Capstone - Essay - 072013

Running Head: GOVERNMENT ASSISTED REFUGEES 1

Government Assisted Refugees: Employability and Integration

Edmond Cheng, Liza Wajong, Mia Nissen

Simon Fraser University

2GOVERNMENT ASSISTED REFUGEES

1. Introduction and Background

Second only to the United States in the number of refugees resettled each year, Canada has a

long history of protecting refugees (CIC, 2011, vii). As a signatory to the United Nations Con-

vention on Refugees, Canada undertakes the responsibility of sponsoring a number of refugees

who require settlement in a safe country. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

(UNHCR) defines a refugee as someone who "owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted

for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political

opinion, is outside the country of his nationality, and is unable to, or owing to such fear, is un-

willing to avail himself of the protection of that country" (UNHCR website).

Canada enacted the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA) on June 28, 2002,

changing the focus of refugee selection and placing greater emphasis on the need for protection

and less on the ability of a refugee to become established in Canada. IRPA also introduced an

“expanded and consolidated” mandate for the country’s refugee determination system. Authors

Reekie & Layden-Stevenson (2006) explain how under the former Immigration Act, refugee

claimants appeared before a panel of the Immigration and Refugee Board (IRB), where their

claims for refugee status were assessed based on the five grounds (race, religion, nationality,

membership of a particular social group and political opinion) in the Refugee Convention. The

IRPA expanded the IRB’s jurisdiction and enabled the board to confer refugee protection on both

“Convention refugees” and the newly created class of “persons in need of protection.” The new

class encompasses claimants whose return to their home country would subject them personally

to torture, or would constitute a risk to life, or a risk of cruel and unusual treatment or punish-

ment. Successful refugee claimants in either class (Convention refugee under section 96, or “per-

son in need of protection” under section 97 of the IRPA) become “protected persons” under Ca-


nadian law and may apply for permanent residence status in Canada (Reekie, J & Layden-

Stevenson, 2006).

Unlike the situation with refugee groups such as Landed in Canada Refugees (LCRs) and

Privately-Sponsored Refugees (PSRs), there is an abundance of research and data on Govern-

ment Assisted Refugees (GARs) due to strong government interests in supporting this particular

group and its needs (Hyndman, 2009). This paper will accordingly focus on GARs in British

Columbia, though much of the information contained herein will in some ways apply to other

refugee groups as well.

To assist GARs, the Resettlement Assistance Program (RAP) is funded and directed by

Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC) and administered through Service Provider Organiza-

tions (SPOs) such as the Immigrant Services Society of BC (ISSofBC). In Study of Income Sup-

port Benefits Offered to Government Assisted Refugees Under the Resettlement Assistance Pro-

gram, authors Siggner, Atkey & Goldberg (2007) explain how RAP is primarily a one-year fed-

eral income assistance program designed to assist GARs as they settle and find work in Canada.

Despite resettlement assistance, research shows that GARs experience a multitude of challenges

in the integration process (Siggner, Atkey & Goldberg, 2007). Our aim is to elucidate the specific

challenges GARs face and develop ways to support them accordingly. Ultimately, the goal is for

GARs to be integrated. But what does integration mean?

In Research Summary on Resettled Refugee Integration in Canada (2011), Dr. Jennifer

Hyndman describes integration as one of the downstream objectives that imputes belonging and

participation in a safe country of residence, such as Canada (Hyndman, 2011). Further, success-

ful integration of refugees is said to be linked to achievement and access in a number of key do-

mains including: employment, housing, education and health (Ager & Strang, 2008). Also im-


portant is “social connectedness both with their cultural community and the community at large”

(CIC, 2011, 40). Academic literature shows that measurement of integration is difficult, there-

fore, academia generally focuses on the measurable indicators of integration such as: employ-

ment status and earnings, official (either English or French) language abilities and educational at-

tainment, health and housing (Hyndman, 2011). For the scope of this paper we focus on the in-

dicators of official language, education and employment. However, in striving for a holistic ap-

proach to understanding the refugee experience, we also explore two social aspects of integra-

tion; group solidarity and community support.

It has been shown that post-IRPA GARs have greater obstacles in terms of official

language, education and employment skills (CIC, 2011, vii). These challenges raise many

worthwhile questions, which researchers have approached from various angles. Some of these

approaches relate to economics, mental health, or government policy. While considering these

approaches, we bear in mind the importance of financial stability and its far-reaching impact on

all aspects of well-being. Therefore, our research question became: What factors will contribute

to increased employability among the GAR population in BC? Through our findings, we argue a

multi-faceted approach will bring about higher levels of employment. Specifically, employment

outcomes can be improved by modifying the RAP program, expanding and strengthening

community support programs, and by developing social enterprise initiatives.

2. Literature Review

In this section, we develop our thesis and answer our research question based on the

information found in the sources included below. The scope of our literature review is situated

broadly under social sciences, focusing on refugee studies. Our paper is similar to some other


studies; in that we are exploring factors contributing to GAR employment prospects and

integration. However, it differs in that we explore a holistic approach including: government

policy and programs, solutions such as community support and social enterprise initiatives. The

type of literature review we have conducted is, for the most part, quantitative (independent

research studies), with some qualitative review (effectiveness of policy, government documents)

and some issues of theory (books). Taken together, the sources reveal certain knowledge and

ideas that have been established on our research question.

2.1. Refugees in Canada

Before we focus on the plight of the GAR population in BC, some background on refugee

economic trends is provided through The Economic Experiences of Refugees in Canada (2004)

report. Authors DeVoretz, Pivnenko & Beiser provide statistics showing that social assistance

alone will keep refugees in substandard living conditions, while employment will get them out of

those circumstances. The opening sections include data on numbers of refugees arriving in

Canada from 1981 to 2001 (over 535,000) as well as information about where they came from

(p. 3-4). The focus of the essay from that point on is how each of these groups has fared

economically and why. The IMDB is said to be the best source for analysis and they examine the

educational qualifications and language skills of immigrants arriving in the period of 1980-2001.

Here they conclude that refugees generally have little command of either of Canada’s official

languages, with 75% of those from Europe and 57% from other places speaking only their native

languages on arrival. They then compare the total incomes of employed refugee cohorts

(averaging around $24,000 annually) and break it down according to different groups and

individuals (p. 12-24).


Using Statistics Canada’s Labour Force definition, the current unemployment rate in

Canada is 7.1%, whereas among GARs the average is 25% (CIC, 2011, 42). The majority of

those who work are paid hourly, and usually earn between $10.00 and $15.00 per hour (CIC,

2011, 42). The poverty, insecurity and isolation resulting from unemployment and

underemployment inhibits successful integration (New Beginnings, 2006, 46). Refugees who

relied primarily on social assistance were generally below the poverty (LICO) line. A LICO is an

income threshold below which a family will likely devote a larger share of its income to the

necessities of food, shelter and clothing than an average family would. For example, in 2009 the

LICO line in Vancouver was $18,421. The CIC RAP rate met 47% of LICO and the Social

Assistance rate met just 42% of LICO (CIC, 2011, 35).

In the last section, the authors of The Economic Experiences of Refugees in Canada

(2004) make a meaningful call to consider factors that go beyond mere employment and consider

how to alleviate the suffering that reports like theirs bring to light (DeVoretz, Pivnenko & Beiser,

2004). Overall, this report supports our hypothesis in the three following ways: 1) by showing

that refugees who are employed and do not receive social assistance generally fare much better

than those who remain unemployed and receive social assistance; 2) by stressing the need to help

unemployed refugees find jobs; and 3) by enabling refugees to access alternative support

programs to overcome obstacles to integration. It is worth noting that the report’s data is derived

from numbers of refugees arriving in Canada from 1981-2001 (pre-IRPA). This is significant

because later studies indicate that barriers to employment for GARs have increased since 2002,

heightening the urgency of improving support programs aimed at helping them.

Next, the problems facing Canadian refugees are addressed by the Canadian Council for

Refugees (CCR). In 2011, CCR conducted a survey with practitioners and compiled their


findings in the report, Refugee Integration: Key Concerns and Areas for Further Research. From

the input received, language training and access to employment were found to be among the top

concerns. Survey respondents highlighted language training as top priority for refugee

integration, noting that “in some provinces, newcomers who don’t learn quickly to function in an

official language are isolated and marginalized” (CCR, 12, 2011). The language barrier can block

GARs from getting everything from jobs to housing. Education, therefore, is essential. These

findings support our hypothesis by showing the interconnectedness of language training with

other priorities such as access to employment. Regarding access to employment, “It was

observed that if people have stable, secure and reasonably well-paid employment, other issues

such as those related to access to housing will diminish” (CCR, 2011, 10). These findings

highlight the need for programs to help refugees with language skills development, access to

employment via training programs and help seeking employment.

2.2. Obstacles Facing GARs in BC

Here we shift our focus to GARs in BC in order to evaluate the specific problems they

face. We gleaned much of our insight from the information researchers Graham, Atkey, Reeves

and Goldberg of the Social Planning and Research Council of BC provided in their 2009 report,

The Best Place on Earth? Contemporary and Historical Perspectives on Poverty Reduction

Policies and Programs in British Columbia. One such insight was that Metro Vancouver ranks

near the bottom for GAR-receiving cities in Canada in terms of the adequacy of its support

payments. Further, the authors noted that GARs arriving in BC are “at a more severe

disadvantage than those in other parts of the country due to the policy of linking assistance

payments to provincial welfare rates” (Graham, Atkey, Reeves & Goldberg, 2009, 9).


To gain perspective on the GARs’ experience, New Beginnings: Insights of Government-

Assisted Refugees in British Columbia into their Settlement Outcomes was chosen because it is

based on the perspectives of GARs themselves. ISSofBC undertook a project to survey and

obtain the views of GARs concerning their challenges and successes. As part of RAP, ISS

counselors provide orientation to all GARs during their first six weeks of resettlement. When

asked which sessions were most useful, the largest proportion of respondents highlighted the

financial orientation, although respondents also highlighted employment, housing and education.

In regards to English language training, “nearly 60% of respondents from both 2003 and 2005

rated their English language skills as ‘Not at all’ or ‘Beginner’” (New Beginnings, 2006, 8). The

length of time that individuals have to wait to start their ESL classes was one point that many

respondents felt needed to be improved (New Beginnings, 2006, 8-9).

Many of the other major issues identified by respondents related to their financial

vulnerability. This financial instability is often linked to the fact that the unemployment rate of

GARs is much higher than the provincial average (New Beginnings, 2011, 8). Many respondents

requested more assistance in searching for jobs, such as through the provision of a dedicated

GAR employment counselor based in ISSofBC. Respondents further emphasized the need for

skills training, skills upgrading and the need for an orientation on searching for work in Canada,

which would cover resumé writing, internet searches and interview preparation (New

Beginnings, 2011, 9). The findings in these two reports show that an approach combining policy

changes to RAP delivery and increased education and employment programs is what is needed to

tackle these particularly difficult obstacles.


2.3. GAR and RAP Program Evaluation

In March of 2011, Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC) conducted an evaluation of

both the GAR and RAP programs entitled, Evaluation of Government-Assisted refugees (GAR)

and Resettlement Assistance Program (RAP) (2011). The evaluation addressed issues related to

program relevance, design and impact. While it was found that RAP is consistent with UNHCR

guidelines on providing immediate assistance to new refugees, concerns about the RAP program

revolve around housing, medical needs, level of income support and flexibility in program

delivery (CIC, 2011). SPOs and GARs report that RAP met the immediate and essential needs of

GARs. However, the “increase in the number of GARs with “barriers” has been a growing issue

which places considerable strain on SPO staff and resources” (CIC, 2011, 27). Post-IRPA GAR

clients now face more “obstacles”, as demonstrated by the percentage increase in the proportion

of clients (2009 compared to 2000) with no official language skills (+14%) and no formal

education (+26%) (CIC, 2011, vii). In other words, refugee needs for support services have

increased following the introduction of IRPA. Although RAP provides necessary support in

initial orientation and resettlement services, this evaluation supports the case for modifying RAP

delivery methods and expanding community literacy and employment programs.

2.4. Group Solidarity and Community Support

In order to provide theoretical foundations for the recommendations we make regarding

community support programs, we draw on Iris Marion Young’s conceptual analysis of group

solidarity. Young’s theory of inclusion allows us to connect the significance of group solidarity

and community-based support among refugee groups. According to her theory of recognition,

solutions ought to be based on a multicultural spirit, rather than service providers imposing


solutions (Young, 2011). In other words, communities should attend to the particular needs of

GARs and work with them so that they become empowered and able to contribute meaningfully

to society. Within this framework, GARs would receive the recognition they deserve and

solutions would be determined collaboratively. For example, survey results from GARs

interviewed about their challenges and successes should be considered when creating solutions.

Young’s concepts provide a theoretical basis for the general notion of “community

solidarity” among less-privileged groups. Young takes this in the direction of group solidarity

and community networking (Young, 2000). Similarly, in the previously mentioned CCR report,

the importance of networking programs and a “third space” in communities was highlighted by

survey respondents. The “third space” is outside the home and the work-place, and can be used

to gather and socialize (CCR, 2011, 16). One respondent focused on networking as a means to

assist social and economic integration, and felt that networking programs are necessary because

refugees struggle to learn the language and re-establish their credentials, which results in a slow

settlement process (CCR, 2011).

Group-processing of refugees is already part of government policy. The CIC found

advantages in the group processing model as it “expedites efficient processing and allows for the

large-scale movement of refugees with similar socio-cultural characteristics” (CIC, 2011, 76).

Similarly, we consider the “group clustering” that ISSofBC notes in their report on settlement

patterns to be a viable and potentially fruitful policy. Therefore, the goal should be to provide

refugees with opportunities for group solidarity and community-based support that facilitate

social interaction and networking that GARs can use to find new opportunities (Young, 2000).

The point is that GARs need neighborhood contacts and contacts with the wider community in

order to be able to navigate the complexities of life in BC. This is the spirit of the UNHCR


definition of integration being a “two-way street” between newcomers and the community they

are entering. Lastly, and most importantly, group solidarity and community support organizations

such as the Inland Refugee Society, ISSofBC and local neighborhood houses can facilitate

educational and employment opportunities, improving GARs’ financial situation and

strengthening their emotional and ontological security.

2.5. Social Enterprise Initiatives

The final piece of literature addresses the social enterprise aspect of our hypothesis. In

Experiences of Immigrant and Refugee Social Enterprise in Canada, authors Chamberlain &

Rosenow-Redhead examine social enterprises and how they help newcomers adjust to life in

Canada and find work; whether as immigrants or refugees. Supported by Immigrant Settlement

and Integration through Social Enterprise Initiative (ISISE) and Immigrant and Refugee

Community Action Network (ICAN), the report focuses on newcomers getting the most out of

their own past experiences and finding work opportunities that improve their situations and aid in

financial self-sufficiency.

Most of the social enterprises assessed are run by immigrants themselves, providing an

additional level of support and understanding for new workers. The aim of the report is to build

on existing groups and networks by implementing new strategies for immigrants to expand their

businesses and help more newcomers. This report contains some very useful information when it

comes to articulating challenges faced by refugees and how they can overcome them through

networking and becoming involved in social enterprise, but two caveats should be kept in mind:

a) The report is largely aimed toward immigrants and skilled workers as opposed to

refugees, who are rarely mentioned. Our challenge would be to see how the research find-


ings and arguments made in the paper would be applicable to GARs in particular, since

they do not meet some of the criteria presupposed by the authors.

b) It’s not exactly clear from the report how newcomers are supposed to connect with the

existing enterprises and support groups that it advocates for. The report is largely geared

toward explaining the nature and function of these groups and the great work they are do-

ing, but hardly explains how recruitment and hiring processes work, and how newcomers

can connect with them.

2.6. Literature Review Conclusion

We surmise from our review of the literature that post-IRPA GARs are struggling to

become financially independent in BC, with many salient points in addition to trauma, lack of

literacy, low education and limited employment skills. Although RAP provides adequate

settlement support in the immediate term, GARs go on to struggle in the long term with official

language acquisition and accessing educational and employment opportunities. By way of a gaps

analysis, the next section illuminates some key issues.

3. Issues and Gaps Facing GARs in BC

3.1 Barriers to Appropriate Employability

This section will outline the importance of literacy and job skills-development in relation

to employability; and the gaps preventing GARs from easily accessing these indicators to

integration. According to the authors of The Economic Experiences of Refugees in Canada,

“English proficiency [is] a significant determinant of the likelihood of unemployment and labour

force participation in the long term” (DeVoretz, Pivnenko & Beiser, 2004, 8). One of the major


issues that GARs experience after the initial settlement phase is “prolonged waiting periods for

English language classes and unfamiliarity with various employment services, which often result

in feelings of frustration and isolation” (New Beginnings, 2006, 31). Despite the fact that BC

provincial authorities provide English Language Services for Adults (ELSA) up to level 3,

according to New Beginnings, “most clients wait up to six months to be enrolled in an ESL

class” (New Beginnings, 2006, 30). A one- to six-month waiting period presents a major

hardship to GARs because they are not in command of sufficient English to find stable long-term

employment.

Once GARs do become proficient in the English language, however, it is important that

they are able to access the labour market. “While not all jobs require computer skills,

increasingly job searching is done through the Internet, and job applications request emailed

copies of resumés. Therefore, individuals who do not have a basic level of computer skills will

face increased difficulties in accessing the labour market” (New Beginnings, 2006, 33). Even

though many GARs will not have a computer of their own, by having at least basic computer

skills they would be able to access computers in their local libraries or neighborhood houses to

initiate their job searches. This process of learning and discovery would also allow them to

become more socially integrated with their local community. However, once the initial settlement

phase is over, an unfortunate reality results; seeking education and employment is the

responsibility of GARs, but most GARs are not sure with where to begin. For example, ISS

employment counselors and GARs stressed “the need for an orientation on how to look for jobs

in Canada, which would cover resumé writing, Internet searches and interview preparation”

(New Beginnings, 2006, 48). By developing these skills, it will not only help GARs

professionally, but it will hopefully help them to build a solid financial future. Financial stability


has a positive trickle-down effect on a number of areas. These include: continuing education,

mental health, and social integration into the community. However, for the GAR population it

boils down to being able to access the right education when it is most pertinent.

3.2 RAP Flexibility and Service Delivery

As identified in the introduction, GARs in BC face a number of challenges when it comes

to securing a stable financial future after the initial settlement process. Some GARS may have

spent many years in a refugee camp, resulting in mental health issues. Moreover, they may have

no literacy in their own language, let alone in one of Canada’s official languages, and may come

to BC with few applicable job skills. All of these factors impact their employability when they

arrive in Canada. To help GARs adjust to life in Canada, RAP provides income support and

essential services to GARs during the first six weeks after arrival (also known as the orientation

period). These services include: designating available health care programs, providing assistance

with locating permanent accommodations, opening bank accounts, and giving them an overview

of financial products and services (New Beginnings, 2006). As mentioned, RAP is intended to

set GARs on a path of financial stability by linking clients to educational programs and services

such as provincially funded ESL classes. Given that the “mastery of a country’s official language

underpins full participation in society” (CIC, 2011, 40), most GARs are eager to start off on the

right foot with respect to acquiring official language skills (New Beginnings, 2006). However,

many GARs are unaware of what programs and services are available, may find themselves on

long waitlists, or feel that they are unable to register for certain programs and services, such as

ESL, due to having young children in the family and the urgency to begin earning an income

(New Beginnings, 2006).


Generally put, RAP support time is not long enough, wait times for continuing language

and education are too long, and GARs experience pressure to accept low-paying, part-time jobs

to relieve their financial burdens. This positions GARs into a cycle of poverty, because they are

not able to take the steps necessary to obtain long-term, stable employment. To mitigate these

situations, a key finding in the CIC RAP Evaluation Report (2004) observes “the implementation

of a specific monitoring mechanism is imperative …to ensure that RAP clients are settling and

integrating over the short-, medium- and long-term. This increased emphasis on monitoring will

be facilitated by expanding RAP service delivery to 12 months” (CIC, 2004). These observations

highlight the gaps in RAP service delivery and speak to changes that need to be made to ensure

the successful integration of the population that RAP is intended to support.

3.3 Income Support

From the perspective of a newcomer, a four- to six-week orientation jam-packed with in-

formation can be overwhelming. Once the orientation period is over, GARs are expected to man-

age their personal, academic, financial, health and housing needs on their own (CIC, 2011). It is

during this period that most GARs fall through the cracks in the system. Stakeholders noted that

the current benchmark (provincial income assistance rates) used to match RAP income support

levels for GARs were inappropriate. Even when factoring in the additional non-RAP supple-

ments, there are numerous indicators to suggest that RAP income support levels are still insuffi-

cient: the high percentage of GARs who report using food banks (57%), the percentage reporting

difficulties in repaying their CIC transportation loan (61%), and the percentage citing financial

issues as the greatest difficulties in terms of resettlement (33%) (CIC, 2011, viii). As mentioned

in the literature review, it has been calculated that RAP support equates to less than one-half the


income required to meet the LICO in Canada (CIC, viii). To further compound this problem,

GARs who are still unemployed when the one year of RAP income support expires have to tran-

sition to social assistance at the regular rate; as opposed to the disability (or, unable to work)

rate. This transition to a lower income-level drops them even further below the LICO line. The

provincial social assistance rate traps them in a cycle of poverty, impacting their ability to attain

the basic language skills and education that they need to successfully enter the labour market.

Certain stakeholders have suggested using the disability rate as a benchmark for income support,

because it provides a more equal playing field, considering all of the barriers facing GARs when

they come to Canada (SPARC, 2007, 41).

3.4 Transportation Loan Repayment RAP Income Support

At the same time GARs are coping with the aforementioned challenges, many have a sig-

nificant transportation loan that they are expected to start repaying after they have been in the

country for more than six months (New Beginnings, 2006). The loan is provided to cover medi-

cation examinations abroad, travel documents and transportation to Canada (CIC, 2011), and can

be as much as $10,000 for a family of refugees. The loan then starts collecting interest after a 12-

month interest-free period (New Beginnings, 2006). Many of the countries that accept GARs of-

fer these loans as grants. Canada is the only country that charges interest on the loan (Cultures

West, 2010, 10). What this means for GARs is that in order to start paying down the transporta-

tion loan and subsequently, the interest on the loan, GARs are forced to find low-paying jobs. In

many cases, they may even have to find two or three low-paying part-time jobs in order to make

ends meet (Culture West, 2010, 21). As a result, GARs are often unable to access educational op-

portunities at all, even though there may have been “a clear desire on the part of many [clients]


for more information about employment and educational opportunities, in particular the need for

English language skills and availability of ESL classes” (New Beginnings, 2006, 19). This illus-

trates the cycle of poverty and how it affects the long-term employment and financial future of

GARs in Canada.

3.5 Issues and Gaps Conclusion

Literacy, job skills and employability are all interlinked. By becoming proficient in

English and other types of skills, such as in the use of computers, it will allow an individual to

seek appropriate employment. If GARs are not able to easily take advantage of literacy and skills

development classes, their employment opportunities will be limited; if they experience poverty

due to RAP income support rates and paying back their transportation loan, it becomes

exceedingly difficult for them to obtain full-time, stable employment. Thus, GARs may risk not

being fully integrated into their communities — not just in terms of the labour market, but into

society at large. This can result in a number of problems, including: reliance on food banks,

dependence on government income assistance, working multiple part-time jobs to make ends

meet (Cultures West, 2010, 21), isolation and marginalization (New Beginnings, 2006, 31).

Seeking employment is more than just the search for a job; it is preparing oneself to look

for a suitable employment in order to support oneself and one’s family in relation to one’s skills

and education. To further address the current system and issues that GARs face, the following

section will focus on recommendations for the GAR population in BC.


4. Recommendations

In the previous sections, we have identified the gaps in the services for GARs. We have

found emerging themes that pertain to gaps in RAP’s program delivery, the challenge of

accessing education, and GAR unemployment. In this section, we wish to propose the

recommendations in support of allowing GARs to achieve financial stability and social

integration in BC. There are three important measures to be implemented: modification to RAP

by means of rate-increase and the elimination of interest charges on transportation loans; the

development of stronger community-support programs; and the development of a refugee-

oriented social enterprise program. The results would include a better integration outcome for

GARs, such as the ability to obtain jobs more easily, earn higher income, and become less

dependent on government support.

4.1 RAP Delivery and Flexibility

Through our research, the recommendations we make in relation to RAP delivery and

flexibility are in alignment with the CIC findings found in the previously mentioned 2011 evalu-

ation report. First, CIC has acknowledged that after the implementation of IRPA, there is a need

to address the greater demands placed on RAP and other services delivered to GARs. Service

providers and front-line workers have expressed this need in various areas, with one of them be-

ing the concern over RAP’s flexibility and service delivery. We recommend that senior CIC

management seriously address SPO concerns with program flexibility and service provision: “…

analyses of the RAP guidelines suggest that RAP is quite prescriptive in terms of the types of in-

formation/services that should be provided to GARs. To allow resources to be appropriately tar-

geted based on need, SPOs should be provided with the funding flexibility to modify individual


service provision based on client need(s)” (CIC, 2011, ix). In other words, front-line workers

should be allowed more flexibility in supporting the needs of their clients.

Another recommendation in this area is the implementation of a case management ap-

proach, which was mentioned in our gaps analysis section. The literature shows that a case man-

agement approach is being explored through a settlement service model piloted with the Govern-

ment of Manitoba. “The pilot project will seek to enhance and tailor existing service models to

respond to the special challenges of high-needs refugees.” (CIC, 2011, xvii)

Finally, RAP service delivery should be extended to 12 months. This is mainly because

SPOs and front-line workers have identified the current four- to six-week period as inadequate:

“In discussions with SPOs, it was noted in many instances; SPOs have continued to provide sup-

port such as guidance and counselling to GARs well past the initial four- to six-week period as

prescribed under RAP” (CIC, 2011, 42). While RAP is designed to be a short-term program for

GARs, SPOs feel that RAP should be modified to provide on-going support (referral and guid-

ance) to GARs for a much longer period of time (12 months was identified as an approximate

length of time to provide such support). This is directly linked to the increased number of GAR

clients with increased barriers since the introduction of IRPA. Considering the reality of IRPA

(changing legislation), there is “justification to extend RAP services to account for additional

service needs of this client group” (CIC, 2011, 42).

In sum, since the federal government changed legislation by enacting IRPA, they subse-

quently changed the rules, and by doing so, the individuals who are most affected by these

changes require support. We cannot enroll people in a program under one set of rules and assume

that adequate support is still being provided under a new set of rules. This is occurring when CIC


allows high needs GARs to enter Canada under “protection” legislation only to abandon them af-

ter six weeks.

4.2 Proposed Changes to Income Support

Based on our gaps analysis in regards to RAP supports, we have learned that RAP income

is insufficient to support GARs’ basic needs and that it is almost impossible to find affordable

housing if they rely on the RAP income support. For long-term, sustainable income they need to

access appropriate employment. However, they face challenges in finding employment because

of their lack of language and skills training. For this reason, we suggest an increase of the current

rate of RAP income to an amount that will meet the basic needs of GARs at the national LICO

level while they are in the resettlement phase. The challenge is the fact CIC has maintained that

they will continue the policy of matching RAP to provincial social assistance rates (CIC, 2011,

xix). Considering this political reality, we believe that by acknowledging the particularly difficult

barriers GARs enter the country with, a potential solution is to “...establish agreements with

provincial governments to permit unemployed GARs to enter provincial social assistance

programs at the disability rates once they transition off of RAP” (SPARC, 2007, 41). Ultimately,

this continued support will benefit the GARs long-term financial stability as they acquire the

skills necessary to gain and sustain stable employment, self-sufficiency and social integration.

4.3 Zero Interest Transportation Loan

In addition to the aforementioned support increase, we would also like to bring the atten-

tion to repayment of transportation loans. The repayment period for the loan begins 30 days after

landing in Canada and GARs have up to six years to repay a loan. (CIC 2011, 39). Refugees have


a one year grace period, but if the loan is still outstanding after three years, the government starts

charging interest. As mentioned previously, Canada is the only country that charges interest

(Cultures West, 2010, 10). First, we propose the elimination of the interest on these loans, as it is

extremely difficult for GAR families to support themselves especially if they are still unem-

ployed after the 12-month period. Second, we propose the extension of the grace period before

they have to commence repayment of transportation loan because with the barriers facing GARs

such as trauma, illiteracy and limited employment skills, it is unrealistic for the CIC to expect

that GARs will be self-sufficient after a 12-month period. To be self-sufficient means GARs

would have to earn a steady income in order to satisfy their basic needs. Eliminating the interest

on the transportation loans will enable GARs to be in a stronger position to pay off their loan.

The issue of the transportation loans is also on the agenda of the Canadian Council of Refugees

(CCR). As a strong advocate for the well-being of refugees, the CCR strongly oppose this loan

repayment, and propose its elimination. Their work in monitoring this sector is supported by

various member organizations including SPOs (CCR, 2013). CCR is a non-profit organization

advocating for refugees and their settlement in Canada. The majority of CCR member organiza-

tions support both government-sponsored refugees and refugee claimants, and CCR invites con-

cerned citizens to express their opinion by speaking up for any matter relating to government

policies that concern refugees (CCR, 2013).

4.4 Expanding and Increasing Community Support

Integration is a two-way process. It involves both newcomers and receiving communities

(AMSSA, Glossary of Terms, n.d.). In this way, it is not just up to newcomers to assimilate or

absorb into the wider society or culture. As part of the dynamic two way process, when GARs


attempt to re-settle, they need the communities to which they are entering to support their

integration. As noted in the 2011 Refugee Integration Report by CCR, host communities need to

be better prepared to create welcoming communities for newcomers (CCR, 2011, p. 12).

We recommend mobilizing community volunteers to reach out to GARs and their

families and engage them with their surrounding community. In Metro Vancouver, for example,

neighbourhood houses have played a central role in making these connections happen; they have

the capacity to recruit community volunteers to help GARs, and their programs and services

reflect the needs of its surrounding communities (which are mostly initiated through a

community consultation process) (ANHBC, 2013). Therefore it is possible that this integration

will eventually be achieved via community connections. Further, a neighbourhood house delivers

a wide range of social services, including pre-employment and neighbourhood-based language

training programs. Engaging GARs with these programs will address their skill and training

needs, at least at a community level. In the case that they are on a wait list for ELSA classes,

GARs can participate in the community-based language programs first prior to join the formal

ELSA programs.

Another example is the Mt. Pleasant Neighbourhood House, located in the midtown area

of Vancouver (MPNH, 2013). This neighbourhood house is one of the service providers deliver-

ing a welcoming community project; an educational process helping communities and neighbor-

hoods find new ways to become inviting, inclusive places for people who live there. At the same

time, this project aims to promote community engagement activities, including dialogue circles,

community dinners, leadership development and mentoring programs (ANHBC, 2013). The wel-

coming community initiatives stem from the input of various individuals and groups within the

service catchment of these neighbourhood houses.


By connecting with a neighbourhood house, GARs will gain access to community-based

programs and services, including literacy and employment skills. It will also allow them to use

the house as a “third space” (CCR, 2011) where they can make community connections or pro-

pose ideas to build grass-root community groups. Our idea to utilize neighborhood houses can be

done in two ways; one being to access its programs and services, and another being to propose

potential programs that are specifically designed for GARs. Neighbourhood house programs and

services are designed for the needs of the surrounding communities. Therefore, facilitating GARs

and their engagement to a neighbourhood house will greatly assist their integration process.

4.5 Social Enterprise Initiatives

In addition to the community support recommendation, we also advocate the promotion

of a social enterprise supporting GARs and their income generation. Social enterprise can be

defined as a business with a social purpose. Our findings suggest positive outcomes when

immigrants and refugees are involved in these initiatives, such as when refugees are encouraged

to become social entrepreneurs and eventually attaining financial stability (Chamberlain &

Resenow-Redhead, 2010, p.19). Engaging in a social enterprise is suitable for GARs because it is

socially conscious in achieving its purpose and empowers GARs through job skills development

(CCED Network, 2013). We specifically recommend connecting newcomers who are interested

to co-ops. Our findings show that a co-operative is one of the best practices in social enterprise

development. As a long-term goal, development of a GARs-based co-operative would be

possible. Co-ops have a clear and established structure, meaning that the commencement of a co-

operative will not be too overwhelming for those involved. For example, an online public

education about co-operatives is available and is easily accessible at anytime (Co-ops Canada,

2013).


5. Future Study

The focus of this paper has been on employability; however, employability cannot be

viewed as a single issue. Rather, it intersects with other issues and is multi-relational in this

sense. As a result, further research needs to be done in areas such as: housing and mental health.

Looking at the scope of research on the topic of refugee settlement and outcomes, Dr. Jennifer

Hyndman’s 2011 Research Summary on Resettled Refugee Integration in Canada, has identified

two important areas for future study: access to housing, and mental health related issues.

Hyndman observes “Secure and affordable housing is a vital piece of the settlement and

integration process in Canada” (Hyndman, 2009, 19). High rent and low vacancy rates in

Canada’s two largest and most expensive cities, Vancouver and Toronto, have given rise to many

studies on the struggles refugees face in finding housing. Much more could be said about refugee

housing, and “entire research careers have been devoted to refugee housing strategies” (Hynd-

man, 2009, vi). In sum, the main message appears to be that affordability of housing puts reset-

tled refugees at the economic and social margins of society.

As previously mentioned, post-IRPA GARs are more likely to face multi-barriers to set-

tlement. Another area for future research would be the mental health needs on refugees from pro-

tracted situations. The specifics of long-term exile, torture and post-traumatic stress disorder

(PTSD) also have implications for the integration process. A key question Hyndman poses:

“What are settlement needs and outcomes, especially health and mental health (i.e. PTSD), of

refugees from protracted situations compared to people from shorter term displacements?” (Hyn-

dman, 2009, 41). In order to gain a complete understanding of the true effects of health and hous-

ing as it relates to integration, it is necessary to conduct further study in these areas.


6. Conclusion

GARs and their families face a tremendous challenge in integration. Our research identifies

critical gaps in the system that impede their process of integration. The emerging themes of this

discourse are the lack of language and skills training, which result in higher unemployment rates

among the GAR population. We conclude that a holistic approach to support is necessary to pro-

vide GARs with a good start to life in British Columbia. No service can be successfully delivered

alone. Serving GARs in the community would require the involvement of various stakeholders,

including the government, community-based organizations, grass-root groups, and community

economic development. Their roles are interconnected, and together they provide a multi-dimen-

sional approach to service implementation. Canada has a long history of protecting refugees, but

changes to the current system are necessary. An effective strategy would need to interlink perti-

nent resources in the process of increasing the capacity of host communities to embrace new-

comers and assist them to have positive and successful experiences.


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