving of governmentsponsored services Furthermore it is unlikely that GenXers will behappy to each pay a third of a Boomersrsquo social security benefits as thepredicted ratio of 31 would dictate (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Currently the elderly are being blamed for all kinds of social illsfrom poor children to the federal deficient (Estes amp Binney 1991p 129) Unless this fracture is repaired in some way that addressesthe social needs of all cohorts perhaps by refocusing on need rather thanage as Neugarten (1982) has suggested it is unlikely that future cohortswill willingly subsidize the later years of those who have aged before themWe must take into account the cohort values and beliefs about their posi-tion in the social world as well as their values relative to other cohorts

Cohort cultures illuminate the reciprocal intersection of biographyand history within society and from there we can go forward toreconceptualize how best to develop and deliver aging services in the

Tracy X Karner 33

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future that most effectively utilize our social resources Indeed the pub-lic policy challenge remains one of balancing the implied promisesmade to various cohorts as they were paying into social insurance pro-grams through payroll taxes the demands that these groups will makeas they reach ldquoold agerdquo and the willingness of younger cohorts to paythe bills Each of these elements the implied promises the demands ofthe aging and the willingness of the young will be based in their cul-tural experiences and cohort values Our current structure of aging ser-vices is still based in premises about the needs and deservedness ofprevious cohorts Insightful public policy will acknowledge the shiftingcultural values about what it is to be old in our society as we begin to ad-dress the needs of the aging Boomer cohort in the context of a delicatesocial balance between the beliefs and values of those who pay andthose who receive

RECEIVED July 2000REVISED November 2000

ACCEPTED February 2001

REFERENCES

Achenbaum W A (1986) Social Security Visions and Revisions Cambridge Cam-bridge University Press

Bengtson V L amp Achenbaum W A (1993) The Changing Contract Across Gener-ations New York Aldine de Gruyter

Bengtson V L Cutler N E Mangen D J amp Marshall V W (1985) Generationscohorts and relations between age groups pp 304-338 in Handbook of Aging andthe Social Sciences 2nd Edition (Robert H Binstock and Ethel Shanas eds) NewYork Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

Brody E M (1985) Parent care as a normative family stress The Gerontologist 25(l)19-29

Cole T R (1991) The Journey of Life A Cultural History of Aging in America Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Coontz S (1992) The Way We Never Were American Families and the NostalgiaTrap New York Basic Books

Cornman J M amp Kingson E R (1996) Trends issues perspectives and values forthe aging of the baby boom cohorts The Gerontologist 36(l) 15-26

Cummings E amp Henry W F (1961) Growing Old The Process of DisengagementNew York Basic Books

Davey A amp Eggebeen D J (1998) Patterns of intergenerational exchange and men-tal health Journal of Gerontology Psychological Sciences 53B(2) 86-95

34 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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] at

13

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ovem

ber

2014

Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

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rsity

] at

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ber

2014

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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Page 14: Caring for an Aging Society

last to be coming true for millions of people not everyone was affluentor middle class but it was assumed that those left out would eventuallyget their sharerdquo (Skolnick 1991 p 50) Men returned from the warmarried and went to college on the GI bill Family life was the corner-stone of American life It was a profamily decade like no other (Coontz1992 pp 24-26)

After college ldquowhite collarrdquo and ldquoorganizational menrdquo moved up theladder as the economy continued to grow (Mills 1951 Whyte 1956)Companies valued loyalty in their employees and workers could se-curely make their entire careers within a single corporation Poor blacksand whites from the South migrated to northern urban areas in largenumbers seeking the American dream (Hodgson 1976)

Older individuals were idealized as nurturing extended fam-ilyndashldquoGrandparents on the old homesteadrdquo This image was captured inthe illustration ldquoThanksgivingrdquo by Norman Rockwell which had alarge family gathered around as Grandma brings the turkey to set infront of Grandpa at the head of a table This cohort had left the farmsand small towns of their youth and moved to the suburbs to work in themilitary-industrial complex Social Security was adjusted benefits in-creased by 77 and were extended to new populations (Achenbaum1986 p 39)

Baby Boomers 1 Cohort (Born Between 1946-1954)

This cohort is the largest and most influential in American historyThe first Baby Boomers were born during the post-war prosperity theyenjoyed unprecedented opportunities in education and employmentTheir value system is based on a sense of entitlement and a belief in con-tinued economic growth Their interests revolve around the self per-sonal goals and instant gratification (Smith amp Clurman 1997) TheseBoomers in contrast with the later Trailing Boomers are more likely tobe homeowners have better private pension programs and because of highnet earnings could have higher income from investments (Cornman ampKingson 1996)

Boomers also adhere to a more inclusive social perspective than theirpredecessors their beliefs in continued prosperity meant that there wasenough to go around for everyone The Great Society programs broughta renewed focus on eradicating poverty in the richest nation in theworld Identity politics of Civil Rights Womenrsquos Liberation Redpower Chicano power Black Panthers etc were all part of their youngadulthood

26 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

The elderly were seen as one of the disadvantaged social groups bat-tling poverty and lacking social inclusion The Older Americans Act of1965 reframed aging issues as ones of increasing rights and entitlementsPopular films such as The Mad Woman of Chaillot (1969) presented re-tired or nonworking elderly as freed from the establishment of thework-a-day world and portrayed them as eccentrics able to embrace theideals of 60s radicalism

Legislation adjusted Social Security during the 1950s so Boomersrsquograndparents retired with more money in their allotments than they hadpaid in Social Security began to provide largely unearned benefits torecipients while maintaining the myth of ldquoinsurancerdquo by pretending thatthese benefits had been earned through taxes on their wages (Haber ampGratton 1994 pp 81-82) This could have only fueled the Boomers no-tion that there would always be plenty

Medical advances during their youth meant that major illness couldbe wiped out with antibiotics or a single vaccine Boomers grew up withmassive community health programs to immunize children against po-lio measles and smallpox Antibiotics also became widely used andmany life-threatening diseases became curable Boomers took goodhealth for granted so they redefined health not as the absence of ill-ness but as being in shape This meant taking an interest in nutritionand exercise and other deliberate efforts to enhance onersquos health and fit-ness though not necessarily acting on these interests since obesity re-mains a growing problem Taking responsibility for onersquos own healthlead to a lack of respect for traditional medical treatments and an en-grossment in alternative forms of health management Boomers soughtfitness and displayed a ldquodetermination to lsquofixrsquo oneself through diet ex-ercise and mental disciplinerdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 240)

Trailing Boomers 2 Cohort (Born Between 1955-1965)

This cohort came of age in the late 70s and early 80s They grew upwith the same high expectations as the earlier Boomers but found theopportunities forestalled as they approached The hard realities ofldquostagflationrdquo oil embargoes nuclear meltdowns Iran hostages theChrysler bailout and highest unemployment levels since the Depres-sion were not what they were expecting These Boomers are predictedto enter their later years with diminished public and private pension pro-grams and with less wealth in terms of housing and investments(Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Tracy X Karner 27

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Trailing Boomersrsquo adolescent expectations combined with their eco-nomic realities to generate a new form of angry pragmatic cynicismThis group of Boomers has been more concerned with self-survival andpreservation than with personal growth This cohort was confrontedwith the notion that success was not assured and as homelessness grewthat mere survival may not be guaranteed either (Smith amp Clurman1997)

ldquoStagflationrdquo also impacted notions about aging since pensions didnot keep up with inflation Elderly advocacy groups brought issues ofaging into public view Media campaigns focused on the plight of thepoor elderly and portrayed them as frail dependent ignored and livingon pet food Ironically one-quarter of all household wealth was con-trolled by individuals 65 and older Indeed the median aged householdwealth was 150 of the median for all households (Haber amp Gratton1994)

Social Security was also projected to go bankrupt and legislative ad-justments focused on ldquofixingrdquo it The 1983 amendment raised the retire-ment age to 66 (in 2008) and 67 (in 2027) in order to ldquosaverdquo the system(Achenbaum 1986 pp 63-103) Aging issues then became issues ofaccess to environments (ie transportation physical accessibility) andservices

Generation Xers Cohort (Born between 1966ndash1977)

This cohort has only known economic volitility with no promise of acertain future This is the first cohort that has not been able to presumesuccess (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 81) They have grown up withMTV talk shows downsizing and layoffs divorce and latchkey kidsdepleting ozone Internet and the Web increasing national debt reces-sion and infomercials They have also seen the dissolution of long-termplanningndashfew believe Social Security will be there for them The in-creasing threat of nuclear war leads few to contemplate a future at allGenXers face economic and social obstacles that their Boomer parentsnever even considered and that may be even more arduous than thosefaced by the Depression cohort Some speculate that the GenerationXers will come to resemble the older cohorts more so than the Boomersbecause the context of pessimism and scarcity of the latter quarter of the20th century approximates the economic turmoil of the Great Depres-sion (Smith amp Clurman 1997) The Generation X cohort has no guaran-tees In spite of the growth of technology and stock market wealth seenby a small percentage of this cohort most GenXers have not shared in

28 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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the prosperity For the most part GenXers without skills and college de-grees have found an increasing gap between their life opportunities andthose of their educated peers (Levy 1998)

It is likely that notions of aging will shift during GenXersrsquo lifetimesBoomers may redesign retirement lessening the Social Security lienbut continuing the GenXersrsquo employment difficulties Given the familyupheavals the ever increasing geographic mobility and lower incomes(Smith amp Clurman 1997) it seems unlikely that this cohort will partici-pate heavily in familial eldercare They will have to maintain an incomefor their own survivalndashit is unlikely that there will be a ready pool of un-employed women to take on the informal caregiving tasks Growing upin divorced and blended families may also impact a GenXerrsquos sense ofduty and obligation to give care If they grew up as latchkey kids willthey be less likely to provide informal unpaid care When all thepreceeding cohorts control most of the wealth how will this cohort re-spond to their calls for assistance

The aging cohorts of today from the Depression era through theGenXers have come of age in distinct socio-historical times Each co-hort culture has reframed issues of aging and need in light of their ownbeliefs and values For the purposes of this article I narrow the discus-sion to a comparison of the Traditional Agers and Aging Baby Boom-ers

TRADITIONAL AGERS AND AGING BOOMERS

I use the term Traditional Ager to refer to cohorts that held to the lin-ear life course (seen in Figure 1) for comparison with Aging Boomerswho experienced very different life possibilities Some comparisons areuseful in illuminating the different orientations to aging as well as towhat kinds of services might be most acceptable

Traditional Agers incorporate individuals born prior to 1946 in asocio-historical context that adhered to the Figure 1 life trajectorywhich views later life as a transition to death These are the foundationalbeliefs of our current aging structures and policies The focus on illnessthe biomedicalization of aging social isolation of older adults in retire-ment or traditional nursing homes the unwillingness to fund supportiveservices and the expectation of family care all create a structure that en-forces passive aging social detachment and increasing dependency

In contrast the Aging Boomers have experienced the life expecta-tions illustrated in Figure 2 Culturally they have focused on creating

Tracy X Karner 29

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social change to fit their expectations the cult of the body the narcis-sism of recreating onersquos life through recreating onersquos self consumerismas high art and a projection of the self and many other experienceswildly different from earlier cohorts It seems likely that they will ap-proach their own aging as a task to accomplish successfully IndeedRowe and Kahnrsquos (1998) recent best seller Successful Aging provides aclear example of this orientation

Aging Boomers

Scholars have approached the ldquodemographic bulgerdquo of the AgingBaby Boomers in many ways Some attempt to predict the needs of thiscohort Silverstone (1996) explores the economic security health anddisability and social support projection for this group Others (Cornmanamp Kingson 1996) specify the problems more closely for policy and de-fine terms for a needed national conversation on aging Still others (Rob-ertson 1991) decry the apocalyptic potential My intent though focusedon a similar concern is quite different In understanding the issues andpotential changes that lie ahead as this very large cohort ages the under-lying values prevalent in society can illuminate the possibilities likelyto be accepted for addressing these concerns I am referring to the moraleconomy to some extent but more specifically to the beliefs valuesand cultures of cohorts that are likely to participate in financing accom-modating and caring for the aging Boomers Indeed understandingboth the Baby Boomer and the GenXer cultures is key for finding ouraging future With awareness of the cohortrsquos culture and historical ex-perience in concert with the demographic statistics and behavior studiesas they relate to aging issues the picture becomes clearer

There were over 76 million Baby Boomers born between 1946 and1964ndash17 million more than would have been born if fertility rates hadremained at 1940 levels (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Boomers are a di-verse group on many issues but most importantly they differ economi-cally Economically Boomers are different from preceding cohorts inthat they are less likely to own homes less likely to have saved muchand less likely to have significant investments Among the Boomersthis is most true for the Trailing Boomers who entered the labor force ina stagnant economy During 1965 to 1985 when most Boomers begantheir working careers the economy was strong enough to incorporatemost of the new workers However there was a growing trend towardinequity in income distribution from the mid 1970s on This affected thelater Boomers and minority Boomers disproportionately Additionally

30 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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the number of Boomers covered by private pension programs is de-creasing (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Diversity Within the Boomer Cohort

The obstacles to a financially secure retirement are even greater forthe more vulnerable populations among the Boomers Women and mi-nority group members who as a result of social patterns of economicracial and gender stratification find themselves with sparse or low paidwork histories face the most jeopardy Among the Boomers are ldquopoorlyeducated unskilled people whose travails in todayrsquos labor marketwill make them highly vulnerable to economic peril in later liferdquo(Silverstone 1996 p 30) Boomers include 18 million members of mi-nority groups The economic realities that they face in aging will be theculmination of discrimination patterns faced over the life course Addi-tionally the longer life expectancies of the 385 million Baby Boomerwomen will compound the financial difficulties

As sociologists have found correlations between poverty and lack ofquality medical care over the lifetime it is likely that the plight of thepoorer Boomers will also include less health and higher medical costs inlater life As even Rowe and Kahn (1998 p 37) admit poverty makesthe attainment of healthy successful aging more difficult Projectionsindicate that by 2040 55 million people will be in nursing homes and114 million will be using home care for part of the year The majority ofthese will be Baby Boomers (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) There is stillsome debate about whether the increases in life expectancy will lead toliving ldquolonger and sickerrdquo or if advances in health care and ldquosuccessfulagingrdquo will decrease the debilitating illnesses associated with advanc-ing years

Within families where most of the eldercare has been performed(Brody 1985) relationships have changed considerably for the Boomercohort Boomers had fewer children later divorced and remarried moreand entered into more diverse family arrangements Single-parent fami-lies blended families and never married households also increasedThe impact of these shifting family configurations on filial responsibil-ity and caregiving for the dependent old remains to be seen (Silverstone1996) We do know that family structures affect ldquofamily incomes re-tirement income potential for family caregiving and child rearingrdquo(Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Caregiving is currently the domain of themiddle aged adult children caring for aging parents (Uhlenberg 1996)

Tracy X Karner 31

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which is dependent on available unpaid labor of female family mem-bers (Montgomery 1998)

Hareven (1994) found distinctly different cohort attitudes towardeldercare She studied a Depression era cohort and a World War II co-hort finding that the older cohort viewed family as the economic unitthat shared resources and expected that the needs of elder family mem-bers would be met within that context The younger WWII cohort wasmore concerned with improving their own lives and were more likely toaccept government assistance for their older family members Theywere also more likely to place their parents in nursing homes Thisstudy illustrates the relationship among cultural values socio-historicalinfluences and eldercare options

In looking at the economic standing of the Generation Xers the adultchildren in line to care for aging Boomers it is unlikely that theirMcJobs will support themselves let alone free up a spouse for family re-sponsibilities Also when we realize that Boomers even in middle agereceive a disproportionate amount of intergenerational support fromtheir aging parents one questions Boomerrsquos potential as caregiversDavey and Eggebeen (1998 p 93) suggest that ldquoparents do tend to pro-vide more support to children than they receive until very late in liferdquoIndeed it looks as though informal family care will be a limited optionat best for the Boomers Thus it is important to look at how formal carecan best be conceptualized and delivered to respond to their needs

Boomer Culture

As with all the other social institutions in their path Boomers will nodoubt redefine aging to suit their own agenda As exemplified in popu-lar culture with Gail Sheehyrsquos New Passages (1995) it is likely that thecloser the Boomers get to ldquooldnessrdquo the more positively they will con-struct and expand the social definitions of aging and the meaning ofldquooldnessrdquo Moreover since they have a propensity to deny or fight theaging process the term ldquooldrdquo may become reserved for only the veryold and very ill

Other key characteristics of the Boomers appear to be an overwhelm-ing sense of entitlement to what they want and the expectation of instantgratification Their lack of savings loosely defined family relation-ships search for meaning in work and consumerism health and fitnessfanaticism and high value on education are quite different from previ-ous aging generations Boomers will demand a different structure of ag-ing programs and services itrsquos unlikely that they will be content in

32 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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rsity

] at

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3 N

ovem

ber

2014

age-segregated communities playing golf Their diversity of experienceand means will dictate diversity in aging but it wonrsquot divorce themfrom their cohort values and expectations

Given these values one might envision retirement communities builton a Club Med model for the affluent Boomers or on a commune modelfor the less fortunate Home health care might be repackaged as fitnesscoaching Sporadic retirement ldquobreaksrdquo between joblets or volunteeringcould become the norm and leisure could be refocused on personalgrowth Though speculation can be endless and at times entertainingthe important message for scholars policy makers and service profes-sionals in trying to project future aging needs is that the construction ofthose needs as well as the acceptable responses to those needs will beframed within values that the Boomers developed some four decadesbefore

AGING IN CULTURAL AND SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Boomersrsquo values and socio-historical context will be factors to ex-plore in understanding how the social structures of aging may changeTo paraphrase Riley the Boomers will age differently than those al-ready old When the Boomers hit 65 Generation Xers will have reachedtheir political maturity GenXersrsquo values perceptions and views of theBoomer cohort will color their responsiveness to Boomer needs Theeconomic difficulties and obstacles to success that the GenXers have in-herited from the Boomers and their predecessors may create a moraleconomy that portrays the Boomers as undeserving of governmentsponsored services Furthermore it is unlikely that GenXers will behappy to each pay a third of a Boomersrsquo social security benefits as thepredicted ratio of 31 would dictate (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Currently the elderly are being blamed for all kinds of social illsfrom poor children to the federal deficient (Estes amp Binney 1991p 129) Unless this fracture is repaired in some way that addressesthe social needs of all cohorts perhaps by refocusing on need rather thanage as Neugarten (1982) has suggested it is unlikely that future cohortswill willingly subsidize the later years of those who have aged before themWe must take into account the cohort values and beliefs about their posi-tion in the social world as well as their values relative to other cohorts

Cohort cultures illuminate the reciprocal intersection of biographyand history within society and from there we can go forward toreconceptualize how best to develop and deliver aging services in the

Tracy X Karner 33

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2014

future that most effectively utilize our social resources Indeed the pub-lic policy challenge remains one of balancing the implied promisesmade to various cohorts as they were paying into social insurance pro-grams through payroll taxes the demands that these groups will makeas they reach ldquoold agerdquo and the willingness of younger cohorts to paythe bills Each of these elements the implied promises the demands ofthe aging and the willingness of the young will be based in their cul-tural experiences and cohort values Our current structure of aging ser-vices is still based in premises about the needs and deservedness ofprevious cohorts Insightful public policy will acknowledge the shiftingcultural values about what it is to be old in our society as we begin to ad-dress the needs of the aging Boomer cohort in the context of a delicatesocial balance between the beliefs and values of those who pay andthose who receive

RECEIVED July 2000REVISED November 2000

ACCEPTED February 2001

REFERENCES

Achenbaum W A (1986) Social Security Visions and Revisions Cambridge Cam-bridge University Press

Bengtson V L amp Achenbaum W A (1993) The Changing Contract Across Gener-ations New York Aldine de Gruyter

Bengtson V L Cutler N E Mangen D J amp Marshall V W (1985) Generationscohorts and relations between age groups pp 304-338 in Handbook of Aging andthe Social Sciences 2nd Edition (Robert H Binstock and Ethel Shanas eds) NewYork Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

Brody E M (1985) Parent care as a normative family stress The Gerontologist 25(l)19-29

Cole T R (1991) The Journey of Life A Cultural History of Aging in America Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Coontz S (1992) The Way We Never Were American Families and the NostalgiaTrap New York Basic Books

Cornman J M amp Kingson E R (1996) Trends issues perspectives and values forthe aging of the baby boom cohorts The Gerontologist 36(l) 15-26

Cummings E amp Henry W F (1961) Growing Old The Process of DisengagementNew York Basic Books

Davey A amp Eggebeen D J (1998) Patterns of intergenerational exchange and men-tal health Journal of Gerontology Psychological Sciences 53B(2) 86-95

34 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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] at

13

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ber

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Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

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] at

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ber

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Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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Page 15: Caring for an Aging Society

The elderly were seen as one of the disadvantaged social groups bat-tling poverty and lacking social inclusion The Older Americans Act of1965 reframed aging issues as ones of increasing rights and entitlementsPopular films such as The Mad Woman of Chaillot (1969) presented re-tired or nonworking elderly as freed from the establishment of thework-a-day world and portrayed them as eccentrics able to embrace theideals of 60s radicalism

Legislation adjusted Social Security during the 1950s so Boomersrsquograndparents retired with more money in their allotments than they hadpaid in Social Security began to provide largely unearned benefits torecipients while maintaining the myth of ldquoinsurancerdquo by pretending thatthese benefits had been earned through taxes on their wages (Haber ampGratton 1994 pp 81-82) This could have only fueled the Boomers no-tion that there would always be plenty

Medical advances during their youth meant that major illness couldbe wiped out with antibiotics or a single vaccine Boomers grew up withmassive community health programs to immunize children against po-lio measles and smallpox Antibiotics also became widely used andmany life-threatening diseases became curable Boomers took goodhealth for granted so they redefined health not as the absence of ill-ness but as being in shape This meant taking an interest in nutritionand exercise and other deliberate efforts to enhance onersquos health and fit-ness though not necessarily acting on these interests since obesity re-mains a growing problem Taking responsibility for onersquos own healthlead to a lack of respect for traditional medical treatments and an en-grossment in alternative forms of health management Boomers soughtfitness and displayed a ldquodetermination to lsquofixrsquo oneself through diet ex-ercise and mental disciplinerdquo (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 240)

Trailing Boomers 2 Cohort (Born Between 1955-1965)

This cohort came of age in the late 70s and early 80s They grew upwith the same high expectations as the earlier Boomers but found theopportunities forestalled as they approached The hard realities ofldquostagflationrdquo oil embargoes nuclear meltdowns Iran hostages theChrysler bailout and highest unemployment levels since the Depres-sion were not what they were expecting These Boomers are predictedto enter their later years with diminished public and private pension pro-grams and with less wealth in terms of housing and investments(Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Tracy X Karner 27

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Trailing Boomersrsquo adolescent expectations combined with their eco-nomic realities to generate a new form of angry pragmatic cynicismThis group of Boomers has been more concerned with self-survival andpreservation than with personal growth This cohort was confrontedwith the notion that success was not assured and as homelessness grewthat mere survival may not be guaranteed either (Smith amp Clurman1997)

ldquoStagflationrdquo also impacted notions about aging since pensions didnot keep up with inflation Elderly advocacy groups brought issues ofaging into public view Media campaigns focused on the plight of thepoor elderly and portrayed them as frail dependent ignored and livingon pet food Ironically one-quarter of all household wealth was con-trolled by individuals 65 and older Indeed the median aged householdwealth was 150 of the median for all households (Haber amp Gratton1994)

Social Security was also projected to go bankrupt and legislative ad-justments focused on ldquofixingrdquo it The 1983 amendment raised the retire-ment age to 66 (in 2008) and 67 (in 2027) in order to ldquosaverdquo the system(Achenbaum 1986 pp 63-103) Aging issues then became issues ofaccess to environments (ie transportation physical accessibility) andservices

Generation Xers Cohort (Born between 1966ndash1977)

This cohort has only known economic volitility with no promise of acertain future This is the first cohort that has not been able to presumesuccess (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 81) They have grown up withMTV talk shows downsizing and layoffs divorce and latchkey kidsdepleting ozone Internet and the Web increasing national debt reces-sion and infomercials They have also seen the dissolution of long-termplanningndashfew believe Social Security will be there for them The in-creasing threat of nuclear war leads few to contemplate a future at allGenXers face economic and social obstacles that their Boomer parentsnever even considered and that may be even more arduous than thosefaced by the Depression cohort Some speculate that the GenerationXers will come to resemble the older cohorts more so than the Boomersbecause the context of pessimism and scarcity of the latter quarter of the20th century approximates the economic turmoil of the Great Depres-sion (Smith amp Clurman 1997) The Generation X cohort has no guaran-tees In spite of the growth of technology and stock market wealth seenby a small percentage of this cohort most GenXers have not shared in

28 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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the prosperity For the most part GenXers without skills and college de-grees have found an increasing gap between their life opportunities andthose of their educated peers (Levy 1998)

It is likely that notions of aging will shift during GenXersrsquo lifetimesBoomers may redesign retirement lessening the Social Security lienbut continuing the GenXersrsquo employment difficulties Given the familyupheavals the ever increasing geographic mobility and lower incomes(Smith amp Clurman 1997) it seems unlikely that this cohort will partici-pate heavily in familial eldercare They will have to maintain an incomefor their own survivalndashit is unlikely that there will be a ready pool of un-employed women to take on the informal caregiving tasks Growing upin divorced and blended families may also impact a GenXerrsquos sense ofduty and obligation to give care If they grew up as latchkey kids willthey be less likely to provide informal unpaid care When all thepreceeding cohorts control most of the wealth how will this cohort re-spond to their calls for assistance

The aging cohorts of today from the Depression era through theGenXers have come of age in distinct socio-historical times Each co-hort culture has reframed issues of aging and need in light of their ownbeliefs and values For the purposes of this article I narrow the discus-sion to a comparison of the Traditional Agers and Aging Baby Boom-ers

TRADITIONAL AGERS AND AGING BOOMERS

I use the term Traditional Ager to refer to cohorts that held to the lin-ear life course (seen in Figure 1) for comparison with Aging Boomerswho experienced very different life possibilities Some comparisons areuseful in illuminating the different orientations to aging as well as towhat kinds of services might be most acceptable

Traditional Agers incorporate individuals born prior to 1946 in asocio-historical context that adhered to the Figure 1 life trajectorywhich views later life as a transition to death These are the foundationalbeliefs of our current aging structures and policies The focus on illnessthe biomedicalization of aging social isolation of older adults in retire-ment or traditional nursing homes the unwillingness to fund supportiveservices and the expectation of family care all create a structure that en-forces passive aging social detachment and increasing dependency

In contrast the Aging Boomers have experienced the life expecta-tions illustrated in Figure 2 Culturally they have focused on creating

Tracy X Karner 29

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social change to fit their expectations the cult of the body the narcis-sism of recreating onersquos life through recreating onersquos self consumerismas high art and a projection of the self and many other experienceswildly different from earlier cohorts It seems likely that they will ap-proach their own aging as a task to accomplish successfully IndeedRowe and Kahnrsquos (1998) recent best seller Successful Aging provides aclear example of this orientation

Aging Boomers

Scholars have approached the ldquodemographic bulgerdquo of the AgingBaby Boomers in many ways Some attempt to predict the needs of thiscohort Silverstone (1996) explores the economic security health anddisability and social support projection for this group Others (Cornmanamp Kingson 1996) specify the problems more closely for policy and de-fine terms for a needed national conversation on aging Still others (Rob-ertson 1991) decry the apocalyptic potential My intent though focusedon a similar concern is quite different In understanding the issues andpotential changes that lie ahead as this very large cohort ages the under-lying values prevalent in society can illuminate the possibilities likelyto be accepted for addressing these concerns I am referring to the moraleconomy to some extent but more specifically to the beliefs valuesand cultures of cohorts that are likely to participate in financing accom-modating and caring for the aging Boomers Indeed understandingboth the Baby Boomer and the GenXer cultures is key for finding ouraging future With awareness of the cohortrsquos culture and historical ex-perience in concert with the demographic statistics and behavior studiesas they relate to aging issues the picture becomes clearer

There were over 76 million Baby Boomers born between 1946 and1964ndash17 million more than would have been born if fertility rates hadremained at 1940 levels (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Boomers are a di-verse group on many issues but most importantly they differ economi-cally Economically Boomers are different from preceding cohorts inthat they are less likely to own homes less likely to have saved muchand less likely to have significant investments Among the Boomersthis is most true for the Trailing Boomers who entered the labor force ina stagnant economy During 1965 to 1985 when most Boomers begantheir working careers the economy was strong enough to incorporatemost of the new workers However there was a growing trend towardinequity in income distribution from the mid 1970s on This affected thelater Boomers and minority Boomers disproportionately Additionally

30 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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the number of Boomers covered by private pension programs is de-creasing (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Diversity Within the Boomer Cohort

The obstacles to a financially secure retirement are even greater forthe more vulnerable populations among the Boomers Women and mi-nority group members who as a result of social patterns of economicracial and gender stratification find themselves with sparse or low paidwork histories face the most jeopardy Among the Boomers are ldquopoorlyeducated unskilled people whose travails in todayrsquos labor marketwill make them highly vulnerable to economic peril in later liferdquo(Silverstone 1996 p 30) Boomers include 18 million members of mi-nority groups The economic realities that they face in aging will be theculmination of discrimination patterns faced over the life course Addi-tionally the longer life expectancies of the 385 million Baby Boomerwomen will compound the financial difficulties

As sociologists have found correlations between poverty and lack ofquality medical care over the lifetime it is likely that the plight of thepoorer Boomers will also include less health and higher medical costs inlater life As even Rowe and Kahn (1998 p 37) admit poverty makesthe attainment of healthy successful aging more difficult Projectionsindicate that by 2040 55 million people will be in nursing homes and114 million will be using home care for part of the year The majority ofthese will be Baby Boomers (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) There is stillsome debate about whether the increases in life expectancy will lead toliving ldquolonger and sickerrdquo or if advances in health care and ldquosuccessfulagingrdquo will decrease the debilitating illnesses associated with advanc-ing years

Within families where most of the eldercare has been performed(Brody 1985) relationships have changed considerably for the Boomercohort Boomers had fewer children later divorced and remarried moreand entered into more diverse family arrangements Single-parent fami-lies blended families and never married households also increasedThe impact of these shifting family configurations on filial responsibil-ity and caregiving for the dependent old remains to be seen (Silverstone1996) We do know that family structures affect ldquofamily incomes re-tirement income potential for family caregiving and child rearingrdquo(Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Caregiving is currently the domain of themiddle aged adult children caring for aging parents (Uhlenberg 1996)

Tracy X Karner 31

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which is dependent on available unpaid labor of female family mem-bers (Montgomery 1998)

Hareven (1994) found distinctly different cohort attitudes towardeldercare She studied a Depression era cohort and a World War II co-hort finding that the older cohort viewed family as the economic unitthat shared resources and expected that the needs of elder family mem-bers would be met within that context The younger WWII cohort wasmore concerned with improving their own lives and were more likely toaccept government assistance for their older family members Theywere also more likely to place their parents in nursing homes Thisstudy illustrates the relationship among cultural values socio-historicalinfluences and eldercare options

In looking at the economic standing of the Generation Xers the adultchildren in line to care for aging Boomers it is unlikely that theirMcJobs will support themselves let alone free up a spouse for family re-sponsibilities Also when we realize that Boomers even in middle agereceive a disproportionate amount of intergenerational support fromtheir aging parents one questions Boomerrsquos potential as caregiversDavey and Eggebeen (1998 p 93) suggest that ldquoparents do tend to pro-vide more support to children than they receive until very late in liferdquoIndeed it looks as though informal family care will be a limited optionat best for the Boomers Thus it is important to look at how formal carecan best be conceptualized and delivered to respond to their needs

Boomer Culture

As with all the other social institutions in their path Boomers will nodoubt redefine aging to suit their own agenda As exemplified in popu-lar culture with Gail Sheehyrsquos New Passages (1995) it is likely that thecloser the Boomers get to ldquooldnessrdquo the more positively they will con-struct and expand the social definitions of aging and the meaning ofldquooldnessrdquo Moreover since they have a propensity to deny or fight theaging process the term ldquooldrdquo may become reserved for only the veryold and very ill

Other key characteristics of the Boomers appear to be an overwhelm-ing sense of entitlement to what they want and the expectation of instantgratification Their lack of savings loosely defined family relation-ships search for meaning in work and consumerism health and fitnessfanaticism and high value on education are quite different from previ-ous aging generations Boomers will demand a different structure of ag-ing programs and services itrsquos unlikely that they will be content in

32 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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age-segregated communities playing golf Their diversity of experienceand means will dictate diversity in aging but it wonrsquot divorce themfrom their cohort values and expectations

Given these values one might envision retirement communities builton a Club Med model for the affluent Boomers or on a commune modelfor the less fortunate Home health care might be repackaged as fitnesscoaching Sporadic retirement ldquobreaksrdquo between joblets or volunteeringcould become the norm and leisure could be refocused on personalgrowth Though speculation can be endless and at times entertainingthe important message for scholars policy makers and service profes-sionals in trying to project future aging needs is that the construction ofthose needs as well as the acceptable responses to those needs will beframed within values that the Boomers developed some four decadesbefore

AGING IN CULTURAL AND SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Boomersrsquo values and socio-historical context will be factors to ex-plore in understanding how the social structures of aging may changeTo paraphrase Riley the Boomers will age differently than those al-ready old When the Boomers hit 65 Generation Xers will have reachedtheir political maturity GenXersrsquo values perceptions and views of theBoomer cohort will color their responsiveness to Boomer needs Theeconomic difficulties and obstacles to success that the GenXers have in-herited from the Boomers and their predecessors may create a moraleconomy that portrays the Boomers as undeserving of governmentsponsored services Furthermore it is unlikely that GenXers will behappy to each pay a third of a Boomersrsquo social security benefits as thepredicted ratio of 31 would dictate (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Currently the elderly are being blamed for all kinds of social illsfrom poor children to the federal deficient (Estes amp Binney 1991p 129) Unless this fracture is repaired in some way that addressesthe social needs of all cohorts perhaps by refocusing on need rather thanage as Neugarten (1982) has suggested it is unlikely that future cohortswill willingly subsidize the later years of those who have aged before themWe must take into account the cohort values and beliefs about their posi-tion in the social world as well as their values relative to other cohorts

Cohort cultures illuminate the reciprocal intersection of biographyand history within society and from there we can go forward toreconceptualize how best to develop and deliver aging services in the

Tracy X Karner 33

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future that most effectively utilize our social resources Indeed the pub-lic policy challenge remains one of balancing the implied promisesmade to various cohorts as they were paying into social insurance pro-grams through payroll taxes the demands that these groups will makeas they reach ldquoold agerdquo and the willingness of younger cohorts to paythe bills Each of these elements the implied promises the demands ofthe aging and the willingness of the young will be based in their cul-tural experiences and cohort values Our current structure of aging ser-vices is still based in premises about the needs and deservedness ofprevious cohorts Insightful public policy will acknowledge the shiftingcultural values about what it is to be old in our society as we begin to ad-dress the needs of the aging Boomer cohort in the context of a delicatesocial balance between the beliefs and values of those who pay andthose who receive

RECEIVED July 2000REVISED November 2000

ACCEPTED February 2001

REFERENCES

Achenbaum W A (1986) Social Security Visions and Revisions Cambridge Cam-bridge University Press

Bengtson V L amp Achenbaum W A (1993) The Changing Contract Across Gener-ations New York Aldine de Gruyter

Bengtson V L Cutler N E Mangen D J amp Marshall V W (1985) Generationscohorts and relations between age groups pp 304-338 in Handbook of Aging andthe Social Sciences 2nd Edition (Robert H Binstock and Ethel Shanas eds) NewYork Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

Brody E M (1985) Parent care as a normative family stress The Gerontologist 25(l)19-29

Cole T R (1991) The Journey of Life A Cultural History of Aging in America Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Coontz S (1992) The Way We Never Were American Families and the NostalgiaTrap New York Basic Books

Cornman J M amp Kingson E R (1996) Trends issues perspectives and values forthe aging of the baby boom cohorts The Gerontologist 36(l) 15-26

Cummings E amp Henry W F (1961) Growing Old The Process of DisengagementNew York Basic Books

Davey A amp Eggebeen D J (1998) Patterns of intergenerational exchange and men-tal health Journal of Gerontology Psychological Sciences 53B(2) 86-95

34 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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Page 16: Caring for an Aging Society

Trailing Boomersrsquo adolescent expectations combined with their eco-nomic realities to generate a new form of angry pragmatic cynicismThis group of Boomers has been more concerned with self-survival andpreservation than with personal growth This cohort was confrontedwith the notion that success was not assured and as homelessness grewthat mere survival may not be guaranteed either (Smith amp Clurman1997)

ldquoStagflationrdquo also impacted notions about aging since pensions didnot keep up with inflation Elderly advocacy groups brought issues ofaging into public view Media campaigns focused on the plight of thepoor elderly and portrayed them as frail dependent ignored and livingon pet food Ironically one-quarter of all household wealth was con-trolled by individuals 65 and older Indeed the median aged householdwealth was 150 of the median for all households (Haber amp Gratton1994)

Social Security was also projected to go bankrupt and legislative ad-justments focused on ldquofixingrdquo it The 1983 amendment raised the retire-ment age to 66 (in 2008) and 67 (in 2027) in order to ldquosaverdquo the system(Achenbaum 1986 pp 63-103) Aging issues then became issues ofaccess to environments (ie transportation physical accessibility) andservices

Generation Xers Cohort (Born between 1966ndash1977)

This cohort has only known economic volitility with no promise of acertain future This is the first cohort that has not been able to presumesuccess (Smith amp Clurman 1997 p 81) They have grown up withMTV talk shows downsizing and layoffs divorce and latchkey kidsdepleting ozone Internet and the Web increasing national debt reces-sion and infomercials They have also seen the dissolution of long-termplanningndashfew believe Social Security will be there for them The in-creasing threat of nuclear war leads few to contemplate a future at allGenXers face economic and social obstacles that their Boomer parentsnever even considered and that may be even more arduous than thosefaced by the Depression cohort Some speculate that the GenerationXers will come to resemble the older cohorts more so than the Boomersbecause the context of pessimism and scarcity of the latter quarter of the20th century approximates the economic turmoil of the Great Depres-sion (Smith amp Clurman 1997) The Generation X cohort has no guaran-tees In spite of the growth of technology and stock market wealth seenby a small percentage of this cohort most GenXers have not shared in

28 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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2014

the prosperity For the most part GenXers without skills and college de-grees have found an increasing gap between their life opportunities andthose of their educated peers (Levy 1998)

It is likely that notions of aging will shift during GenXersrsquo lifetimesBoomers may redesign retirement lessening the Social Security lienbut continuing the GenXersrsquo employment difficulties Given the familyupheavals the ever increasing geographic mobility and lower incomes(Smith amp Clurman 1997) it seems unlikely that this cohort will partici-pate heavily in familial eldercare They will have to maintain an incomefor their own survivalndashit is unlikely that there will be a ready pool of un-employed women to take on the informal caregiving tasks Growing upin divorced and blended families may also impact a GenXerrsquos sense ofduty and obligation to give care If they grew up as latchkey kids willthey be less likely to provide informal unpaid care When all thepreceeding cohorts control most of the wealth how will this cohort re-spond to their calls for assistance

The aging cohorts of today from the Depression era through theGenXers have come of age in distinct socio-historical times Each co-hort culture has reframed issues of aging and need in light of their ownbeliefs and values For the purposes of this article I narrow the discus-sion to a comparison of the Traditional Agers and Aging Baby Boom-ers

TRADITIONAL AGERS AND AGING BOOMERS

I use the term Traditional Ager to refer to cohorts that held to the lin-ear life course (seen in Figure 1) for comparison with Aging Boomerswho experienced very different life possibilities Some comparisons areuseful in illuminating the different orientations to aging as well as towhat kinds of services might be most acceptable

Traditional Agers incorporate individuals born prior to 1946 in asocio-historical context that adhered to the Figure 1 life trajectorywhich views later life as a transition to death These are the foundationalbeliefs of our current aging structures and policies The focus on illnessthe biomedicalization of aging social isolation of older adults in retire-ment or traditional nursing homes the unwillingness to fund supportiveservices and the expectation of family care all create a structure that en-forces passive aging social detachment and increasing dependency

In contrast the Aging Boomers have experienced the life expecta-tions illustrated in Figure 2 Culturally they have focused on creating

Tracy X Karner 29

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ber

2014

social change to fit their expectations the cult of the body the narcis-sism of recreating onersquos life through recreating onersquos self consumerismas high art and a projection of the self and many other experienceswildly different from earlier cohorts It seems likely that they will ap-proach their own aging as a task to accomplish successfully IndeedRowe and Kahnrsquos (1998) recent best seller Successful Aging provides aclear example of this orientation

Aging Boomers

Scholars have approached the ldquodemographic bulgerdquo of the AgingBaby Boomers in many ways Some attempt to predict the needs of thiscohort Silverstone (1996) explores the economic security health anddisability and social support projection for this group Others (Cornmanamp Kingson 1996) specify the problems more closely for policy and de-fine terms for a needed national conversation on aging Still others (Rob-ertson 1991) decry the apocalyptic potential My intent though focusedon a similar concern is quite different In understanding the issues andpotential changes that lie ahead as this very large cohort ages the under-lying values prevalent in society can illuminate the possibilities likelyto be accepted for addressing these concerns I am referring to the moraleconomy to some extent but more specifically to the beliefs valuesand cultures of cohorts that are likely to participate in financing accom-modating and caring for the aging Boomers Indeed understandingboth the Baby Boomer and the GenXer cultures is key for finding ouraging future With awareness of the cohortrsquos culture and historical ex-perience in concert with the demographic statistics and behavior studiesas they relate to aging issues the picture becomes clearer

There were over 76 million Baby Boomers born between 1946 and1964ndash17 million more than would have been born if fertility rates hadremained at 1940 levels (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Boomers are a di-verse group on many issues but most importantly they differ economi-cally Economically Boomers are different from preceding cohorts inthat they are less likely to own homes less likely to have saved muchand less likely to have significant investments Among the Boomersthis is most true for the Trailing Boomers who entered the labor force ina stagnant economy During 1965 to 1985 when most Boomers begantheir working careers the economy was strong enough to incorporatemost of the new workers However there was a growing trend towardinequity in income distribution from the mid 1970s on This affected thelater Boomers and minority Boomers disproportionately Additionally

30 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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ber

2014

the number of Boomers covered by private pension programs is de-creasing (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Diversity Within the Boomer Cohort

The obstacles to a financially secure retirement are even greater forthe more vulnerable populations among the Boomers Women and mi-nority group members who as a result of social patterns of economicracial and gender stratification find themselves with sparse or low paidwork histories face the most jeopardy Among the Boomers are ldquopoorlyeducated unskilled people whose travails in todayrsquos labor marketwill make them highly vulnerable to economic peril in later liferdquo(Silverstone 1996 p 30) Boomers include 18 million members of mi-nority groups The economic realities that they face in aging will be theculmination of discrimination patterns faced over the life course Addi-tionally the longer life expectancies of the 385 million Baby Boomerwomen will compound the financial difficulties

As sociologists have found correlations between poverty and lack ofquality medical care over the lifetime it is likely that the plight of thepoorer Boomers will also include less health and higher medical costs inlater life As even Rowe and Kahn (1998 p 37) admit poverty makesthe attainment of healthy successful aging more difficult Projectionsindicate that by 2040 55 million people will be in nursing homes and114 million will be using home care for part of the year The majority ofthese will be Baby Boomers (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) There is stillsome debate about whether the increases in life expectancy will lead toliving ldquolonger and sickerrdquo or if advances in health care and ldquosuccessfulagingrdquo will decrease the debilitating illnesses associated with advanc-ing years

Within families where most of the eldercare has been performed(Brody 1985) relationships have changed considerably for the Boomercohort Boomers had fewer children later divorced and remarried moreand entered into more diverse family arrangements Single-parent fami-lies blended families and never married households also increasedThe impact of these shifting family configurations on filial responsibil-ity and caregiving for the dependent old remains to be seen (Silverstone1996) We do know that family structures affect ldquofamily incomes re-tirement income potential for family caregiving and child rearingrdquo(Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Caregiving is currently the domain of themiddle aged adult children caring for aging parents (Uhlenberg 1996)

Tracy X Karner 31

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2014

which is dependent on available unpaid labor of female family mem-bers (Montgomery 1998)

Hareven (1994) found distinctly different cohort attitudes towardeldercare She studied a Depression era cohort and a World War II co-hort finding that the older cohort viewed family as the economic unitthat shared resources and expected that the needs of elder family mem-bers would be met within that context The younger WWII cohort wasmore concerned with improving their own lives and were more likely toaccept government assistance for their older family members Theywere also more likely to place their parents in nursing homes Thisstudy illustrates the relationship among cultural values socio-historicalinfluences and eldercare options

In looking at the economic standing of the Generation Xers the adultchildren in line to care for aging Boomers it is unlikely that theirMcJobs will support themselves let alone free up a spouse for family re-sponsibilities Also when we realize that Boomers even in middle agereceive a disproportionate amount of intergenerational support fromtheir aging parents one questions Boomerrsquos potential as caregiversDavey and Eggebeen (1998 p 93) suggest that ldquoparents do tend to pro-vide more support to children than they receive until very late in liferdquoIndeed it looks as though informal family care will be a limited optionat best for the Boomers Thus it is important to look at how formal carecan best be conceptualized and delivered to respond to their needs

Boomer Culture

As with all the other social institutions in their path Boomers will nodoubt redefine aging to suit their own agenda As exemplified in popu-lar culture with Gail Sheehyrsquos New Passages (1995) it is likely that thecloser the Boomers get to ldquooldnessrdquo the more positively they will con-struct and expand the social definitions of aging and the meaning ofldquooldnessrdquo Moreover since they have a propensity to deny or fight theaging process the term ldquooldrdquo may become reserved for only the veryold and very ill

Other key characteristics of the Boomers appear to be an overwhelm-ing sense of entitlement to what they want and the expectation of instantgratification Their lack of savings loosely defined family relation-ships search for meaning in work and consumerism health and fitnessfanaticism and high value on education are quite different from previ-ous aging generations Boomers will demand a different structure of ag-ing programs and services itrsquos unlikely that they will be content in

32 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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age-segregated communities playing golf Their diversity of experienceand means will dictate diversity in aging but it wonrsquot divorce themfrom their cohort values and expectations

Given these values one might envision retirement communities builton a Club Med model for the affluent Boomers or on a commune modelfor the less fortunate Home health care might be repackaged as fitnesscoaching Sporadic retirement ldquobreaksrdquo between joblets or volunteeringcould become the norm and leisure could be refocused on personalgrowth Though speculation can be endless and at times entertainingthe important message for scholars policy makers and service profes-sionals in trying to project future aging needs is that the construction ofthose needs as well as the acceptable responses to those needs will beframed within values that the Boomers developed some four decadesbefore

AGING IN CULTURAL AND SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Boomersrsquo values and socio-historical context will be factors to ex-plore in understanding how the social structures of aging may changeTo paraphrase Riley the Boomers will age differently than those al-ready old When the Boomers hit 65 Generation Xers will have reachedtheir political maturity GenXersrsquo values perceptions and views of theBoomer cohort will color their responsiveness to Boomer needs Theeconomic difficulties and obstacles to success that the GenXers have in-herited from the Boomers and their predecessors may create a moraleconomy that portrays the Boomers as undeserving of governmentsponsored services Furthermore it is unlikely that GenXers will behappy to each pay a third of a Boomersrsquo social security benefits as thepredicted ratio of 31 would dictate (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Currently the elderly are being blamed for all kinds of social illsfrom poor children to the federal deficient (Estes amp Binney 1991p 129) Unless this fracture is repaired in some way that addressesthe social needs of all cohorts perhaps by refocusing on need rather thanage as Neugarten (1982) has suggested it is unlikely that future cohortswill willingly subsidize the later years of those who have aged before themWe must take into account the cohort values and beliefs about their posi-tion in the social world as well as their values relative to other cohorts

Cohort cultures illuminate the reciprocal intersection of biographyand history within society and from there we can go forward toreconceptualize how best to develop and deliver aging services in the

Tracy X Karner 33

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future that most effectively utilize our social resources Indeed the pub-lic policy challenge remains one of balancing the implied promisesmade to various cohorts as they were paying into social insurance pro-grams through payroll taxes the demands that these groups will makeas they reach ldquoold agerdquo and the willingness of younger cohorts to paythe bills Each of these elements the implied promises the demands ofthe aging and the willingness of the young will be based in their cul-tural experiences and cohort values Our current structure of aging ser-vices is still based in premises about the needs and deservedness ofprevious cohorts Insightful public policy will acknowledge the shiftingcultural values about what it is to be old in our society as we begin to ad-dress the needs of the aging Boomer cohort in the context of a delicatesocial balance between the beliefs and values of those who pay andthose who receive

RECEIVED July 2000REVISED November 2000

ACCEPTED February 2001

REFERENCES

Achenbaum W A (1986) Social Security Visions and Revisions Cambridge Cam-bridge University Press

Bengtson V L amp Achenbaum W A (1993) The Changing Contract Across Gener-ations New York Aldine de Gruyter

Bengtson V L Cutler N E Mangen D J amp Marshall V W (1985) Generationscohorts and relations between age groups pp 304-338 in Handbook of Aging andthe Social Sciences 2nd Edition (Robert H Binstock and Ethel Shanas eds) NewYork Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

Brody E M (1985) Parent care as a normative family stress The Gerontologist 25(l)19-29

Cole T R (1991) The Journey of Life A Cultural History of Aging in America Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Coontz S (1992) The Way We Never Were American Families and the NostalgiaTrap New York Basic Books

Cornman J M amp Kingson E R (1996) Trends issues perspectives and values forthe aging of the baby boom cohorts The Gerontologist 36(l) 15-26

Cummings E amp Henry W F (1961) Growing Old The Process of DisengagementNew York Basic Books

Davey A amp Eggebeen D J (1998) Patterns of intergenerational exchange and men-tal health Journal of Gerontology Psychological Sciences 53B(2) 86-95

34 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

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ded

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rsity

] at

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3 N

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ber

2014

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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Page 17: Caring for an Aging Society

the prosperity For the most part GenXers without skills and college de-grees have found an increasing gap between their life opportunities andthose of their educated peers (Levy 1998)

It is likely that notions of aging will shift during GenXersrsquo lifetimesBoomers may redesign retirement lessening the Social Security lienbut continuing the GenXersrsquo employment difficulties Given the familyupheavals the ever increasing geographic mobility and lower incomes(Smith amp Clurman 1997) it seems unlikely that this cohort will partici-pate heavily in familial eldercare They will have to maintain an incomefor their own survivalndashit is unlikely that there will be a ready pool of un-employed women to take on the informal caregiving tasks Growing upin divorced and blended families may also impact a GenXerrsquos sense ofduty and obligation to give care If they grew up as latchkey kids willthey be less likely to provide informal unpaid care When all thepreceeding cohorts control most of the wealth how will this cohort re-spond to their calls for assistance

The aging cohorts of today from the Depression era through theGenXers have come of age in distinct socio-historical times Each co-hort culture has reframed issues of aging and need in light of their ownbeliefs and values For the purposes of this article I narrow the discus-sion to a comparison of the Traditional Agers and Aging Baby Boom-ers

TRADITIONAL AGERS AND AGING BOOMERS

I use the term Traditional Ager to refer to cohorts that held to the lin-ear life course (seen in Figure 1) for comparison with Aging Boomerswho experienced very different life possibilities Some comparisons areuseful in illuminating the different orientations to aging as well as towhat kinds of services might be most acceptable

Traditional Agers incorporate individuals born prior to 1946 in asocio-historical context that adhered to the Figure 1 life trajectorywhich views later life as a transition to death These are the foundationalbeliefs of our current aging structures and policies The focus on illnessthe biomedicalization of aging social isolation of older adults in retire-ment or traditional nursing homes the unwillingness to fund supportiveservices and the expectation of family care all create a structure that en-forces passive aging social detachment and increasing dependency

In contrast the Aging Boomers have experienced the life expecta-tions illustrated in Figure 2 Culturally they have focused on creating

Tracy X Karner 29

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

social change to fit their expectations the cult of the body the narcis-sism of recreating onersquos life through recreating onersquos self consumerismas high art and a projection of the self and many other experienceswildly different from earlier cohorts It seems likely that they will ap-proach their own aging as a task to accomplish successfully IndeedRowe and Kahnrsquos (1998) recent best seller Successful Aging provides aclear example of this orientation

Aging Boomers

Scholars have approached the ldquodemographic bulgerdquo of the AgingBaby Boomers in many ways Some attempt to predict the needs of thiscohort Silverstone (1996) explores the economic security health anddisability and social support projection for this group Others (Cornmanamp Kingson 1996) specify the problems more closely for policy and de-fine terms for a needed national conversation on aging Still others (Rob-ertson 1991) decry the apocalyptic potential My intent though focusedon a similar concern is quite different In understanding the issues andpotential changes that lie ahead as this very large cohort ages the under-lying values prevalent in society can illuminate the possibilities likelyto be accepted for addressing these concerns I am referring to the moraleconomy to some extent but more specifically to the beliefs valuesand cultures of cohorts that are likely to participate in financing accom-modating and caring for the aging Boomers Indeed understandingboth the Baby Boomer and the GenXer cultures is key for finding ouraging future With awareness of the cohortrsquos culture and historical ex-perience in concert with the demographic statistics and behavior studiesas they relate to aging issues the picture becomes clearer

There were over 76 million Baby Boomers born between 1946 and1964ndash17 million more than would have been born if fertility rates hadremained at 1940 levels (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Boomers are a di-verse group on many issues but most importantly they differ economi-cally Economically Boomers are different from preceding cohorts inthat they are less likely to own homes less likely to have saved muchand less likely to have significant investments Among the Boomersthis is most true for the Trailing Boomers who entered the labor force ina stagnant economy During 1965 to 1985 when most Boomers begantheir working careers the economy was strong enough to incorporatemost of the new workers However there was a growing trend towardinequity in income distribution from the mid 1970s on This affected thelater Boomers and minority Boomers disproportionately Additionally

30 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

the number of Boomers covered by private pension programs is de-creasing (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Diversity Within the Boomer Cohort

The obstacles to a financially secure retirement are even greater forthe more vulnerable populations among the Boomers Women and mi-nority group members who as a result of social patterns of economicracial and gender stratification find themselves with sparse or low paidwork histories face the most jeopardy Among the Boomers are ldquopoorlyeducated unskilled people whose travails in todayrsquos labor marketwill make them highly vulnerable to economic peril in later liferdquo(Silverstone 1996 p 30) Boomers include 18 million members of mi-nority groups The economic realities that they face in aging will be theculmination of discrimination patterns faced over the life course Addi-tionally the longer life expectancies of the 385 million Baby Boomerwomen will compound the financial difficulties

As sociologists have found correlations between poverty and lack ofquality medical care over the lifetime it is likely that the plight of thepoorer Boomers will also include less health and higher medical costs inlater life As even Rowe and Kahn (1998 p 37) admit poverty makesthe attainment of healthy successful aging more difficult Projectionsindicate that by 2040 55 million people will be in nursing homes and114 million will be using home care for part of the year The majority ofthese will be Baby Boomers (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) There is stillsome debate about whether the increases in life expectancy will lead toliving ldquolonger and sickerrdquo or if advances in health care and ldquosuccessfulagingrdquo will decrease the debilitating illnesses associated with advanc-ing years

Within families where most of the eldercare has been performed(Brody 1985) relationships have changed considerably for the Boomercohort Boomers had fewer children later divorced and remarried moreand entered into more diverse family arrangements Single-parent fami-lies blended families and never married households also increasedThe impact of these shifting family configurations on filial responsibil-ity and caregiving for the dependent old remains to be seen (Silverstone1996) We do know that family structures affect ldquofamily incomes re-tirement income potential for family caregiving and child rearingrdquo(Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Caregiving is currently the domain of themiddle aged adult children caring for aging parents (Uhlenberg 1996)

Tracy X Karner 31

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

which is dependent on available unpaid labor of female family mem-bers (Montgomery 1998)

Hareven (1994) found distinctly different cohort attitudes towardeldercare She studied a Depression era cohort and a World War II co-hort finding that the older cohort viewed family as the economic unitthat shared resources and expected that the needs of elder family mem-bers would be met within that context The younger WWII cohort wasmore concerned with improving their own lives and were more likely toaccept government assistance for their older family members Theywere also more likely to place their parents in nursing homes Thisstudy illustrates the relationship among cultural values socio-historicalinfluences and eldercare options

In looking at the economic standing of the Generation Xers the adultchildren in line to care for aging Boomers it is unlikely that theirMcJobs will support themselves let alone free up a spouse for family re-sponsibilities Also when we realize that Boomers even in middle agereceive a disproportionate amount of intergenerational support fromtheir aging parents one questions Boomerrsquos potential as caregiversDavey and Eggebeen (1998 p 93) suggest that ldquoparents do tend to pro-vide more support to children than they receive until very late in liferdquoIndeed it looks as though informal family care will be a limited optionat best for the Boomers Thus it is important to look at how formal carecan best be conceptualized and delivered to respond to their needs

Boomer Culture

As with all the other social institutions in their path Boomers will nodoubt redefine aging to suit their own agenda As exemplified in popu-lar culture with Gail Sheehyrsquos New Passages (1995) it is likely that thecloser the Boomers get to ldquooldnessrdquo the more positively they will con-struct and expand the social definitions of aging and the meaning ofldquooldnessrdquo Moreover since they have a propensity to deny or fight theaging process the term ldquooldrdquo may become reserved for only the veryold and very ill

Other key characteristics of the Boomers appear to be an overwhelm-ing sense of entitlement to what they want and the expectation of instantgratification Their lack of savings loosely defined family relation-ships search for meaning in work and consumerism health and fitnessfanaticism and high value on education are quite different from previ-ous aging generations Boomers will demand a different structure of ag-ing programs and services itrsquos unlikely that they will be content in

32 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

age-segregated communities playing golf Their diversity of experienceand means will dictate diversity in aging but it wonrsquot divorce themfrom their cohort values and expectations

Given these values one might envision retirement communities builton a Club Med model for the affluent Boomers or on a commune modelfor the less fortunate Home health care might be repackaged as fitnesscoaching Sporadic retirement ldquobreaksrdquo between joblets or volunteeringcould become the norm and leisure could be refocused on personalgrowth Though speculation can be endless and at times entertainingthe important message for scholars policy makers and service profes-sionals in trying to project future aging needs is that the construction ofthose needs as well as the acceptable responses to those needs will beframed within values that the Boomers developed some four decadesbefore

AGING IN CULTURAL AND SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Boomersrsquo values and socio-historical context will be factors to ex-plore in understanding how the social structures of aging may changeTo paraphrase Riley the Boomers will age differently than those al-ready old When the Boomers hit 65 Generation Xers will have reachedtheir political maturity GenXersrsquo values perceptions and views of theBoomer cohort will color their responsiveness to Boomer needs Theeconomic difficulties and obstacles to success that the GenXers have in-herited from the Boomers and their predecessors may create a moraleconomy that portrays the Boomers as undeserving of governmentsponsored services Furthermore it is unlikely that GenXers will behappy to each pay a third of a Boomersrsquo social security benefits as thepredicted ratio of 31 would dictate (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Currently the elderly are being blamed for all kinds of social illsfrom poor children to the federal deficient (Estes amp Binney 1991p 129) Unless this fracture is repaired in some way that addressesthe social needs of all cohorts perhaps by refocusing on need rather thanage as Neugarten (1982) has suggested it is unlikely that future cohortswill willingly subsidize the later years of those who have aged before themWe must take into account the cohort values and beliefs about their posi-tion in the social world as well as their values relative to other cohorts

Cohort cultures illuminate the reciprocal intersection of biographyand history within society and from there we can go forward toreconceptualize how best to develop and deliver aging services in the

Tracy X Karner 33

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ded

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Nor

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] at

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ovem

ber

2014

future that most effectively utilize our social resources Indeed the pub-lic policy challenge remains one of balancing the implied promisesmade to various cohorts as they were paying into social insurance pro-grams through payroll taxes the demands that these groups will makeas they reach ldquoold agerdquo and the willingness of younger cohorts to paythe bills Each of these elements the implied promises the demands ofthe aging and the willingness of the young will be based in their cul-tural experiences and cohort values Our current structure of aging ser-vices is still based in premises about the needs and deservedness ofprevious cohorts Insightful public policy will acknowledge the shiftingcultural values about what it is to be old in our society as we begin to ad-dress the needs of the aging Boomer cohort in the context of a delicatesocial balance between the beliefs and values of those who pay andthose who receive

RECEIVED July 2000REVISED November 2000

ACCEPTED February 2001

REFERENCES

Achenbaum W A (1986) Social Security Visions and Revisions Cambridge Cam-bridge University Press

Bengtson V L amp Achenbaum W A (1993) The Changing Contract Across Gener-ations New York Aldine de Gruyter

Bengtson V L Cutler N E Mangen D J amp Marshall V W (1985) Generationscohorts and relations between age groups pp 304-338 in Handbook of Aging andthe Social Sciences 2nd Edition (Robert H Binstock and Ethel Shanas eds) NewYork Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

Brody E M (1985) Parent care as a normative family stress The Gerontologist 25(l)19-29

Cole T R (1991) The Journey of Life A Cultural History of Aging in America Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Coontz S (1992) The Way We Never Were American Families and the NostalgiaTrap New York Basic Books

Cornman J M amp Kingson E R (1996) Trends issues perspectives and values forthe aging of the baby boom cohorts The Gerontologist 36(l) 15-26

Cummings E amp Henry W F (1961) Growing Old The Process of DisengagementNew York Basic Books

Davey A amp Eggebeen D J (1998) Patterns of intergenerational exchange and men-tal health Journal of Gerontology Psychological Sciences 53B(2) 86-95

34 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Dow

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ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

Dow

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ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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ber

2014

Page 18: Caring for an Aging Society

social change to fit their expectations the cult of the body the narcis-sism of recreating onersquos life through recreating onersquos self consumerismas high art and a projection of the self and many other experienceswildly different from earlier cohorts It seems likely that they will ap-proach their own aging as a task to accomplish successfully IndeedRowe and Kahnrsquos (1998) recent best seller Successful Aging provides aclear example of this orientation

Aging Boomers

Scholars have approached the ldquodemographic bulgerdquo of the AgingBaby Boomers in many ways Some attempt to predict the needs of thiscohort Silverstone (1996) explores the economic security health anddisability and social support projection for this group Others (Cornmanamp Kingson 1996) specify the problems more closely for policy and de-fine terms for a needed national conversation on aging Still others (Rob-ertson 1991) decry the apocalyptic potential My intent though focusedon a similar concern is quite different In understanding the issues andpotential changes that lie ahead as this very large cohort ages the under-lying values prevalent in society can illuminate the possibilities likelyto be accepted for addressing these concerns I am referring to the moraleconomy to some extent but more specifically to the beliefs valuesand cultures of cohorts that are likely to participate in financing accom-modating and caring for the aging Boomers Indeed understandingboth the Baby Boomer and the GenXer cultures is key for finding ouraging future With awareness of the cohortrsquos culture and historical ex-perience in concert with the demographic statistics and behavior studiesas they relate to aging issues the picture becomes clearer

There were over 76 million Baby Boomers born between 1946 and1964ndash17 million more than would have been born if fertility rates hadremained at 1940 levels (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Boomers are a di-verse group on many issues but most importantly they differ economi-cally Economically Boomers are different from preceding cohorts inthat they are less likely to own homes less likely to have saved muchand less likely to have significant investments Among the Boomersthis is most true for the Trailing Boomers who entered the labor force ina stagnant economy During 1965 to 1985 when most Boomers begantheir working careers the economy was strong enough to incorporatemost of the new workers However there was a growing trend towardinequity in income distribution from the mid 1970s on This affected thelater Boomers and minority Boomers disproportionately Additionally

30 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

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] at

13

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ovem

ber

2014

the number of Boomers covered by private pension programs is de-creasing (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Diversity Within the Boomer Cohort

The obstacles to a financially secure retirement are even greater forthe more vulnerable populations among the Boomers Women and mi-nority group members who as a result of social patterns of economicracial and gender stratification find themselves with sparse or low paidwork histories face the most jeopardy Among the Boomers are ldquopoorlyeducated unskilled people whose travails in todayrsquos labor marketwill make them highly vulnerable to economic peril in later liferdquo(Silverstone 1996 p 30) Boomers include 18 million members of mi-nority groups The economic realities that they face in aging will be theculmination of discrimination patterns faced over the life course Addi-tionally the longer life expectancies of the 385 million Baby Boomerwomen will compound the financial difficulties

As sociologists have found correlations between poverty and lack ofquality medical care over the lifetime it is likely that the plight of thepoorer Boomers will also include less health and higher medical costs inlater life As even Rowe and Kahn (1998 p 37) admit poverty makesthe attainment of healthy successful aging more difficult Projectionsindicate that by 2040 55 million people will be in nursing homes and114 million will be using home care for part of the year The majority ofthese will be Baby Boomers (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) There is stillsome debate about whether the increases in life expectancy will lead toliving ldquolonger and sickerrdquo or if advances in health care and ldquosuccessfulagingrdquo will decrease the debilitating illnesses associated with advanc-ing years

Within families where most of the eldercare has been performed(Brody 1985) relationships have changed considerably for the Boomercohort Boomers had fewer children later divorced and remarried moreand entered into more diverse family arrangements Single-parent fami-lies blended families and never married households also increasedThe impact of these shifting family configurations on filial responsibil-ity and caregiving for the dependent old remains to be seen (Silverstone1996) We do know that family structures affect ldquofamily incomes re-tirement income potential for family caregiving and child rearingrdquo(Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Caregiving is currently the domain of themiddle aged adult children caring for aging parents (Uhlenberg 1996)

Tracy X Karner 31

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rsity

] at

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ovem

ber

2014

which is dependent on available unpaid labor of female family mem-bers (Montgomery 1998)

Hareven (1994) found distinctly different cohort attitudes towardeldercare She studied a Depression era cohort and a World War II co-hort finding that the older cohort viewed family as the economic unitthat shared resources and expected that the needs of elder family mem-bers would be met within that context The younger WWII cohort wasmore concerned with improving their own lives and were more likely toaccept government assistance for their older family members Theywere also more likely to place their parents in nursing homes Thisstudy illustrates the relationship among cultural values socio-historicalinfluences and eldercare options

In looking at the economic standing of the Generation Xers the adultchildren in line to care for aging Boomers it is unlikely that theirMcJobs will support themselves let alone free up a spouse for family re-sponsibilities Also when we realize that Boomers even in middle agereceive a disproportionate amount of intergenerational support fromtheir aging parents one questions Boomerrsquos potential as caregiversDavey and Eggebeen (1998 p 93) suggest that ldquoparents do tend to pro-vide more support to children than they receive until very late in liferdquoIndeed it looks as though informal family care will be a limited optionat best for the Boomers Thus it is important to look at how formal carecan best be conceptualized and delivered to respond to their needs

Boomer Culture

As with all the other social institutions in their path Boomers will nodoubt redefine aging to suit their own agenda As exemplified in popu-lar culture with Gail Sheehyrsquos New Passages (1995) it is likely that thecloser the Boomers get to ldquooldnessrdquo the more positively they will con-struct and expand the social definitions of aging and the meaning ofldquooldnessrdquo Moreover since they have a propensity to deny or fight theaging process the term ldquooldrdquo may become reserved for only the veryold and very ill

Other key characteristics of the Boomers appear to be an overwhelm-ing sense of entitlement to what they want and the expectation of instantgratification Their lack of savings loosely defined family relation-ships search for meaning in work and consumerism health and fitnessfanaticism and high value on education are quite different from previ-ous aging generations Boomers will demand a different structure of ag-ing programs and services itrsquos unlikely that they will be content in

32 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

age-segregated communities playing golf Their diversity of experienceand means will dictate diversity in aging but it wonrsquot divorce themfrom their cohort values and expectations

Given these values one might envision retirement communities builton a Club Med model for the affluent Boomers or on a commune modelfor the less fortunate Home health care might be repackaged as fitnesscoaching Sporadic retirement ldquobreaksrdquo between joblets or volunteeringcould become the norm and leisure could be refocused on personalgrowth Though speculation can be endless and at times entertainingthe important message for scholars policy makers and service profes-sionals in trying to project future aging needs is that the construction ofthose needs as well as the acceptable responses to those needs will beframed within values that the Boomers developed some four decadesbefore

AGING IN CULTURAL AND SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Boomersrsquo values and socio-historical context will be factors to ex-plore in understanding how the social structures of aging may changeTo paraphrase Riley the Boomers will age differently than those al-ready old When the Boomers hit 65 Generation Xers will have reachedtheir political maturity GenXersrsquo values perceptions and views of theBoomer cohort will color their responsiveness to Boomer needs Theeconomic difficulties and obstacles to success that the GenXers have in-herited from the Boomers and their predecessors may create a moraleconomy that portrays the Boomers as undeserving of governmentsponsored services Furthermore it is unlikely that GenXers will behappy to each pay a third of a Boomersrsquo social security benefits as thepredicted ratio of 31 would dictate (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Currently the elderly are being blamed for all kinds of social illsfrom poor children to the federal deficient (Estes amp Binney 1991p 129) Unless this fracture is repaired in some way that addressesthe social needs of all cohorts perhaps by refocusing on need rather thanage as Neugarten (1982) has suggested it is unlikely that future cohortswill willingly subsidize the later years of those who have aged before themWe must take into account the cohort values and beliefs about their posi-tion in the social world as well as their values relative to other cohorts

Cohort cultures illuminate the reciprocal intersection of biographyand history within society and from there we can go forward toreconceptualize how best to develop and deliver aging services in the

Tracy X Karner 33

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

future that most effectively utilize our social resources Indeed the pub-lic policy challenge remains one of balancing the implied promisesmade to various cohorts as they were paying into social insurance pro-grams through payroll taxes the demands that these groups will makeas they reach ldquoold agerdquo and the willingness of younger cohorts to paythe bills Each of these elements the implied promises the demands ofthe aging and the willingness of the young will be based in their cul-tural experiences and cohort values Our current structure of aging ser-vices is still based in premises about the needs and deservedness ofprevious cohorts Insightful public policy will acknowledge the shiftingcultural values about what it is to be old in our society as we begin to ad-dress the needs of the aging Boomer cohort in the context of a delicatesocial balance between the beliefs and values of those who pay andthose who receive

RECEIVED July 2000REVISED November 2000

ACCEPTED February 2001

REFERENCES

Achenbaum W A (1986) Social Security Visions and Revisions Cambridge Cam-bridge University Press

Bengtson V L amp Achenbaum W A (1993) The Changing Contract Across Gener-ations New York Aldine de Gruyter

Bengtson V L Cutler N E Mangen D J amp Marshall V W (1985) Generationscohorts and relations between age groups pp 304-338 in Handbook of Aging andthe Social Sciences 2nd Edition (Robert H Binstock and Ethel Shanas eds) NewYork Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

Brody E M (1985) Parent care as a normative family stress The Gerontologist 25(l)19-29

Cole T R (1991) The Journey of Life A Cultural History of Aging in America Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Coontz S (1992) The Way We Never Were American Families and the NostalgiaTrap New York Basic Books

Cornman J M amp Kingson E R (1996) Trends issues perspectives and values forthe aging of the baby boom cohorts The Gerontologist 36(l) 15-26

Cummings E amp Henry W F (1961) Growing Old The Process of DisengagementNew York Basic Books

Davey A amp Eggebeen D J (1998) Patterns of intergenerational exchange and men-tal health Journal of Gerontology Psychological Sciences 53B(2) 86-95

34 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Page 19: Caring for an Aging Society

the number of Boomers covered by private pension programs is de-creasing (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Diversity Within the Boomer Cohort

The obstacles to a financially secure retirement are even greater forthe more vulnerable populations among the Boomers Women and mi-nority group members who as a result of social patterns of economicracial and gender stratification find themselves with sparse or low paidwork histories face the most jeopardy Among the Boomers are ldquopoorlyeducated unskilled people whose travails in todayrsquos labor marketwill make them highly vulnerable to economic peril in later liferdquo(Silverstone 1996 p 30) Boomers include 18 million members of mi-nority groups The economic realities that they face in aging will be theculmination of discrimination patterns faced over the life course Addi-tionally the longer life expectancies of the 385 million Baby Boomerwomen will compound the financial difficulties

As sociologists have found correlations between poverty and lack ofquality medical care over the lifetime it is likely that the plight of thepoorer Boomers will also include less health and higher medical costs inlater life As even Rowe and Kahn (1998 p 37) admit poverty makesthe attainment of healthy successful aging more difficult Projectionsindicate that by 2040 55 million people will be in nursing homes and114 million will be using home care for part of the year The majority ofthese will be Baby Boomers (Cornman amp Kingson 1996) There is stillsome debate about whether the increases in life expectancy will lead toliving ldquolonger and sickerrdquo or if advances in health care and ldquosuccessfulagingrdquo will decrease the debilitating illnesses associated with advanc-ing years

Within families where most of the eldercare has been performed(Brody 1985) relationships have changed considerably for the Boomercohort Boomers had fewer children later divorced and remarried moreand entered into more diverse family arrangements Single-parent fami-lies blended families and never married households also increasedThe impact of these shifting family configurations on filial responsibil-ity and caregiving for the dependent old remains to be seen (Silverstone1996) We do know that family structures affect ldquofamily incomes re-tirement income potential for family caregiving and child rearingrdquo(Cornman amp Kingson 1996) Caregiving is currently the domain of themiddle aged adult children caring for aging parents (Uhlenberg 1996)

Tracy X Karner 31

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ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

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rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

which is dependent on available unpaid labor of female family mem-bers (Montgomery 1998)

Hareven (1994) found distinctly different cohort attitudes towardeldercare She studied a Depression era cohort and a World War II co-hort finding that the older cohort viewed family as the economic unitthat shared resources and expected that the needs of elder family mem-bers would be met within that context The younger WWII cohort wasmore concerned with improving their own lives and were more likely toaccept government assistance for their older family members Theywere also more likely to place their parents in nursing homes Thisstudy illustrates the relationship among cultural values socio-historicalinfluences and eldercare options

In looking at the economic standing of the Generation Xers the adultchildren in line to care for aging Boomers it is unlikely that theirMcJobs will support themselves let alone free up a spouse for family re-sponsibilities Also when we realize that Boomers even in middle agereceive a disproportionate amount of intergenerational support fromtheir aging parents one questions Boomerrsquos potential as caregiversDavey and Eggebeen (1998 p 93) suggest that ldquoparents do tend to pro-vide more support to children than they receive until very late in liferdquoIndeed it looks as though informal family care will be a limited optionat best for the Boomers Thus it is important to look at how formal carecan best be conceptualized and delivered to respond to their needs

Boomer Culture

As with all the other social institutions in their path Boomers will nodoubt redefine aging to suit their own agenda As exemplified in popu-lar culture with Gail Sheehyrsquos New Passages (1995) it is likely that thecloser the Boomers get to ldquooldnessrdquo the more positively they will con-struct and expand the social definitions of aging and the meaning ofldquooldnessrdquo Moreover since they have a propensity to deny or fight theaging process the term ldquooldrdquo may become reserved for only the veryold and very ill

Other key characteristics of the Boomers appear to be an overwhelm-ing sense of entitlement to what they want and the expectation of instantgratification Their lack of savings loosely defined family relation-ships search for meaning in work and consumerism health and fitnessfanaticism and high value on education are quite different from previ-ous aging generations Boomers will demand a different structure of ag-ing programs and services itrsquos unlikely that they will be content in

32 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Dow

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ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

age-segregated communities playing golf Their diversity of experienceand means will dictate diversity in aging but it wonrsquot divorce themfrom their cohort values and expectations

Given these values one might envision retirement communities builton a Club Med model for the affluent Boomers or on a commune modelfor the less fortunate Home health care might be repackaged as fitnesscoaching Sporadic retirement ldquobreaksrdquo between joblets or volunteeringcould become the norm and leisure could be refocused on personalgrowth Though speculation can be endless and at times entertainingthe important message for scholars policy makers and service profes-sionals in trying to project future aging needs is that the construction ofthose needs as well as the acceptable responses to those needs will beframed within values that the Boomers developed some four decadesbefore

AGING IN CULTURAL AND SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Boomersrsquo values and socio-historical context will be factors to ex-plore in understanding how the social structures of aging may changeTo paraphrase Riley the Boomers will age differently than those al-ready old When the Boomers hit 65 Generation Xers will have reachedtheir political maturity GenXersrsquo values perceptions and views of theBoomer cohort will color their responsiveness to Boomer needs Theeconomic difficulties and obstacles to success that the GenXers have in-herited from the Boomers and their predecessors may create a moraleconomy that portrays the Boomers as undeserving of governmentsponsored services Furthermore it is unlikely that GenXers will behappy to each pay a third of a Boomersrsquo social security benefits as thepredicted ratio of 31 would dictate (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Currently the elderly are being blamed for all kinds of social illsfrom poor children to the federal deficient (Estes amp Binney 1991p 129) Unless this fracture is repaired in some way that addressesthe social needs of all cohorts perhaps by refocusing on need rather thanage as Neugarten (1982) has suggested it is unlikely that future cohortswill willingly subsidize the later years of those who have aged before themWe must take into account the cohort values and beliefs about their posi-tion in the social world as well as their values relative to other cohorts

Cohort cultures illuminate the reciprocal intersection of biographyand history within society and from there we can go forward toreconceptualize how best to develop and deliver aging services in the

Tracy X Karner 33

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ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

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rsity

] at

13

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ovem

ber

2014

future that most effectively utilize our social resources Indeed the pub-lic policy challenge remains one of balancing the implied promisesmade to various cohorts as they were paying into social insurance pro-grams through payroll taxes the demands that these groups will makeas they reach ldquoold agerdquo and the willingness of younger cohorts to paythe bills Each of these elements the implied promises the demands ofthe aging and the willingness of the young will be based in their cul-tural experiences and cohort values Our current structure of aging ser-vices is still based in premises about the needs and deservedness ofprevious cohorts Insightful public policy will acknowledge the shiftingcultural values about what it is to be old in our society as we begin to ad-dress the needs of the aging Boomer cohort in the context of a delicatesocial balance between the beliefs and values of those who pay andthose who receive

RECEIVED July 2000REVISED November 2000

ACCEPTED February 2001

REFERENCES

Achenbaum W A (1986) Social Security Visions and Revisions Cambridge Cam-bridge University Press

Bengtson V L amp Achenbaum W A (1993) The Changing Contract Across Gener-ations New York Aldine de Gruyter

Bengtson V L Cutler N E Mangen D J amp Marshall V W (1985) Generationscohorts and relations between age groups pp 304-338 in Handbook of Aging andthe Social Sciences 2nd Edition (Robert H Binstock and Ethel Shanas eds) NewYork Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

Brody E M (1985) Parent care as a normative family stress The Gerontologist 25(l)19-29

Cole T R (1991) The Journey of Life A Cultural History of Aging in America Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Coontz S (1992) The Way We Never Were American Families and the NostalgiaTrap New York Basic Books

Cornman J M amp Kingson E R (1996) Trends issues perspectives and values forthe aging of the baby boom cohorts The Gerontologist 36(l) 15-26

Cummings E amp Henry W F (1961) Growing Old The Process of DisengagementNew York Basic Books

Davey A amp Eggebeen D J (1998) Patterns of intergenerational exchange and men-tal health Journal of Gerontology Psychological Sciences 53B(2) 86-95

34 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Dow

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ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Page 20: Caring for an Aging Society

which is dependent on available unpaid labor of female family mem-bers (Montgomery 1998)

Hareven (1994) found distinctly different cohort attitudes towardeldercare She studied a Depression era cohort and a World War II co-hort finding that the older cohort viewed family as the economic unitthat shared resources and expected that the needs of elder family mem-bers would be met within that context The younger WWII cohort wasmore concerned with improving their own lives and were more likely toaccept government assistance for their older family members Theywere also more likely to place their parents in nursing homes Thisstudy illustrates the relationship among cultural values socio-historicalinfluences and eldercare options

In looking at the economic standing of the Generation Xers the adultchildren in line to care for aging Boomers it is unlikely that theirMcJobs will support themselves let alone free up a spouse for family re-sponsibilities Also when we realize that Boomers even in middle agereceive a disproportionate amount of intergenerational support fromtheir aging parents one questions Boomerrsquos potential as caregiversDavey and Eggebeen (1998 p 93) suggest that ldquoparents do tend to pro-vide more support to children than they receive until very late in liferdquoIndeed it looks as though informal family care will be a limited optionat best for the Boomers Thus it is important to look at how formal carecan best be conceptualized and delivered to respond to their needs

Boomer Culture

As with all the other social institutions in their path Boomers will nodoubt redefine aging to suit their own agenda As exemplified in popu-lar culture with Gail Sheehyrsquos New Passages (1995) it is likely that thecloser the Boomers get to ldquooldnessrdquo the more positively they will con-struct and expand the social definitions of aging and the meaning ofldquooldnessrdquo Moreover since they have a propensity to deny or fight theaging process the term ldquooldrdquo may become reserved for only the veryold and very ill

Other key characteristics of the Boomers appear to be an overwhelm-ing sense of entitlement to what they want and the expectation of instantgratification Their lack of savings loosely defined family relation-ships search for meaning in work and consumerism health and fitnessfanaticism and high value on education are quite different from previ-ous aging generations Boomers will demand a different structure of ag-ing programs and services itrsquos unlikely that they will be content in

32 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

age-segregated communities playing golf Their diversity of experienceand means will dictate diversity in aging but it wonrsquot divorce themfrom their cohort values and expectations

Given these values one might envision retirement communities builton a Club Med model for the affluent Boomers or on a commune modelfor the less fortunate Home health care might be repackaged as fitnesscoaching Sporadic retirement ldquobreaksrdquo between joblets or volunteeringcould become the norm and leisure could be refocused on personalgrowth Though speculation can be endless and at times entertainingthe important message for scholars policy makers and service profes-sionals in trying to project future aging needs is that the construction ofthose needs as well as the acceptable responses to those needs will beframed within values that the Boomers developed some four decadesbefore

AGING IN CULTURAL AND SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Boomersrsquo values and socio-historical context will be factors to ex-plore in understanding how the social structures of aging may changeTo paraphrase Riley the Boomers will age differently than those al-ready old When the Boomers hit 65 Generation Xers will have reachedtheir political maturity GenXersrsquo values perceptions and views of theBoomer cohort will color their responsiveness to Boomer needs Theeconomic difficulties and obstacles to success that the GenXers have in-herited from the Boomers and their predecessors may create a moraleconomy that portrays the Boomers as undeserving of governmentsponsored services Furthermore it is unlikely that GenXers will behappy to each pay a third of a Boomersrsquo social security benefits as thepredicted ratio of 31 would dictate (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Currently the elderly are being blamed for all kinds of social illsfrom poor children to the federal deficient (Estes amp Binney 1991p 129) Unless this fracture is repaired in some way that addressesthe social needs of all cohorts perhaps by refocusing on need rather thanage as Neugarten (1982) has suggested it is unlikely that future cohortswill willingly subsidize the later years of those who have aged before themWe must take into account the cohort values and beliefs about their posi-tion in the social world as well as their values relative to other cohorts

Cohort cultures illuminate the reciprocal intersection of biographyand history within society and from there we can go forward toreconceptualize how best to develop and deliver aging services in the

Tracy X Karner 33

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

future that most effectively utilize our social resources Indeed the pub-lic policy challenge remains one of balancing the implied promisesmade to various cohorts as they were paying into social insurance pro-grams through payroll taxes the demands that these groups will makeas they reach ldquoold agerdquo and the willingness of younger cohorts to paythe bills Each of these elements the implied promises the demands ofthe aging and the willingness of the young will be based in their cul-tural experiences and cohort values Our current structure of aging ser-vices is still based in premises about the needs and deservedness ofprevious cohorts Insightful public policy will acknowledge the shiftingcultural values about what it is to be old in our society as we begin to ad-dress the needs of the aging Boomer cohort in the context of a delicatesocial balance between the beliefs and values of those who pay andthose who receive

RECEIVED July 2000REVISED November 2000

ACCEPTED February 2001

REFERENCES

Achenbaum W A (1986) Social Security Visions and Revisions Cambridge Cam-bridge University Press

Bengtson V L amp Achenbaum W A (1993) The Changing Contract Across Gener-ations New York Aldine de Gruyter

Bengtson V L Cutler N E Mangen D J amp Marshall V W (1985) Generationscohorts and relations between age groups pp 304-338 in Handbook of Aging andthe Social Sciences 2nd Edition (Robert H Binstock and Ethel Shanas eds) NewYork Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

Brody E M (1985) Parent care as a normative family stress The Gerontologist 25(l)19-29

Cole T R (1991) The Journey of Life A Cultural History of Aging in America Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Coontz S (1992) The Way We Never Were American Families and the NostalgiaTrap New York Basic Books

Cornman J M amp Kingson E R (1996) Trends issues perspectives and values forthe aging of the baby boom cohorts The Gerontologist 36(l) 15-26

Cummings E amp Henry W F (1961) Growing Old The Process of DisengagementNew York Basic Books

Davey A amp Eggebeen D J (1998) Patterns of intergenerational exchange and men-tal health Journal of Gerontology Psychological Sciences 53B(2) 86-95

34 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Page 21: Caring for an Aging Society

age-segregated communities playing golf Their diversity of experienceand means will dictate diversity in aging but it wonrsquot divorce themfrom their cohort values and expectations

Given these values one might envision retirement communities builton a Club Med model for the affluent Boomers or on a commune modelfor the less fortunate Home health care might be repackaged as fitnesscoaching Sporadic retirement ldquobreaksrdquo between joblets or volunteeringcould become the norm and leisure could be refocused on personalgrowth Though speculation can be endless and at times entertainingthe important message for scholars policy makers and service profes-sionals in trying to project future aging needs is that the construction ofthose needs as well as the acceptable responses to those needs will beframed within values that the Boomers developed some four decadesbefore

AGING IN CULTURAL AND SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Boomersrsquo values and socio-historical context will be factors to ex-plore in understanding how the social structures of aging may changeTo paraphrase Riley the Boomers will age differently than those al-ready old When the Boomers hit 65 Generation Xers will have reachedtheir political maturity GenXersrsquo values perceptions and views of theBoomer cohort will color their responsiveness to Boomer needs Theeconomic difficulties and obstacles to success that the GenXers have in-herited from the Boomers and their predecessors may create a moraleconomy that portrays the Boomers as undeserving of governmentsponsored services Furthermore it is unlikely that GenXers will behappy to each pay a third of a Boomersrsquo social security benefits as thepredicted ratio of 31 would dictate (Cornman amp Kingson 1996)

Currently the elderly are being blamed for all kinds of social illsfrom poor children to the federal deficient (Estes amp Binney 1991p 129) Unless this fracture is repaired in some way that addressesthe social needs of all cohorts perhaps by refocusing on need rather thanage as Neugarten (1982) has suggested it is unlikely that future cohortswill willingly subsidize the later years of those who have aged before themWe must take into account the cohort values and beliefs about their posi-tion in the social world as well as their values relative to other cohorts

Cohort cultures illuminate the reciprocal intersection of biographyand history within society and from there we can go forward toreconceptualize how best to develop and deliver aging services in the

Tracy X Karner 33

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

future that most effectively utilize our social resources Indeed the pub-lic policy challenge remains one of balancing the implied promisesmade to various cohorts as they were paying into social insurance pro-grams through payroll taxes the demands that these groups will makeas they reach ldquoold agerdquo and the willingness of younger cohorts to paythe bills Each of these elements the implied promises the demands ofthe aging and the willingness of the young will be based in their cul-tural experiences and cohort values Our current structure of aging ser-vices is still based in premises about the needs and deservedness ofprevious cohorts Insightful public policy will acknowledge the shiftingcultural values about what it is to be old in our society as we begin to ad-dress the needs of the aging Boomer cohort in the context of a delicatesocial balance between the beliefs and values of those who pay andthose who receive

RECEIVED July 2000REVISED November 2000

ACCEPTED February 2001

REFERENCES

Achenbaum W A (1986) Social Security Visions and Revisions Cambridge Cam-bridge University Press

Bengtson V L amp Achenbaum W A (1993) The Changing Contract Across Gener-ations New York Aldine de Gruyter

Bengtson V L Cutler N E Mangen D J amp Marshall V W (1985) Generationscohorts and relations between age groups pp 304-338 in Handbook of Aging andthe Social Sciences 2nd Edition (Robert H Binstock and Ethel Shanas eds) NewYork Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

Brody E M (1985) Parent care as a normative family stress The Gerontologist 25(l)19-29

Cole T R (1991) The Journey of Life A Cultural History of Aging in America Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Coontz S (1992) The Way We Never Were American Families and the NostalgiaTrap New York Basic Books

Cornman J M amp Kingson E R (1996) Trends issues perspectives and values forthe aging of the baby boom cohorts The Gerontologist 36(l) 15-26

Cummings E amp Henry W F (1961) Growing Old The Process of DisengagementNew York Basic Books

Davey A amp Eggebeen D J (1998) Patterns of intergenerational exchange and men-tal health Journal of Gerontology Psychological Sciences 53B(2) 86-95

34 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Page 22: Caring for an Aging Society

future that most effectively utilize our social resources Indeed the pub-lic policy challenge remains one of balancing the implied promisesmade to various cohorts as they were paying into social insurance pro-grams through payroll taxes the demands that these groups will makeas they reach ldquoold agerdquo and the willingness of younger cohorts to paythe bills Each of these elements the implied promises the demands ofthe aging and the willingness of the young will be based in their cul-tural experiences and cohort values Our current structure of aging ser-vices is still based in premises about the needs and deservedness ofprevious cohorts Insightful public policy will acknowledge the shiftingcultural values about what it is to be old in our society as we begin to ad-dress the needs of the aging Boomer cohort in the context of a delicatesocial balance between the beliefs and values of those who pay andthose who receive

RECEIVED July 2000REVISED November 2000

ACCEPTED February 2001

REFERENCES

Achenbaum W A (1986) Social Security Visions and Revisions Cambridge Cam-bridge University Press

Bengtson V L amp Achenbaum W A (1993) The Changing Contract Across Gener-ations New York Aldine de Gruyter

Bengtson V L Cutler N E Mangen D J amp Marshall V W (1985) Generationscohorts and relations between age groups pp 304-338 in Handbook of Aging andthe Social Sciences 2nd Edition (Robert H Binstock and Ethel Shanas eds) NewYork Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

Brody E M (1985) Parent care as a normative family stress The Gerontologist 25(l)19-29

Cole T R (1991) The Journey of Life A Cultural History of Aging in America Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Coontz S (1992) The Way We Never Were American Families and the NostalgiaTrap New York Basic Books

Cornman J M amp Kingson E R (1996) Trends issues perspectives and values forthe aging of the baby boom cohorts The Gerontologist 36(l) 15-26

Cummings E amp Henry W F (1961) Growing Old The Process of DisengagementNew York Basic Books

Davey A amp Eggebeen D J (1998) Patterns of intergenerational exchange and men-tal health Journal of Gerontology Psychological Sciences 53B(2) 86-95

34 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Page 23: Caring for an Aging Society

Dychtwald K amp Flower J (1989) Age Wave The Challenges and Opportunities ofan Aging America Los Angeles Jeremy P Tarcher Inc

Estes C L amp Binney E A (1991) The biomedicalization of aging Dangers and di-lemmas pp 117-134 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Gutheil I A (1996) Introduction The many faces of aging Challenges for the futureThe Gerontologist 36(l) 13-14

Haber C amp Gratton B (1994) Old Age and the Search for Security An AmericanHistory Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press

Hareven T K (1994) Aging and generational relations A historical and life courseperspective Annual Review of Sociology 20 437-61

Hodgson G (1976) America in Our Time New York Vintage BooksKarner T X (1999) Demonstrated lessons Case management strategies for serving

ethnically diverse families Geriatric Care Management Journal 9(2) 9-12Kinsella K (1997) The demography of an aging world pp 17-32 in The Cultural

Context of Aging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CTBergin amp Garvey

Kohli M (1988) Ageing as a challenge for sociological theory Ageing and Society 8367-394

Kosloski K Montgomery R amp Karner T X (1999) Differences in the perceivedneed for assistive services by culturally diverse caregivers of dementia patientsJournal of Applied Gerontology July 239-256

Levy F (1998) The New Dollars and Dreams New York Russell Sage FoundationMannheim K (19221952) Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge London

Routledge and PaulMarcuse H (1964) One-Dimensional Man Boston Beacon PressMills C W (1951) White Collar New York Oxford University PressMills C W (1959) The Power Elite New York Oxford University PressMinkler M (1991) Overview pp 3-17 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M

Minkler amp C Estes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company IncMontgomery R J V (1998) ldquoThe Impact of Ideologies and Paradigms on Long-Term

Care Policiesrdquo presented at the International Sociology Association 14th CongressMontreal July 26-August 1

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X amp Schaefer J (1997) Final Reportof the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants to States Project Health Services and Re-sources Administration Bureau of Primary Health

Montgomery R J V Kosloski K Karner T X Schaefer J amp Hupp K (2000)Further Analysis and Evaluation of the Alzheimerrsquos Demonstration Grants toStates Project Administration on Aging Health and Human Services

Myles J F (1984) Conflict crisis and the future of old age security pp 168-176 inReadings in the Political Economy of Aging (M Minkler amp C Estes eds)Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Myles J (1991) Postwar capitalism and the extension of Social Security into a retire-ment wage pp 293-309 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp C Esteseds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Tracy X Karner 35

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014

Page 24: Caring for an Aging Society

Neugarten B L (1982) Age or Need Public Policies for Older People BeverlyHills Sage Publications

Quadagno J S (1988) The Transformation of Old Age Security Class and Politics inthe American Welfare State Chicago The University of Chicago Press

Riley M W (1987) On the significance of age in sociology American SociologicalReview 52(Feb) 1-14

Riley M W amp Riley Jr J W (1994) Structural lag Past and future pp 15-36 inAge and Structural Lag Societyrsquos failure to provide meaningful opportunities inwork family and leisure (M Riley R Kahn amp A Foner eds) New York JohnWiley and Sons Inc

Robertson A (1991) The Politics of Alzheimerrsquos Disease A case study in apocalypticdemography pp 135-150 in Critical Perspectives on Aging (M Minkler amp CEstes eds) Amityville NY Baywood Publishing Company Inc

Rowe J W amp Kahn R L (1998) Successful Aging New York Pantheon BooksRyder N B (1965) The cohort as a concept in the study of social change American

Sociological Review 30 843-861Schar E (1998) ldquoBreaking the Ageism Barrier A Generational Approach to Mar-

ketingrdquo presented to the American Society on Aging San Francisco March 25-28Seccombe K amp Masako I-K (1991) Perceptions of problems associated with aging

Comparisons among four older age cohorts The Gerontologist 31(4) 527-533Sheehy G (1995) New Passages Mapping Your Life Across Time New York Ran-

dom HouseSiegel J S amp Taeuber C M (1986) Demographic dimensions of an aging popula-

tion pp 79-110 in Our Aging Society No 11 (A Pifer amp L Bronte eds) NewYork WW Norton

Silverstein M Angelelli J amp Parrott T (2001) Changing attitudes toward agingpolicy in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s A cohort analysis Journalof Gerontology 56B(1) S36-S43

Silverstone B (1996) Older people of tomorrow A psychosocial profile The Geron-tologist 36(l) 27-32

Skolnick A (1991) Embattled Paradise The American Family in an Age of Uncer-tainty New York Basic Books

Smith J W amp Clurman A (1997) Rocking the Ages The Yankelovich Report onGenerational Marketing New York Harper Business

Sokolovsky J (1997) Culture aging and context pp 1-15 in The Cultural Context ofAging Worldwide Perspectives (J Sokolovsky ed) Westport CT Bergin ampGarvey

Uhlenberg P (1996) The burden of aging A theoretical framework for understandingthe shifting balance of caregiving and care receiving as cohorts age The Gerontol-ogist 36(6) 761-767

Whyte W F (1956) The Organizational Man Garden City NY Anchor Books

36 JOURNAL OF AGING amp SOCIAL POLICY

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thea

ster

n U

nive

rsity

] at

13

12 2

3 N

ovem

ber

2014