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Transcript of Botany Final
Emily Culver11 May 2011BOT 207Final Paper
Ayahuasca Visions:Globalization and Its Effect on the Spiritual Use of Ayahuasca
and the visions rose he felt the snake that wasout of the darkening voice his skin and the mon-keysout of the night the root voice of his hands he saw his faces through the chant he saw his in all the leaves and could recognizeblood in the veins of trees those that were poison and thosehe appeared in the green of his eyes that could save1
As the poem written above demonstrates, the visions induced by the powerful hallucino-
genic, ayahuasca, has captured the attention of the worldwide community. It stems from the in-
digenous communities in the Amazon and other regions of Latin America, but its secrets have
begun to seep out into the outside world. Western society has begun to seek alternative spiritual
practices as a way to fill the emptiness that comes from our consumer lifestyle. Globalization and
modernity which have contributed to these feelings of emptiness have additionally led to in-
creased access to other, distant cultures. The combination of these factors has led to the rise of
“ayahuasca tourism”, where outsiders (namely Westerners) travel to indigenous communities in
the Amazon rainforest and other parts of Latin America in order to partake in ayahuasca rituals.
Many individuals, spiritual groups, and even media sources have traveled to the Amazon rainfor-
est to take ayahuasca in search of spiritual enlightenment, emotional or physical healing or even
out of simple curiosity. In light of the rise of this new cultural phenomena which has become in-
creasingly more common, I seek to document the traditional beliefs and rituals surrounding
1 Merwin quoted in Luna and White 2000.
ayahuasca use or yajé, as it is known in Ecuador. The paper will open by establishing the prop-
erties of the ayahuasca plant, its traditional use and the visions and spiritual practices that result
from using ayahuasca. Then I will examine the effects noted by anthropologists and other aca-
demics of globalization on ayahuasca use, and the indigenous communities who provide
ayahuasca rituals for the tourist. The conclusion of this paper is that ayahuasca tourism is a po-
tentially dangerous phenomena that threatens the survival of traditional indigenous practices and
threatens to “profane” or Westernize traditional ayahuasca use.
Traditional Ayahuasca Use in Indigenous Communities
Hundreds of indigenous communities in South America have been using this extraordi-
nary and multi-purpose hallucinogenic plant for centuries, known as different names depending
on the location and group. These communities are most notably located in the Amazon rainfor-
est, but there are also communities using this plant in the Orinoco, the border region of Colombia
and Ecuador, the Pacific Coast of Latin America and the large western expanse of the rainforest
encompassing the Peruvian and Brazilian Amazons. This amazing hallucinogen is known as
ayahuasca, caapi, yajé, natema, oni, nishi or pinde according to the indigenous
group, demonstrating widespread use across historical time periods because of the large variety
of names (Furst 1990: 34-35 Luna 1986). The main ingredient of ayahuasca that can be seen in
all varieties and indigenous communities is Banisteriopsis caapi which is a jungle liana. In-
digenous people who use ayahuasca have discovered two other rain forest plants that work to en-
hance the hallucinogenic alkaloids of Banisteriopsis caapi. These two other plants are
Diplopterys caberana and Psychotria viridis (Sumner 2000: 193). It is of course, the in-
teraction between these different chemicals that makes for such a unique ayahuasca experience,
and the use of all of them is an example of the impressive botanical knowledge of Amazonian in-
digenous peoples as well as their ability to determine the synergistic effects of different plant
chemicals, which has clearly been passed through generations of indigenous people and has
formed a part of their common knowledge as a society (Sumner 2000: 193).
Indigenous groups have different ways of imbibing this intricate combination of plant
chemicals that results in the final ayahuasca mixture: by chewing the bark of the jungle liana,
creating a cold-water fusion of the different plants, or by creating a warm liquid concoction com-
monly referred to as ayahuasca tea created by boiling the stems and bark of the lianas and other
plants that are used (Furst 1990: 36). Although the experience of ayahuasca and the ritual en-
gaged varies according to each unique indigenous group, there are some parallels and similarities
that allow for a general overview of the use of ayahuasca, which has been compiled into cate-
gories by anthropologist Marlene Dobkin de Rios who studied magic, healing and psychoactive
substances in Belén, the floating shanty town located near Iquitos, Peru. She categorized the cul-
tural use of ayahuasca amongst different indigenous groups ranging from indigenous Amazonian
tribes in Colombia, Ecuador, Venezuela and Peru, mestizos in the Peruvian Amazon (such as in
Belén) and Quechuas in the Bolivian and Peruvian Andes. These categories are Magic-Religious
Uses (divine guidance and communications with spirits, trances, training of shamans), Divination
(to see the future) and Witchcraft (to cause illness to others, discover cause of one’s own illness,
invoking of spirits to heal). (Dobkin de Rios 1984: 38-42).
Whichever the category, the plant of ayahuasca has always been and continues to be
deeply integrated into many aspects of indigenous life and is seen by most as the most important
medicinal plant, as well as useful for a variety of purposes other than medicinal as demonstrated
by Dobkin de Rios’ findings. In order to utilize ayahuasca for one of the above purposes, one
must use it to experience an ayahuasca vision which is described differently by each individual
but many parallels can be found. The name ayahuasca, which is its Peruvian term, is translated as
the vine of the souls. Those who imbibe this vine of the souls in the Peruvian Amazon often ex-
perience their own death and have out of body experiences in which their soul and their physical
being are separated. In Colombia, those who take ayahuasca have described their experience as
returning to their mother’s womb and being reborn as a wiser, more aware self. This helps them
respect family, and understand more fully the meaning of their strict social order. This under-
standing of their social order results from their visions of the creator while in the womb, as well
as subsequent visions of the line of the human race. In Ecuador, where they consume yajé (an-
other term for ayahuasca) they similarly experience death and rebirth. In other communities in
the Brazilian Amazon, caapi as it is known serves as a part of the male initiation ceremony as a
way to fortify the bravery of the communities’ male members (Furst 1990: 35).
The most common visions that are mentioned by those participating in ayahuasca rituals
are animals commonly found in the jungle areas. According to Harner there are eight frequent vi-
sions: colored, large snakes, jaguars and ocelots, spirits, large trees, lakes, villages, traders and
gardens. These visions come and go and are presented in a very fluid manner. The overwhelming
sense of darkness are changed often by flashing brightness. Time, space and color are extremely
distorted (Harner 1973). Color can be overwhelmingly bright at certain moments then fade into
a calmer color experience.
The ayahuasca experience is begun by a “purging” ritual. That is, one of the most com-
mon physical effects of taking ayahuasca, particularly when it is imbibed in the form of a hot,
“tea-like” beverage is nausea and often vomiting. This marks the beginning of the experience
and is referred to as the “purge”. This purging process, although unpleasant is necessary for the
ayahuasca experience, because it is a part of the cleansing that must occur if one is to be reborn
in a different state, or to be healed of their afflictions. Nausea is often heightened if the partici-
pant chose not to partake in the typical pre-ayahuasca rituals, that is to refrain from sex, alcohol,
cigarettes, and drugs prior to taking ayahuasca (usually a period of 5-7 days). The participant is
also expected to fast for the 24 hour period leading up to the ayahuasca ritual. This purging or
cleansing experience is then followed by instantaneous euphoria which marks the beginnings of
the visions. These visions are entirely panoramic and one is completely immersed in their visions
often playing a role in the vision. Some visions can encompass nightmarish occurrences as well
as negative emotions of loneliness, abandon, darkness but these are just some visions that have
been noted from the ayahuasca experience (Furst 1990 and Harner 1973).
In order to explain the cultural significance of ayahuasca, I will specifically look at the
importance and integration of ayahuasca, or yajé as it is specifically known in this culture, in
the Siona indigenous community of the Northwest Colombian Amazon. For this community,
imbibing yajé is a chance to see the other half of their universe. For them, the entire universe is
separated into two different parts. One is the reality that we witness day to day. The tangible ac-
tions, our friends and family. The other side is heaven and is normally not visible. Drinking yajé
gives the participant the opportunity to travel to this other side, making it an exciting time for the
participants. This heaven has five different areas: some are dark and frightening, others are
bright, hopeful and colorful. One who takes yajé will travel through each of these regions. Some
will travel through all of them each time they participate in the ceremony and others will experi-
ence only one or a few. The most significant aspect of this ritual is that participants enjoy sharing
with all members of their community in order to spread the knowledge gained from the ritual.
The result is an integration of the whole community into the shamanistic experience (Luna and
White 2000: 21-23).
Globalization and the Rise of Ayahuasca Tourism
I will never forget what it was like. The overwhelming mis-ery. The certainty of never-ending suffering. No one to help you, no way to escape. Everywhere I looked: darkness so thick that the idea of light seemed inconceivable. All at once, I willed myself to rise. I sailed up through the tunnel of fire, higher and higher until I broke through to a white light. All darkness immediately vanished. My body felt light, at peace. I floated among a beautiful spread of colors and patterns. (Salak 2006).
Globalization has had a direct effect on ayahuasca use. The rise of communications and technol-
ogy as well as the more general rise in cross-cultural experiences, communication and interest in
other cultures has led to the cultural phenomena of a rise in outsider interest in ayahuasca (Tup-
per 2006: 3). The excerpt above is from National Geographic writer, Kira Salak, who trav-
eled to the Peruvian Amazon to take part in an ayahuasca ritual and claims the ritual played a
role in curing her depression (Salak 2006). This is just one of many current examples that exist
of individuals or groups traveling to the Amazon in search of healing, or an “authentic” or “real”
experience. A simple internet search will yield hundreds of blog entries, newspaper and maga-
zine articles, chronicling experiences with ayahuasca tourism. This experimentation with
ayahuasca is not an entirely new phenomena, but rather this search for unique, new experiences
and experimenting with drugs to reach this experience, has its roots in the rise of drug and espe-
cially hallucinogenic experimentation that took place during the socially revolutionary days of
the 1960s. This period of time was full of people looking to seek alternative spiritual develop-
ment coupled with drug experimentation. Ayahuasca itself particularly was introduced to the
wider global community largely due to the attention given to it by well-known Beat Poets Allen
Ginsberg and William Burroughs who wrote The Yagé Drinker chronicling their experimen-
tation with ayahuasca in the Amazon (Tupper 2006).
Many, such as Jonathan Ott, see ayahuasca tourism as a negative phenomenon, one that
threatens the traditional spiritual beliefs of ayahuasca practices: “...ayahuasca tourism can only
disrupt the evanescent remnant of preliterate religiosity struggling to make a place for itself in
the modern world, while attracting the wrong kind of attention to ayahuasca” (Ott 1994). This
statement stems from the belief held by many scholars and anthropologists that the Western mind
is incapable of understanding the true power of ayahuasca. The traditional use of ayahuasca in its
original form is dying out in many indigenous cultures, because of their increased integration
into the rest of the world, and their growing acceptance of institutionalized medicinal practices as
well as education that usurps the need to gain wisdom from a hallucinogenic plant. Having atten-
tion on ayahuasca in a purely profitable manner has several negative consequences. First, it puts
strains on the environment due to the increasing influx of tourists into areas of the rainforest
where previously there were low densities of populations. Also, the supply of ayahuasca is wan-
ing for indigenous people. If there were suddenly to be such a high demand for it, it may deplete
the resource entirely.
It is also feared that ayahuasca will somehow be “profaned” by Westerners who do not
have the ability to understand its meaning. Anthropologist Marlene Dobkin de Rios describes the
epitome of the ayahuasca tourist who is described as “an individualist in search of authenticity
and the exotic, the tourist in quest of an experience in a foreign land, to elevate themselves spiri-
tually and to be entertained. The individualist does not want anyone to tell him what to do and
flees unpleasant aspects of modernity for the ‘authentic and ‘real’” (Dobkin de Rios and Rumrrill
2008: 76-77). Essentially, the post-World War II Western self is empty and fills that perpetual
emptiness with consumerism and purchasing of consumer goods. Those who find this life empty
and meaningless are the same people who turn to alternative spiritual practices or medicine, who
reject the typical institutionalized medicinal practices we find in the Western world. Those who
are seeking this form of alternative medicines and experiences are the types of people found in
the Amazonian jungle experimenting with ayahuasca. Those who seek this quintessentially anti-
Western experience do so for a myriad of personal, largely purely individualistic reasons: self-
discovery and personal growth or spiritual development (Tupper 2006). It is feared that this use
of ayahuasca for completely personal reasons, as well as its potential profitability will lead to the
rise of untrained shamans seeing the potential for an ayahuasca market and risking the health of
themselves and the tourists. Westerners are not always able to understand the health and emo-
tional stability risks that are involved in the complicated matrix of ayahuasca use.
It is impossible to clarify this search and determine the overall effect of ayahuasca
tourism on indigenous communities and to understand this desire to fill the westernized empty
self without investigating what modernity and globalization mean. Modernity, as defined by
Tupper (2009) has had a variety of effects. It generally is lauded as the overall improvement of
human kind, but can come with certain costs felt differently in different categories of societies.
One of the direct consequences of modernity is globalization which is the linkaging of communi-
ties over vast territorial areas and increased communication amongst different cultures. (Giddens
1990: 64).
While ayahuasca can have spiritually and emotionally rewarding effects for all those who
engage in taking it no matter their ethnic or cultural backgrounds, the political and social justice
implications outweigh these rewards. Referring back to the National Geographic writer,
Kira Salak, it can heal illnesses and mental and emotional disorders such as depression in the
case of Salak. While there is undeniably value in this, ayahuasca tourism is itself caused by glob-
alization, which I see as a negative force. This stems from the fact that globalization in and of it-
self is a very Eurocentric way of looking at the world. Globalization has been used as a tool for
imperialistic and neocolonialist tactics on the part of the Western world. What this essentially
means is the exploitation of other cultures or marginalized peoples in order to serve the interests
of a small, elite group. In this scenario it manifests itself in the adaptation of indigenous spiritual
practices in order to serve the interest of a small, elite group who have the means and ability to
travel to the Amazon in order to partake in these rituals. The result is undermining the indigenity
of the practice and allows Westerners to lay claim to the experience and knowledge that should
be strictly left to indigenous people. Those in the community see ayahuasca no longer as a part of
their traditional culture to be cherished, treasured and conserved but rathe as another way to
make a profit exploiting the tourists. Some indigenous people have spoken out against this theft
of their cultural practices such as the group of Colombian indigenous people known as the Union
of Indigenous Yagé Healers of the Colombian Amazon in their Yurayaco Declaration:
Non-Indigenous people are finally acknowledging the importance of our wisdom and the value of our medicinal and sacred plants. Many of them profane our culture and our terri-tories by commercializing yagé...Indeed some of our own indigenous brothers do not re-spect the value of our medicine and go around misleading people, selling our symbols in towns and cities (Union de Medicos Indigenas Yagaceros de la Amazonia Colombiana 1999).
Indigenous people in the Amazon and around the world have only just been asserting their politi-
cal voices. Globalizing forces and neocolonialist attitudes have led to the adaptation of
ayahuasca as a individualistic spiritual practice by Westerners. In order to keep ayahuasca from
being profaned and seen only as something valuable for its profit, it should be kept from the
touristic market. In this way it will continue its value as an important indigenous plant allowing
their traditions to live on.
WORKS CITED
Dobkin de Rios, Marlene, 1984. Visionary Vine: Hallucinogenic Healing in the Peru-
vian Amazon. (Waveland Press, Inc.) Print.
Dobkin de Rios, Marlene and Róger Rumrrill, 2008. A Hallucinogenic Tea, Laced with
Controversy: Ayahuasca in the Amazon and the United States.
(ABC-CLIO) Print.
Furst, Peter Thomas, 1990. The Flesh of the Gods: The Ritual Use of Hallucinogens.
(Waveland Pr. Inc.) Print.
Harner, Michael J., 1973. Hallucinogens and Shamanism. (Galaxy Books). Print.
Luna, Luis Eduardo, 1986. Vegetalismo: Shamanism among the Mestizo Popula-
tion of the Peruvian Amazon. (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell Internat).
Print.
Luna, Luis Eduardo and Steven F. White, 2000. Ayahuasca Reader: Encounters with
the Amazon’s Sacred Vine. (Synergetic Press). Print
Ott, Johnatan, 1994. Ayahuasca Analogues: Pangaean entheogens. (Natural Products
Co.) Print.
Salak, K, 2006. Peru: Hell and Back. National Geographic Adventure. [retrieved May 10
2011 at http://www.nationalgeographic .com/adventure/0603/features/per.html ]
Sumner, Judith, 2000. The Natural History of Medicinal Plants. (Timber Press) Print.
Tupper, Kenneth W., 2006. The globalization of ayahuasca: Harm reduction or benefit maxi-
mization. Journal of Drug Policy.
---, 2009. Ayahuasca healing beyond the Amazon: The globalization of a traditional indigenous
entheogenic practice. Global Networks: A Journal of Transnational Af-
fairs, 9.1, 117-136. Print.
Unión de Médicos Indígenas Yagaceros de la Amazonía Colombiana, 1999. The Yurayaco Dec-
laration, [retrieved May 11 2011 at www. amazonteam.org/umiyac-declara-
tion.html]