Big Cats and Imperialism: Lion and Tiger Hunting in Kenya and Northern India, 1898-1930 Author(s): William K. Storey Reviewed work(s): Source: Journal of World History, Vol. 2, No. 2 (Fall, 1991), pp. 135-173 Published by: University of Hawai'i Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20078498 . Accessed: 25/02/2012 00:49Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

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Big Cats and Imperialism: Lion and Tiger Hunting inKenya and Northern India, 1898-1930*WILLIAM K. STOREY University The Johns Hopkins

Hunting

and Colonial

Expatriate

Culture

lion and tiger hunting this day, people associate vividly with in Africa of an era and Asia. Symbolic experience Europe's To as Kipling to "take up the when, powers were put it, the colonial to rule "wild," Man's sullen peo White burden," "new-caught, the imagery of lion and tiger Half-devil and half child,"1 ples,/ has had remarkable films, such as staying power. Recent hunting and Out of Africa, romanticize role in colonial hunting's society, is currently Press the most St. Martin's popular republishing The continuing stories of the colonial interest of period. hunting in big-game the with the western hunting, public together general eco in the relationship between interest of historians increasing a number to of authors has inspired and social processes, logical on the subject and of imperialism and books articles publish in recent hunting of Nature.2*

years,

most

notably

John MacKenzie's

Empire

at The John Hopkins in history is a doctoral candidate The author University to the Semi in Baltimore, An earlier draft of this article was presented Maryland. on 19 April nar in African at Hopkins to acknowl wishes 1989. The author History Joanna David of Judy Bieber, David the advice Curtin, Cohen, Philip Spring, edge ref Miller Helen Wheatley, and the Journal anonymous of World History's Storey, eree. 1 Man's "The White Burden," 1899, in The Portable Kipling, Kipling, Rudyard ed. Irving Howe 1982), p. 602. (New York: Penguin, 2 The Empire and Brit John M. MacKenzie, Conservation, of Nature: Hunting, ish Imperialism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988).

Journal of World History, Vol. 2,No. 2 of Hawaii Press ? 1991by University

135

136 For the most

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have

Beinart part, as William points out, these authors an ironic shift over the course of the nineteenth and pursued centuries: to twentieth first slaughtered game animals Europeans to the ecological the point of excess, then became more sensitive and eventually became ardent, Bein the "penitent butchers."3 that conservationist also discourses in the ways in which from nineteenth-century shifts on col studied the natural from an emphasis sciences, this,

in doing involved problems but belated conservationists, art demonstrates correctly

emerged Europeans to ecology. to But it is also important lection and classification bear in mind the cultural milieu and colonized of colonists popu in the acting out of hunting lations rituals. to hunt wild find any manner ani Colonists could of reasons to the Roosevel to scientific from pest control, mals, naturalism, life." An examination tian pursuit of "the vigorous of the struc in Kenya and meaning of hunting and northern ture, context, India during the "high noon" of empire, that 1898 to 1930, reveals a significant role within the wider framework of hunting played I will colonial cultures. expatriate (For the sake of convenience, to refer to the Brit the name Kenya follow the convention of using as it was called before the First ish East Africa Protectorate, World War. By northern India I refer only to the region between in the the Ganges and the Himalayas, from Kumaon stretching Bihar and northern and into United Provinces, Bengal, through context fit into the broader of of the culture Assam.) Hunting in Asia Britons and Africa. If one accepts expatriate Mary of culture definition (or "cultural bias") as "an array of Douglas's in relational beliefs locked then one can see patterns,"4 together were cultures derived that colonial distinct from an ethnic yet British must Their be such as hunting, culture. outcroppings, as integral parts of a unique environment of social action of settlers and administra and process. the attitudes Considering nature and both British and foreign the unique of tors, visitors, as described in the mem clear. Hunting, becomes colonial society treated and No that theyand

oirs

embodied values. of the hunters, special cultural This is not to say British traditions existed. hunting had no indigenous traditions: the British hunting obviously, is to say that British hunted different did. It expatriates similarin Africa," Past

stories

3 and Ecological William Beinart, "Empire, Hunting, Change Present 128 (1990): 162-86. 4 No. Cultural Occasional Bias, 34 Paper Mary Douglas, and Ireland Institute of Great Britain 1978), p. 14. Anthropological

(London:

Royal

Storey: Big Cats and Imperialism kinds sons. in different of animals, In its essence, colonial appropriated from ways, for emphatically big-game hunting was

137 rea different an "invented"

tradition,5 onies and

the original inhabitants of the col a language over It articulated of power reinterpreted. how colonial "restless and it illustrates labor relations natives," served as primary for expatri and land alienation determinants ate colonial On the one hand, cultures. had big-game hunting overtones to nature, clear symbolic humans' relation concerning

to the colonized. On the other hand, the and the colonists' relation massive shikar and safari6 of some colonists demonstrated their to suit to obtain labor forces their recreational power huge enormous desires. At their most blatant, expeditions hunting over Indian and African affirmed labor, often power European to wait on a few white of servants hundreds huntsmen employing in the field.75 As employed in E. J. Hobsbawm and T. O. Ranger, The Invention of Tradition intro Hobsbawm's Press, (New York: Cambridge University 1983). See especially he explains the terminology of the "invented tradition." duction, pp. 1-14, where 6 in British The words shikar and safari appear literature frequently imperial in the Anglo-Indian Used primarily shikar is a Hindi context, concerning hunting. term derived from the Persian word is a Swahili for hunting. word for jour Safari a hunt to mean it came from Arabic, but in the African colonial ney derived period as well. ing or exploring expedition 7 see MacKenzie, For the opposite The Empire which interpretation, of Nature, as a "cultural the writing views after of this paper. MacKenzie appeared hunting "in economic of British because characteristic" evolution, imperialism, hunting to be transformed into a purely and symbolic appears (p. 7). sporting activity" in a highly of hunting Four writes MacKenzie functionalist existed, vein, stages which the economic necessities of colonial and the growing determined, expansion concern a In the first phase, for conservation circumscribed. constituted "game a ready source a means vital expansionist of meat, of paying resource, labour, and an item of trade to supplement other forms of economic activity" (p. 86). In the sec was "as settlement ond phase, consolidated the game was shot out or, disturbed, or moved on" (p. 89), to become the targets of naturalists, adventurers, sportsmen, In the third phase, of all three. combinations the early twentieth encompassing the period of the present laws restricted century game (roughly study), big-game a well-publicized conser In the fourth phase, became elite activity. which hunting, to hunt vation in most it difficult laws made and the hunt itself lost its places, in our more MacKenzie marks these off century. appeal "squeamish" phases so much in part because and text, they overlap chronologically as analytical them useless and in part because he concepts, rendering with and uncritical the phases of lengthy, meandering, paraphrases sources. most nineteenthand twentieth-century MacKenzie's hunting egregious a "nineteenth cen is to confuse cult with In his opinion, culture. error, however, poorly in the regionally, describes in England, cult" evolved which British around tury hunting exported imperialists a necessary to analyze He neglects the empire. local colonial social ele structure, ment of any history of a cultural such as hunting. Africans and Indians, activity for example, in MacKenzie's consider appear only as shadowy figures background a serious ation of the actual omission. hunts,

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on lion and tiger hunting This analysis focuses for two rea sons. These to hunt, the most animals big cats were dangerous in a very special mys skill to kill, and were took the most steeped on all big-game the primary literature tique. In addition, hunting, as buffalo, animals rhinoc such dangerous including leopards, is too vast for an article-length eros, and elephants, study. There reasons are specific for comparing and northern India as Kenya natural for big cats. well. Of course, both areas provided habitats fell into the sphere of the Indian Furthermore, govern Kenya ment's for much of this period, administrative influence although contexts. it also had its own indigenous Most important, political settler communities, of whom both regions had significant many on exploited based colonial labor. In managed large plantations areas while had unique both characteristics, they some striking to it is possible from which similarities, present certain the nature of expatriate make concerning generalizations this way, culture. Britain's difference and fundamental between indigenous in the nature societies of their class struc colonial expatriate lay to upward reference social mobility, and its tures, with particular to race relations in the colonies. The existence of pecu connection in social these differences liar hunting traditions demonstrated structure. In Britain, and up the nineteenth century throughout of decline of the landed elite in the aftermath until the precipitous visible served as the most blood World War I, fox hunting, sport, an aristocratic in particular bulwark values, against bourgeois as a sport depended Its very existence reform. agrarian entirely and interest between of deference the sporting upon an alliance The better-known hunts received landlord and his tenant farmers. at the their support primarily from the great aristocratic houses, tenant farmers. of their respective would sufferance Hunting in a community in posses of small farmers have been impossible the fox hunt sion of their own land.8 Ironically, this period, during vehicles also served as one of the most for the assim conspicuous into the culture of the landed ilation of the rising bourgeoisie was a regular public in fox hunting?which activ elites. Changes the less common within field sports?took unlike other place ity,9 wider context of transformations in British society duringWeidenfeld

British The

the

8 Carr, Raymond Nicolas, 1976), p. 49. 9 Ibid, p. 45.

English

Fox

Hunting:

A History

(London:

and

Storey: Big Cats and Imperialism nineteenth century.

139

Fox hunting had long outlived any useful pur or animal to agriculture and foxes regard husbandry, to people. threat The any significant posed physical an epic confrontation man hunt itself did not resemble between as big-cat and beast, did. On the contrary, it compared hunting a club excursion, more or even a posse with comitatus. readily pose with had never to integrate its structure, the fox hunt helped the Partly through strata of society. upper With the arrival of the railroad, the hunt country of England towns and cities. Hunting from the became grew easily accessible more classes and some members among both the upper popular a fashionable hunts reported between 1843 and 1873.10 The to further in fox hunting the aspiring participated bourgeoisie into the aristocracy. As de Tocqueville goal of entrance explained, the middle classes harbored little antagonism for the aristocracy. to join it, not to destroy it: 'The reason why the They sought middle to the aris far from being actively hostile class, English to fraternize inclined with it was not so much that the tocracy, as that its barriers were ill defined; aristocracy kept open house not so much into it was easy as that you never knew that entrance of the middle Even the classes. in membership increase tenfold less when that everyone who hov you had got there. The result was ered on [the aristocracy's] outskirts nursed the agreeable illusion to it and joined that he belonged it in the hope of forces with or some practical its aegis."11 under prestige acquiring advantage land ownership remained the essential Although qualification to the aristocracy, were for admission other conditions also as pedigree, such and state ser education, important, marriage, vice.12 Other in a fox hunt, pro such as membership intangibles, not necessarily to say that Britain moted This is acceptance. pos an "open aristocracy," as Harold sessed Perkin argues.13 On the contrary, although the British upper classes blended partially

10 of the Select Committee of the Parliamentary Papers, 1873, vol. 14, "Report on Horses," House of Lords of Thomas See also David p. 119, Testimony Parrington. C. Itzkowitz, A Social Peculiar Privilege: of English History 1753-1885 Foxhunting, Sussex: Harvester Press, (Hassocks, 1977), p. 53. 11 de Tocqueville, The Old Regime trans. Alexis and the French Revolution, Stuart Gilbert New York: Doubleday, (1856; reprint, 1955), PP- 88-89. 12J. V. Beckett, in England, The Aristocracy (New York: Blackwell, 1660-1914 of the Aristocracy: "The Making The Channels of Admis three, 1986). See chapter sion," especially pp. 91-108. 13 Harold and Perkin, of Modern Origins English Society (London: Routledge Paul, Kegan 1969), p. 56.

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the nineteenth twentieth and early centuries, together during men who had gone "from rags to riches" seldom became peers. The process of assimilation took generations of planning, good on the part of the aspirant luck, and patience family.14 From this perspective, nonetheless. where staticmaneuver

Britain had is more This

ethnic overallwithin

limited social mobility, but mobility than can be said for Kenya and India, in a relatively determined one's position origins room to social there was often structure, althoughone's own group.

Unlike a settlement ment colony

India,

and active military and civil service settlement the by Kenyan policies favoring of the settlers looked back nostalgi many independently wealthy, traditional social order, vanishing from Britain cally to a mythic in the Kenyan but seemingly recoverable Other classes highlands. mer of Europeans them in Kenya, such as professionals, joined over class of subsistence and a small working chants, farmers, retired these Europe seers, clerks, and artisans.15 On the whole, although ans deferred to the leadership of the "gentlemen," all Europeans as a group to the vast majority in opposition defined themselves as well as to the growing in Kenya, of of Africans community Indian immigrants.16in England, The Aristocracy p. 17. in Kenya Islands Settler and Culture and of White: Kennedy, Society Southern Duke University Press, Rhodesia, 1987), pp. 92-93. (Durham: 1890-1939 16 In in Kenya, Indians well outnumbered the 506 Europeans 1901, the 27,000 were most returned of these Indians indentured laborers. They although railway to India in Kenya in 1904. By for the most Indians 7,000 part, 1939, the leaving in Kenya the Europeans Indians still outnumbered of 3 to 1, 66,000 by a factor while outnumbered the first decades of the Africans 175 to 1 throughout Europeans century. within G. Gregory, A History India and East Africa: of Race Relations Clarendon Press, Empire, 1971), pp. 53, 61, 65 1890-1939 (Oxford: Islands discussion of the divi 66; and Kennedy, pp. 1, 96-97. For a similar of White, see Ann Laura in Sumatra, sions communities colonial Stoler, among expatriate the British See Robert 14 Beckett, 15 Dane K.

pean society and both of nobles, officers. Encouraged

as to serve primarily the British intended Kenya the other British settle colony. And unlike Rhodesia, a "gentlemanly" in Africa, Euro element dominated sons in Kenya, of peers, baronets, younger composed

Communities Colonial and the Boundaries of European Categories: "Rethinking in Society Studies and History Rule," 31 (1989): 134-161, especially pp. Comparative that "racist fear of the Other, with 134-39. Stoler suggests preoccupation ideology, women with white and obsession from sexual protecting European prestige, were not and black males assault for continued justifications by Asian simply rule and white class-based supremacy. part of a critical European logic, They were at dissent statements not only about but directives aimed subversives, indigenous in the colonies?and ing European underlings in line. subversive white colonials potentially part of the apparatus . . . Internal divisions that kept augmented

Storey: Big Cats and Imperialism Colonial slightly and ethnic administrators terms. must also be taken

141

they Although these civil servants with the settlers, often background in conflict Government found with settlers. themselves policy, to land distribution with and "native affairs," especially regard interests. the often diverged from settler Although clearly aiding to Eu land from indigenous Africans of alienating general policy a fa?ade of pa often maintained administrators settlers, ropean ran quite high At times, tensions And yet, they shared mem settlers between and administrators. in the European settler of Kenya community bership through to similar reactions their perceptions of ethnicity and through their surroundings. From settlements until the the time of the earliest Kenyan in white settlement of the literature much present, concerning ternalistic concern for Africans. Africa has nic origins stressed generally their determined the ways behavior. in which the settlers' eth to these views, According the prejudices of certain of settler cul in the formed

different

shared

on into account, a similar outlook

for example, in a 1931 travel the obstinacy described of Kenya's British settlers set book: "It is not big business induces Kenya which enterprise tlers to hang on to their houses and lands, but the more gentle motive of love for a very beautiful that they may have country come as their home, to transplant to regard and and the wish a habit to them, which of life traditional perpetuate England to accommodate?the has ceased life of the English traditionalsquirearchy."18

circumstances, primordial especially the development classes of Europeans, dominated ture. Settler derived from attitudes mentality not in the colony.17 Evelyn Waugh, metropolis,

so far as to elaborate a Octave Mannoni and Philip Mason went of colonization called the "Prospero Complex," arguing theory that the European attracted settlers colonies, Kenya, including in a 1983 with More desires.19 domineering recently, peculiarly Richard Hodder-Williams settlement, argues study of Rhodesianthe intensity of racist in shaping the affected practice, toward social policies the political strategies terrains those of contest, and intervened sig It is significant that racist of both the corporate elite and their rules. 138).

permeated class opposition" (p. European less-privileged 17 Islands pp. 100-101. of White, Kennedy, 18 Remote Peoples Evelyn Waugh, (London: 19 Octave Mannoni, and Caliban: Prospero York: Praeger, Prospero's 1964); Philip Mason, Press, 1962).

nificantly rationales

Duckworth,

1931), pp.

140-41.

The Psychology (New of Colonialism Oxford (London: Magic University

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"in a predominantly the practices immigrant community, will of the metropolitan delineate country largely to the new conditions."20 responses like them, give short shrift to the ways These views, and others a process in which settler culture of intereth developed through are important, nic negotiation. Ethnic of settlers but they origins that and values must The be placed within the context Fredrik Barth ethnic groups anthropologist retain elements in con while of their original cultural identities tact with other ethnic groups. He shows how they construct social relations with other groups, boundaries establish by "canalizing" are included and excluded from their ing rules whereby people sets of rules, in this view, govern interethnic Systematic contact. ethnic groups form "pre within People perceived as features of their relations and "proscriptions" with scriptions" to certain rules are specific kinds of other ethnic These groups. certain insure social social encounters with stabil groups. They group. social from "confrontation and parts of cultures ity, and they insulate is not Culture the "immutable of modification."21 expression of differing modes of social organiza but a product ethnicity"tion.22

of the colonial studied how

environment.

had consequences important in the seemingly felt alienated in convictions hostile and racist colonial environment, only as them to perceive Africans creased their apprehensions, causing a great source of danger.23 campaigns "pacification" Bloody of mistrust, left a residue border between 1890 and 1910 in Kenya on paranoia, in European toward Afri attitudes ing indigenous as the 1857 risings in India left a permanent much cans, imprint on also had a bru the attitudes of India's European community. They relations Interethnic for colonist culture. White talizing effect upon Fears of "native anxiety colonial among period, the "pacification" the 1950s. These20 Richard

in Kenya settlers

Europeans.

an already inflamed level of uprisings" high the white inhabitants of Kenya the throughout no major occurred between uprisings although of the Nandi fears manifestedWhite

in 1906 and the Mau-Mau revolt in the construction themselvesFarmers Boundaries in Rhodesia, 1890-1965 Little Brown,

of

Hodder-Williams,

(London: 1969),

Macmillan, 1983), p. 86. 21 Ethnic and Fredrik Barth, Groups p. 16. 22 Ibid, p. 17. 23 Islands p. 128. of White, Kennedy,

(Boston:

Storey: Big Cats and Imperialism of social boundaries,

143

in the consolidation of the Euro resulting conventions Social of a ritual nature, such as pean community. the formation of settler militias, the traditional of lurid spinning a deep dread of and communal suppers, yarns over "sundowners" men and its con "black peril" raping European women) (African as well as hunting, reinforced comitant these miscegenation, between black and white. boundaries some extreme social Darwinists the settlers among Although as a solution most to their African advocated worries, genocide on an African the fact that Kenyan prosperity appreciated hinged wealth of India report put it, "the real of the country of financial [Kenya] and the real assurance ... It is the difference lies in the native. the between stability value of his [the African's] labour for the white man, commercial and the very low rates the latter pays him, which constitutes the real wealth of the country.24 an sets of rules to insure established elaborate Europeans and maximum as a minority collaborated productiv group. From labor force. As a Government

between maximum obedience equipoise ity. After all, they held power tenuously 1900 to 1914, the colonial government to enact the planters with labor laws,

extremely of up to three it provided of up to three months' for penalties years, imprison ment for breaches of contract. Other laborer offenses of a minor nature could fines and of bring relatively heavy long terms Later amendments increased the harshness of sen imprisonment. to provide workers with the tences, but also required employers basic necessities At of life, such as housing, food, and blankets.25 the same time, between administrators, 1906 and 1930, settlers, labor recruiters, and local chiefs of employed varying degrees in the recruitment of African laborers. compulsion For the newly to succeed introduced in economy plantation a relationship to define with Africans, Kenya, Europeans soughton Southern of India, A Report Northern Rhodesia, Rhodesia, in Kennedy, and Kenya Islands Nyasaland pp. 1936), p. 19, as cited (Simla, of White, 149, 235. 25 L. Tignor, Robert The Colonial The Kamba, of Kenya: Transformation and Maasai Princeton Press, Kikuyu, from 1900 to 1939 (Princeton: University 1976), pp. 102-103. 24 Government

The Masters and Servants shortages. the basis for all subsequent Kenyan in the Gold Coast and the Transvaal, laws passed to employers. favorable labor contracts Allowing

haphazardly labor particularly during of 1906 provided Ordinance on similar labor laws. Based it was

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to be used as a labor reserve. This relationship who were required contact to rules that Europeans between the two groups, subject and upon themselves. settlers upon Africans imposed European and miscegenation for the "poor whitedom" openly discouraged same reasons En Africans from using proper they discouraged strove to preserve the Europeans glish and riding on horseback: so that the colonial of white could func power economy prestige tion smoothly. did not enforce Europeans "petty segregation" (the and commercial for the sole use of reservation of public facilities out of physical but for its potent Europeans) necessity, symbolicvalue.26

in British forms of social organization Similar existed India, where and sol the culture of European administrators, settlers, On the whole, diers resembled that of Kenya. different although a from colonial colonial Indian retained Kenyan society, society structure. As in Kenya, similar general Indian society varied from to region, but everywhere, with the possible of exception region was in place. the princely colonial states, a British superstructure to the census of 1921, a mere lorded 156,000 Europeans According a great variety it over 305,700,000 Indians.27 Although of people or the indigenous com to either the European Indian belonged a polarity between mutual the two groups munities, regulated as it did in Kenya on the one between interaction, Europeans rac on the other. Pseudoscientific hand and Indians and Africans communication links with Britain, and the legacy ism, improved a climate the lat of the 1857 uprising fostered of separation during ter decades As a result, of the nineteenth the century. despite the Brit efforts of a number of well-intentioned administrators, to the aspirations ish in India remained hostile fundamentally and needs of Indians. The controversy the Ilbert Bill surrounding in point. Under in 1883 is a case of the viceroy, the sponsorship to try have allowed Indian Lord Ripon, this bill would judges cases involving Europeans. a furor over this innocuous ish magistrates And During yet, The European raised such community to reduce the caseload of Brit attempt to rewrite it. felt obliged in India. occurred changes the European community

that Ripon the period 1898 to 1930, great the underlying attitude of

26 Islands pp. 152,167, and pp. 148-86 passim. of White, Kennedy, 27 Modern India: The Origins Judith Brown, of an Asian Democracy Oxford Press, 1985), pp. 95,112. University

(New York:

Storey: Big Cats and Imperialism toward Indians changed the period. The Indian National very little. A number

145

marked

events of major a lan of Bengal 1905 partition spurred to mobilize numbers greater Congress guishing of the British the unsympathetic of Indians against bureaucracy harsh of Indian than ever before. The subsequent raj suppression in two decades of terrorism and reprisals; ushered nationalism suc From Minto's made protest impossible. peaceful censorship cession

as viceroy in 1905, and through of India the 1915 Defence Act and the 1919 Rowlatt the government down on Acts, clamped as a whole. In particular, Gandhi's the Indian people nonviolent movement in the early 1920s encountered ruthless noncooperation the decade the Mahatma and most ended with of the opposition; in of the Indian National thrown influential members Congress cause to the Sea." And yet, the nationalist jail after the "March massa such as the Amritsar from incidents only gained strength cre of 1919 and the mass attenuated the Mor Repression jailings. reforms of 1910 and the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms of ley-Minto on pro Indian representation 1921, both of which greater granted In vincial and central Indian Government councils. legislative Indian military and economic increased self-reliance addition, to con the First World War, while British officials failed during bolstered nationalist the 1920s. self-sufficiency during the European defined itself for the most community Although in opposition to the claims of the nationalists, different many part interests with each other within the community. competed Anglo Indian officialdom, it was whether the Indian Civil Ser through or the Indian Army company vice district officer felt commander, a certain amount of paternalist for its Indian responsibility officers Mission often felt it grudgingly. many charges, although aries had less impact, mainly in prose due to their lack of success epidemic, claims whether bank Indians. Businessmen, traders, lytizing planters, to influence had a great deal of potential ers, or attorneys, policy, in the period but lacked effective under question.28 organization to the Ilbert Bill in 1883. Their power peaked with the opposition In the tiger country tea and indigo of northern India, however, a great deal of influence, still retained planters managing planta some of the worst tions under labor conditions imaginable.28 K. Renford, The Non-official Raymond Press, University passim. 1987), pp. 392-405 British in India to 1920 (Delhi: Oxford

trol

and inflation for economic

the

influenza

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a rigid set of in India constructed European community for interaction which with resembled the social Indians, in Kenya. between boundaries and Africans Indians, Europeans, correct it would to say that Kenya resembled be more Although in the established Indian precedents followed India, as Kenya the lack of a comprehensive social history of In many regards, rules dia's fore European community the horse, analytically such as memoirs, literary forces scholars speaking. evidence of social to place the cart be alternative sources, Among that the Kenyan suggests

model mechanisms for the establishment fits boundary India adequately. The two most in of interethnic relations poignant depictions India during the latter decades of British rule are E. M. Forster's to India and Paul Scott's Jewel in the Crown. Both stories Passage fear of "black peril" and misce focus on the British community's numerous into how expatriate and provide cul genation, insights ture defined in the colonial environment. Forster itself uniquely raises sometimes this issue constantly, the character of through the schoolmaster who had come to India later than most Fielding, saw British-Indian as of his fellow countrymen. relations Fielding an outsider as a would and was not accepted the British have, by truly "pukka" sahib.

but the gulf [Fielding] did succeed with his [Indian] pupils, as he had noticed on the between himself and his countrymen,train, wrong. same widened He was distressingly. not unpatriotic, . . . He he could always manner not got at first on with see what was Englishmen

in England,out

all his besthere?

friends werein his

English,

so why waspuzzled

it not theand

Something

people

failed to allay the distrust which his position naturally inspired. There needs must be this evil of brains in India, but woe to himthrough whom they are increased! . . .He had no racial feeling?

not because he was superior to his brother civilians, but because in a different atmosphere, where the herd instinct he had matured does not flourish. The remark that did him most harm at the clubwas a silly aside to the effect that the so-called white races are

really pinko-grey.that "white" has

He only said this to be cheery, he did not realizeno more to do with a colour than "God save the

King" withsider dressed ken, and what was he

a god, and that it is the heightit does connote. The scandalized; subtly it to the communicated A Passage to India pinko-grey sense his rest of

of improprietymale of whom was insecurity

to conhe ad awo

the herd.29 1924), pp. 61-62.

29E. M.

Forster,

(New York:

Harcourt,

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to action of symbolic Forster the importance also reaffirms and colonized colonist the char the relationship between through In the eyes of Chandra acters of Mrs. Moore and Adela Quested. to cross over the it is their willingness community, pore's British and Indians boundaries between that causes Europeans symbolic at the Marabar Dr. Aziz's alleged Caves. In rape of Miss Quested in Mayapore the British the same way, Scott describes how had crossed the same boundary believed Daphne Manners by fall in their eyes in love with Hari Kumar, which increased the ing in Indian characters raping her. For the main context the political of the trumped-up both books, however, rape was all-pervasive. To Aziz and Kumar, most Europeans charges at stake to sympathize in India had too much with their residing own masculinity or intelligence. As a tiny minority group ruling a in Forster and Scott dreaded the British the col huge country, culture resisted social lapse of the British regime. Anglo-Indian like the Government of India, to which many of its mem change, chances of Indians belonged. The hunting down of tigers It was wark revolution. against in the from earlier Indian rulers, in which the durbar, loyal vassals ruler. As Bernard Cohn supreme bers as a bul served metaphorically a tradition the British adopted same way that they had adopted to a reaffirmed their allegiance "in the two decades has written, a theory of authority became

that followed [the 1857 uprising], based on ideas and assumptions about the proper order codified, in Indian to their and their relationship of groups ing society, ac The symbolic British rulers."30 "codification of authority" as increased for the European quired community significance British rule in India persisted into the twentieth and chal century The 1903 durbar of Edward VII lenges arose to British hegemony. V were and the 1911 durbar of George than increasingly gaudier

in 1877.31 Moreover, the original durbar of Victoria this during in India, particularly the European the British period community of the Indian Civil Service and the Indian Army, officers grew with in the eyes of obsessed the concept of their own prestige Indians. declared prestige an uprising of Indian Muslims after Britain Fearing war on Turkey in November with 1914, this obsession the Indian Army's disastrous invasion of generate helpedin The Inven

30 S. Cohn, Bernard in Victorian "Representing Authority tion of Tradition, ed. Hobsbawm and Ranger, p. 165. 31 Ibid, p. 208.

India,"

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the Ottoman later that year.32 The Brit Empire's Iraqi provinces ish in India valued a the symbolic of superiority trappings greatly, trait evident in their representations of big-cat hunting. colonist How, then, should historians culture, approach taking into account Barth's and for "proscriptions" "prescriptions" relations? One useful method interethnic from Clifford derives Geertz's that the "thick description" of significant cul suggestion can add to the understanding tural events of the culture in In examining volved.33 in Kenya and India from big-cat hunting one cultural with 1898 to 1930, an activity brimming significance, can extrapolate the common attitudes of these societies' members structure of the hunt's and meaning. the analysis through Dear to the hearts of many British colonists, big-game hunting in the cultures loomed of the Kenyan and Indian colonies. large Three took their places them: (i) settlers among types of hunters who shot game "for the pot," that is, to eat, or those who shot ani to protect mals their livelihoods and themselves; (2) sportsmen, some of them settlers and vacationing other officials, visitors, with the leisure huntsmen, first was to shoot animals for trophies; (3) professional led safari and shikar. Of these three groups, who the to the the second limited due the most numerous,

of the sport, and the third very small indeed, depending expense on the supply of sportsmen. The first two groups publicized their Settlers such as Karen Blixen hunting exploits extensively. (a.k.a. Isak Dinesen) and Jim Corbett included their hunting adventures in writings life in the colonies. Dozens about of sportsmen of their hunting stories such expeditions, published including as Lord Delamere, set social luminaries the patriarch of Kenyan the conqueror of Tibet. Emi and General tlement, Younghusband, nent visitors to the colonies, the Prince of Wales (the including in also weighed future Edward Roosevelt, VIII) and Theodore own hunting not directly members stories. Although of with their these the colonial from which of hunting traditions society in Kenya and northern India, they did as the expa sprang, when in imperial triates did. Many of them were poli actively engaged tics at home, had broad knowledge of western activity, imperial in Kenya and northern and were welcome among expatriates of the colonial India as fellow enforcers regime.32 K. Storey, "The Mad Adventure: India and the Mesopotamia William Britain, A.B. thesis, Harvard 1914-1916" (Honors University, 1987). Campaign, 33 an Interpretive "Thick Description: Toward of Cul Clifford Geertz, Theory ture," in The Interpretation Books, 1973). (New York: Basic of Cultures

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in in some way, together All unique these stories have a place tales. As histori the ancient literary genre of travel and adventure as precise of events, records cal documents, they have limitations other sources corroborate of them. They did, how many although the ethos of colonial and therefore have ever, reaffirm societies, Edmund historical value. As the anthropologist Leach significant "the individuals from has written, who make up a society must time order to time that at least in symbol, be reminded, of the underlying to govern is supposed their social activities."34 and Meaning

Lion

and Tiger

Hunting:

Structure,

Context,

The hunting of lions and tigers in Kenya and northern India took one settler or official ventured different forms. Sometimes many a or jungle out alone in the hope into the savannah of killing teams of sportsmen Other mounted times, deadly pest. huge expe ditions to search for phants the colonial mine local trade goods.35 In any case, In Kenya, for prize trophies. the hunting of ele around the turn of the century subsidize ivory helped but European also helped under economy, hunting which relied on game and for subsistence societies,

structures for the hunters, the basic underlying of over nature and of the the hunt symbolized the triumph of culture over the colonized. colonist those stories, Hunting particularly about big cats, picked up the most themes of colonial soci salient John Henry named Patterson ety. A Uganda engineer Railway one of the more ones. Although wrote remarkable he embellished some dubious his tale with he still related the most details, impor tant themes of big-cat hunting. On 1March arrived from India at the port of 1898, Patterson An engineer to Kenya Mombasa. he had traveled by training, a Foreign to help under Office the con appointment supervise was to stretch struction which of the Uganda Railway, from Mom on the shores of to Kisumu basa on the coast, through Nairobi, Lake Victoria-Nyanza. As Patterson put it, the railroad would

34 Edmund Political Leach, 1965), p. 16. See also Elizabeth at the Wild the Tame and 4-6. 35E. History 248-51. I. Steinhart, of Hunting

Systems Atwood

Burma Press, of Highland (Boston: Beacon An Anthropologist Rodeo: Looks Lawrence, of Chicago Press, (Chicago: University 1984), pp. Poachers Kenya," and Game Keepers: of African Towards History a Social 30 (1989):

"Hunters, in Colonial

Journal

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in its train," through "still in its primi country bring "civilization tive savage state."36 He placed himself the bounds squarely within mission. of this "civilizing" was in a long line of Anglo-Indian Patterson the latest only who engineers main obstacle on the Uganda had worked since 1891. The Railway a to its construction, in most of their eyes, was that to construct the railroad, of labor. They agreed shortage to be imported from India, as they found African labor needed too scarce or unsuitable.37 From the laying of the laborers either

in 1897, the Uganda the European tracks furthered Railway on cheap Indian of exploiting African resources, goal capitalizing soon encounter Patterson would indentured labor in the process. some of the problems this situation engendered. a hundred miles to Tsavo, where Patterson he pitched traveled tent. Nearby, the railhead had just crossed his headquarters the It fell to Patterson Tsavo River by means of a temporary bridge. first beside the river, to build Indians, encamped as well as to lay thirty miles of track moving bridge, west of his Indian labor already from Tsavo. With much available, to Mombasa laborers and Patterson for some additional wired came pouring "In a short time workmen and supplies in, supplies. and sledges, and blasting, of hammers and the noise drilling the district."38 echoed merrily through on the a rosy picture Patterson of working conditions painted and several a permanent thousand them differently. Between Others described 1896 Railway. Uganda indentured and 1901, the Foreign laborers Office 31,983 imported At of the Uganda from India to work on the construction Railway. in March and its peak level of employment 1901, 19,742 Indians of the Indian Govern had jobs. At the insistence Africans 2,600 at to work for three years, laborer contracted each Indian ment, return to India with he could renew his contract, the end of which in east Africa and forfeit his return all expenses paid, or settle at the end of home returned ticket. Out of these Indians, 16,312 and 2,493 died home early as invalids, their terms, 6,454 returned Fifty ria, while many and liver disease.36 J. H. Patterson, viii. 37 Gregory, 38 Patterson, 39 Gregory, India and East Africa, (n. 16 above), p. 19. pp. 48-49.

in Africa.39

percent suffered Cared

of the Indian

laborers

contracted

mala

from jiggers, dysentery, for by a staff of six doctors,of Tsavo (London:

scurvy, ulcers, an average of1907), pp. vii

The Man-eaters

Macmillan,

The Man-eaters India and East

of Tsavo, Africa,

pp. 51-52.

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151

sometimes half the entire work sick each day, while on the sick list. Fever and diarrhea each caused appeared of the deaths, while died of respiratory ailments and 15% 30% 25% of other causes. considered the labor camps Europeans Visiting crime and prostitution. and rife with Even unsanitary, squalid, to Indian Government that the first Indians inspectors reported return home in 1899 and 1900 were "in a filthy condition."40 encountered serious diffi from the start, Patterson Practically force culties in fulfilling his tasks. Having discovered locally the type of stone necessary to build sent to Mombasa the bridge, Patterson a group of indentured to quarry for gangs of masons it. Shortly, masons in Tsavo. Mostly Pathans from India's North-West arrived a salary of forty-five Frontier drew Province, rupees per they month month as opposed to the twelve skilled laborers, per rupees saw it, "many of to ordinary As Patterson "coolies." paid them had not the faintest notion of stone-cutting, and were simply as masons" to draw coolies who had posed the higher ordinary therefore altered the terms of the laborers' salary.41 Patterson a system of piecework contracts his own accord, of in instituting order to sort the real masons from the fakers. Naturally, whether a great the genuine article or not, this upset the Pathans they were Patterson of exposing frauds the workers boasted among to many oblivious Not surpris remained signs of discontent. these workers mutinied twice while under Patterson's ingly, The first time, several dozen workers Pat ambushed supervision. terson in a quarry. Patterson described how, as they were about to to death, him in Hindustani, them he "harangued" bludgeon and which and escaped miracu few of them probably understood, "the habit of obedience still held them, and for lously because I had to say."42 The second to what time, tunately they listened a plot on his life from an informant Patterson heard of and dis to arrest the railway police the "ringleaders," who were patched to the chain gangs.43 tried and sentenced subsequently serious problem at Tsavo. Another the labor situation inflamed to December From March the period of Patterson's 1898, during the work workmen, deal. as

tenure at the railroad, two man-eating lions terrorized men. All in all, the lions devoured Indian twenty-eight40 41 42 43 Ibid,

pp. 55.

Ibid, pp. 50-51. Ibid, pp. 58-59. Ibid, p. 60.

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to scores of unfortunate "in addition no African natives of whom record was kept."44 By December, the situation had grown on the railroad that work halted for three altogether weeks. laborers fled to Mombasa, and those who remained Many holed themselves in tall trees and atop shelters up in "lion-proof" on the railroad water towers. Work resumed after the death only official so bad of the lions. a "reign of terror" the lions established November, Through to call the animals the Indians, who had begun among "shaitani," or "devils."45 After investigating one killing on i December, Patter son returned to camp to find the Indian laborers in a panic. the bravest man in the world, much less the ordinary Indian coolie, will not stand constant terrors of this sort indefinitely. The whole district was by this time thoroughly panic-stricken, and I Nowwas not at all surprised, therefore, to find on my return to camp

. . . that the men had all struck work and were waiting to speak to me. When I sent for them, they flocked tomy boma [headquarters] in a body and stated that they would not stay at Tsavo any longer for anything or anybody; they had come from India on an agree ment to work for the Government, not supply food for either lions or "devils." No sooner had they delivered this ultimatum than a regular stampede took place. Some hundreds of them stopped the on the rails in front of first passing train by throwing themselvesthe their engine, and then, swarming they on fled to from the trucks the and throwing spot.46 in possessions anyhow, accursed

in bringing The lions had succeeded all railway construction in no alternative the area to a grinding but to halt, giving Patterson devote all his time to hunting. On the afternoon of 9 December, he act located one of the lions with the help of some Indian workers a technique in Indian used After tiger hunting. ing as beaters, some ominous a hail Patterson noises, hearing growling sprayed in its general with his semiautomatic of bullets direction Martini have it, one of his last bullets went rifle. As fate would the through beast's heart, killing tance drew a crowd hiding place. Patterson in the dis it instantly.47 The sound of gunfire to Patterson's of Indian and African workers recounted how

44 India and East Gregory, 45 Ibid, pp. 61-74 passim. 46 Ibid, p. 72. 47 Ibid, pp. 86-91.

Africa,

(n. 16 above),

p. 107.

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153

themselves and tomy amazement prostrated me with cries of "Mabarak! me, salutingbelieve means "blessed one" or "saviour."

on the ground before I which Mabarak!". . . Accordingly we all

returned in triumph to the camp, where great rejoicings were kept up for the remainder of the night, the Swahili and other African natives celebrating the occasion by an especially wild and savagedance.48

labor he had struck a great coup for the railroad's Although lion Patterson's lion troubles were not over. The second relations, to make its presence continued felt. It was only on 28 December that Patterson, his gun-bearer, and a professional tracker man to bring in a it down, firing dozens of bullets from a shelter aged tree.49 With of the Indian workers both of the lions dead, most to their jobs. They presented Patter fled Tsavo returned a silver bowl, for his brav inscribed with effusive praise ser "We shall ever remain, Sir, Your grateful ery, and signed, vants."50 To Patterson's evident the news of the second relish, man-eater's death spread even farther, as far as the highest politi in London. This is not surprising, cal circles given the importance to the construction Britain of the Uganda which attached official who had son with Even Lord Salisbury, the prime minister, the Railway.51 expressed to Patterson, cost when he tried to explain government's gratitude overruns on the Uganda to the House of Lords.52 Mean Railway of the Uganda the construction while, apace, Railway proceeded on 20 with driven the last spike of the Nairobi-Kisumu branch more One of Britain's December 1901. important imperial projects was then complete, difficulties with lions and laborers. despite at Tsavo were in that they Patterson's experiences exceptional to hunting's into focus so many themes role in relating brought societies. Patterson colonial acted as a paternalist civil ser First, what he thought were his less manly colonial sub vant, protecting48 49 50 51 Ronald Ibid, p. 91. Ibid, p. 102. For Ibid, p. 104. a description Robinson and the see the Uganda rivalry involving Railway, and the Victorians: The Official Mind Africa South six, "Repercussions 1981). See chapter pp. 198-202. House of Lords, 21 June 1900.

of John

imperial

of Imperialism of the Sahara," 52 Hansard's

(London: pp. 160-210,

Gallagher, Macmillan, especially Debates,

Parliamentary

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in their and George Orwell have recounted jects. As Philip Mason own works, it was considered the duty of the colonial administra tor to guard his charges from wild and apparently Pat animals, terson to preserve Patterson felt the same way.53 Second, fought as seen in the extension of British the "progress" of colonialism, into the Kenyan interior and in the control of the Uganda Railway wild was of indigenous Patterson the "civilizing" peoples. more issue of for sport. The poignant clearly hunting was at stake for him, as it was survival for British prestigious at the time. And yet, Patterson settler-hunters shared colonial as well. similar values with the sportsman-hunter not ous The hunting down of indigenous hunting of onist power because an activity open only to animals and

as opposed to vari big cats by Europeans, traditions and techniques, col expressed it was its potent and because symbolism the most inhabitants of a colony. powerful to be reasonably for big-cat The equipment necessary hunting the number of participants. successful limited European Every a rifle to be effective, hunter and between needed legal restric tions on the possession of firearms and Indians Africans and by and a handful of wealthy Africans their high cost, only Europeans a vari to hunt big cats. Hunters carried and Indians could afford safari or shikar. Most preferred rifles for killing game, large-caliber dangerous because fired a heavy bullet at high velocities, the larger weapons in the event of a charge. One greater power" "stopping providing rifles for hunting the early of the more popular big cats during rifle. the 0.475 caliber H.V. (High Velocity) twentieth century was It weighed round at tre twelve pounds and could fire a one-ounce a force on impact the bullet exceeded mendous velocity, giving ety of rifles and shotguns double-barrelled only such some of the antiquated rifles, muzzle-loading hunting and the 0.835 caliber, which weighed eighteen pounds to use smaller fired a 2.7-ounce bullet. Other sportsmen preferred such as the 0.375 rifles with higher but lighter bullets, velocities to handle easier but did not do as These were caliber magnum. by as smaller mals, to a lion or a tiger as the 0.475 did. Generally, the damage were ani for shooting less dangerous reserved weapons on the trophy.54 In 1909, a because they left less of a mark on

much

53 The Guardians The Men Who Ruled India: [Philip Woodruff], Philip Mason Burmese Orwell's Jonathan Days (sev Cape, 1954), p. 178. See also George (London: eral editions available). 54 in India, James G. Elliott, Field Books, Sports (London: Gentry 1800-1947 i973)> PP- 44-46.

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cost ?35 in London,55 0.475 caliber H.V. manufactured by Jeffery at a time when the minimum for Indian indentured laborers wage to one pound) in Kenya was fifteen month.56 rupees per (equal such as the 0.256 caliber M?nnli Other smaller rifles, sportingcher, cost