The Berlin Conference of 1884-1885

SMUNC 2015Background Guide

Chair: Jackie BeckerBackground Guide: written by Alina Utrata and Jackie Becker

ForewordA letter from your Chair.

Dear delegates:First off, I will warn you: fonts are not to be taken lightly. The

position papers you will ultimately write (hopefully with a sense of joy like you have never experienced before) should not, for instance, be written in Comic Sans. Garamond (what this is written in) can be great for resumes that you need to spice up a bit, but should be used with caution. I use it here because it allowed me to remind you to please, please not write your position papers in Comic Sans, and also because I’m rather fond of it.

That brief aside complete, an introduction is in order. My name is Jackie Becker. I am a junior at Stanford studying Computer Science, who works as a programmer at a Virtual Reality lab on campus. Now what, you might ask, is a CS student doing chairing a MUN committee? Surely these two kinds of people—the history buffs and the science nerds—do not mix.

Yet political science (and its sister fields, history and international relations) is a beautiful thing. What is the point of progress in science if we fail to see the patterns in society as well as nature itself? And how can you call a person your friend if the subject of “politics” is taboo? Why, politics surrounds us. To refuse to discuss it is to ignore one of the most interesting aspects of what makes us human: the ability to reason, and listen to reason.

The setting for this committee is the Berlin Conference. This particular event in history is particularly fascinating as it lends itself to the study of the best of humanity (debate, great intellectuals and figures of history getting together) as well as the worst (the commodification of peoples’ lives and lands, the unrelenting horror that is racism). Through this committee, I hope you will be able to hone your skills of debate and negotiation while keeping in mind the harsh reality that this conference—and the scramble that preceded it—imposed on the peoples of Africa. While coercing another group into giving up their stakes in gold-laden land, I hope that you will take a moment to remember the lives that the land you are arguing over represents. Goodness knows that the representatives present at the conference in that time didn’t.

Enjoy your research, and I deeply look forward to seeing each of you at the committee and getting to know each of you. Perhaps some of you are scientists; perhaps some are future lawmakers.

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Yet regardless of your passion, your interest in the world around you demonstrates this: you have the ability to become a part of what makes humanity great.

Warmest regards, Jackie Becker

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Table of Contents

What was the Berlin Conference?....................3

The Map of Africa

The Geographical Conference and the Congo..........4

Egypt and the Sudan............................................7

The Niger...........................................................9

Powers of Europe

Germany............................................................12

Great Britain.......................................................13

France................................................................13

The United States.................................................14

Belgium..............................................................14

Characters……….............................................16

Rules of Committee..........................................19

Works Cited......................................................21

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What was the Berlin Conference?In November of 1884, the German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck greeted delegates from the

Powers of Europe at his house in Berlin to discuss the colonization of Africa. Contrary to popular

belief, the Berlin Conference was not a partition of the African continent by the European powers:

in fact, when the conference began the Scramble for Africa had already been underway for several

years, and many countries had claimed stakes to African territories. Rather, the Berlin Conference

was a means to resolve conflicting claims by countries and to avoid European conflict about Africa

in the future. As Bismarck declared in his opening speech, the goals of the conference were to

establish free trade in the Congo, free navigation on the Niger River and rules for future

annexations by European powers of territories in Africa. These aims were coated with rhetoric on

civilizing African natives with the promotion of free trade and Christianity.

It is at this point in time where we will begin our committee. Delegates will have just

finished listening to Bismarck’s speech on the goals of the conference and all historical facts prior to

November 1884 will be applicable. While the events of the Conference itself and individual

countries’ actions past this point will not correspond with events in committee, delegates are highly

encouraged to understand the history of the proceedings of the Berlin Conference, the conditions in

Africa, and the policy and public opinion of countries in Europe.

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The Map of AfricaThe Geographical Conference and the Congo

Although the first accounts of

explorations of Africa originated in the

15th and 16th centuries by Portuguese

explorers, the exotic allure of Africa did

not hit the European public until the 19th

century. African explorers of the day were

treated almost like celebrities, appealing

not just to a sense of adventure and mystery

but also to a newfound sense of nationalism

in Europe. Newspaper articles on the

travels of the British Dr. David Livingstone,

the French Pierre de Brazza and the

American Henry Morton Stanley (although he was actually Scottish) publicized the savage and

heretical ways of the African native, the horrors of the Arab slave trade, and the vast potential for

trade and exploitation of the continent. Europe, convinced of the superiority of its civilization, felt

that it was their duty to civilize the people of Africa.

It was under this pretext that King Leopold II of Belgium hosted the Geographical

Conference of 1876. Explorers and philanthropists alike were invited to Brussels to discuss how to

best explore and civilize Africa. The International African Association was created—described by

the London Times as a sort of “Society of the Red Cross”—with Leopold as its president. The public

loved it. Yet Leopold’s goals were less than humanitarian: the philanthropic rhetoric of the

International African Association and the deliberate public confusion of it with Leopold’s other SMUNC 2015

Africa, 1883 (Pre-Berlin Conference)Handy Atlas of the World (New York, New York: Ivison, Blakeman, Taylor and Co., 1883); Downloaded from Maps ETC

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organization, the International Association of the Congo, would become a mask for Leopold’s

personal attempts to colonize the Congo.

In 1879, Leopold, under the guise of the International African Association, hired the

American explorer Henry Morton Stanley to travel to the Congo and build three stations and a road

from the lowest cataract of the Congo River to the Stanley Pool (discovered by Stanley himself

several years ago.) Yet unbeknownst to Stanley, four months later the explorer Pierre de Brazza was

commissioned by the French government for a “civilizing mission” in the Congo. The French

already had claims to Gabon, Senegal, Ivory Coast and Algeria, and Brazza had been instructed by

Jules Ferry to, if he reached Stanley Pool before Stanley, claim it in the name of the French. Thus

began the race to Stanley Pool.

Brazza made it to Stanley Pool first — while Stanley was still building stations — and

successfully negotiated a treaty with King Makoko, a chief living near the Pool who had great

influence over local chiefs. The treaty ceded all Makoko’s inheritance rights to France and placed

him under the protection of the French flag. Brazza then departed to convince the French

government to ratify the treaty. When Stanley finally reached the pool, he discovered that all the

chiefs were refusing to trade with anyone but the French. Stanley was forced to retreat to the south

side of the Pool, where another chief, Ngaliema, and his allies agreed to trade with Stanley.

In 1882, France ratified the treaty—to the horror of Leopold—and added the northern parts

of the Congo to its claims in Africa. To counter this, Leopold’s International Association of the

Congo established the Congo Free State in his claims to the southern parts of the Congo; this was an

independent state under Leopold’s organization which supposedly aimed to bring civilization to

Africans and promote free trade. Stanley was then commissioned to negotiate new treaties with

local chiefs that ceded political as well as commercial rights. (The original commercial treaties

giving Leopold trade monopolies would be partially discovered by the British, proving that

Leopold’s claims were not as dedicated to laissez faire as he had said.) Leopold’s goal was now to

convince the major powers to recognize his new independent Congo Free State. He sent General

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Henry Shelton Sanford, a

former U.S. ambassador to

Belgium and a general in the

American Civil War, to

Washington D.C. to woo the

American public. The United

States was enchanted with the

idea of a Congo Free State,

assured that it was both a

place based in the free

principles of the U.S. and that it was somewhere they could send America’s newly freed slaves. In

April of 1884, the U.S. recognized the Congo Free State as an independent state (mixing up the

International Association of the Congo and the International African Association in the actual text

of the declaration.1)

The U.K., meanwhile, was threatened by the French ratification of the Makoko Treaty and

the thought of French tariffs across the vast majority of West Africa undercutting Britain's free

trade. They proposed an alliance with Portugal. Portugal, due to its 16th century explorers, had

claims to the banks of the lower Congo as well as Angola and Mozambique. These claims to the

Congo had mostly been ignored by the Powers, and since 1810 Britain had disputed with Portugal

over their claimed right to export slaves from the entirety of the west coast of Africa (they disagreed

with both Portuguese sovereignty and the morality of slavery). Britain proposed recognition of

Portuguese claims to the Congo in exchange for a maximum tariff, most-favored nation status for

Britain, and an Anglo-Portuguese commission to control traffic on lower Congo. Unsurprisingly,

France and Belgium were upset. The British public was also upset: the Portuguese claims to the

Congo were thought of as ridiculous and Portugal, like France, was economically protectionist,

1 The International African Association was edited out of the declaration by Leopold when the document was published in Europe.

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which would threaten the business interests of the

free-marketers in Britain.

The Powers of Europe generally thought of

Leopold’s attempts to the Congo as destined to fail.

It was then a matter of who would take over the

Congo once Leopold inevitably went bankrupt

(speculations that proved wrong; Leopold actually

made significant money from his Congo state).

Rumors spread about the possibility of a British

protectorate of the Congo; the French,

understandably anglophobic at the time, approached Leopold. A deal was struck: if Leopold ever

decided to sell the Congo, the French would get right of preemption, or right of first refusal. The

idea of French control of the entire Congo River Basin and most of West Africa was too much. All

of France’s rivals, though not officially, were now firmly committed to ensuring Leopold’s hold on

the Congo to avoid the possibility of France obtaining the Congo. A week before the Berlin

Conference, Bismarck himself offered Leopold recognition of his new state in exchange for free

trade for Germans in the Congo and the guarantee that if he sold to France he must arrange for

France to adopt the same right of first refusal. Leopold accepted Bismark’s offer (although

recognition had not been publicly announced at the start of the Berlin Conference).

Egypt and the Sudan

Since the first French invasion by Napoleon, both France and Britain had tried to exert their

influence in Egypt to benefit each other. Egypt had been a province under the Ottoman Empire

since the 16th century, but Ottoman power was, at this point, already fast declining. In 1859, the

Khedive of Egypt had begun to construct the Suez Canal in 1859, a project that was quickly

bankrupting the country. Europe was more than happy to help with Egypt’s lack of funds: in 1876,

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Congo StateA.W. Greely, Men of Achievement: Explorers and Travelers (New York, New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1893)

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“Dual Control” was established. This placed Egyptian revenue and expenditure under the

supervision of French and British controller. Coupled with the fact that most of Egyptian debt was

held by French and British shareholders, this greatly expanded the influence of Europe in Egypt. It

was also a convenient way to ensure the entente between the French and the British.

However, in 1882, Egypt was suffering from a period of unrest and rioting rocked the

capital. Britain, alarmed, sent troops to Cairo to strengthen the Khedive and European influence

over him; the French declined to assist. This marked the end of Dual Control and French influence

of Egypt (and, at least the de facto, end of Ottoman influence) in lieu of sole British control. Prime

Minister William Gladstone’s cabinet was now facing a bit of a conundrum: they were unwilling to

establish formal control in Egypt for fear of antagonizing Europe and the Ottomans, but unwilling

to withdraw their troops, and their influence, from Egypt. Furthermore, Britain needed the rest of

Europe to help subsidize Egypt’s massive debt; however, France was none too pleased with the UK

after the British had threatened to recognize Portugal’s claims to the Congo. And, in 1884, the

British were facing an Islamic jihad by the Madhi, with Khartoum, the capital of Sudan, under siege

and about to fall. It is in this predicament in Egypt that Britain came to the Berlin Conference.

Another more ideological issue was present in Egypt. Egypt had expanded to control most of

what is today Sudan, effectively creating a large slave empire. Arab raiders in the north would

kidnap more vulnerable black Africans from the south. Britain was appalled; slave trade had been

abolished in 1807, and slavery in 1833. The Arab slave trade in particular was viewed with distaste,

much of which was directed at the Ottoman Empire, an empire with foundations based on slavery.2

Dr. Livingstone had published the atrocious accounts on slave trade in the Sudan, giving rise to

calls for the end of the Arab slave trade in Europe.

The Niger

2 When an anti-slavery speech was given at the London conference on Egyptian finance in August of 1884, the Ottoman delegate fell over laughing at the ludicrousness of outlawing one of the major businesses of his country.

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French control over Senegal—originally trading towns—became predominant starting in

1865. In 1879, the French approved the construction of a trans-Saharan railroad to connect Senegal

with the upper Niger and lay out the foundation for a French empire in West African. A small

French garrison defeated the hostile Tukolor Empire in 1880, allowing for the construction of

stations along the Niger without threatening the security of Senegal. The French public, while

originally jubilant at the prospect of the

railroad, had seen too much public

money spent on the project and were

happy to leave it to the military.

The lower Niger had become

another point of contention. From 1880

to 1883, several “loving letters” had

been sent to Queen Victoria from local

chiefs asking her to take over

Cameroon. Britain ignored these letters

and so their calls went unanswered;

with France beginning to exert more

influence in upper Niger, however, the

British began to worry about a

protectionist French empire in West

Africa hurting British trade. Palm oil

was high in demand because of its

ability to lubricate machines made popular by the Industrial Revolution, and was the main source of

trade in the Niger. The National African Company—a consolidation of several British companies

trading in palm oil—did not want to see this valuable trade go to the French. The company

proposed to the British foreign office that they annex the lower Niger. Britain did not act on this

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Egypt, 1872

James Monteith, Comprehensive Geography (New York, New York: A.S. Barnes and Company, 1872)Downloaded from Maps ETC

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proposal until 1883, when France made a treaty with King Tofa and reestablished French

protectorate over Porto Novo, giving the French control of the coastline of Dahomey (they also sent

a gunboat to sail along the river in a show of military strength). Worried about the French

protectorate, Britain decided in the May of 1884 to make the lower Niger a British protectorate –

however, when their representative reached

Cameroon in July, they found the

Germans had taken possession of it.

Bismarck had, since the beginning

of European interest in Africa,

vehemently declared that Germany had no

intention of establishing any colonies:

Germany did not want to pay for them,

the public had no interest in colonies, and

the small German navy would be unable

to defend them. While historians are not

entirely sure why Bismarck so drastically

changed his policy and claimed parts of

Africa, it can be assumed that he was

worried about the threat of French and

British control of West Africa to German

trade and, by 1884, the German public

was mad with desire for colonies (Bismarck had also been convinced—incorrectly, as it turned out

—that German traders would foot the bill for the new colonies). The turning point seemed to be the

British plans to claim Angra Pequena. Bismarck had asked Britain in 1883 to extend British

protection to the German trading town, having at time having no further interest in Africa.

However, the British repeatedly ignored his requests. In 1884, there appeared rumors that Britain

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West Africa, 1883Handy Atlas of the World (New York, New York: Ivison, Blakeman, Taylor and Co., 1883)Downloaded from Maps ETC

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planned to annex Togo, where there were more German trading towns, and that Cape Colony, a

British colony, had found a document proving the British claim to Angra Pequena. In May of 1884,

Bismarck sent a representative to annex Togo, Cameroon and Angra Pequena (warning the British

to keep their hands off or he would join hands with France against Egypt). The British, who had not

until this point thought Bismarck had no interest in colonies, were annoyed by Bismarck’s

treatment, but agreed. By this point, the British had their hands full dealing with the Mahdi in

Egypt.

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The Powers of EuropeGermany

In 1884, Germany was

effectively under the control of

the High Chancellor Otto von

Bismarck. Up until 1884,

Bismarck showed no intentions

of establishing any overseas

colony (although they actively

encouraged France to colonize

Tunisia in order to distract

them from Germany’s

annexation of Alsace and

Lorraine). However, Bismarck

changed his mind and annexed Cameroon, Togo and Angra Pequena in 1884.

Additionally, elections of the Reichstag were fast approaching and the Torschlusspanik

swept over the German public. Translated as “door-closing panic,” torschlusspanik was the fear that,

unless the Germany claimed parts of Africa now, there would be nothing left. Bismarck was also

aware that Crown Prince Friedrich might become Kaiser at any moment. This was a problem as

Friedrich, under the influence of his English wife, was sympathetic to the Liberal party, Bismarck’s

opposition. Thus, Bismarck saw the acquisition of colonies as an opportunity to create an

anglophobic sentiment that could be used as leverage against the future Kaiser. Bismarck had also

been convinced that German traders would govern future colonies under an imperial charter (thus

ameliorating the need for Germany to pay and for Bismarck to deal with the troublesome Reichstag

for funds).

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Europe, 1885John Clark Ridpath LL. D., Cyclopedia of Universal History (Cincinnati, Ohio: Jones Brothers Publishing Co., 1885)Downloaded from Maps ETC

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Great Britain

The liberal Prime Minister Gladstone had his hands full of problems in 1884: the majority of

his time was spent dealing with the crisis of Irish Home Rule and the deep divisions in his cabinet,

thus the issues of Africa were often pushed aside in the public’s mind. Britain was most interested in

preserving their free trade and stopping the proliferation of France, their historic rival, from

imposing tariffs and protectionist measures. At this point the British had an “informal empire,”

consisting of South Africa, Egypt and parts of the Niger. The British public was deeply against

slavery as a moral issue, and especially the Arab slave trade. They sent many missionaries on

Christianizing missions to Africa, most notably in the Congo. The potential Anglo-Portuguese

treaty wherein Britain would recognize Portugal’s claims to the Congo was created with an outcry

by the British public, and bitter resentment by France.

The official instructions of Britain to their delegate were to concede nothing to France, give

Bismarck everything he wanted and to ensure British interests on the Niger. However, the British

worried that the conference would prove to be a fluke, as Bismarck had sabotaged a London

conference on Egypt in retribution for British actions in Angra Pequena.

France

The Prime Minister of France in 1884 was Jules Ferry, an ardent expansionist and proponent

of colonization. France had claims to the northern part of the Congo due to the Makoko treaty

(which Stanley denounced as a sham), as well as Tunisia and parts of West Africa. France was, with

the exception of Portugal, the sole proponent of protectionism and caused other powers in Europe to

worry about free trade. Many of the shareholders of Egypt’s debt were French, thus Britain’s actions

in Egypt were subject to French opinion and outrage. After the immense amount of money spent on

the trans-Saharan railroad, the French public was reluctant to spend any more money on colonies.

However, they were committed to the rivalry with Britain.

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United States

The United States itself was not scrambling to claim parts of Africa as its own. However, it

liked the idea of free states being established in Africa. During the administration of President

James Monroe, the American Colonization Society had founded Liberia as a home for emancipated

slaves. Following the Civil War, former white landholders began advocating a similar idea. Senator

John Tyler Morgan gave a speech in the U.S. Senate calling for the U.S. to recognize the Free

Congo State as a place where they could send freed slaves. (Several months later, a black

convention issued a declaration calling for Senator Morgan to be sent to the Congo.) Ultimately,

America recognized the Congo in April of 1884. Yet the U.S. was primarily concerned with

preserving free trade, not freedom, in Africa.

Belgium

Although a small country, Belgium had, through the International Association of the Congo,

claimed immense part of the Congo as an independent Free Congo State, with King Leopold II as

an ambiguous head of state. The Belgium parliament, having originally mocked Leopold’s attempts

at acquiring a colony, did not have any power over its colonies, and were as surprised as the rest of

Europe when they opened their newspapers and saw what their King had done.

Leopold had secured recognition of the Congo Free State from the U.S. and, although still at

this point a secret, from Germany. Because Leopold had given France the right to preemption, all of

France’s rivals were determined that the Congo Free State stay with Leopold and out of the hands of

the French. Portugal, however, claimed parts of the coast of the Congo; if recognized, it would cut

Leopold’s state off from an Atlantic port, ruining all potential for trade.

While secretly intending for the Congo to be his own personal monopoly, Leopold’s

association and state were cloaked with philanthropic goals, claiming to be for the good of the

African natives and free trade. Yet the British foreign office had discovered some of Leopold’s

treaties with native tribes granting him a monopoly, and was becoming suspicious of his motives.

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Bismarck personally seemed to never have been fooled by Leopold’s altruistic goals, but was more

than willing to play along; provided, of course, that the King bowed to his will.

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Characters

Portugal

Mouzinho de Albuquerque: Perhaps the most adamant protector of Portuguese stakes in Africa;

does not want to give up one inch of land in Africa. Is a folk hero in Portugal, and as such has

significant influence among the people.

António Maria de Fontes Pereira de Melo: A Portuguese statesman, politician, and engineer.

Wants to maintain control of colonies in Africa, and increase economic benefit to Portugal. Fears

loss of economic power.

Germany

Otto von Bismark: Wants free trade, free navigation on the Niger, and to establish order in Africa.

Above all, wants to maximize his own country’s influence.

Adolf Lüderitz: Explorer, founder of German South-West Africa. Very familiar with African land

around that area. As a merchant, has significant skills in managing money and a reputation for

honesty.

The United Kingdom

David Livingstone: Explorer, medical missionary in Africa. Has more sympathy than most for the

plight of the local inhabitants, wants to establish a moral agenda as well. Is very popular among the

British people.

Granville Leveson-Gower: Best friend of Prime Minister Gladstone; wants no wars, no alliances,

and a better relationship with the US.

Austria-Hungary

Archduke Rudolf, Crown Prince of Austria: Son of Franz Joseph I, is most interested in mining

Africa for minerals. His moodiness is common knowledge, and while he won’t disobey his father he

has an independent streak.

Friedrich von Beaust: A statesman and close friend of Franz, was known as the “great opponent” of

Bismark.” Wants to uplift his sovereign and counter German goals.

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Belgium

Walthère Frère-Orban: Prime Minister of Belgium. Fed up with the role of religion over the state,

wants to prevent the spread of Christianity.

Auguste Marie François Beernaert: Minister of Public Works. Wants to secure financial support

from other countries to fund domestic development.

Denmark

Otto Rosenørn Lehn: The Foreign Minister of Denmark. Enjoys art and other people who appreciate

its merit. Has the respect of his colleagues, and is growing old—but not foolish.

Jacob Brønnum Scavenius Estrup: Council President and Finance Minister of Denmark. Vastly

increased Denmark’s export capabilities through domestic development, and so has a reputation as a

keen businessman.

France

Jules Ferry: Prime Minister of France. Supports separation of church and state, wants to spread

French influence by expanding colonies. Is dedicated to the President of France.

Pierre de Braza: Explorer, helped establish France’s claims in Africa and radiates charm. Has the

loyalty of the locals in the region, and newfound knowledge of the location of a gold mine in

French territories.

Spain

José de Elduayen: Minister of State; has an extensive background in civil engineering. Wants peace

and has a history in mitigation.

Antonio Cánovas de Castillo: Prime Minister of Spain. Played a key role in the elevation of Alfonso

XII to the throne. Has a black and white sense of morality, with no qualms over using violence to

get what he wants.

Sweden-Norway

Oscar II: King of Sweden and Norway (then joined); known for tact and patience. Wants peace, the

spread of Chirstianity, and a strong relationship with their friend Germany above all.

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Carl Johan Thyselius: Prime minister of Sweden, 72 years old. Independent conservation who

values the spread of Christianity, not war.

The Ottoman Empire

Hagop Kazazian Pasha: the Master of Finances, having won a second term (despite early reports to

the contrary). Best known for his adroitness at negotiation and money management, is rumored to

have the key to Ottoman wealth.

Ahmad Huseinzadeh: Spiritual leader of the Shia Muslim in the Ottoman Empire. Is close to the

head of the Ottoman military, a devout of the faith.

Italy

Pasquale Stanislao Mancini: Italian statesman. Wants allies for Italy, in particular France, Britain,

Austria, and Germany. Extremely liberal (wants freedom of press and repeal of imprisonment for

debt).

Agostino Depretis: Prime Minister of Italy. Despite a reputation as a Leftist, has been appointing

conservatives to his cabinet. Evidently, he wants the support of his King.

The United States

Henry Shelton Sanford: Sent because of his close relation with Belgium, in particular King Leopold

II. Is particularly skilled at framing events to the public in a way that they will accept it happily.

Henry Morton Stanley: Explorer, has a grudge for Pierre de Braza. Has a close friend known for

building railroads and bridges that owes him a favor.

The Netherlands

Theodorus Marinus Roest van Limburg: Minister of Finance. Although many initially thought this

aged politician had lost to Joseph Willebois, a recount showed otherwise. Worked in the

Departments of Colonies and Foreign Affairs in his youth, has a particular interest in maintaining

and expanding Dutch presence in Africa.

Jan Heemskerk: Prime Minister. Wants to leave a powerful legacy; has not decided whether he

wants to be loved or feared.

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Rules of CommitteeCommittee will begin on November 15, 1884, at the concluding remarks of Bismarck’s

opening statement. All historical facts are true until that date; thereafter events and policy will be at

the digression of the chair.

Although the countries at the Berlin Conference sent delegates whose personal reputation

precedes them, the committee will focus on the policy of countries, rather than the personalities of

the delegates unless it is relevant to debate (for example, the Americans were in the pocket of King

Leopold). The committee will follow normal Parliamentary Rules of Procedure; however, since the

Conference was hosted by Bismarck, special attention will be paid to Germany’s points and motions

at the digression of the chair.

Powers of Committee

Treaty

The goal of the committee will be to create a treaty addressing (or not addressing, if it so

pleases you) the points brought up by Bismarck. If the treaty passes at the end of committee, the

delegates will be informed if their home governments have ratified it and of any immediate fallout.

Directives

Delegates can create official or unofficial directives. Unofficial directives are agreements

made between individual delegates without the approval of their home government. Official

directives are agreements with approval of home government that will be given by the discretion of

the chair. While unofficial directives are acceptable, countries are not bound by them. Delegates are

highly encouraged to remain in contact with their government during committee.

Besides government-to-government debate, delegates can also negotiate with African chiefs,

trading companies, African explorers or religious leaders.

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Press Releases

There are several options for press releases. Delegates can personally release statements to

the press that will be distributed to the committee and (theoretically) Europe. Alternatively,

delegates can request a press release of the public opinion or a specific government’s opinion that

will be distributed to the committee.

Position Papers

Position papers should consist of a paragraph on each of the following: the current and

historical claims to Africa by your country; the domestic state of your country, including its

government, public opinion, relationships with neighbors, and economy; and lastly, the goals of

your country for the Conference and how they interact with your own goals.

Position papers should 1-2 pages, single-spaced, Times, size 12 font. In the upper right-hand

corner should appear your name, committee, country and school. And remember: brevity is the soul

of wit, and thus concise papers that are well researched will be rewarded over verbose papers with

little detail.

If there are any questions, please email the Chair.

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<http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/ imperialism/ readings/ berlinconference.html>.

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