BAÜBOCK e FAIST, Diaspora and Transnationalism Concepts, Theories and Methods

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Diaspora nd

TransnationalismConcepts, heoriesndMethods

RATNER eUsOCK 8cTHOMAS FArST noS.)



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Cover esign:Studio an de Boernro,Amsterdaml,ayout:The Docï7orkers,Almere

lsrìN 97 8go 89644g 7(Ì-lslrN 97890 4gy 2669NUrì Z411763

@RainerBaubôck, homasFaist AmsterdamUniversitypresszoro

All rights reserved. *g:"j limiting the rights under coplz.ighteservedabove'no part of this book ttï"y ú" reproduced, tored n orntroduced nto a retrievalsystem,"""J-in"d,

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photocopying, ecording or oúerwise)ïP:", 9:. yin"-" permissionãf frotfr'íir" copyright ownersand theuthorsof the book.

Table f contents

Preface

Chapter rDiaspora and transnationalism: What kind of dance partners?ThomasFaist

Chapter zDiasporas, transnational spacesand communitiesMichel Bruneau

Chapter 3

The dynamics of migrants' transnational formations: Betweenmobility and locality

Janíne Dahinden

Chapter 4Instrumentalising diasporas for development: International andÉuropean policy discoursesAgnieszka Weínar

Chapter 5Interrogating diaspora: Power and conflict in Peruvian migrationKarsten Paerregaard

Chapter 6A global perspective on transnational migration: Theorisingmigration without meúodological nationalismNina Glick Schiller

Chapter 7Bridging úe divide: Towards a comparative frameworkfor understanding kin state and migrant.sending statediaspora poliücsMyra A. Waterbury

3

51

7

91

10

13



( i l r , t l r l r . r \l ) i ; rx lx l r ; rsrr( l r r r ( ' r ' r r i l r iorurrrx) l i r i ( .s :J t i r is i rgrrr . ' l r iv . r .s l r r is t i .r ' r ' t r l l l i lx ' r ; r l is rrri r r ;xrr l i t i r l ; r r isr i tl rd r ; r i i r rurr isrl ) r r . rx)scs-r t t i l Koi t tu, t r

( l r ; rpl t ' r ..1l) i l ls;xlra, rr igration nc l ransnationalism:nsights rom thesI r<ly í' sc<:ond-generationreturnees,Iltrsvll Kingund AnastasiaChrístou

( l r ; tpk'r ol'rivatr', public or boú) On the scopeand impact ofI ; r s a onalism in immigrants, everyday ivãsItuolo ìou:ugní

( l r ; r ; l t t , r '(,)Ix' r;r ìor :r ìs ng transnational migrant networkstlrl)uglt ;r simultaneousmatchedsample methodology\i r r t Muzzucato

( , l r ; r l r l l r .rz'li;rrrslralional

researchcollaboration:_An pproach o the study'l'<

r>'ublications

'etweenoverseasChinesËscientistsandt lr.ir nrainlandcolleagues

Korrtlonkers

( i l r : r ; t t r t rr3'l'hc internet as a means_ofstudying transnaüonalism and diasporaKuthrin Kissaua.nd (JweHunser

(ìhapter14Transnational links and practices of migrants, organisationsin Spain

l,qura Moralesq.nd. a.iq [orba

Chapter15Cold constellations and hot identities: political theoryquestions about transnationalism and diasporaRainer Baubtick

t4 9

167

18 5

Preface

The success of concepts in úe social sciences s often measured by thnumber of academic publications referring to them, by their capacity tocross the boundaries of disciplines and by their penetration into masmedia and wider public discourses. If, however, we take qualitative cri-teria such as the explanatory power ofa concept and its precision in dis-tinguishing different social phenomena as indicators for its usefi-rlnesin social theory and research, then successful proliferation may dimin-ish academic value. This diagnosis seems to apply to the concepts oftransnationalism and diaspora. Both have become exrremely popularsince the r99os and are today applied to much broader classesof phenomena. This widening of empirical scope has also led to increasing

conceptual overlap so úat diaspora and transnationalism have becomincreasingly diÍficult to distinguish from each other. Yet even in theirmultifaceted contemporary meanings, each concept still shows thebirthmarks of distinct imaginaries, research puzzles and disciplinarystyles of reasoning. The danger is that the broadening of conceptuascope will not only resu lt in conceptual inflation, but also in conceptuaflattening in the sense that concepts lose their capacity to drill deepeand connect *re multiple layers of socially constructed realities in waythat enhance our understanding.

The goal of this book is not to settle once and for all the conceptuadebate by proposing coherent and authoritative definitions. We have in-stead come to the Wittgensteinian conclusion that the meaning of trans-

nationalism and diaspora must be inferred from their actual uses. Thispragmatic attitude suggests also úat the best test for the present academic value of these concepts lies in their capacity to trigger new re-search perspectivesand cluestions.This is the test that we wanted to apply in this volume. And we think that the result is positive.

The chapters of this book are grouped loosely into three sections. Inthe first part, the emphasis is on the variety of interpretations of thetwo concepts (chapters z - sl.The second part deals with new theoreti-cal approaches and research questions (chapters 6 - ro). And the thirdpart addresses meúodological problems and innovations with respecto the study of boundary-crossing actiüties and affiliations (chapters rr

- 4). The book is framed by an introductory essaythat connects the

205

227

267

295

245

Bibliography323

List of contributors351



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a reducelhis.danger by engaging all authors in an intensive processof debatecluring an initiar conferenceas welr as n subsequentàunds-oi"t"t or"-li<>n nd revision of the chapters.The project startedwith an IMIscoElht'oryconference hosted at and io-organised by the European[Jrivcrsity Institute (EUI) in Florence rom ro-rz April zoog. A call forpaperswas launched within the IMISCoE netrvori and úe ú, arrdwirs cventually arso circulated within other networks. Altogethãr 40 ex_

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lll_arersweresubmited.A progra__" á__itee in_vorvrr[EevenMISCoEmembersnvited g chãrarsosubmitrt t u"r-tliottsoí'theirpapers t he conference.part rom NinaGlickSchiller,s.l'rpl.r (r, all contributionsn this book'werepresentedn initial draftversioÍrsur the conference.And all essays,apart from varentinaM;rzzrrclrlo'shapter.r-r, re original contribution, t"t

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ereextremelylrt'lpíirl .r the ast oundof extensiveeüsions.Thisproject asalso e_srrllt'd n an IMISC.F,policybrief Tiesacross orders:il" gt"*ìg r"Ì-icnr:r' oÍ transnationalismand diasporapolitics' t y n"m"ï n",rir,i.t ,h ch is available t www.imiscoe.orjTprrbücations/policybriefs.Apart from the authorsand editoã, severalotnái p".ro* h"u" b."r,involved

i" th]r proiectand havecontributed o its succesrnt.orr.trr-sion' Listing them and úeir locationsshowshow produci"g ihilr*r.on transnationalismwas tserfa transnationar rocàss.wi"t'k" s"u.rr,,asedat the AustrianAcademy f Sciences nd rong-ter*

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EUI in Florence,EvaBreivik providedsecretariar upport"nJïi,r"raoomanos' ditorialassistance ascrucial or preparing he bookpubìi-cation. n Toronto,EdithKl_ein arefirllyedited'tr.ãÀ"ï"r*ioi"âri""r.publication.The IMISCoE Network'office in Amsterdamand theIMISC'E Editoriar ommittee,spread crossEurope, aveconsistentlyslnnorte.a he proiect.KarinaHofs patientassistaiceand professi,onaladvice deserve to be specially mentioned here. fn. 'n_ri"à"*University Press eam (Erik van Aert, faap Wagenaarand Christinewaslander)has also been very supportive.we ãre grateful io

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RaínerBaubõck nd ThomasFqist

ChapterDiasporand ransnationalism:ìVhatkindof dancepartnersl

ThomasFaist'

t. r Introduction: Diaspora an d transnationalism as awkwarddance partners

Over the past decades, the concepts of diaspora and transnaüonalismhave served as prominent research lenses through which to üew thaftermath of international migration and the shifting of state borderacross populations. The research has focused on delineating the genesiand reproduction of transnaüonal social formations, as well as the parri

cular macro-societal contexts in which these cross-border social forma-tions have operated, such as 'globalisation' and 'multiculturalism'.Although both terms refer to cross-border processes,d,iaspora as beeoften used to denote religious or national groups living outside an (imagined) homeland, whereas transnationalism s oflen used both moÍe narrowly * to refer to migrants' durable ties across countries - and, morwidely, to capture not only communities, but all sorts of social forma-tions, such as transnationally active networks, groups and organisationsMoreover, while diaspora and transnationalism are sometimes used in-terchangeably, úe two terms reflect different intellectual genealogieThe revival ofthe notion ofdiaspora and the advent oftransnational ap

proaches can be used productively to study central questions of sociaand political change and transformation.The goal of this volume is to bring together these two awkward danc

parrneÍs, which talk about similar categoriesof persons involving formsof forced and voluntary migrations. In contrasting and comparing thestwo concepts acrossa range of social science disciplines - sociology,po-litical science, geography and anthropology - the book is meant to btheoretical in the wide sense of the term. The aim is not to developcomprehensive theory or a slmthesis of a theory noÍ to apply a distinctset of theories to cross-border social phenomena. The term 'theory' hererelates to theoretically guided empirical propositions, ranging fromthick descriptions aiming at particular events and sites, on one end of

the continuum, to grand general theory at úe other end. Neither is this



i l l l ( ' Í í i ) l l . t l t 'vt ' lol r ; t t tt t l ( ' l Ì r ; r l ( ' ( ll r l r ry, l r l i ; r : ;p.r ; r ; r r r r lr ; r r11çr l r r r r ; r lisr r r .li r avoicl .orr r . r ,pl r r ; t l.orr Í ì rsionrrr t l l r l l i i r r l il ) i r$l ) l r ( ,r r tol l r r , r .rr os sacademic iscipl i r r t 's,lrt ' t l t l tyl l t ' rsorr l ; r i r r t ' r lr r , r ' , . i r rr r t ,or '11lr r r ist , t lr t . ,cording o three clear-cut asl<s,nc l t l r t 'vr r r r r r r t , isr r t t , r t r i r r t r l ryr ' r r t -tured in three sections.

Part r ConceptsWe need to study the history and evolution of the trvo conceprsan-dattempt to clarify their uses for theoretical purposes l.r;r,

diÍïerent disciplines and research traditions. rhis part of the vo-lume explores whether and, if so, in what ways diaspora andlransnationalism are usefirl

.co-ncepts uiding systematicempiri_cal analysis in order to avoid the dangãr of cãnceptually richïrrtproposition-poor esearch.

Parlz TheoryW. .t.d to compare how different social, cultural and politicalllr.,r'i.s cxplain the formation of diasporasand the emerg'ence fIr ';rrsrrrt i .nalism nd what weight thesephenomenaar e!ive., i'I '.;rrl<'r' hcoreticar, ccountsof change in contemporary"society.'l'lris

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vorume developsheãreticaily "rot-"aprãpÃi-tiorrs thlrt can be used to explain certain phenomena, oria""tify

llr. t;rrrsalmechanismsand processesha t ca n be seen n theirt.í lrr s.

lrart3 MethodsWe need to develop methodological toolboxes and innovationsftrr-studying transnational and dúsporic phenome""

"r"piti.ìrry,ithout falling into the rraps of methodìrogicar nationalirã ã,essentialising groupism. This part of the voúm" .rrg"g", ir, ,"_flections on how to conduct rãsearch and assess

"uá.ï.".Orl,

endeavour here also includes discussion and application of rere-

vant research echniques.

Before embarking on a-more_detailedd.escription of these úree tasks, itis necessary o sketch the public and acadeáic relevance of the debatesin which the terms .diaspora'

and .transnationalism,are used.

1.2 The state of the debate(s)

Diaspora and transnationarism are important concepts in both poriticaland policy debatesand academic reseaich - diaspora

"u"., -or",o than

transnationalism. Diaspora has becomea póhticised notion while

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t , ) r r i l t . r l l i l< i r rgly,vc r hc Ìastdecade,he term'diaspora'hasbecomgruprrl.rrrr lxrl lr rcademic iteratureand public discourses.Nationalis

Hrrir l lr ' i)t

l lov('nlmcntsoften

use the conceptof diaspora o pursuagr.trrl;*i Í rrlrtion-state-building r controlling populations abroad. Ther rrr rpl is irrvol<cdo mobilise support for a group identity oÍ some po-l i l ir ,r l plojt.t l , sometimes n the serviceof an extemalhomeland,such

'rn llrr' prott.t:tionof ethnic minorities living in another state (i.e. kinElill(. l)tol(.('lion). Recently, even source countries of migration haveirxrrl 'tlirrsl;rlra' o encourage inancial investments and promote politir,rl Lryrrlly Ínong economically successfulexpatriates.Because t haslrr.r.rrpolilicised in multiple ways, scholarshave argued that the termalrorrltl rt'used with care and not regarded as an innocuous analytica(r)n((,1)l lìrubaker zoo5). Yet, simply doing away with the term alto-;4r.llrr.r'would e throwing the baby out with the bath-water. t is impor-

lrltl lo study how diasporas are constituted, wiú which consequenceÍur' lrr. various agentsand institutions involved and how the boundariesol l lrt,concept av echanged.

l)o(.s transnationalism' offer more analltical purchaseúan diasporal'l'lrt'Íbrmer term - and its derivatives, such as transnational socialHl)ir('s, fields and formations - have been used to connote everydayprtrt'liccs of migrants engaged n various actiüties. These include, rop1ivt, nly a few examples, reciprocity and solidarity wiúin kinship net-wolks, political participation not only in the country of emigration butlrlso oÍ' immigration, small-scaleentrepreneurship of migrants acrosslxrrdcrs and the transfer and re-transfer of cultural customs and prac-tit t's. Though not used as widely as diaspora,

nor as poliücised, he con-rr.pt is hardly devoid of political connotations.After all, the pioneers ofllrc transnational urn in the early r99os coined it as a conc ept with anrrpproach that brought migrants 'back in' as important social agents(Click Schiller,Basch& Szanton-Blanc 995) in contrast o large orga-rrisations such as multinational companies and political parties that hadlleen the object of earlier research of a transnational vein (Faist zooga).An agenda prioritising the empowerment of migrants is reflected in ti-tles such as TiansnationalismfromBelow Smith & Guarnizo 1998).Andindeed, úe '-ism' in transnationalism suggestsan ideology. Yet, t is notclear who would adhere to such an ideology researchers, migrants orother political agents. Above all, since its intÍoduction to migration stu-

dies in the early r99os, transnationalism has sparked discussionson



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These brief reÍbrrarismre otht ;:ï:ï::iã,' :ïï;:rï1.",..,lïïi:,;,'l,i, Jìi ll,lbates' It is therefore of great importance to get a rrctter scnsc oí tlr.uses of the terms, their similarities and diffe*rences. s the càntrrb,,tions to this volume make clear, the two ri"-l"ymeaningruiway.odosowourdl"ffï"}::iifj lïï#ïíof definitions and meanings úat constantryoverlap.Nonetheless, inccWittgenstein (zoo9), we hãveknown úat meaning, of .o.,."pi, ."r, b"inferred from how they are used. In a Mttgensteinian spirit that doesnot rely too much on definitions, this intrãductory ;ilfi;"ües thefollowing questions: what do the two .orrl"pt, have in commonl whatdistinguishes them trrus from other branches of grobalisation studies,and what distinguishes transnationarism from diaspora studiesr And towhat ends can they be fruitfullv usedl

Diaspora s an ord concept whose uses and meanings have recentrytrndcrgonedramatic change.Originally, he concept eferred only to úeh sloric cxperìcnce of-particrila,

!.orrpr, speciÍìcally /ews andA'rrr.r iurrs' r,atcr, t wa s extended o"rerigiousminorit iás in Europe.sirrct ' l ' t 'Ì ir tc r97os, diaspora'hasexperiËnced veritable nflation oflrPPliclr l iotlsnd interpretations.Most definit ions ca n be summe, ,, .lry tlrrt't' r:haracteristics. achof thesecan be subdivided rrto ota"r*"iãlÌ(.w('r usages.The first characteristic elates o the causesoi_inr"tion

'rdispersal.older notions refer to forced airp"r*"t,

"rri,rr*'iï"r"","0in the experienceof fews, but arso- more recentry - of palestinians.

üË:liïïïff:i:ïï,ff,"ïfJ',ïtJtr;ltm:,:isi,'"ïtÍ;igration diasporas such as those of the Turkish and the Mexicans(Cohen ry9fl. The secondcharacteristic inks cross-ú;;";-;.p";".",

of homeland with destination. older notions clearly i_piy ;ï;;;, ,"an (imagined) homeland (safran r99r): an example is homeland_oriented projects meant to

.shape a ííuntry,s future fry irrn,rã".ìrrg ,tfrom abroad or by encnuraging ieturn ú"r". ey contrast, newer uses oÍ_ten replace return wiú dense and continuous rinkages across bord.ers,as n the migration-development nems (Faistzoog).-Suchr".".-.".r-

ngs do not remain bound in the imagery of origin and.destination butinclude counrriesof onward migratioã, ád,h.rr""_ph"ri;; ì;;"iìr"r.Even wider uses speak of a diaãporic experience of ãil mouite f".ro.r,s 'trans-nation,(Appadurai1996;. In some cases, he imagined. ro_"_land can also be a non-territorial one, such as a grobar Isramic ulnma.This latter interpretation highlights tn. A.t1fr"t, even in its earliest his-toric uses, diaspora refers noto.rly to ethnic but also t" ,"1úi"", ;;;rp,

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F; r{ l l ! t ! ! r ! !ul r t ' r i .l ' l rc l l r i r t l r r ; r r ' : r tt ' r ' is l i r 'orr tcrns l r t ' r r r 'or ' t rol l l iorrllÊtegtal inrr l r r r ipp;r r r lsr r r t l /ol r r i r rol i l i t 'sr r lo l r t ' r 'ountr icsoÍ 'set t l* l iËnl ( )Ll r t r rol iorrs í r l i r rsl lor ' ; rr r rpl iccllut i ts rnerrnberso not ful liulegr;r l i ' ro r ;r l ly l lrrr l s, lxrl i t ically, conornically,ulturally into th*ruul tv ll r i t . l lh, r r r t ' r r l ,r rul<ingrr dmaintaining oundar ies is-à-vishnrslur iy piroup(s),l ' lr is notion oÍ -diaspora s also often associated ithIrrnrrir lrry r;r irr l t,nunccy a dominant majority through discriminatioâHËll! lsllr;rspolrr. lroups. ssimilationwould mean the en d of diasporït lrel lr, 'r r. l lrrr icrr l ly r rel igiously defined. Newer notions of diasporelnlr lr,r:r ist,rr l lrrralhybridity in the wake of 'dissemi-nation' Bhabhrq1r1.1)rr l irrt.with older notions, t seems hat diaspora mplies somrlt I nl t ullrrrlrl distinctivenessof the diasporavis-à-visother groups.

t ih'-rry, lrt, older and newer usagesof diasporaare not alwayscompall lr l l Yrl, l lr is tensionmay also constitutean opporbunityto aisequesllrrtrr: or' Íìrrther analysis. First, newer usages efer to any kind of dispc,rrr;l rrrtl thus blur the distinctions between various kinds of crosslrrrrrlrr rnobility. For example, or analyticaland political reasons,differerrr rl lx'lwcen more voluntary and more forced forms of migrationruay lx' t rucial. Second, he emphasis on return has been replaced byr ir rrltrl cxchange and transnational mobility. This development raise

inllx)llirìt questions about changing forms of migrant membership inrlurrrrrrrrities of origin and destination. Third, while both older andnFw(,r' lsagesemphasise he fact úat diasporicgroups do not assimilatItr rt'14ions f immigration, moÍe recent discussionsgo beyond the ideoÍ r rrltural distinctive nessand focus upon processesof cultural innovatirrrr. l'his raises he question of wheúer rnigranï ntegration, on the onlrarrd,and cultural disúnctions, on the other hand, may coexist. n sum,llrt' <luestions aised are also o be found in discussionsabout he seconlelrrr central to this book, 'transnationalism':changing forms of crosslroldcr mobility, membership and citizenship and the compatibility - oritrt ompatibility - of migrant integration and cultural disünctions.

While the term 'diaspora' always refers to a community or group andIrrrsbeen heavily used in history and literary studies, concepts such aIrrnsnationalism - and transnational spaces, ìelds and formations - re-lcr Io processeshat transcend international borders and therefore appeal<l describe more abstract phenomena in a social science language. Blransnational spaceswe mean relative ly stable, asting and dense sets oflies reaching beyond and acÍoss borders of sovereign state'fransnational spaces comprise combinations of ties and their substance,positions wiúin networks and organisations and networks of or-ganisations that cut across the borders of at least two national state(Faist zooob). In migration research, he concept of transnationaliswas coined to focus on the gÍassroots actiüties of international mi-

grants across borders as being something distinct from the dense and



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l r , r lsr Ì i r -t ionalcompanics.rr th is s.rrse, rrr , t t : r r r r , r rarrsrrar ior ' r r isrrr , [ ru i rdsupon - ye t is distinct rom - rrans'ati 'nar .rarirrrs rì rr;;:p,ìi itir',.tscience ub-d_isciplinef internationarerati.ns,an<J iÍ'Íbrs rom tharusage n its focuson non-state ctors portes1996). n transnationar-ism, non-state gents, mgn-ghem prominentlyút'not."a"*i*f, *i-rants,aredeÍìnedascruciaragents. ountry oiorigin,

-ï"ìõ'áiï.rrr.ation and migrants (plus heii significantúhers *ï;'.;" ;.iliiàrv,_-mobile) hus createa triangular oïi"r *tt".úre, which canbe expandedthrough

the incrusionof cãuntries"r o"*"ìa -igr",i"".-i"ìrrrr"-rr,r-ngular structure, he erementof migrant ãrmations coversa host ofrganisationsand sroups, includinj migrant associations, uch asometown associiions-, religious" .oãÀ.rrlti"s and employerorganisations.

Ì' 3 Part - concepts: efining iaspora nd ransnationarism

Striving for exactdefinitions of terms such as ,diaspora,and .transna-

tionalism' may seem a futile exercise.Diaspora,'i' p"rti..ri"a fr",becomean all-purooseword. It may therefore'be_"r"ïr"""ï"ïn f aool< t ts uses. s the uses f úese termsoften;"J;; ;';;;;;"r"_"times even interchangeable, o clear separaüon s io fr.

".p..t"a.onetheless, closeconceptual omparisoir,s an opportunity o bringto light crucial questionsãbout cross-rrãrà"tprocesses. owards hisend, t is useful to comp^arehe two .o.r."p* first to gto'"hr;or, ,tu_dies' r'hile úe impactolglobarisation , oË"n assumedo be universaland worldwide,-approach"ritk"a to the concepts f diaspora nd trans-nationalism refer to phenomena hat occur wiüin úe limited socialand geographic spaces of, a parricular set of regions or states.Globalisation pproaches""d -*rá

ã;;es d.iffer rom diasporicandtransnationalist pproachesn at east hreerespects.First' all

cross-border oncepts efer o the importanceof cross-borderor even deterritoriarised' olitics,economicsand culture.v"t, ái"rpor*and transnational approaãhes mph"rir" ìrr,"rre connections o na_ional or local territori_es, speciallyn the caseof migrants. For exam_l": ,h: lobbying hat Kurdishmigrant org*ir"tiorrs do may take placeat the European arliamentin Brussers, ú its focus s on ,rocal,iss,res,such as Kurdish autoaomy i"T.k:y or úe ,ight ;

"***uropeanUnion member states. n úis way,cross_borderocialphe_nomenahavea clear erritorial reference

"rd "r"úr',

"lrol;;;i;r,""_tional n their focusand goals seeLyons

"oo6).econd' here s arsono claim that a grobal0r world consciousnesssevolving n a linear way.The broaddeãnitio' of tr"rrrrr";;;;il;;"r,

TRANSNAÍI( }NAISM

lã é Í*trrmatir)n$ls ri('ts f'dt'rtsc attd c:otttitttttlttsocialartd sym'

ë€ t encorupassestl l <inclsí'social hcnorncna.hese eÍìnitionãctots the l:oitrd, Íiorrr thc cross-border ctivities of non-

rurganisations nd socialprotest movements, hrough the

flows thlt link speciÍìc sending and receiving countries, to

engolrtg lics migrants retain with their countries of origin., ln diaspora and transnational approaches, he intensiÍìed

ËBfl=bsrder trattsactionsare not necessarily onnected o a global con-

I|3tr:nsr, e global horizon of world society,global justice and cosmo-

Ëllbnlnr,t (ltt'ck zoo6) or the growing importance of universal normsL Ëte world polity approach(Meyer,Boli, Thomas & Ramirez ry971.ln

FËlculer, tttigration is a case where there is no neat coincidence ofIftkll:ettort Íiom below' (Portes1996),no growing awareness f 'one-

lEfldnern', on the one hand, and universal ideas, on the oúer.

Xgteever, diaspora and transnationalism - as concepts and observable

lknotnena* are not necessarily coterminous wiú what is called global

Ëf tfenrnational civil society in the form of'transnational advocacynet-

Ëfke' (Keck & Sikkink 1998). Tiansnational advocacynetworks are oÊ

tstl portrayed as promoüng universal values, such as human rights, de-

Ë€€:rHcyand gender equity. Similarly, transnational social movements

ête atrdit'cl as an instance of globalisation and úe universalisation ofpteticen and rights from below (Della Porta, Andretta, Mosca & Reiter

aËê6), By contrast, diaspora and transnational concepts often relate to

&c observation that, when it comes to understandings of the political,

huruan mobility may reinforce and recreate all kinds of beliefs and -

llüc, including nationalism, patriarchism, sexism, sectarianism and

Ëthao.trationalism.Thlrd, terms such as 'diaspora' and 'transnationalism' or 'transnatio-

ãelhetion' do not suggest a (linear) progression of úe universalisation

ef rlghts, as world approaches do. For example, post-national ap-proechcs posit that migrants' 'right to have rights' (Arendt r9n lÍ9591)he: led to the evolution of post-national membership which - in liberal

demtrracies - guards essential social and civil rights of migrants,tlrough falls short of full political rights and citizenship (Soysal 1994).

According to this view, úe ultimate souÍce of this tendency is to be

*'orrnd n a diffusion of Western noÍms of human rights into the regula-

tlons and constitutions of national states. While considerations attached

to terms such as 'diaspora' and 'transnaüonalism' do not provide com-prehensive theories on rights and citizenship, there are no clear-cut as-

sumptions about the global spread of norms. Instead, the focus is

unually on contentious struggles around issues such as rights in both

nãtional and transnational arenas (Faist zolo). Diaspora and transna-

tional concepts, in contrast to global and world theory concepts, often

Btart from the observation that, while there is less of a requirement of



, ^15 ' l

l r l rys i t : , r' r

gtug'u l rrr icur1l r 'x i r r r i ryrr .srx. i i r ri í t . , r r r . r . t . isr i r r r ' t . r r . r r rcndencylwards^urr iv . rsrr isar i . , r i ,r rs t<, : rcr ,r r t , , r r r ' r*rs iss l rr i rc t .d

'r rhe co-prese"." f_:llu_rr;i;;ì;ì; ,;,i 'purri.,,t,,risirrg

'r<x..ssì,s.

,r,rrrrs,universal orms_ suchas collectivccli:d.tcrrnir,rriìr,,,.1,,r'ucrac;y,,,1uman rights- may enabÌeocaÌor"nationar lainrs.nurr.*u-pr., ,r,,ands or poriticalautonomv"r -"r,ì.ïrrr"r

,ighì;"or;ffi;;, grour)sften efer o grobar orms .h ;;;;ght to collectiveerf,determi'rr,ion' In this way, he concepts rïtJÇ*" and transnationarismare cr.-ery elatedo' grocarsati"ti

"*rri.r, .ã-rrr".,,i*'

""ï,"ïr"ïï raro, r, ,ion and ocahsJtjonRobertson;;r;."'

while the concepruar irr"t"tã"í'írerween grobalisation, n the oncand, and diasporá"rra

t"rrrr"ìlã"rìr"ri"",

-o'trr" oìiì, ìr"rra, _.yeem atherskaightforwata, ,

"pp""rr

-Àoredifficult to distinguish hcatter set of terms. The extent á *iri.rr',i." literature on diasiora ancìransnationalstudies overlaps

"rrdirrterr".ts can be discerned romrilôlyan'sr99r: 5)

-"-or"bl"."_"rk-th'theex"mprí,! ámmunitiesrüe .ilïï:1""ïï:i"Íi1""ïï#;mixes, and overlaps.^*úi _";"úr-; words like ,expatriate., mi_gtancy'and exile' o form 'an unrulicrãwd of descriptivefinterpretativeerms'úat' jostre nd converse'",í"

-àa"r"i";.;ï';f'í;ï ror, rtu_ies (CliÍIord ry94a: 3o3).

"'üi""rï1f;'"o$:X'.:" ": conceptualartorúis volumeocus núedoï."""",;*;:i':Íï;lTï:ïïïÍï:*#Ï:ï:ïf{kr*[ï;:*llf,,*ï;ï,"J.'#-" orthe ontriilil rocusn hehistoryrtheposeàenniü.",;iff#jâï$üX.ï:"tï';;,1ï:'#:f":.sionsand contextuar.pecificationsl

" !**a perspective f the con-ributions n úis section s-r;;ildii;Íi

i'trr.t the authorsdrawonnsights rom a varietyorro.iìì.i#.ïïrltntt"", to advanceheir ana_.h,i: i:ïi,ï:t'ï#""::T:t J'h"ìh"À'

"Tf1-lv ootednspe.weinar d ;;il;i ,"eau n

humangeogtap.hv,ahindln " rãàrogy,

31;"."ni,"ril{1+ïïiï"ï:'"1ï,"ïH1ïï1"ffii?i""J;frnto threerearmsof meaning;a"r..ipíuãaryticar notions, "ër".r.",o úe socialconsürution"r"ú"ìp"#;;;ï"r*""tionarist phenomenand referenceso a socio_culturail""àr""". "

1'3'1 Diaspora nd ansnationarism sdescriptivenaryticarotionsThe use ofdiasporaasa descriptive nd analytical ategory asa strongradition. Examples " ,lï_

""h;",.ï"aïS"n"n,s and Cohen,s axo_omies of diasporaand Shefferlr-"fÍ#;sporaoritic'r'"n"'zoo6).*"'*dtffï:ff:ll":"ïy';jlï

1.RÂNFNAI( )NAIISM

ËFt:, replart l i t tg it trd l t t t t ' t ' s l t l tl so i l , stttJt lax<tttotr t it 's l í ic t t ust '

Bf galtfett irrg,trrpt's" a trcttclCoht'tt(r9tS7: 77't7l i)ha s noted

rlttt l ics ovt'ntl l . Sorttctitrtt 'sltcsedcfìnit ionsborder on es-

nrrt l(, lsoí orgartic ociuldcvclopment.By contrast, onceptua

ct lrsnHnirl iotral isrrtrc Ínore rooted n geographic nd sociolo

Integrs rttclt rs 'spacc' and 'Íìeld', which are often either used

ly, or irssociatcdwith claims towards applylng key notions of

flleory(Klragrarn Levittzoo8). On the whole,while diasporItevr rrr;rirtlypokeno issues f culturaldistinctivenessnd ts

e lirr rr'ligious ommunities, ationhood nd alsosocialpraclurlt arr 'tttrcpreneurship, ransnational studies have come to fo-

en ls:uer ol'rnobility and networks. In short, the former term takes

Ëolr(pts such as 'community' and 'dispersal'as a point of depar-

enel lre latter term is related o social science deas.Bruneau and

in this volume use typologies of diaspora and transnational-

I felper'livcly, as broad categories o discuss questions regarding

Ëãbtlltysnclsocialntegration.

frf,l Diaspora nd transnationalism s socially onstitutedormations

ãruneetr'tt contribution attests to overlap in diaspora and transnationalFptogcltes, Bruneau distinguishes among different types of diasporas,

tihrlçh reíi'r to entrepreneurship, politics, religion and ethnicity oÍ Íace.

Í{g ggenbeyond notions of community and a categorisation of diasporic

Fupr through firmly embedding his inquiry in a categorisation of

ipeeer, llcnce, his iuxtaposition of 'transnational communities' and'ter-

dArlet oí'movement'. While the former consist mostly of labour mi

pfetltr who establish groups in the immigration region, the latter are

èomposcd of mobile traders who connect emigration and immigraüon

ttetes. And while transnational communities have their focus on the

elnigrution country territories of movement are characterisedby an em-

phenison the regions of origin (seealso the notion of 'trading diasporas'

itr Ruuch zoor). Bruneau's appÍoach raises important questions forlurthcr conceptual work how is 'de-territorialisation going with or fol-

lOwedby re-territorialisation'? One may surmise that re-terrritorialisation

brings the local rootedness of most diasporists and migrants' agenc

llcek into the picture.Through her conceptual and empirical analysis on transnationalism,

Dahinden also distinguishes between more sedentary and more noma-

dic forms of cross-border movements and ties. She looks at 'diasporic

transnationalism' and 'transnationalism through mobility', using the ex

ample of cabaret dancers. Departing from Bruneau, Dahinden does not

contrast diaspora with transnationalism, but builds on the sedentary/

nomadic distinction within transnational studies.In her approach,



rAls, l

di l rs;xr t ' i t ' l t ' i t t tsr t l t l i , t t i t l ist r rr r ' Í i ' rs , r l r t , r i t .s. Í r r r ig'r r r r rsrr rcll r r . i ' .l[: i l" :Jl ' :at:rtterlaitt

ttstri.t 'du.iul ' ì,,, ' ,n,,r i,, '*.ì],,*,,.,1,,r,.,t, ir,.

,,:":*{: ;i :,ï:1,Ë:Í"i:ilïJ;l'';, ;1.'ï,;Í;:l ;ïlJliil:Í:J::""sed

bycirculationnd husp"rp"nilutu,,_uï.rn*n,r.,n,**

,r"::#ffiï:,ïDahinden,sandBruneau,sontributionshows owrtrr.

approaches,".h ::"li:seeks.toncorporatessuesaisedy ai"rp,,,,,spãakto.,".;;ï,'1".;ff:ïtH.:r:*.f,:,,ïïl**:lnflorms of geograp!]c.mobiiity. oiãipãrr' srudjes,moreover,have ars.ovedbeyond raditionaron.".r,r"i' tloting at sociarorms suchasmobile raders,.On1 gf gr" f""r"ffi reseãrch ,r"rtiorr

-ã_ergingout of Bruneau,sand Dúind"";;;;ïr"s is ro *il", *.rr-ãr"roo*nd migrant transnationatrÀ lr" ãïïit"rir"a by a distincriveset oídenütiesand practices s-à-vis heil;;r' of se*lement,and to wharxtent ncorporation-is equired ., orJ", to engage n certain transna-ional practices'such

"ri.ruoru.rrr";;i; democratisation Koinova nis volume)and nation_b"ifai"gffiiJ;;ry in this volume).runeau,s nd Dahinde",, ;ü;"r;;;fine examples f Low the for-ations of the terms 'diaspora' ;ã-';;;r""tional, can be used fruit_ìi,ly to think

aboutmobirities " irr" .""r" mpoÍaryworld.Nonetheress,t is alsoobvious il_lï:f::;;. ;;;;ilr.ent concepr, speciailyivents ubiquitouspoliticisation.yet,"u.r,

ìf *", r"1*. ;aiãii"*f"ïïï """rr_

ical term' it doesnot fo'ow trr"t *" trr""rï give t up wholesale. t theery east,we need g lo?f i"to ú";Ë and urmakingof diasporas.aterbury's hapter:gl f""i;;"ïìf;"t *r,1" usingúe term ,dia_spora' or defining a p,opulation eyãnd t

"t ora", _"y ú" problematrc,

:ff "ïï,ïff ÍÍ;ï ;'or;,o,"oiíi.,;to'ã",.,u,.,,J..#;""ïo*"contemporary-"*,.ï,!Ë:ï:'J'"Ë%::,ffi;#ï"r?:ï:ï#"ltr

crearing ,newdiasporas.,.They _"y dr" ;;;ergo new phases of scaner_ng or 'rediasporisaüon',as was thá ;;;;

the /ewish and Greek dia_poras'van Hear (rqgg: 6) notes rt"tiraì"ìp"ric formaüon has accerer_ted in recent time-sso,

too, has tfr" .rnÃr*ngof diasporas,seen in

l::"?l*ltls o1 "sl**1"g^ãi ;;;;ïï"_munjties,. Examptesn_rude the 'return' of-ethnic

?"r-"tï, io ìrnified Germany frãm theSSR, poland and Romani""n"r--r9ã9, th" la.g"_scalenflux oÍ_ussian/ews to Israer

.in r ;nõ.r';iã'rn" 'return, of the ponticreeksrom various artsoflhe úíaR;;" samedmeperiod.ere' the makins àf""*

ai"rprt*^""ã ïrr"i, .rrott, to be recognisedsdiasporas r""t

"th"centre.Two contributions ook into the coãstitu-ion of a diaspora,soundariesr,1""d;'ril'diasporas themselves ndxternal agents' and into t o* t'orï- J",i"g themselvesdiasporas

gNAI' l ( ìNAll - i Ì \4

tkl r weyx, li r l l r is crr r l ,wt , inur"s orr l r i l lul iOrrxr l<st t t ( ) ht l

et dlanponr rt pol icycl ist : t l t t t 'st 'si thin int< 'rnat ionalnd

I orgalt irral iotts,tttt l )at 'rrcgrrd ir l lowswith an analysis f

elltes ttt 'goti:rtt 'ancl constitute what on e may call

h nrnitr ly otttt 'rrtcdwith understanding ow diasporas con-

ËËe tttigtrtiott ;xrlit:yagent. Looking at the EU and the debateon

pFêll totttprt'ltt'ttsivc immigration policy, Weinar Íìnds that the

lrprÌã' tìgrrrt'sprominentlyn oÍÍìcially ssuedEU document

tlie rglrct'pt rasevolved longwith effortsat migrationcontrol.Cãcutnnttltt, lilsporas are portrayedas networks of migrants with

t legal llrrks to the home country. By contrast, the languageof

kutnenlrr rt'volves around 'transnational communities' as main

ã in devekrl)lÌìcnt policy. Yet, oddly enough, when referring to

lottal eonttnttnities, UN documents speakof individuals (as an

n|ltet.ted ltrrrt:h), ot of collectives.n the ËU, diasporas,as pÍover-ttCedslrr llrt. wind', are thought to contribute to development n úe

rrí urigin, without being burdened by the experience of trau-

df:prrnal,Attributing gÍoupness' Brubakerzoo4l to diaspora

r tlierrr o Íbrm a bodyeligibleor projects.n allthe policydocu

analyrrecl y Weinar, diasporas and migrant communitiesare dis-

ee entcrging agents of development in úeir own right - point-

€ tlte lncrcased significance of migrant categories and collectives

€f€tx.lxrrdcrpolicymaking. n sum, the analysis uggestshat policy

Ëte; oflerr cònflate terms such as 'diaspora' and 'transnationa

C*ffi*tuttitY"

l'!,3 Diospora nd transnationalism s socio-culturalonditions

I feit.lel r.onstructivist perspective implies a shift from focusing on

F3nËneti()rralcommunities to tÍansnational practices in order to avoid

Ét;entialisecl conceptions of migrant gÍoups as being, for example, in-

hetently rrational or transnational. In his interrogation of diaspora,PÊerregaarclocuses on the political constitution of diaspora using úe

Eêgeoí' l)eruúan migration and efforts to establish diasporas in the

Unlterl States,Argentina and Spain. His is an inquiry into the question

ãf how diasporic political mobilisation and solidarity are created and

maintained ánd thus how úe boundaries of diaspora are constructed or

eeÌ!Étituted. Paerregaard ntegrates elements of older, more traditional

defìniti<lns emphasising communal autonomy and a distinctive collec

tiVe identity with more recent research on transnational ties, which

htghlights sustained cross-border mobility and continuous exchange of

idãas ànd goods as a defining criterion (seealso Bruneau). Boú aspect

er" *u-*ãd up succinctly in Clifford's (tgg+a) metaphor of'roots and

, *



rt l t^:; trAl l l

lorr( 's ' . Js i rrgi r i í r , r ' t r 'srrrr , r l r ; l l r . r . ,) ; r r , r , r , r ,1,1; ' r r t r; rkr ,s; r ' t . . r rxrr<rrothbj latcralic s rt ' twt ' t ' r t' r r r igr : r l i , r rr rc l r r r r rr igr . ; r r i , r rr l r r t .srrrcrat-:111 t"r

between roups n irnmigrariorrourrtrit.s. irhirr hi sual apparatus,e focuses n the'inegotiation Í-diaspora," .#tl,ïr"$ìelds poritics, oridaritya t".r"iãüïs. He identifiesmembersandroupsof the peruüan upper .l"rr"r-"ï the main moversand mobili_ers of the peruviandiasiàra.Thtr-ã"ã;for-interesting.oàp"rironswith,h";J""5fïp"*"vsr;loÍtilï,ïJiÍiiland twentieth-century-nationalismwhen interlectuars repared he wayor the egitimationir""ri""Jìrlìa""r-"gt",

(e.g.Greenfieìd99z;. Themplication s rhat we shoutd uoia p"?"Ãàì;?';.;#rïïl? ,,"r,"haredor dominant dentity a"u -""ïrrïrs.ofa

group- n politicalprac-ices, dentiriesmust b" .o"rtruliJã-ir.".ri""ry;"ãil;#ãiy

"tite,o become alient or largergrfi;;;;;""r.

t'j'4 Diaspora nd ransnationarism:iferencesndsimiraritiesThe contributions o úis volumeand the hteratuïeoverall evealsimila-ities aswe' as differences etween '" .on."pt, of diasporaand rans_aüonalism.A crucialsimilariry r rfr"ifr",f,

"i;;r#"ü'"ï;;:..rr*nd, n one way or yo1!er,

"ú"lly;;;;sustained ross_border

iesncluding regionsof oúgin,a"stinátion aìrarateraries to other ,"gior*;H:'ïlrï'fJiÏ ïï iÍ 11* o"':ïa '"""'"tiã""u,ã*r ,r,regions"ra",n"",,"ïï,:,i"ïiïil::;::ïïff

-.*JïÍ;*,s:ionship betweenhomeland'st'."ãïà"ìì.ìgin') and dispersedpeopreDufoixzoog)' but alsootr a"rii*iiã.ãïrr,ri"r. For example, ccord-g to Safran'diasporas-exist

n"

tri"rrg,ri", socio-curturdàutiorrrt ipith the hostsociewi:9 ú" fr"_"i*ã"1ï99 r: 372).In postmodern p_roaches,t is above ',rr"-,r"r'"-ã"*ãtií*"d peoplewith eachotherlnt havesignificance. mpirical "*;r;hï;

:l.ll':h"1.or""-pr,",i,ú"r,a""*,"*l;"f ïïnili::;ïil:ï:iirrorporation and intr

.,,, ,o ",,-'J;ïsT;i!ïiiï"ïïïï)"fiïï,f "?;y,:J:;li:l:'fllly .rnphasisest" ..rttor"i lffi;;:w '1 'r ;i'; ;";'"aüonal it","t,," ,#:tJl iïìl:,:-ïl"""ïje*eivi'lyrtl' migrant ncorporation

""á*"r""nonal practices.his serrrrr''sehrr.rro the,fact hat

-";i;;;;;sfoll0winga transnationalrrFr'Ërraresirrratedn immigr"rt* ;;;;;es and requently lso akehFlr req ír,rrr ;rrr'licpolicyd;bat;;-.fr'"r".i"rrr"dby kelwordssuchasttl€Ftsilr,l,an,l ,srx:ial

cohesion,. "*ll, il" link betweenntegrationud rr*rer r,rrlr-r ,rru;rr4"-"ll r", fr""r,pìi"ã-op"r,by transnatiorïl *_iesq;;111;n'rv'rr'*rì"i,r tudieshave"í"Jì"""ions about he inkbe -*eeri tirc 'rrirrararrrrrrrmy

"r-r"ãrity*grïupsand

ntegration. he

., r ) rA: l r ' ( ,r iA NrÌ r l rANr;NAtt{ rNAtt: ;N4

l r r ry s st i l l orr l orr wlur l l r r .opt , r ' l r l ivcrx l l t t t t ' t t ; t t l ist t tsr t 'c ' ì r l t l rst : t

oí l r ; l l l l rxrcl r t .srct 'clo l : r l<t 'st ' r iot rsly' tot t t t t t tt t t i lyi t l rout propinqui ty'

t lur t is , t l t t .gt ' r r t .sis Í 'sor : ial i tynot t icd to gcographical ut mainly

rrlotcd rr sor:ial roxittr i ty se eFaist oogb).'Ihc:rc arc also three noteworthy distinctions that merit mention

although, as will become apparent, they diÍïer in emphasis, not in

theory.First, 'transnationalism' is a broader term than 'diaspora' in two re-

spects.One concerns he scopeof groups. Diasporarelatesmost often

tô rehgious, ethnic and national groups and communities, whereastransnational approaches connect to all sorts of social formations, in-

cluding the ones already mentioned' as well as to phenomena such as

networks of businesspersons and social movements. The other respect

concerns the even narrower teÍm 'transnational community''

Postmodern conceptualisations aside, 'diaspora' most often relates to a

form oftransnaüonal organisation spanning a specific country oforigin

and a set of host countries. In contrast, 'transnational community' en-

compasses a broader range of phenomena, such as cross-border village

communities or borderland communities. Thus, transnational commu-

nities encompass diasporas, but not all transnational communities are

diasporas.The second dimension concerns identity and mobility. Diaspora ap-

proaches focus on aspectsof collective identity, while transnaliolal ap-

proaches take their cue from cross-border mobilìty. Although both dia-

ipora and transnational approaches use both concepts, there are some-

times diÍferences in emphasis. This difference is clearly borne out by

the contributions by Bruneau and Dahinden in úis volume. While the

former starts from questions of identity and later brings in mobility, the

laüer contrasts diasporic and circular transnationalism. In general, con-

cepts of diaspora deal wiú dispersal, whether traumatic oÍ not, and the

reiulting emeïgence and reproduction of some sort of collective iden-

tity, *itú varyrng intensities of ties to the country of emigration and the

countries of immigration. In those caseswhen dìspersal occurred notbecauseof persons who migrated but becauseof borders migrating ove

people (as n many parts of Eastern Europe), the focus of the term is on

.o-1r1on identity despite dispersal (see Waterbury in this volume).

Sometimes the 'construction of shared imagination' (Kissau & Hunger

in úis volume) is intricately connected to nation-building projects of so

called 'stateless diasporas'. Issues of collective identity do also matteÍ

from a transnational perspective; for example, many analysesof cultural

aspectsof transnationalism build upon notions of mélange, hybridity o

cultural 'translations' in which mobile persons are engaged' From

transnational perspective, however, úese identity changes are regarde

as being derived from cross-border mobility of persons, which is in



'| ll l t l r4l5 ;;41';1

i tst ' l í 'alwrys'r r l lx 'dcl t 'c lt t ' l l r t ' r Í l rws'í

i r l t . ; rsrr r t l , .ds, , l ' l r . r r i r r rsrraional is ton(( Ì r rwi t r r r r ' r r i r i tys urs ' , , , t t , , . , , * i, , i , ,1 ' . , , ,u. , ì , ,, r ,," ,or l< thoughoÍ, t1rr . , r r ' r t 't r i r r ryfp i , , . . , r r r ' r ; r ; l r r ' r i r .a l ryrr l r t , r .r ; r r rethodologically.n this way, bc i rarisrrati.narisrnirr,raiurcirrk, ,1 ,ith the new mobiriti"t p"ráaigrrr'hnï po*rtr.geographicarrr.rririry*r ubiquitousphenomenonof leneral societalmportance shr.t.r. rirry zoo6).A third differencen emphasis etween e useof the diaspora rr lransnationarismpproachesoncerns he time dimension.sch.Lr'ssing the term 'diaspora'

ften t.r"r-to a multi-generationaratt(.r.r,hile transnationar nalystsdearwiìh Ã"rr1 migrant flows. Diaspo'rrsave often been definei"t

form"tior, ì"".rring acrossgenerations, Íot a generationaTrongueduÌée.The rotoqpicalexamples f the fewisrrnd Armenian diasporas,and"u"ì

,r"*", exampÌes such as tht,alestinian rr", ,p""k to this p-poriiioo As King *a Cfrririor,"rgr,,n úis votume, úe_ long ,i*'" ã"riì"ï,a,r""g"Ìril"ï ãi"rï"." n",,,ransmigrationbut arso rom transnational ommunities. ndeed, rans_ationalapproaches-h1v;.e{t o"ty u"ty rf"rsely with aspects f histori-al continuity sincemost of the empirical research as ocusedon mor(,ecentmigration O1ïr,'t*r an excãptionsee Fonerzoor) and on on(,enerationonly.As to,úe generationalssue, here

are a few counrerex-mples' such as exproratiãns"f 'r"-;;€eneration transnationalism,(e'g.Levitt& Waters oo6).I

1.4 Partz - Theories:Exptaining he emergenceandrep oduction of transnation formatl"ir"i-aïãs

po as

where the literature.ondiasporasand transnationalsociar ormationsas dealtwith the poritics,".á"oãi.r-"nããr*r" of cross-borderife, tas tended to either reflect

'"tior'ãàne, framings, on one ex_reme' or rely on theories artogethero..ì,ramg üe rore of nationartates'on the other -extreme.end whire earry"transn-atiã.r"i.iìnrrg,ave argelyneglectedhe rore

"f#;;;ì ,t"t"r, 1"t", studieshaveac-nowÌedgedheircrucial"r:tïl *r*,_g i* only nternarior,"i_,gr"_tion' but also flows wirhin transnational" ociar ormations (Kivisto &aistzoro: ch' s)' Analysis

"r""gJi"r;ãrii and rransnationar erspec-iveshas becomemore sophisticated;;; ;" navigate course frro,rgl,he manifold cotectiveactors nvorvedn transnationalormations.Bothiasporaand transnationalpersp".ìu",

"ltrro*t"age úat social pro_esses Íe spreadamong-multiple localitiesacross he bordersof na_ional states'And while th"

"g"nd", ""ã-ó"rrof the agents nvolvedbe they internationar

_organi-sationr,,rorr-'gouarnmentarrganisaüonsr nationalgovernments are stilr oftendeãnedn nationar erms,the

TãANsNAI' I( )NAII5M 2',|

plee rrclrrdt'l t t ' sprcadof'transnationalinkagesof organisa

& Tlr,,,tt,,s 997) and th c importanceof meta-values uc h as

lretlou tr t'gil irrratingross'borderngagements.the world polity approach ooks at the national stateas one ele-

ln the dillrrsirtrt Í'Western-styleorms,otherapproachesiúer

Ë dlarpora exclusivclyas a nation-statephenomenoíì or dichoto-

Èê nalkrtr-slrtc and diaspora. Many studies with a diaspora or

rel approac;h re clearlyusing a national ens. The focus thenélerpora attcl immigrant communities that lobby host states,to

partit'rrlar stilncesand policies towards political conflicts in the

nd, 'Ì'lris rpproach centreson úe role of national statesas nter-

Bgerlls x'tween diaspora or transnational communities, on the

hcad, arrd tht: variouspolitical groups n the 'home country',on

ãther (lihlirr zoo7l.By contrast, ostmodern pproacheshat con

f fafgeniral iorr r r rd l r ' l iv isrr r r,íy igid c0t t ( t 'pts í-statc ot t tai r l

3 *efld polity or worlt l st lciety ppr<llrt: l ttas st:rvcdas a useÍul

ef dlaxporaas 'ethnoscapes' Appadurai 996) often verge on an

Itlotr:rl irrxtaposition between national states and more post-na

profecls, l.eaving aside these simplistic notions, one may usefully

fìth the observation that diasporas and transnational societal struc-

cêtt lle cast as formations sui generis' These formations cannot beoÍ'ur independent rom statesand non-stateactors.To the con-

theyarc constitutedby theseagents'This moveopensup venue'rnalyting

diÍferent realms,such as the political one, and cluestion

ëng lo the architecture of transnationalpolitical engagemerd-Nielsen zoo3c), as well as an often neglected question

i*rut it,r relationshipbetweenpolitical nstitutions and migrant trans

ãlëenel practicesn crucial ields suchas citizenship Baubôck oq\'

The cóntributions n this book that provide heoreticallyguided de

ãGflptlon nd explanation regroundedn a varietyofsocial science is

Clpliner: Glick Schiller in social anthropology,Waterbury n politica

*ienee/comparativepolitics, Koinova n political science/internation

l€letlrilg, King and Christou n cultural anthropologyand Boccagni nË€elology, oieover,úe contributionsdealwith socialstructures Glic

ãehtllerl, large actors such as states and diaspora organisation

ffiterhury and Koinova) and small groups (King & Christou an

ãeccagni).Glick Schitler's ontributionstartsúth the obsewation hat the field

Ëf nlgration studies s often unconnectedo broaderdevelopmentsn

:CClal heory most notablyreflectionson the boundariesof social or

*letions. She llustrates his curiousdisconnectwith the empiricalpuz

ËL, hat ransnationalmigrants are depicted oth as criminalsand as sa

ïlours in the form of agentswho developúeir regionsof origin. Sh

:tertr by taking a critical stance with respect to methodologic



rMAt; :^t r

l r r io , l r l isr Ì ì , r r i t l r xrsi tsrur i , r ' r rxrrrrr .r .srs xr ' t r t , rsÍ .srx. i t , ry,r ; r r r ,urnptiorthat s r t ' Í ì t ' tt 'd tr l r t ' . r t l t ' r r .y' í ' r r r ig .r r r i , r rt . l r . l r r r .s, t r r r r

, l"ffr":l ;ïJ.ïïwittrcu,,c,ip,,,i ,ìì,ìì,,y.t.rix,d,l<,git.,,r,,, i i ,,,,,,t i ,,,,,

ceivedsoril;",ï::ï'il;:ffiiË'l;[i.ilil,;ïJl,i,:;lll:ll,iliards ssentialisatiòn'"..ordirg

to ãii!r. s.rri,"r:,s visibl. rr r.rrrrr'lhe research n 'transnationarommunity,,which has reiÍìeci rrrirrr,ritate orders y focusing n,,"tio.r"ìã,

"ttrri.categories. rickSt.rrirr.rffersan alternativeo.Ãethodorogi;"i.r",io""rism,something ht, ,rrr:.gl0balpowerperspective'.

h" aim* tlrat his perspectiveãlps ,rrr,ate úe-,tttãr

constitution r trr"-io."r, nationarand gÌobal,arrrr ,nalyse oú the effortsof"gent,

to t"ii[-""t more circuÌatory nitrir;rion regimes""0 1".::.t_:-riigr1t, ;r;ï'", challengers r re_enÍbr.r,r,f neo-liberar estructuration.An interestingqriestion c-omperirrllurther researchhen is.ho* mkrìrrtr-tìr"-r"tu"s - beyond he rrrrt,rsts of states of immigration ã"ã

"-rgr"tion _andpowerful lorrrryroups negotiateheir wayswiúin and across e boundaries Í.rr:rion-states nd groups.The studiesby úaterbury and Koinova hat-follow are examplesololitics under conditions of ú" rì.rïãrilgly brurring disrinction br,ween nternaland externalaffairsof states.n general,

e literature'rriasporaand transnationarist r".,i*r'"i-ost excÌusiveryefinesa dia-poraby its migrant origins ár ,r." ã.-r""ching dispersalof an ethnirommunitv to murtipre- oints, reílecti"g à"rriã .;rï, ;ft,lJár" rr.r,súe Jewishor Armenianones.This q.{e of definition tends o excluc',ases f trans-border.eúri:,g-rp, ã"áià m_ the shifting of bordersr the dissolution of state-s rd"-pi."r. A case n point is ethnir.ungarians n Eastcentrar r"r"pã.-úï,"trrury considers he rerationsf stateso populationsabroad g'"tai"gïith migrantsand kin (ethnic,ational)minorities.

lisbr:ageï ."_i"r",i* framework s geared overcome he prevalent. narytical "prãion betweenstudieãof .kinstate'and 'migrant-sending,siate'p"irii.,

"ìa

pohcies owardsexternalationalpopulations.w*""rbrry "r*;;;; specifically,he kin srateiterature can help úose focuse; ;;;ürrtion policies analyse hedark side'of trani-state

"9,rtiry,r"J'"r';ï: rnsrrumentaluse of ties tohoseabroado iustifv rrederrtírt"-'ilã"ï ""d

excrusionary ationalistolitics' converselv'â""-ng"g"-ent wìth migrant-send.ingaseshelpsin stateanalysts ind a. ür:*";k Íbr-,r"àlrr,""aing actionon behalf

run*X;ftHf : beyond,,"a*tiï-*ì.,a"",,i,ft"";; Jàn.

consider*"r,i."r,*,Jï,h,xT,:ïÏ:ïr"::,*Tga"*í,"{;;;;,""waterbu*iu",ã.,a1,,",,ar,ã ili: ïïïï

tïï,:il :ïf::ï:agepopulationsabroadaÍ p.." _p".rãì"Ltional instìtutionssuchasitizenship' She inds that while

arárpàrr. statesut'ise úe rhetoric oÍ,

ïhANsNAiloN^i lSM

the'gkrhal ut l ot t ' , l r t ' i r ' xr l i l i t 's t t ' t ' Í i t ' t t l r rgt ' t t 'c lo spt 'ci í ìât t roat l ,k 'pt , r r t l i r rgrr wlur l l rcst 'populal i< lnsan oÍ ïbr h

r tate, l ' l r is ìndir rgcorr í ì r r r rshc ut i l i ty oÍ ' the thi rd way of ,

dlenpora lttcl ics n bclwccrtnationalan d globalistapproacheatralysisoÍïi'rs a ÍiuitÍül venue Í'or further questionsabout,

, rvlr ir r plrr l icrr lar ol icìes rechosen n what circumstances.Waletl lrrry ircuscson the stateside, be it emigraüon or kin

Ël1dnl lltt' conditions under which diaspora politics emergesforusrs on thc diasporaside and its impacts on domesticpoli-

dpttrrx'r;rtisation,n particular.She nquires about diasporasa!Êgetttroí'clcmocratisation'.This is not to disregard the observ

, ltr xorrrt'contexts,we find that it is the diaspora hat decidepolltt'al' and seek some intervention in homeland politics,

, llr ollrcr situations, he homeland state eachesout to pull dis-

ËitËtltrrerrts nto its political affairs and agendas.Her main ques

h *lry rorrrt: diaspoÍas engage n pro-democratisation behaviour re-

H their homelands - some embracing merely a thin proceduralI oÍ' democracv. others more substantive liberal features -

tlte lxckdrop of existing nationalist practices. From an interna-

fplellrlrts perspective, she aims towards a comparative explanator

Íirr under-researched cases linked to the post-communistln Fhstcrn and South-Easteïn Europe, namely the Ukrainian,

Albanian and Armenian diasporas. Koinova aÍgues that the po-power of diasporas lies in challenging the sovereignty of their

nndr, Overall, she finds that úe diasporas analysed did not act inlvely nationalist ways, for they were also involved with efforts onof dt.rnocraüsaüon. In particular, if diasporas are linked to (newly

) states that enjoy both international legal and domestic soty, they have a chance to focus on substantive elements of de-

tãCracy, such as the liberal values of substantive political equality. If

k ato not, they will be prone to engage with only the procedural as

!Êeil ol'rk'mocracy,such as institutionalising voting rights. In this latter

tllë, prrx'cdural aspectsgo in tandem with a focus on nationalist pro-

teB, Koinova adds a caveat: although diasporas are not úe most likely

Sentn oí'democratisation in the post-communist world, they do contri-

ÊUp, llt,r findings also ndicate thatbeyond a close analysisof home or

kn xtat" and diasporas, we need to pay attention to internaüonal poli

*:, l.,ikc Waterbury she also contributes to úe methodology of dia-

Ëpereand transnational approaches. In a field dominated by single-casSfudierror sweeping guesswork, comparative studies can be helpful as a

ãfBt Ft(ìp owards moÍe systematic theorising.The contributions by Waterbury and Koinova mean that the rise of

Ëcnenational practices has implications for nation-building and demo-

€tatlrirtion and, though yet to be explored, for the international system



() t s l i t l ( 's . Mig l , ; r r r lor , l i ; rspor . ; r r11:r r r is i r l ior rs( , t , l i t in ly rt r rrr l lr r t .r r t,t l ll ylobr l r r r t ' t r - r ìonÌ ìsr , ,J ,; t . , ' , , ' , , i , ' ,, , , , i , , ì r , r , , . rrr r . t ; r r r ist , r r rsr .s, i l . íhi s also aises he quest ion Í 'how cons.clucrr t iarr i l rs ' ' r . r rlxr r i r ics nc lxtraterritorialvoting and the extensionof citizenship ii*r,ì*',,..ss bor_ers of national statesactuarlyare, and in what way they may contribute

:""*;:"*"ingtransformation

"r ""ii""a citizenshif1r"á ìirg"rdaThe next two contributions, by King and Christou on second._genera_

ï:i.1:-*.."nd.byBoccagni on ú" aiËm.rion between private and pub_c transnationalism, take

úe meso_and micro_levels àirfr" p.i*", *point of departure' King and christouis cnapter exprores he notion of1ïeturn:

even physical return, to a homeland whose;;;il; *ìr" ,ro,orn üere' Again, as in.the .orr."pt"i ãiscussionson the differenceand similarity between diaspora""ã

o".rìr"donal approaches, this is-ue brings together aspectsof boú ú;tty and mobility as well as theirombinationr""d"1::"ditions of .ri_"_rp".e

compression,.King andhristou start by contrasting short-term mobility, which separatesworknd family life and which dães"*

q""rìr" identiry *irrrtli" ,""ìi"gryopposite caseof second-generation eturnees. They characterise the rat-er case as an instance of ,counter_diasporic,,'igr"ü;;.

-a,rãrú.r,ofhome', 'place,, belonging'

and ,identitylg.rr"r","perspectives

on howhey are constitllted' onelemark"rrr" lí"úon they raise is whether theases they study - fapanese Braziliaàs, British-born caribbeans andreek-Americans _ constitute mlinly"í

irr,r" of hypermobility or theery essence of diaspora, thus furfilting a prominent criterion oftenentioned by diaspora theorists, nameri eventual return to the ances-ral. homelang t<*g and christo*;;il: io .hoor" between these rwopüons, atguing that their casesare .reither instances of global mobilityor úe simple furfilment of parental*rt", but,rather... an act of re_istance against hypermobility""d

dirl;;tJ?i,. Il a way, it is mobilityot as shutrling back and forth but as exproiting knowl;ãg;""Jo.,

r"rder to settle or resettre fo,"

-""rri"gïi

p"rroa in hfe. The secondenerationcan be seen to have accrued ã ú.n", preparation for movingo the 'homeland" First,

.most of the p.rr* invorved have high educa-ional credentials, includi ng many *il;;;"rrity^degrees. Secãnd,theyre bilingual - their knowrãdge or the t".rguage of tË"rr."r,r"i

.ãrr.r.ryaving been nurtured wiúin ú. d";"+;ïã_'y;*dJï;ïr rï.,"rfter-school classes' I(ing and christou see aentity in migration as rela-ional, processual and situation"l. Th";;;ày op.rr, ,p intriguing ques_iorrs about how genera^tional,ender"trã-.ir*

ctlrïerencesigure intonesg a1d,o^therypes of 'returJ. Seen n,ti, *"y, this research ine ispotentiar future contrìbution to the literature on the intersection ofca_egories such as class, race, gend.er and other forms of heterogeneity(seeCollins & Andersen zoo7l.

Ã[ f FlAu,nt rn ANI nrAr. r , ,N^r lrNArt ' ;Nl

l ì rxr ; r1, i t t i ' r ;l r ; rpl t ' t ; r t r r t ' r t ' l r t l ; rs strppl l r r r t ' r t lo r r r r r lyst 'sí l t ' l r r rI r , r l ionlr l isr r rr r r r l l i r rsl lol i t r t iv i l i t 's ix r rsi r rg rr Í i r l r r ral rganisat ionwlr i r r ;urr l r r l<t 'r r l r t ' prr l r l ic pl r t ' r ' t 'sÍ l l r r , r r r rnigmti<lnndf r emigraliur ri l ir l( 's.Ìoccrgrri orrsciouslyìrcuscs n Íàrnily,kinship an d friendalrip l ics iuÌìonÍl [cuadorian migrants in ltaly. They are mostly ïecentrt igr; l l ls rrrrcl re hus expectedo havestrongeractive ransnationalie*.rrlring on íàmilies. This ethnographic study reflects on 'private ranstir lrorr;r l isrn', n this case th e ongoing kinship-based elationshipri.r. r irrg nto the migrants'country of origin. In the public sphere, n

rrrrrlllst, the immigrants'life is increasingly rooted in the local ltalianrr.rr,ivingcontexts.What we encounter in the case of recent Ecuadoraunfll'irrìtsn ltaly is, according o Boccagni,an instanceof private transrralrorralism nd public localism. The two forms of transnational sociiils private or public - are distinct in terms of their extent, sustain,rlrility and impact. Of broader nterest here is less he fact that one doerrol Íìnd public transnationalism in this case: after all, one could argullr;rt the case selectioncommitted sampling on the dependent variableItrslt'ad, he case str-rdy lerts us to avoid a frequent conceptualconflaliorr in studying private and public aspects n transnational formations.

ln sum, these contributions offer a rich variety of different ap

prraches.A systems-oriented pproach o the political economy of capil;rlist relationscan be found in Glick Schiller's analysis. nstitutionalis;rrrd variable-oriented small-N studies are characteristics of the chapterlry Waterbury and I(oinova. While al1 hese studies aÍe macro-oÍiented,llrc contributions by King and Christou and Boccagni not only focus onllrc meso-level of family groups and the micro-levels of persons, butrrlsoengage n a processualapproach.Kirg and Christou, for examplelnalyse the social constitution of identity in mobility processes.For fu-Irrre research, it may seem worthwhile to attempt analyses that pay atIcntion to both the socio-cultural constitution of schemas and routines,on úe one hand, and the use of resources, material or otherwise, bythe individual and collective actors involved, on the other. In this waycliaspora and transnationalism studies could profit from more generaapproaches n the social sciences hat call for a link between agency andstmctlrÍe (e.g. structuration theory in Giddens 1984).

r. j Part 3 - Methodology an d methods: How to studytransnational phenomena

The key question raised in the methodological part of this volume ishow transnational perspectives can overcome methodological national-ism in the social sciences. Meúodological nationalism in the socia

sciences marks the tendency to treat the container of the nation-state a

Í l ' l ' l lANsNAl' l i lNAt tsM



r s

a (ruasi-ni l turr l rx ' i r r r rr d pol i r ic. r r r. ( ,nÍ ì Í { l r i r r iorr(wir r r r r rer& ( j r i r r rschì lJer ooj bas.d'r r M,ar t i r rs<t741. oi t rgrx.y, , r r i r. . r r rai r r . r r r rdi r ,sma y be easier n some disciprin.is íirr <'xarrrfrt,,.ciar arrd curlrr 'rr lanthropology - than in othárs _ for exarnpl.j, .,,rr,frr"tìu.] pntiti.,,lsciencewhere the sovereignnationaÌ state s defined as the basic urrilof analysis.within transnationarstudies,an alternativemethoJoÌogicrrltrap of 'groupism' (Brubaker& cooper zoor) may arise.This chargerr,-lers to studies that treat diasporic and transnational communities asunits úat are stabre over time, and are herd to b. of ou"rriãirrg-r,,,puntance for úe individuar

identities and sociarpr".r.* "r*.ii--1"-rr".-.ow do we take into.account the fluidity àd mateabiìi y oiìr"rrrrrr-tional structures, relations and identities in empirical research and inthe theories that guide such researchr can we study transnational phe-nomena while avoiding the, traps of boú methodálogical"",iã""rir-nd groupismì The contributiãns introduced so far have serÊcon-sciously started to address these challenges: as seen, for example, inKing and christou's discussion of the relãtionship betwe"rr-gi;út

-o_ility and non-essentialised irlentity, Boccagni,s analysis of úe differ_ence between private and public tiansnationalism and Grick schiner,sanalysis of meúodological nationalism.The contributors to the section on methodology are again rooted in

various disciplinary tradirions: Glick Schile, rã' ro.i"t-"rrttráf,otogy,Mazzucato in social geography, /onkers i" rrio*rr"ol"gy-"Jpïrii*rscience, Kissau and Hungãr ìrr'comm,rr,ication studiõ

".ra iãnti."tcience' respectively, and Morares and forba in political science"rd

,o-ciology' The chapters connect methodoiogi.l .árrria"r",i"*-a Ji..in.letnias

addressing-as

wel-las using systãmatic murtisitedness, the useot network methodology, the value-of internet research (as a potentialcomplement to Íìeldwork) and quantitative surveys as a means to gaugethe relation between rocarand tiansnational pohúcal"rrg"g"-"rr,

Jr-igrant associations. The contributions come- rro.r, u"ry"aïrr.r".rt lir.iplinary traditions - multi-sitedness from geography and anúropoÌogy,network analysis

from sociology, nternet ráearch from communicationstudies and;r1vey research fro-,

"-orrgothers, poliücal ,1i""."

""aociology.While the methodological apprJach","rrá

methods pr"rãrrt"ado not constitute an exclusive aãmai" àr any singre social sciencedisci-pline, there are certain procrivities to be oúerved. Generalry, a centralquestion raised concerns the potentials of indicators, qrr"rrú"tiu"'"rraqualitative, for measuring and ãvaruating migrant transnationar and dia-sporic activities.

Multi-sited research has been somewhat hampered by the fact úat in-dividual researchers usuany cannot capture úe simurtaneity of transac-tions' To overcome this obstacle, Ma)zucato suggests a simurtaneousmatched-sample meúodology (SMS), used in a study

of two-way flows

Att txl t ' r t jarr rrr dvrrr ious i lcs r r ( lhanu. n cssuncc,his rnethI tool covt'rs ransrrational lows across ocalit ies.Mazzucat

thcl nttrdics nccd not nìeasure ìnancial remittances n only one:: rr.nt by migrants to peopleback home - and the kind of de-r íirllowing ut of this flow. Shehighlights lows engendere

ãlgtntlotr as being two-way they also nvolve flows, especiallyof ser-frour so-called developing countries to developed countries.

reec íiom sending regions are instrumental in setling up mi-ebroad, for example, by obtaining a legal status. Mazzucato's con-

I constitutes an insightful application to the micro- and meso-le-cf'wlrat world systems heory describedon a macïo-level: s).rn

ãg*tt: two-way flows between different regions of úe world (seeïËllertteirr r983;.

flte iclea of two-way flows, albeit asyrnmetric regarding the types ofËleurr:er exchanged and power applied, is also helpful in understand-kg netw,rrks among scientists. In his analysis of ego-centred networks*ãong individual oveÍseas Chinese scientists, fonkers considers ties be-tGel ethnic Chinese scientists working outside China and their part-Í1€t: lrr mainland China. This is a reference category diÍïerent from as-ftleietions of scientists, such as 'scientific diasporas' (Meyer zoor).

felkers raises he question of whether and, if so, to what extent the mo-€vâtiorts for the formation of such ties, the barriers and stimuli affect-Ing their formation and intensity, as well as the distribution of the ma-êrlel and cognitive resources, are grounded in specific forms of reci-procity. In order to shed light on this question, he uses a networkCpproach hat is built on selecting the scienüsts involved by their sur-ngnles. While úis method may be peculiar to his case and would notwork to uncover similar phenomena such as European scientists in theUS, he can show úat úere is clear evidence for a specific phenomenonhe calls 'transnational research collaboration'. As in many fields oftransnational studies, including diaspora studies, the next step wouldbe to unearth not only the existence of such cross-border networks, the

kinds ofresources exchanged and the direction offlows, but also the so-eial mechanisms operative in úe functioning of scientists' networks(Faist oogc).

Following the lines of network analysis, Kissau and Hunger addressthe question of how the internet can be used to study developments inmigrants' networks and thus diÍlerentiate between transnaüonal onlinecommunities, virhral diasporas and ethnic online public spheres. Theydefine transnational communities as being characterised by particularsets of reciprocal ties. For diaspora groups, the internet is a signiÍìcantinstrument, if not the central instrument, used in what úe authors callthe 'construction of shared imagination'. The constitution of shared

imagination is also crucial to sustaining eúnic communities.

29

f ì iA' ; l ,olrA A .l | rAfr"r.rA oÌ ' .r{ l l : ,1\ l



..( issrr i lr r r t l l r r r r l - i t ' r ' t ; r r t '1| r r r r i t ' r l r t , t ; r r ; t , r - rr r r ; r ry: , i t . r rr t rorr r r r r l l, 1rr , r . t ,

dist ì r rct ypt 's: ì r rssi l t t tt t i l - l t l t t t lsrs r ' : r rsrr ; r l ierr ; r l' r r l i r r t . . r r r r r r r r r i l i t ,s,

Kurds as vir tual diasporas r tcl l ì r r l<srr s 'r lur i t orr l i r r t .prr l r l i t ; l l r . r . t .s.Th e clearest as eseems o be l (urdish w.bsi t t 's l ' r r t ,s; r , r rst , - ruu.r ,more than Russianan d Turkish websites imagesoí'a c.r 'rrron an dyet-to-be-realised tate-basedhomeland, origin, tradition a.d history.These images portray messages o define l(urd.ishness n contrast tooüer migrant groups in Germany, most prominently Turks. The laterallinÌ<s of this virtual diaspora are evidencàd by the fact that

-"rry

*"b-

l"g:: -"r"multilingual,

being in French, German, Kurdish, Turkish andEnglish. By contrast, the Turkish online spaces constitute a .nationalpublic sphere wiú an ethnic imprint'. It is not Turkey that most com-ments are focused on' but Germany. However, Turkish migrants usingthese websites prefer to discuss poriticar topics within thãir differen-tiated sphere. such a sphere is noi to be misàken for an ethnic encÌavethat seversall connections with the general pubric sphere. The focus ofRussian websites can be characterised as somewhere in betweenr thecontributors are politicaily involved onrine boü in immigration andemigration regions. connecting their findings to issues of ãrigrant col-Ìective social integration, Kissau and Hunger argue that eúniã diaspo-rÍc or transnational internet spaces "nroi serye as a substitute for fullinclusion into national pubric spheres. A future research question to betackled then is úe potential linkages between these tËree types ofspheres and nationai sp^heres,akJ perhaps including transnationalspheres in the EU (Eder & Trenz zoojl. Heie, their meïhodoroil;r ."-veat needs to be taken se,riousry lGssau and Hunger add that" onrineanalysis does not replace fierdwork. After all, onhnJ and ofÍline worldsinteract,not being independentofone another.

The study by Kissau and Hunger raises the crucial question of howto conceptualise what.is calred the integration or incoiporation of mi-grants and minorities into sociarand poriticar structures. clearry, the no-tion of diaspora as an intergenerationàr sociar ormation impheí ,h",

"r-imilation

in a nâtional state wourd be the end of culturaì distinctive-ness..Transnationalapproaches, y contrast,do not call for such clear-cut distinctions. This can arso be seen in the case study ; ,;;;r""-tional ties of migrant organisations. Morares and forba dear with the re-lationship between transnational ties and the poíiticar incorporation ofmigrant organisations and groups, seeking to ãpply quantitaiive indica-tors. In broader terms, theirs is a contrirrution tã-a'mãthodologica[y so_phisticated understandin g of ' organisational transnationarism,. s everarsch^olarsn úe past have argued úat migrants' organisations are crucialin- fostering migrants' politi-car ncorporà-tion into"the host sociery (Rex,foly & Wilpert rg}n. yet, few studiãs have systemarically analyseâ therole of migrants' organisations in promoting that dual prácess

of

et t r r l ; r i r r i r r l iol i l i t : r l t t l iot t l t t ' tc t t t t l l t t ' t . t ' ' ts; t si t t t t t l t l t t ì ( 'ouscntureair r r r r l l : r r rci lyrci r rg nt' o Í l l t t ' r r t t i t r cl taract t : r ist icsf ' t ransnat ional p-

pro;r rr t 's.At tol t l i t t l3 o M<lral t 's rt dJorba, hortcomingsn the exist inl i lrnrlrrrt ' rrc clut ' <>hc methodologicaÌ pproach,which usually ends

kr t. i l lr t 'r ' orrc'cntraten the associations xclusively ngagedn transnaIrorrir l cl ivit ics 'samplingon the dependent ariable'), r study a lim-

itr,tl nrurrbur of organisationswith ethnographic methods that do notlr,rrrl llrcrnselves to generalisable conclusions (see Portes zoq).

l{r'plt'scntatìvenesss the goal of this study. The empirical question

post.cl concern the number of organisations engaged in transnationallir,ltls, he prevailing practicesand the impact of the setúement contexorr rnigrants' transnationality. The findings from a study of migrant as-srx ations in Barcelona,Madrid and Murcia suggest hat transnationar.rrgagement s by no means universal among migrant organisations n

Spanish cities. Yet, a majority of them is engaged n some form of

lrrnsnational links. The authors touch upon the important linkage of

llansnational ties to immigrant incorporation: transnational activities doscem to foster overall political incorporation into the Spanish body poli

tic, and this is especially the case or üe more politically oriented formoÍ'transnational links - that is, engagement in the homeland electoral

arena. A question for future research thenis to define the conditions

and mechanisms under which this occurs. Again, as in Kissau and

Hunger's study, the relationship between transnational ties and integra-tion into national structures comes to the fore. The two orientations -

integration into immigration states and engagement in emigration re-gions - are not found to constitute a zeÍo-sum game but could evenmutually reinforce each other.

Overall, the methodological part of this book opens at least three win-dows for further explorations. First, all chapters speak indirectly to the

diÍïerent theoretical conceptions of the relationship between territorialand social space and úe methodological implications of these concep

tions. From úe work presented here, it is clearly evident that the re-

spective societal spacescannot be regarded as equivalent to territorialspaces. Examples are plentiful , ranging from virhral diasporas ove

scientific networks to transnationally active migrant organisations. Thenext cluestion to be addressed then is: how do territorial and sociaspaces connect with each otherl Future work could profit by distin-guishing úe transnational answer from other approaches, such as the

cosmopolitan one. In general, the transnational approach emphasises a

constructivist view on territorial space. In this regard, transnational so

cial formations - i.e. transnational networks, kinship groups, migrantorganisations and diasporas - cÍoss and overlap territories of national

stateswithout necessarily achieving a global reach. By contrast, the cos

mopolitan approach Beckzoo6) a priori presupposes he existenceof

| i l i l i l4r t,A[; I l r lA ,. t ' r rIA ItrA | l. , \ \ l l i l r ] \ l l , .Nt JJ



glol l l r l ot i t ' l l l l ; l ; t t r ' ; r t t r ll t t ts; rg, lol r : r lr . r ' izr r roÍ ol r rcr : r l t , r r ry;r l ï ( , r r r iar Ìd rcs( ìarcht ' rs,t 'st t r i l r t 'c lts r glol r l r l osrrro; lol i l ; r r rol t l i l i . , r r ' ,wlr i r . l ris pr imar i lyorganisedn nat io'al statcs rr dc.r rsLarrr lyr iss- t . r r rsst ,clytransnationalnetworks.Thus, a crucial difference betw.c, trarrsnationaÌand cosmopolitan methodorogies s a global horizon of observationandthe relevance hereof for cross-bordeiexchange.Nonetheless, despitethis crucial difFerenceregarding a cosmopolitaã outlook, there are arsoimportant similarities. The methodologièal consequence of both úetransnational and the cosmoporitan approach is a àistinction betweenmulti-level

modes of observation - transnational or globar, nationar andlocal - and actors' strategies hat are calibrated atonim'ttiple scales.Second, he methodology of cross-border anarysislwhethe, steeped n

transnational studies or diaspora studies, needs to be distineuirt"tt"from comparative research that focuses on entities ,rr.h

"r"rr"tiorr"ltates as exclusive and bounded units of analysis. one of the currentlymost prominent answers is ,multi-sited

ethnography,, that is, carryingout research n the sites of agents' practices n variãui countries (Marcus1995). It has been touted as a panacea.As Mazzucato in this volume)suggests,úe challenges of capturing simultaneity through other murti-sited research methods are tremendous but manageabrJ.The chapterspresented here also offer additional methods appropriate to transnation-ally informed meúodology, such as online

"""tyriror an application of

representative survey research. It stands to reason that more work isneeded to systematicallydeveropvarious forms of multi-sited research.

Third, diaspora and transnationalism studies can learn a lot fromeach other regarding historical contexhralisation and the effects ofkans-national,ties and processes.As to historical contexts,diaspora stud.iesare much more oriented towards the long term than are transnationalistanalyses e.g. Dufoix zoo8). Diaspora rúdi"r may therefore offer cuesto transnational shrdies. Diaspora studies easily connect to the historio-graphy ofnations (via stateless nd state-sponsorediasporas) o border-lands and even to intercivilisationar studies (on the lattËr see Eisenstadtzoo6).

These transnational effects are not only conditioned by conflictsbetween nation-states and economic and politicar cooperatio' b"ú"",states or organisations, but also by waves of internãtional migration(see chakrabarty zooo). Looking to the other direction, transnãtionalstudies may inform diaspora studies by pointing to research methodsbeyond historìcal narrations. Tâken togeúer, the-methodological r"fl"r-ivity inherent in both diaspora and transnational studies .o,rú b" usefulfor the wide-ranging literature on 'globalisation'. posing methodologicalquestions guided by historical sociologicar insights may contribrrà toovercoming a generalising momentum within theoreticai and methodo-logical discourses on globalisation and open ways for processual ap_proaches that pay attention to both agencyànd structure.

-

^Ìt t '

r. 6 Conclusions:Diaspora and transnat ional ism as dancepartners

()rrt 'rr i :rydcbatccndlcsslyabout he exactstatusof diasporaan d trans-

rr;rliorurlisrn s so-called ancepartners. In a very fundamental way, are

llrr,y rrscíul paradigms or optics, or primarily politicisedterms that de-

rir ilrc claimsl They are certainly part of a growing array of concepts

llurl strive to deal with time-spacecompression across he borders of

slirlcs. The meanings of diaspora and transnationalism overlap (e.g.

'sr,r'ond-generationeturn'), espousesimilarities (e.g. diasporic ransna-liorralism') or sometimes even refer to divergent perspectives e'g. dia-

Hlx)ra as simply one form of transnaüonal social formation). While the

lrsiÌgcs of the terms often overlap, diasporic phenomena can be con-

crivcd as a subset of transnational social formations that have broader

scope. n a crucial similarity, uses of the two supple terms in the social

scicnceshave n common an agency-oriented, rocessualview of cross-

lxrrder social phenomena. The challenge that all the contributions to

llris volume take up is to account for the impact of states,migrant orga-

rrisations and oúer organisationsand small groups such as kinship

[4roups,on societal pÍocesses, nstitutions and structures of migrant in-

r'<lrporation n immigration as well as emìgration contexts.As such, diaspora and transnationalism are clearly distinct from the

lrroad category of globalisation studies. Diaspora and transnationalism

l)ay more attention to agency and processes within global structures

Irrrd hus are less prone to sweepinggeneralisations.t is also essential

t<l study the boundaries of groups, communities and organisations that

lure labelled by members or external observers by attributing trans-

national or diasporic characteristics to them. Diaspora and transnation-

lulism are also lenses not antithetical to, yet also different from, 'metho-

dological cosmopolitanism' in that they do not presume the 'global' as a

lrorizon of perception, interpretation, analysis or moral evaluation.

Nevertheless, ransnationalism in the field of migration, in particular,

may link up to broadeÍ concerns of transnational studies, such as trans-national organisations (e.g.multinational companies), transnational pro-

test movements, transnational expert circuits and global macro-fields of

economy, poliücs and wealth. In this way, diaspora and transnational-

ism are crucial elements for questioning and redefining essential terms

of the social sciences, for example, 'community', 'social space' and'boundaries'.

Yet, what consütutes one of the great strengths of diaspora studies

and migrant transnationalism, namely its reflexivity of agency and pro-

cesses, also needs to be brought to bear upon the understanding of

broader issues of social change and transformation. Take the changing

landscape of organisational and institutional structuÍes guiding societal



t l r r r rgt ' .A r 'r r r rsr t r r i , r r r lr t l i ; rsl r r ) l . i rlx. rslx, t r rvr , : ; l r . r rhr, r , , r l r l r , r ' r l t . l r lwi t l r l r . t l r r r .w s'r : i : r l ir r r r . r i , r rs ,, ig, . , ,1. , . ,s,

srr ( r ;' ; r r , r r* i r r ; r r i , r r : r r,_cial spaces' n< I ow 'oÌcl 'nal . ional ,nturnr t i , r r ; r l r r r t l rx; r l r rsl i l r r r r , r rssuch as cit izenshipor rocalpoliciesacquire'.cw' rrrr. lrr irrgsrrcr unc-tions in the processof cross-borderransactions.Moreovcr,'ru.tr-'"r,"p-roach should be abre to address he life-world implications of emer-ging supranational structures such as the EU. By now, there is voÌumi_nous Ìiterature dealing

Tt ú. emergence and forms of transnationaÌactivities of migrants and their .o.rr"{r"rr."r Íb. th";;"ïffir"tio.,of immigrants. If cross-border social

'for-"oon,

are consequentiar forsocial processes, we arso need. o examine indications aboui changinginstitutions in the nationar, internationar and locar realms of transna-tional spaces.Finally, we need to go,beyond purely variable_oriented.analysis andprobe into the social mechanisms'op"rátiuà in transnational social for-mations' such as social crosure, exploitation or opportunity hoarding(seeTilly zoo4)' From^úis p"rspective, t is essentiãf o 100k rot only attransnational ties and formationi across the borders of national si",., _with various types, such as diffusion, a_itl"r, associations, (issue) net-works, organisations and communities, ,rrú

",diasporas _ but also therepercussions for national and 10ca1nstitutions. whire transnationar or

diasporic ties and structLrres may not be the ,ot. ã,-ãr,'i"rpãrr"",ausesof transformation, they constitute strategic research sites. For ex-ample' while the toleration of duar citizenship in both emigration and.immigration states s ascendant, ts spread is not primar'y attributabreto collective action by emigrants and immigrants (Faist & irvisto zoog).Nonetheless, t has repercussions for the cãntinuous flows of resourcesacÍoss borders, e.g. Íìnancial investments and knowl"ag"-tr"rrÃ;Th"

contributions to this vorume are a smail but decisive ,tïp rrr-ú" ãir"._tion of setting an-agenda that strives for a processual and.mechanismicunderstanding of transnationalisation.

Note

ChapterDiasporas,ransnational paces nd communities

Michel Bruneau

'l 'he term 'diaspora', ong used only to describe he dispersion of ]ewishpcople throughout the world, has in the last Jo years elicited unprece-tlented interest, attracting the attention not only of the academic worldbut also of the media. In everyday anguage, the term is now applied toall forms of migration and dispersion of a people, even where no migra-tion is involved; this corresponds not only to the development and gen-t:ralisation of international migrations throughout the world, but also toa weakening, or at least a limitation, of the role played by nation-stateat a time when globalisation has become a dominant pÍocess. I havchosen here to address úe concept of diaspora from a geographicastandpoint, taking into account its materiality in terms of space, placand territory.

In this chapter I shall try first to differentiate úe concept of diasporfrom that of others such as migration, minority, transnational commu-nity and territory of movement, and then complement the resulting de-finition with a tlpology of diasporas. My hypothesis is that the relatedconcepts of diaspora and transnational community could be applied todifferent tipes of trans-border or transnational societies and thus helpimprove our understanding of the diÍferent spatial and temporal pro-cesses nvolved.

2.1 The concept of diaspora

A community diaspora first comes into being and then lives on owingto whatsoever in a given place forges a bond between those who wantto gÍoup together and maintain, from afar, relations with other groups

which, although setúed elsewhere, invoke a common identity. Thisbond can come in different forms, such as family, community, reli-gious, socio-political and economic ties or the shared memory of a catastrophe or trauma suffered by the members of the diaspora or úeirforebears. A diaspora has a syrnbolic and 'iconographic' capital that en

ables it to reproduce and overcome the-

oftenconsiderable - obstacl

I am indebted to Rainer Baubrjck, Anna Amélina, Margit Fauser, )uergen Gerdes,veline Reisenauer and Nadine Sieveking f* h"i;f"l .rir.r._ and suggestions.

Afi , ' l ' t tANsNATlf)NAl,l ,A( : l lsÂNl) ( t)MMlJNlTl l iS 37



:1 1':il:: :cpaa i.g irsc.r'r'u' i r, s 'rurr.'. .Àoo4:-4 ),M.nrbers

or a dlaspora oalesce, their present lacr ,<l í 's. t t l *r rer i túe wholc se tof micro-places (e.g. city neighbourhoods or villagcs) ,,ccupi*d o.crossed by those whom they iecognise as their ow'.'tiach

ãr ,n"r"placesacts as a centre.in a territorlï where social proximities suppressspatialand temporal distances(prévélakis 1996). nff ai"rpori;; ,o_cio-spatial networks necessarily undergoing territorial expansion be-:T:"

th^"y aggregate both places of m-emo'ryand places of pr"r.rr."(Offner & Pumain ry96: ú31.

Diaspora areas and territories mustbe assessed n steps: first in thehost country where the community bond prays the essentiar role; thenin the country or territory of origin - a porã oi attraction - uia.-ã-ory

and, Íìnally, úrough the system ãf relatiãns within tlr" ,r"t*ortJrp"."that connects úese different poles. It should, t o*"u"r, t

";;;ã-i;

mind úat the term 'diaspora'-ãften prays more of a metaphori.a1n".,an instrumental role. The different ãriteria suggested by most auúors(cohen 1997; sheffer zoo3) can be narrowed aã*,, to ri"

"rr"rrtúorr",ocused around dispersion under pressur", .hoi." of a"rtirr"tlon à"rr_tity awareness,networked space,duraüon oftransnaüonar ties and rela-tive autonomy from host and origin societies as indicated.below.

r) The population considered has been dispersed under pres_sure (e.9. disaster, catastrophe, famine, ab1:ect overryl to'sev_eral places and territories Leyond úe immediate néíghbour-hood of the territory of origin.

z) 'The choice of countries and cities of destination is carriedout in accordance with úe structLrre of migratory .t;_.which, beyond the oceans, link migrant, *ittittosá

"il;j;nstalled in the host countries, üe-latter thought of",

.ãí_veyors towards the host society and úe laboui market, andguardians of the ethnic or national culture, (Dufoix ,;;,325). Such a choice may, however,

also be determined ü ilconditions of traumatic dispersal, in which ."r.,"u""

*rárrghthere may be far less choice, previous migratory routes cãnDeused.

l) The population, integrated without being assimilated into thehost counkies, retains a rather stron! identity

"*"r*"r, which is linked to úe memory of its territory and the so_ciety of origin - with its history. Íhis implies thá existence ofa skong sense of community and community life. As in thecase of a nation, it is an ,imagined

community,, relying on acollective narrative that links ii to a territo ry andto a mãmorv

(Anderson r9lì3). lntergenerational ransmission of identitiesis alsoat work,

These dispersed groups of migrants (or groups stemmingfrom migration) preserve and develop among themselves and

with the society of origin, if one still exists, multiple exchange

relations (people, goods of various natures, information, etc.)

organised through networks. In this networked space, whichconnects essenüally non-hierarchical poles * even if some are

more important than others - relations among groups dis-persed over several destinations tend to be horizontal ratherthan vertical.

These diasporic migrants have an experience of dispersion in-

cluding several generations after the first migration. They

have transmitted their idenüty from one generation to theother in lhe longue durée.

6) A diaspora tends to be an autonomous social formation fromthe host and the origin societies thanks to its numerous cul-

tural, poliücal, religious,professional associations. Lobbying

in favour of their origin society s not uncommon among dia-spoÍas, but neiúer is resistance against instrumentalisationby the homeland.

Against this concept of a 'community' diaspora (fewish, Greek,

Armenian or Chinese diasporas, for example), Chivallon (zoo$ posits a

'hybrid' diaspora, distinguished very clearly from any 'centred model'.

This 'hybrid' model has been defìned by Anglo-American authors on

the basis of the black diaspora of the Americas, using the approachesofpost-modernist cultural studies. These authors, Hall and Gilroy espe

cially, refer to the philosophy of Deleuze and Guattari and to the image

of the rhizome as opposed to úat of the root - i.e. to a world of disseminaüon and hybridisation, as opposed to a world of filiation and heri

tage. There is no hard core of identity - nor continuity nor tradition -

as in the community model, but a variety of formations. This hybrid

diaspora rejects all reference to úe naüon and to nationalist ideologies.

However, albeit for a relatively limited period of time (r9r9-r945),minority of intellectuals gravitating around Garvey and Du Bois did pro-

mote a pan-African nationalist ideology.For a diaspora to be able to live on by transmitling its identity from

one generation to the next, it must as much as possible have places forperiodic gatherings of a religious, cultural or political nature, in which

it can concentrate on the main elements of its'iconography'.

The

4)

MICHgLBRL'NNAtJ gtASPORAS,' , l 'HANSNAI' loNAl,l ' ( ll lsANt) loMMtrNl ' I ' l l is



conceptoÍ ' iconography,ntroduccd n the rg50s hy ( iot t r r rarur rg5z:zr9-zzr), shows the importanceoÍ'visible and palpallk'syrnbols, uc has the monasteries hat the Greeks of pontos (the lìlack sea region inTurkey) reconstructed in Northern Greece. Such symbors contrúute toconsolidating social networks and to preserving them during the hardtimes of exile. The syrnbols that make up an iconography aie akin tothree main fields, religion, political past (memory) and social organisa-tion: 'Religion, great historical recollections, the flag, social taboãs, in-vested and well grounded/ anchored interests are all part of what is

called iconography' (Gottrnann ry52: ry6). Those symbols are the objectof a virtual faiú that singularises a people as different from its neigh-bours, who are attached to other syrnbols. The rooting of national icono-graphy in the minds of citizens is all the deeper as it is transmitted tochildren very early by the family and the school. It unquestionably con-stitutes the main factor of socio-political partiüoning in space. It ís akowhat allows a diaspora not to become diluted into the hóst sociew andto keep its distinct identity. This concept particularly applies to 'nations'oÍ, more exactly, o nationalities within great multi-ethnic empires, suchas the ottoman or the Russian. Their territorial inscriptioris neithercontinuous nor homogeneous, unlike what is implied by the ideal terri-tory of a contempoÍary European nation-state. The case appears veryclose to úat of the diasporas, to which it can apply úú equalrelevance.

These 'places', where we can Íìnd úe main components of the icono-graphy, include sanctuaries (churches, synagogues, mosques), commu-nity premises (conference rooms, theatres, libraries, sports clubs) andmonuments that perpetuate memory. They also include restaurants andgrocery shops, newsagents and the media (newspapers,community ma-gazines, local radio and television stations, websites). These variousplaces may be concentrated in the same .ethnic, neighbourhood, thesame locality, or be dispersed throughout a city or some bigger terrirory.

Since 'iconography' - in the Gottmannian sense - is the material and

symbolic condensation of the intricate web of linkages between themembers of a community and their territory a perfect reproduction ofits elements (e.g. reconstructing the pontic monasteries in mainlandGreece) s simply not possible: territory cannot be moved from one ioca-tion to another. The material aspects of social networks depending onlocaüons, territories, landscapes or monuments that are uiuafly àsso-ciated with rootedness, immobility and autochthoneity have, in thecouÍse of üme, become mobile. The fact úat members of a diasporacreate 'places of memory' in the host country gaúering úe icons makeit possible.

By introducing the spatial and temporal dimensions of territorialityinto úe concept of diaspora, it can be shown how the reproduction of

memory gocs huntl in hand witlr th c constructionoÍ'monuments an d

Othersyrnirolicanclsometimcs also Íünctional places hat constitute he

lnstruments for a re-rooting n the host country'

a,z Four maior tYPes of diasPoras

Different diasporas are distributed unequally úroughout úe world at

the beginning of the twenty-Íìrst century with a generally confirmed

tendency for úem to be found on one or several continents. In everydiaspora, culture in the údest seÍÌse folklore, cuisine, language, itera-

ture, cinema, music, the press as well as community life and family

bonds * plays a fundamental role. Family bonds, in fact, constitute úe

very fabric of the diaspora, particularly in the case of diasporas stem-

ming from Asia and the eastern Mediterranean, with their well-known

e*t.ãd"d family nahrre; similarly, ttre community link is always pÍesent

in, and constitutive of, all types of diasporas. what distinguishes dia-

spoÍas, however, is the unequal densify of úeir organisational structure,

rtrd th" greater or lesser influence exerted by, if it still exists, their na-

tion of oiigin. Religion, enterprise, politics and a combination of race

and culturã are úe four major domains in which úese two discriminat-

ing features manifest themselves. The combination of these criteria al-

loõs"

typology of diasporas to be sketched out here, as four types, and

illustrated with a few examPles.

r) A first set of diasporas is structured around an entrepreneur-

ial pole; everything else is subordinated to it or plays only a

secóndary role: the Chinese, Indian and Lebanese diasporas

are the best examples of úis. Religion here does not play a

structuring role, essentially because of its very diversity

Christians, Muslims, Hindus or Buddhists. Nor does the na-

tion-state of origin exercise any decisive influence, for a vari-

ety of reasons: úere may be several such states instead ofone homeland clearly defined (Hong Kong, Tâiwan, mainland

China, South-East Asia for the Chinese); it may be deliber-

ately disengaged and intervene only in case of extreme diÍÍì-

culties (India); it may be too weak and divided (Lebanon)'

Entrepreneurship constitutes the central element of the repro-

duction strategy of úese diasporas, most of them emerging

from a colonial context in which the ruler assigned their var-

ious commercial and enterprise activities (Indians and the

Lebanese n Africa, úe Chinese in South-EastAsia)'



2l

40 Ml( ' l l l r l ERtÌNl jAt l

Another set of diasporas s that in which religion, oíìctt usso.ciated with a particular language, is the main structuring ele'ment: this is the case of the fewish, Greek, Armenian andAssyro-Chaldean diasporas. In these cases the religion ismonotheistic, and the language of a holy script or a liturgymay itself be regarded as essential. Greek and Armenian aretaught alongside religion in diaspora schools. Synagogueandchurch, each wiú their pronounced ethnic hue, are constitu-

tive places for these diaspora communities. Where naüon-states have been formed, they have exercised an increasinglystronger influence on-' these diasporas. Nevertheless, evenwhere this influence is greatest, as is the case for úe Greekdiaspora whose cohesion is secured by the Orthodox Church,the diaspora has managed to preserve relative independence.When the Holy Spod of the Athens Church $9o8t9zz)tried to take over control of the Greek Orthodox Church inthe United States,strong resistance led to restoring the juris-

diction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate.

A third set of more recent diasporas is organised chieflyaround a political pole. This is particularly so when úe terri-tory oÍ'origirr is dominated by a foreign power,and the mainaspiration oÍ' the diaspora population is the creaúon of anation-statc.An example of this is the Palestinian diaspora:having succeeded in setting up a real state-in-exile, thePalestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO), whose objective ofestablishing a nation-state next to the state of Israel has al-ready been partially achieved by úe creation of thePalestinian Auúority, which has been endowed with terri-tories that it has administered since 1994. The Palestiniandiaspora's collective memory is rooted in the historical events

that mark úe trauma of dispersal and occupation, especiallythe catastrophe (nakbal of 1948. This is 'the core event oftheir imagined community, the criterion of its alterity and themain founder of the diaspora' (Kodmani-Darwish 1997: r94).

A fourth set is organised round a racial and cultural pole.This is the case, or example, of úe black diaspora, which hasbeen shaped by several attempts at deÍìning a shared identity.Centred on the 'negro race', what separates t from the oüertypes is, first, the fact that this diaspora has no direct refer-ence to definite societies or territories of origin. Ï'he black

diaspora s defined first and foremost by sociallycortslrttc'ted'race', an d only subsequently by cultttrr '. Wlrereal l lrc

4)

DfAli l 'oR^S,' l ' l {ANlìNAl ' t(}N^l Sl 'A(l l l l \ i^Nl)

( loMMtlNl ' l ' l l1 l \ i 41

dcÍìnit ion oÍ' racc s, oÍ' course,contested nd subiect o var-

ious debatesand interpretations, as is the very conceptionof

AÍiican Americans as a diaspora, collective memories refer to

the traumatic experiences under which this diaspora formed:

the slave trade and the slave economy of úe plantations. Few

contemporary African Americans define their identity in rela-

tion to ancestral African homelands. 'We can also include the

European Roma in this category as they share many of the

same characteristics. One commonality wiú the black dia-spora is a decentred community structffe, not uniÍìed by the

transmission of a codified tradition or by political organisa-

tion, but characterisedby the non-hierarchical proliferation of

community segments, úat is, small groups not organised as

a structured society.The logic of cultural hybridisation, which

implies borrowing from the host society,comes into full play

in both cases amidst highly diverse host societies, even if

Roma society is characterised by high degrees of endogamy

and very low rates of mixed marriages. Racial discrimination

and a strong tendency towards ghettoisation are also common

features, as is the great diÍficulty of upward social mobility toescapepoverty (Cortiade, Djuric & Williams 1993).

f,te concept of diaspora cannot be used to describe al1 ypes of scattere

pOpulations issued from a migration plocess: other types of social for-

iUtions were to emerge in the post-colonial period and societieswithin

illgration fields. Concepts other than úat of diaspora - like úose of

t!ênsnational communities and territories of movement - can be in-

voked; although they do share some characteristics with diasporas, they

l1:o have their own, speciÍìc features.

Frommigrationield o transnationalpace: heTurkishexamPle

Aa international migration field results rom the 'structuredcouplin

Õf he placesproducedby the flows between he different points of th

BÊlgrationystem' Faret oo3: 283).Sucha field comprises laceso

éêPêrhlre, outc, settlement, e-settlement nd evenplacesof return

Thie cun."pr applicsparticularlywell to Turkishmigration n Centr

êi d WeslerrrittroPc.In th e secottdrlrlÍ'oí'ht' twentieth entury 957-zoool,more ha

&fee million lilrks rnigratedo WeshrnËurope, ith two hirdsgoin

b Gerrrrurryt)e'lirpia <1r;5:l{7).'l 'hiswasessentiallyn nternationleboUr rr igral iot t ,l ìett l te Hrrbiectí ' i tgr t 'etncntset \4/eenta t

I' l

42 MtÍ=ra iEli I l rNl iAlr rJlASl '( H^ti , i l , tANsNAll( )NAl siì^( I i5 ANI) ( ( MMrNl' l l l i l 4l



Nevertheless,'ur therr nalysis t :vcalslr is Í ì t , [ l lo l re relál ively orrrplcx,because he subsequentmigration oÍ'shopl<r't,pt 'rs,':n't ' ielxurtl variorrsinvestors not to mention socialmigratìonssuch us íirrrr i ly crrnifìca-tions, second- and third-g eneration marriages as wcll as collcr:tive soli-darities - all superimpose themselves on labour migrations. ln a subse-quent phase, political migrations by asylum seekers - for example,Kurds, Assl'ro-Chaldeans, Armenians and Aleüs as well as refugees ofleftist parties - have acquired ever increasing importance. There is, con-secluently,great diversity in the reasons for, and causes of, Turkish mi-gration. The migration movement inside this field is intense, owing tothe road, sea-going and air network forms of transport that ïïrrks úem-selves use and run, largely based within úeir own travel agencies, Íans-port companies and communication satellites.

In the case of Türks, úe diaspora does not precede úe emergence ofthe nation-state, but comes after it. Is it therefore a diaspora or, rather,a transnational migration field that favours úe emergence of a transna-tional communityl The Turkish nation-state is recent $94); it has notcompletely succeeded n unifying the national identity of the differentsegments of society round a Sunni and Kemalist hard core. The highsegmentation and internal disparities of Turkish society appeaÍ more in

dispersion and migraüon than they do in the national territory whereúe minorities are not fully recognised and are hidden by an apparentnational homogeneity. This society is a community composed of differ-ent socio-cultural milierx that, though they do interact, have also ac-quired their own organisational and social networks. The divisions arenot only ethno-cultural, but also religious or ideological. The Kurds,whose migrations - owing to the repression directed against them sincethe r98os - are increasingly political in the current period, find them-selves ncreasingly distinguished from other Turks and it is they, morethan other Turkish-speaking Muslims, who come under úe heading ofdiaspora (Wahlbeck zooz).

It is therefore diÍlìcult to diÍïerentiate a diaspora from the economicand political migration of a people stemming from a socially segmentedsociety and comprising notable differences of identity. The recent char-acter of migration (since ry57) and the segmented type of society consti-tute obstacles to the recognition of a real diaspora. To take better ac-count of these phenomena, researchers such as Vertovec (1999) andKastoryano (zooo) have suggested the concept of transnationalcommuniW.

', 4Transnationalommunities

tn thc rc;<.;os, rìcw coÍlccptemcrged n academicdiscourse:'transna

tiorrul community'. Countries at the edge of the industrialised and ter-

tlgriscd world of the North's maior powers (úe US, Canada,Western

Europc, lapan), often former colonies or old countries of the Third

Wrlrlcl, send more and more migrants in search of employrnent and re-

Ínittances to their families in the 'place of origin'. These rural, mostly

Unskilled economic migrants set off from a village, a basic rural com-

munity to which the migrants remain strongly attached and to whichthey rerurn periodically. The family sffucture, more than the village

eommunity of origin, is essential in explaining the cohesion of üese

networks. Those from a rural community in a Laún American country

or the Philippines, for instance, increasingly migrate to urban centÍes

oÍ'various sizes in the US, wiú a migration movement being estab-

llshed between úe place of origin and úe places of settlement and

work. The migration terÍitory also comprises relay places, most often a

large city, which serve as hubs for a migratory route network: for exam-

ple, Oallas and Chicago for Mexicans from Ocampo (Faret zoo3) and'Bu"not

Aires for Bolivians from the Cochabamba region (Cortes 1998)'

The strong association with these diÍïerent places, based uponúe

movement of the population of one village, where the dominant activity

iS migration in a variety of forms, constitutes a transnational migration

territory.A transnational community is based on specific mobility know-how

'migration expertise'; the inhabitants of úese places, so strongly

marked by migration, have made it their essential activity. Some mobi-

lity may be based on the experience of mountain husbandry which has

alwayshad to adapt to the seasons whether for transhumance in cer-

tain cases or, in úe case of Andean peasants, because several distinct

ecological mountain levels are concerned. Peopleswith a long nomadic

tradition, like the Turks or Mongols, can also be moulded more easily

in these transnational spaces (De Tâpia 1995). A transnational commu-nity links üe global to the whole range of greatly different locaÌ, net-

working places, without hierarchy between these diÍïerent hubs. The

role of the border is very much curtailed by a migrant population whose

essential element of identity is knowing how to Íìrst cross the border it-

self, pass through the border area and then live outside it, whilst avoid-

ing expulsion.These migrants come from a naüon-state,where they have lived for a

relatively long time, returning periodically, and then investing part of

their income in their úllage of origin, which they, or at least part of

their family, do not plan to quit for good. The members of a transna-

tional community seek to acquire the citizenship of their host country

[" ' t ' l Mlr: l l l r l t tRINtrAi l EtAStì() l tAS,' t 'HANSNAil()NAl ( l 'A(: lrS AN|) ( )Ì \4fv{IIN| |lr l 4\



whi lc rcl r ini r lg l ral l Í ' t l t t ' i rcor l r t ryoí 'or igi r r , l ' l r inr I r r r fule l l ì l iat igrrsnot only a quest io' oÍ ' Íaci r i ty, ut als' u cl r .st . r rw;ry Í l i Í t . , l ,wcvcr ,there s.no uprooting ro m th e territoryancr 'r: i t ,ry ,Í ,r ' igirr, .r trau-ma, as n th e caseof diasporas. here s no strorìg, rt,sirt.r 'rcturn, be -cause transmigrants never actua[y reave their placc oí' origin, withwhich they retain family and community ties that are greatry s"imprifiedthanks to the growth, regularity and safety of commu.r[ations.

As Forrer (tggn has shown for immigrants in New york, boú todayand at úe turn of the twentieth century modern-day transnationalism

is not altogether new but instead has a rong history. Russian fews andItalians maintained family, economic, political and cultural links to theirhome societies at the same time as they developed ies within úeir hostland. Expecting to return home one day, they sent their savings and re-mittances homeward and kept up their ethnic allegiances. Ã tr"rrrrr"-tional social spacealready existed but it may have beãn harder úan it isnow to maintain contacts across he ocean. Today technological changeshave made it possible for immigrants to maintain closer and more fre-quent contact with their home societies. International business opera-tions-in the new global economy are much more common. Telephones,emails and intemet-based telecom allow immigrants to keep in closetouch with úe family members, friends

and buJiness p"rtrr"r, they leftbehind in the home country. wiú greater uS tolerancã for ethnic plur-alism and multicult'ralism, maintãining mrítiple identiües and lãyal-ties is now seen as a normal feature of immigrant life. Nowadays, oo, amuch higher proportion of these immigrants (e.g. Indiáns andchinese) arrive with advanced education, prãfessional ikiils and so-e-times substantial amounts of financial capital that facilitate these trans-national connections (Foner ry97: 36469).

-Theconcept of transnationar commú"íty t also used by researchers

who have studied transnationaÌ nationalism. According tá Kastoryano(zoo6), for example, Turkish transnational communities Ìive in a four-dimensional space: hat of úe immigration country the country of ori-

gin, the immigrant communities themselves and the transnationalspace of the European Union. The concept of 'long-distance national-ìsm',(Anderson 1998) refers to the nation-state oideparfure, Turkey,which acts on its exiled population by way of language, religion anddual nationality. This nation-state tries to reinforce ít ,i".r, ar-porribt"the loyalty of its nationals residing outsid.e ts frontiers. But the tr"rrrrr"-tional networks of migrant associations can bypass the states by actingdirectly on transnational European institutions. vy'e can observe theemergence of a transnational space,characterised by the dense interac-tion of actors belonging to different traditions (e.g. Ìshmist and secularTirrks, Alevis, Kurds, Lazes). t is a new space'oipolitical socialisation,one of identification

beyond úat of national societies. The EU has

€Íeatt 'cl lnt t tst t l t l i r l t t ; t l' iv i l ian <x' i t ' tyr r whi t 'Jr tat ionl l ,pr<lvincial ,el i

glous an d proíi 'ssiorral tt 'tworl<s oÍÌìp('t() nd interact among them-

ËFlves,lrcrcbyprornoting he logic of supranationality.krr l(astoryano zoo(>:9o), the conceptof diaspora s more aptly ap

plled to populations scattered prior to the making of their nation-state,

Etr'lt as )ews and Armenians, for whom nationalism refers to a mythi

eel place, a territory to be recovered, a future state-building proiect. ï'lris

ütorc restricted meaning takes into account the extended history of dia-

ãporaswho may have built their own nation-state after a lengthy period

wltlrout a state, which is exactly the case of the fews, Greeks andArrncnians. Nation-states emerged only in nineteenth- and twentieth-

century Europe, and these diasporas were already in existence a long

tlme before that. Migrations occulïed often after this state-building

within the former reticular space of úeir diaspora. But diasporas may

êlSohave emerged from the forced exile of religious or national minori-

tles of a nation-state after its creation (e.g. úe Tutsis of Rwanda

Arsyro-Chaldeans or Kurds of Turkey, Tamil of Sri-Lanka, Tibetans of

China). Such diasporas are organised around an unsettled nation-stat

problem; this is not úe case of transnational communities that do not

eontest the home or host nation-state. A transnational community is

economically oriented, and its political interest is restricted to úe mi-gration policies of both its home and host country. There is, equally, an

other form of transnational community in which cross-border migrants,

using a network of acquaintances, are continually circulating betwee

their home place and a variety of host places to sell goods; this kind o

quasi-nomadism requires úe use of anoúer concept, as discusse

below.

2,j Territories of movement

In the name of an anthropology of movement, Tarrius works in the tra

dition of analysing the emergence and development of new migratoryforms in Europe, which have been studied by researchers since th

r98os. Marseille is the observation site for úe construction of these un-

derground international economies dealing with licit or illicit products

A world of 'small migrants' - i.e. 'merchandise/goods conveyers' - i

devoted to the transportation and trade of goods imported outside oÍÏì'

cial EU quotas of forgeries and smuggled goods, between the North

African countries and France via Spain. They take advantageofthe sp

tial, economic and social closeness that exists between the south an

the norú of úese Mediterranean countries due to the colonial and mi'

gratory past of those spaces. Localist analysis must be overcome t

study those migrant societies that generate 'new cosomopolitisms',

, Ml(i l i l i l i l t i l lNtiAtr IRAS,' l l ìANSNAI' l()NAl Sl 'A(: l i5 ANlr t l l Ì \4MliNl ' l ' l l rS 4t



whic l r rc row rrv is ibr t ' ,or .r i r l t rurcr. t l ispl ; ryer lir r r r ix i ry . , r , r r t ,yr .srrrrrrencountersc'twccnttobi l t ' ,Ì ìo11')r ' t 'ss it.;rt lyur. l . í r . l r r r . i r íg ' [4for l ) r i ,

,T: : -^ t : : roÍ ' ident i t ieshc noc:çur,i r r r r r rrrrrrr r l r r . uprr t . i lyí ' r r rurr i ' r .

Delonglng.'Territoriesf movement'.(Tarriusoor) rirrr<h. praccwhercg.*rsfor consumption re shippedout (for instance,n the Maghreb)o tlrt.placesúey are delivereã-inwestern Europe,within which there urr,furtherundergroundeconomy etworks. "y

-"y,""_ ro ."r"o,trt.,transnational ommunities, n so far as hey ink thá ror-"riy .olorir,,.tcountry

where the migrants' community of origin is situatJawitt, tt,,,migrants' current residence.They are,however, ctualry ery differe't.The transnationalcommunity essentiallymovespeoplewho are gorngto'sell'úeir labourand sendpartof théirwages ack o their commu-nity of origin in úe form of rãmittances. onversery,n the territory otmovement, the cross-borderentrepreneursand nomads move witlrs3$s lney

oadedup-on n their praceof origin to seil n different cities:t T: hostcountry that úey are familiar with. Haúng in some caseslived n the latter or a rengthyperiod, hey havebeenable o estabrishhelping network of ac,quaiátanËesnd ,,riport - the .informal notaries,ofTarr iuszoor:52-56).

, '

Thesentermediaries akecommercialadvantage Í'the wearthdiffer_ential between heir placeof origin and úeir Ëost pt".", -.ir.J"tirrggoodsbetweenpooÍ and rich .orrit i"r. Their expertiri ir, *ouirrg _ ir,moving goodsespecially by crossingbord.ers

"rrd.ir.rr_u"rrtirrg"to"_

tion mechanismsof the s.tatels as Ãportant for them"rìlr" "*i""ir"f a Mexicanor Boliüan,is within the migration field of a transnationalcommunity.Their hostplacesareonly poúts of passage r *fì,"iorr,not placesof settlementand integr"tiã". rn" ànty Jrr.rrti"i'pì".à ro,úem is the one of their origin, wfrãnce hey eaveútr. ,r-r.ì, oãJr;'trr"yeturn regularly,and,invest their,earning, ú"r". th"y ,,"rË, á.ir"ffyleave: t is their onry base.Their identityïs not a diasporicone: t is a'nomadic identity' based on 'partial and short-l.Ëa rrffirr"tro'

[métissage]'cquired n the coursãof the seningacüvity hrárgt;]ri.],they socialise' n their placeof origin, tt e inËis b"r"d ;;-Íà";ily andcommunity ties,whereas n the host and transit places,wen-estabiishedlocal ntermediaries informal notaries Thrrius oorl *itn ai;;;;""-erience areneeded:

Those nformal notariesare nterlocutorswho are verymuch va_lorisedby regionarand rocal,political and poriceauúorities whoactively ake part in the life_ n emergingmosques n f"rg"Southern cities. They contribute to iãstitutionafising .rrr.oï-trolled areas,of land,s ends within Schengenspace,such as

those t l t 'nt i Í ì t . r l y l l l r l i l r r t t 'st ' l t rcÌ l t ' rst rot t t rd Í ì " i t 'stc, r [ ]ar i ,

Bl t : i ly,n Nlpl t 's t t tcl t r Mi larr 's t t l l t r r l ls.'Tarr iusoot: 55 )

1,6

ï l th,,rrf thcir interrrnecliationothing s possiblean d th e smugglercan-

G tnrirrtain his activity and presenceon the selling places.Thesebro-

Ér: ril;rirrtain elationships wlth local, political and police powers,with

gË1clal .cpresentatives fìhe migrants' home statesas well as with their

çellgin,,* representatives, open trading and various underground net-

reikr, 'Íhey sit astride numerous borders of norms and interests.

ï'll(,l tcrritories of movement and transnational communities are pÏo-éUeed by globalisation and result from socioeconomic inequalities,

fht.}, t*nd."to increase, such as differences in the price of goods and

rcges between countries of the North and of the Souú. They lock na-

tloir.rrtates nto an asymmetrical situation, one of dominating and being

éotnirrated. The base in the host country, although weak for territories

ãf ,nuu"*.nt (in úe transit place), can, on the contrary be strong for

tfstrrnational communities (in the host place); in both cases,however,

the rooting in the community of origin remains very significant and

nay prevail over that in the country of setúement oÍ transit'

Originality ndvalue f theconcepts f diaspora ndtransnationalommunitY

The value of the diaspora concept is that it shows sedìmentation over

tlure, often a long period of time, of communities dispersed úroughout

the world, whichvary considerably from one diaspora to another. These

diasporas are characterised by the search for a certain cultural or reli-

gious - at times even political - unity. They have been formed, over the

Iuurr" of time, by severalwaves of migration, each of which could have

cliÍï'erent or several causes at once. It is this long-term sedimentation

that makes a diaspora. This is not the caseeither for transnational com-

munities, which Àavebeen formed recently in response to a call for la-lrour, or for smugglers depending on an underground economy' Each

diaspora member, wherever he or she may be' adjusts his or her own

eultural and social unity to the local and national features, with integra-

tion characterising intergenerational traiectories: he or she produces

métissages. or instance, ôreek-Americans are diÍlerent from those liv-

ing in Canada or Australia because their various migration trajectories

.J-birr" with the integration policies of these different states.The fìrst,

second or third generations, in turn, produce their own different types

of ,mixities' within each of these host countries. There are severalways

to keep one's identity in exile and dispersion, as diasporas firmly rooted

in úeir variousplaces of settlement have taught us' They have an

4Il Mlí: l I t ì1 . rH l Nl i^ l l l lAsl ' { t l lAl i , I {AN: ' iNA l( )NAl l i l 'A( l is ANI ( r t \4M Nl I I i s 4q



exceptioÍìa lyÍnbolic nc l icoÍìogrüphic '' i r l ) i t í l ll ra l nralr lex lrerrr o rt ' -producean d then overcome he obstaclt' Í lltt ' olìerr corrsidr.ralllcdistance hat separatesheir communities. l' lris synrlrolic trpital livcson, particularly in shared memory.

So the relationships between diasporas and space or tc rritories havetheir own specificities. Belonging to a diaspora implies being able tolive simultaneously on the transnational world scale, úe local scale oÍ'the community and the scale of the h ost or home country thereby com-bining the three scaleswhilst privileging one or two of these. This com-

bination differs from one indiúdual to another, according to their posi-tion in the genealogy of generations. For instance, the first generation,those who were born and have lived in the society of origin, tend to privilege the local scale of the host country and the national scale of thehome country where they lived before their migration. The second gen-eration takes into account more often the local and national scales ofthe host country, where úey were born and have lived and, sometimes,the transnational scale; the third generation, in search of its origins,moves on two or three of these scales.

A diaspora is a patchwork of families, communiües and religious net-works integrated in a territory by a nation-state, within its borders.

These patchworks of families, clans, villages, cities, etc., are containedinside the borders of this nation-state where circulation, and exchangesare easier inside than with the outside. The nation-state cÍeates an arbi-trary limit between the networks inside it and those that are outside.Diasporas, however, cannot benefit from this extraordinary tool ofinte-graüon. They function, as previously mentioned, as a hinge betweendiÍïerent spaces and difíerent geographical scales. Their networks be-long to each of the host countries as well as to a trans-state diasporicnetwork. Their global network, with its economic, cultural, social andpolitical functions, can play the stabilising role that nation-states coverless and less.

Through migration, diaspora members have lost their material rela-

tionship to the territory of origin, but they can still preserve their cultur-al or spiritual relationship through memory. Territory or, more precisely,territoriality - in the sense of adapting oneself to a place in the hostcountry - continues to play an essential role. Memory preserves part ofterritoriality, whilst the trauma of uprooting cÍeates conditions of mobi-lisation that can play a substantial role in integrating and unifying var-ious family, religious or community sub-networks into a real diaspora.The construction of commemorative monuments. sanctuaries. monas-teries and other syrnbolic (and sometimes functional) places is an es-sential means, for the members of a diaspora, of a re-rooting in thehost country.

Urr l ikcPtuplt.<lí ' l r t ' cliaspora,ratlstttigrants nd cross-border ntre-

pfellcrlrs or srnugglers do not seek to establish a social network des-

iin"cl to last or a transnational social group basedon the richness of a

lyrnbolic capital and a memory transmitted from one generation to úe

iíext. They seek first and foremost to build a house in their home vil-

ieta.' na âi-b th" social ladder there, and then to do so in their place

0Í'scttlement if such a place exists. Transmigrants are far too dependent

6il their community of origin and on their host country to become as

ú,O.f"tta"ttt as people of úe diaspoÍa aÍe' The sociai group to which

itrey'belong often doìs not exceed he community of origin and the net-woih of its=migrants, wheÍeas the people of the diaspora have the feel-

lng of belonging to a naúon-in-exile, dispersed throughout úe world'

beïring an iãeal But rransnational communities, like the Turkish one,

Àrt soïnetimes the bearers of a transnational nationalism, which ap-

pears with the interactions of their diÍrerent actoÍs and tries to influ-

ence the nation-state of their origin and that of their settlement. Dual

nationality and migratory circulation within the framework of a transna-

itànl ,"gion like"the

ÉU f"uont the emergence of new trans-border

com-nttiti"t diÍïering from úe long-term diasporas'

It is, in my vieW ihis relationship to places and territories that en-

ebles us to distinguishbetween diasporism and transnationalism.

Diaspora implies a riery strong anchoring in the host country and some-

tlmes, when-the home country is lost or is not accessible (as with the

Greeks of Asia Minor, Armenians or Tibetans), a clear-cutbreak with it.

This is compensated, in úe host country by the creation^of territorial

markers, places of memory favoured by an'iconography' fixing the link

with the home country. That gives some kind of autonomy from host

end origin societies to úe diasporic social formation compaled to the

transnational community. In transnational spacesand territories of mo-

úUry ,fri, break does not take place, nor is there the need to be re-

rooted elsewhere on the host territory. Any particular family has two

parallel lives in tvvo or more nation-states: the home country is domi

nated and the host countries, where the family has migrated, are domi-nant. In the autochthonous model, the fact of having 'always been

there,, on which the nation-state is based, means úat identity is con-

ttructed in close connection wiú place over a greater or lesser period of

time. on the contrary in a diaspora, identity pre-exists place and tries

to re-create t, to remodel it, in order to reproduce itself. Individuals or

communities in diasporas live in places üat they have not-themselves

laid out and that are suffused wiú other identities. As such, úey will

try to Set up their very own place, one that is redolent of their home

ptr.u *irtti" the bosom of which their identity, that of their kinfolk, of, ihcir ancestors, has been formed. De-territorialisation goes with, or is

Íbl owed bv, re-territorialisation.



ChapterThedynamics f migrants'ransnationalformations: etweenmobilityand ocality

JanineDahínden

Mobilityand ts effects:Differentorms of transnationalformations

flaCe the early r99os, studies on transnationalism have proliferated,lAd transnationalism has become one of the fundamental ways of un-

thratanding contemporary practices taking place across national bor-

&ts, especially when speaking of migrants. There are a number of

?lyõ to classify or systematise úe vast body of work discussing the

ãtnsnational practices or belongings of migrants(for an excellent re-

€lAt overview see Levitt & faworslg zooT). Following Vertovec and

€dters, one can systematise this body of knowledge as a function of di-

ülensions or domains of transnationalism, such as úe economy, poli-

âet, culture or religion (see e.g. Vertovec r99q'One can also distin-

$tish between occasional and durable transnational practices, or be-

ãveen different generations of migrants (Portes, Guarnizo & Landolt

t999). Or again, one can differentiate úe various types of transnational

:óóial spaces eveloped y migrants (Faist1999; Pries zooS).

For the puÍpose of this chapter, I propose anoúer way to look at

ülnsnational formations: migrants' transnational pracüces, spacesand

ìr,rys of being will be analysed by taking into account mobility and local

íüy,My central aÍgument is üat transnational formations result from aCõmbination of transnatíonal mobilíty, on the one hand, and locality in

ihc sendíngor/and receiving ountry,on the other Mobílily is to be under-

Itood here as the physical movement of people in transnational space

Locatítymeans being rooted or anchored - socially, economically or poli-

ücally - in the country of immigration and/or in the sending country it

means developing/having a set of social relations at specific places

Looking at transnational formations as úe effect of úe combination of

these two dimensions - mobility and locality - provides interesting in-

Bights nto úe multiplicities of forms of existence.

To date, social scientists have not, I maintain, sufficiently incorpo-

rated the concepts of mobility and locality into their analysesof

-I ' ! - lANtNti l)Al l lNtr i l , t( ls ol i N4l{ l l {ANt's ' l l {^NsNAlt{)NAl lr() l tN4A'l l { lN5



l r l tnsl r l t l iot t l t lt t t l t t tgt ' t t t t ' t t ls.) t 'grcr 's Í r r rol r r l r lyr ; rvr ,rr r r r rp. ; r . l i r r r lrr rpacton thc di í ï i ' rcr r tways n wlr icl rorr t , t . ; r r rx, ; r r r . ; r r rsrurr ion;r lr r igr ; r r r tmigrantsset t led n their new cor i r ì t ry rr ,vr , l 'pol r r rs >Í r . l r r rsp;r r ì . r r , r lspace ha t ar e di f ferent ro m thoseoí 'nr ignrrr ts rgugc<Jn r:orrr i r r r r . r i : .

lryi1,io?"Icirculation.However, ransnariorral ractirqrf'rdLrv'dr LrrLuraLl'n. Flowever, transÍìatlotÌal practiccs a .(, i i lr ir

linked to the constraints and opportunities of the contexts. he r.r.;rrirrr.,. th e locl r l i t i rin which they find themselves.The contexfualconditions that i.Íìrrt.rrr,th9 eqe-rselce of specific ransnationar spacesdepend on sociar, xrrrrrcal and legal factors, and this at both end-s f theìhain - in the irrrrrrr

gration as well as the emigration context (seee.g. Ar-Ali, BÌack & r(rs,,rzoor). cultural, socio-economicand political cónstraints brock ct,rrrrrrpossibilities for transnational action and foster others.

I further maintain that aspectsof locarity inmoblrity - or mobility i,locality - have not

.heensuÍficiently theorised. t' fact, *"

-igt,t,,,

faced here with a kind of paradox in order to be abre to steymoúie it i,,necessary or migrants to develop some local ties and to úe embecrcrt,rlin specific localities. That is an important element of what Tãrrirr;(zooz) calls 'savoír bougel. circulating business persons as well as s.called 'suitcase raders', for exampre,ìeed to know where to úry ,,,,tsell their products; they need to eitablish locar inks in order to bá abrr,to circulate again in the future. In a similar vein, sedentarisation

dor.snot mean-that migrants;top-m9üng altogether,as úey might go ba<lrregularly for holidays or family obhgátionsl Thus, transnatioãar ír"ru,,-ments are maintained or even enforced through mobility. In this sen.st,,'roots and routes' (clifford rg94b) are both present in different trarrsn.-tional formations, but they may appear ìn diÍrerent combinations.Finally, it is important to note that mìgrants can and often do changt,their transnational ways of being ou".-ú" course of time: mobile mi-grants can settle down or vice versa, and úese changes affect the waysin which úey are transnational.

clearly- the appearanceof transnational formations depends not onryon úe physical mobility of the migrants. people *ho

"r. "ot

phfrr."ry

mobile can develop transnational practices as well, as with thË e"ar.rpt.,of transnational social movemerìts (Derla porta, Andretta, Mosca &Reiter zoo6). And we know that the mobility - or better, circulation -ofrepresentations, ideas, goods and services across and.within nationarboundaries is of great importance for the production

"tta."proãì.tior,

of transnational spaces.These forms or mãuinty are of ,p".ial i.rr"r"*whgn we analyse úe fpe of, and motivations for, transnational actionsand subjectivities.

This chapter starts with a discussion of ideal types of transnationalpractices as a function of the combination of differàt forms of physicarmobility and locality. I then take three concrete exampres

'from

Switzerland - cabaret dancers, Albanian-speakingmigrants and

íì l rntat ions avc:the ways mobilitYI present conclu-

r iatts lo l t t t l t lyst ' ro w dií lt ' r t ' r t l lr l t t lsttat it l tral

arrdcvolvt 'd lvc'r lt c yearsatrcl o i l lustratc

ioealiryplay a crucial rolc. In th e Íìnal section'

ol ' l t rtt<lrc eneral ature.

Mobility nd ocality:nvestigatinghe articulations

lng tlrtl dimensions of mobility and locality, four different ideal types

thã transrr"tional are identiÍìable. Following Weber (r99r [r9o4])' Ind them as a means for both grasping and conceptualising so-

plrcnomena.An ideal type here-is- thus.intended as an abstract

Ë1, orrr,rrr.,ed for the purpose of theory-building' Furthermore' it

iUtpun"tt, to stress hat the differencesbetween he ideal typesare

tdtral,The fìrst type I will call locqlísediasponcransnqtionalorrna-ìt is characteiised y low physicalmobility and a high degreeof

tic.s.The second lpe is cÃIed,oçalised obíle ransnq'tíonalorma-combininghigh physicalmobility and high locality'My third type

i:rviir ."rr transíq'tiãnqímobiles, oncerningpeoplewho ar,9hlehll mo-

*tu Ur, havea ow degreeof localanchorage'inally'.I ytt,caU"o?t?,?'

I outsídershat gõup of migrants who displayboth low mobility

low degreeof úcal-anchorage.The main featuresof üese ideal

!Ípex are illustrated in Table 3.r.

' It is necessary o aod somã words about this typology' Other súolars

fuve developedìdeal types of transnational formations' too' Faist (tggg'

iãoou;, for instance, presented three types of transnational social

iJn..r' and disünguished betwee transnqtional kínshíp group ,,trensna

l{anul círcuítsandirqnsnational. communítíes. g'is lpology provides inter-

ãJitng irrrig6ts into the production of transnational spacesby focusing

ca piirt"ry

Íesources embedded in social ties (such as reciprocity' ex-

,hung" or solidarity) and by showing úeir different outcomes' Faist did

ãnì, ìio*"u"t, .onrid", *obítity and localíty and their impact on the ap-

iarrrrr." of transnational social spaces' Furthermore' it is one of theãuin ,rg"*ents of this chapter úat the dynamicsof transnational for-

f!&tions merit more attention. For our puÍposes, we will concentrate on

th" prorrrruol' dímensionsof transnational pattern' And again' we focus

àn mobility and locality, dimensions of high relevance in úese

Processes.

1,2.1 Loçalisediasporicransnationalormations

This first tlpe combines low levels of transnational mobility with high

levels of locãl anchorage in the receiving and low levels of local ancho-

iage in úe sending.oínt y. Groups of people who develop this kind of



\4lANlNlr l)Al l lNlr l I

t ransnat ionaÌ i ty avc cxpr:r icnct 'd nr .-wiry rr ip,r , ; r r ior in t l r t . i r . Í ; r r r r r lvf r?-

".placeof or igin to a new couur ly, i r r . r1, . . r ' l r i r l rsrrs<l sçr ,6rr t r ;11,

migration to a third or fourth country. l.wr.vr,r., r i t,ycl, 'ot ci 't .rrr,rr 'between he ne w country an d the homera'd; ttrt,y arrcrheir oÍr 's'r rr l i- are settled n the new host country and may have been there Íìrr 1ir.rreratioas.They havebecomecitizens (with all ihe rights attached , rrrr:,)yd fey are socially and economicaily ntegratedln the new corrrryFor this reason, I will call them .localised,.

Furthermore, this ideal tlpe is rabened diasporic'because t irt.rr.l,,,rates different core elements identified in úe literature on diasP,rr,transnational ormations {Brubaker zoo5; Clifford. ry94b; Cohen r,,,,;,,,Dufoix zoo5; Trilolyan 1996). Fìrst, ,diãsporic,

can úe used to srlirr,rlone of the possible ways of feeling transnationaland acting a, ,,,, l,Second,one can use úe term .diasporic'

when actorsconscïourly 1,,,,ceive and deÍìne themselves_subjectively s a group of spatialry trr;

persedpersons.They speakof úemselves as 'diãspoias',meani'g rtr,rtthey have developed 'diasporic subjectivity'or

":di"rporicway.í rx .

longing" and are characterised y an orieniation to a Ãar or iáagrrr,,,lhomeland, while maintaining úeir ethnic, nationaror religious b,rrrr,,laries

over generations.The time factor is important here; we are talking aboutlongue. tlttr,,,boundary maintenance. The idea of 'boundaries' haã come to p"ray , r.,.yrole in important new lines of scholarship acrossúe social scit,rrrt.r,and has been theoreticallyelaborated. nd Ëmpiricallytested n rclrrri,rrto different categoricalgroups: class, genderìr ethnicity, for exlrrr'r.(seeLamont & Molnàr zooz). For our purposes, t is important t. rr'rt,that the result of physical mobirity might'be dispersion, but th.r rrrr,;does not automatically ead to the formaüon of à-cailed trarrsr,rt,,,,,,,tethnic or religious communities wiú a homeland orientation, rìor.r{lboundary maintenance(Barth r969) involving the preservationoí':r trrr,tinctive identity vis-à-vis he host society anã a zubjectivebelit,Í rrr ,rcommon origin (Weber 1996 frgzzl). Migrants can be transnulirrr;rlwithout participatingin ethnic or rerigiousüoundary-makingor rr'rirrrr.nance.

- 'Bounded'gronps or .groupness,

(Brubake, oo4i conrt, irrt,being through consciousand organìsedefforts by g.nerations arrtr rrr,lworks of people, and especialryby their culturáI, sociar and f.,iiri.,,telites. Such efforts involve an attachment to praceand a grourr,ri,,1=i,,,place: hey-also equire necessaryesources n terms of hnjuistic, Íìrr;rrrcial and other forms of capital.

In order to develop and maintain such diasporic 'grouprrt.ss',rrrr.main actorsof th e diasporamust interactcrosery it h irístitr i t i .rrs,1i,,veÍnments,networksand ke y persons n th e hosl . , r r r r r r .y, ' r r r , r i r r r r , r ,

they alsobui ld up networ l<s it h intcrr r l r t iorur lr ' t r ;urr r ral iorr i r lr rsl i t r rt ions n ordcr to l<lbl tyrnr l lo ol l r t , r . ; r r l i l i r ; r l or l i . l ivt . ry( l i lyr r . lw( ì t l \ l i

l ( :s () lr Mt(;t{ANls l l{ANsNAll()NAl tr0l lN4Ail{tN5

Èr €mrrt ' ' l r ivcrsi Í ìcdt t l t ' r tnsoÍ 'r ' l l r r r ici ly r r< ' l igion, s he yare n-Inlo tlrt ' <lcal <lcial lruclurcts. his docs not, however, revent

fiorn lx'ing lransnationally active through the mobilisation ofreprescntations ased upon symbolicethnicity (Gans1979) or

, llrt.rcby embedding themselveswiüin institutionalisedtrans-I rrclworl<s. As contemporary examples we could cite the

n dilspora, but also l(urds in Germany, Tamils in Europe and

nlgt tH. 'thir point n my argument,t rnigfu1makeenseo distinguish e-

eyrrlxrlicand socialboundary-making,s Lamontand MolnàrI 16lÌ) haveproposed.Symbolic oundariesare categorisatiolty ntx'ial ctoÍs o distinguishobjects, eopleand practices. hey

beilx that individuals and groups struggle over and use to agÍeede{irritions of reality. Soçialboundaries re objectified orms of so'

dlfï'erenccs manifested in unequal access o, and unequal distribu-ÕÍ, rexorrrces (material and non-material) and social opporfunities.

trattsttational ormations of diasporic character mply symbolicdery.rrraking nd maintenanceon the basisof ethnicity or religion,

do trol involve social boundary-making. Everydaynetworks are not

erint'cl by ethnic or religious social boundaries. As we will see,l: au inrportant diÍference between this and the next ideal type.

2 Loçalised obile ransnatíonalormations

ãeerorrrldcal type is characterised by more elements of mobility,tlrc scdentary aspects refirain highly relevant. We are faced

Bllrrrrlluncouslyigh levelsof rnobilityand high levelsof localan-irr rt'ceivingand sending countries.Migrants representing his

tylr lrlvc themselvesexperiencedmigration or rrraybe secondliorr rrrigrants.They move regularly back and forú between the

corrrrlry ttdthe place of origin:

for holidays, famrly obligationsltrexx rrrd s<l<ln. n the Europeancontext, Mecan think of the so-grrrsl workr:rs who arrived after World War II. Generally speak

tlrey;rlt' irrrtnigrantswho maintain ties with their countries of ori-

, trrakirrg hotrtc und host societya single arena for social action byb;rck rrrrcl ìrrth across international borders. These migrants

tL:lpale rr, ;rttcl r('iìl(ìa specifìc ype of, transnationalityby exploiting

le l r alr i t;r l l ìourdictr 9lìo) basedmainly on the principleof fami\ -

to a lerrrer ' ( 'x l ( ' r Ì1,' l l t r t ic sol iclar ig nd reciproci ty.ï l t is r r rovi r rgl ; rck tnt l i r r ' l l r s orr t ,oí ' lht .cr i ter iaha t dist inguish hi

€eel typ" l ì 'orr r l t r ' l t t t 'v i r t t ts r t r ' . ) l l r . t r l r r . r r r igrants ave a house o'tãad

1,rr xr l l r ) n l l te cotr r r l ty l oi ip, i t r , lnl ikc i r r lht ' í ì rst ideal yp

&car, larrErr ; r l ronr lr r ivt l ierrtavl a t l r r r l i r r tlurni lycl r i r r lcl t ' r . ct , hes*êl tgt tal ioi r . r lslr l r r .al ly r t r rrorr ' r l r i l l te i t t t t t t tp, t ; t l i ' t t, r t t t l l 'y, rs he

55



have heir pr incipal r t :sidcncc nainly i r r t l r t . r r t .w oir r r l ly.OÍì t ' r r l r t ,yare naturalised n the new country, thr.y . irrrr lreir rrrorrt 'y lrcre ancltheir children grow up with them in the new plact'.Ltx rlily is an impor-tant resource for building up a transnational projcr:t; in order to d<rbusiness n transnational spacesone needs resources,so resourcesar('a sign of being 'rooted' in the new country (as important as financialstart-up capital). Their locality, however, compared to the first type, isless long-lived. Their transnational patteÍns are built upon the simulta-neity of mobility and sedentariness n two diÍíerent geographical spaces.We could also say that they are integrated in networks within both send-ing and receiving countries. However, here transnational actions areless conditioned by collective Íepresentation of ethnicity or religion, andconducted mainly through úe family networks: remittances, but alsoother goods and services circulate through these social networks be-tween the receiüng and sending countries. Sometimes we can find col-lective ethno-nationalist boundary-making, for instance, through partici-pation in migrant associations. But while symbolic boundary-makingbased on ethnicity may be pÍesent, social boundaries are almost alwaysevident: domestic networks are often constrained by ethnic and/or classboundaries. This is a phenomenon that is sometimes referred to in theliterature as 'ethnic stratification', meaning that specific ethnic groups

are placed in the lowest strata n the new society.

3.2.3 Transnational obiles

With our third ideal tFpe, we have people who are more oÍ less perma-nently on the move, with low levels of local anchorage in the receivingcountry. In this case, we are no longer dealing with long-term, setúedmigrants in the Simmelian tradition (r9o8) - 'The stranger who comestoday and stays omorrow' * but a constant and continuous form of cir-cular mobility. The central element here is that mobility becomes an in-tegral part of migrants' life strategies. This tlpe of migrant does not

leave his oÍ her country with the aim of settling in another country buttends to s tay mobile in order to maintain or improve his or her qualityof life. One may think here, first of all, of highly skilled professionals -executives, international oÍïìcials, managers in multinational compa-nies, the 'transnational elite' (Sklair zoor) for whom the willingness tomove frequently can be viewed as a professional asset. But this type ofmobility is also widespread among people who are by no means highlyskilled and do not hold highly skilled jobs. Târrius (zooz) speaksof thenew nomads who, by creaüng circular territories, can simultaneouslybelong here and there. He describes, for example, how Algerians contri-bute to a thriving economic exchange between Marseille, France, andBelgium, Italy and Spain, involving a wide variety of goods, notably

l tOUnt. l rolcl,k,ctr icr l l tpl i l t r r t : t 'sr cl t ' t ' l rot t i t l ' ( luipl Ì l ( 'nt 'l 'hcy ar c not

ëhnic: untKrprcrì(ìursrr t lrc scnsc:oí ' trartsnational edentarisedmi -

Gcnts, but nomadic cntrepreneurs.They are not aiming for success

ãway íÌo- their native town, nor do they want to settle in France, Italy,

iwiizcrland or anyrvhere else. Mobility is precisely the capital that is

leeded for transnationalism ofthis kind to develop. Practicesof'shutúe

ãlgr.tion' among polish women (Morokvasic zoo'\, or 'suitcase trad-

!Ài po**t te à valiselof Tunisian wor-nen. Schmoll,zoo5) follow the

lrãre. pti".iple: a commercial activity that basically depends,on these

ïryomen's-ôt

itity skills and physical movement. To take another exam-

Dle, Moroccan women (Peraldi zooT) cross the Ceuta enclave toirÍoro..o in order to sell garments made in China, while also carrying

ãóc-.ti.t, household gáods and food items, and selling them

Ëlaewhere.The distinctive thing about úis model of transnationalism is the im-

portance of what *" ár, call 'mobility capital' for the people involved.'Notrtrty,their social capital is not based on stÍong family or ethnic rela-

tlons but on \Meak elations (Granovetter 1973): trust and solidarity are

bUilt up with friends and acquaintances rather than close relatives' To

itay *àUit., however, the migrants have to develop networks with local

lctors oÍ institutions wiúin their circulatory spaces. n this way, mobile

lnd circulating migrants also need to create 1ocal ootholds to some ex-ttnt. Some develop a collective eúno-nationalist consciousness, as with

lome 'traditional' nomadic groups, such as úe Roma (who could be

classiÍìed within this ideal type). Others, however, do not participate in

ethnic o, religious boundary-making. Here we find orientations that are

àarked by th". professional activities conducted in transnational space,

with"rry

boundãry-making (symbolic or social) taking place more along

professional lines.

3,2.4 Transnationalutsiders

Thelast ideal type is characterisedby low transnational mobility and, at

the same time, á low degree of local anchorage.Typically in Europe, asy-

lum seekers, recently ãrrived migrants from non-EU countries and

Sometimes even legai refugees Íepresent this type' These migrants do

not circulate betweãn their country of origin and the immigraüon coun-

try often because circulation is cut off due to persecution in- the home

cóuntry and, more generally,because hey do not have the right to travel

due to their legal siatus as asylum seekers. Simultaneously - and again

becauseof thelr legal status - their often limited access o iobs or other

resources in the immigration country forms an obstacle to local em-

,beddedness. Studies frõm Switzerland, for instance, show that asylum

geekersare often not integrated within Swiss society, even though they

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l ivçcl f icrc Íirr yt: lrs. At thc satrtt ' i tr lc, t l t t ly arc also cut ofï 'Í iom

transnational umihcs (l(arnrn, líìonayiMâder,Neubauer,Wanner

Zannol zoo1l,with their dailynetworks onsistingmainlyof peopl

lng in the same egalsituation or of local ethnic or family relations.

national ethnic and family relations are importanf however, peo-

Characterisedby this tipe of weak transnationalism cannot build up

transnational fietds between the country of origin and the new

as they have neither úe resources nor the capital to do so, and

imes they aÍe not even in a position to send remittances.

Other groups that could be included in úis ideal type are some undo-migrants, at least úose who live in an immigration country

Sfd are integrated into its (informal) labour market. We can think, for

httance, of domestic workers, who possess ow degrees of local ancho-

lêge because hey do not hold a residence permit. They might circulate

ülôre often between their country of origin and the immigration coun-

ü,y than the asylum seekers - v/ith spouses and children often staying

behind - but circulation is not a form of capital úey can rely on, as it is

h the case of the third ideal type discussed above. We might speak in

ütiS caseof weak transnational arrangements, mainly related to úe fact

tlfet the migrants either have no legal right to reside in úe immigration

lountry or ãlr" onlya precarious one. This highlights an important diÊ

flrence with regard to úe other ideal types considered in this chapter

md reminds us úat the dynamics of transnaüonality are always inti-

mately related to the migration policies of European states.

t.3 Thedynamics f transnationalisms

Having introduced the typology, it can now be illustrated by means of

three casestudies. The first involves a professional group, cabaret dan-

Cers,while the second conceÍns Albanian- speaking migrants from for-

mer Yugoslavia and úe third, Armenians in Switzerland. The aim is to

bring to light the processualdimensions of transnationality by askingthe iollowing: how does each ideal tlpe evolve and which factors influ-

ence úe emergence, installation and disappeaÍance of the populations

under studyl Also of interest here is how mobility and locality shap

thesedifferent transnational formations.

3.3.1 Cabaretdancersn Switzerland

In Switzerland today, we can Íìnd virfually no Swiss citizens dancing in

any of the 35o cabarets hroughout the country cabaret dancers ale ex

,clusively migrant women. Around 6,ooo cabaret dancers enter (an

leave) the country each year. Whereas in the r98os, half the dancer

lANlNli l )Al l tNtrt l t l AMI(13 t, N4l( , t i ' l tANsNAll{ tr r n s



ci , ì r Ì r ( ' l rorn ourì l . i ( 's rr Wcslr . r . r r1rr l .1x. ,ry -r ,o5 l l r is Í ìgtrn, ur t l lr ,cl ined to 2 per c( ' Í r t . ' lbduy, ; r l lorr rl r r t ' r , t ; r r r r . r r ' , . *, , í1, , 'yu, , , ,g , , , , , " , ,come from Ëastern Europc an d r l r t . r t isr í i< l r r r i ' r r t rul arci s,r r r r rAmerica an d Asia. Thesedancers eprcs(,íÌt hr:tcr.gcnc'us gr.r1r ;rrrr lembody a particular form of female mobility that corìespond, u ,,,,, rypology to the transnqtional nobíles.However, as we will s€e, thcrt,;rr.some women who could be considered trqnsnationa.loutsíd.ers,trurothers who could be viewed as moving towards other transnari'r;rlforms.'

Let us first turn to úe question of how the dancers become - lrrrrlstay- mobile. Three elementscan be highlighted: the dancers,ecoÍÌorlic moÌivations, specific characteristicsof the transnational sex ndusrrvan d dancers'legal situations n switzerrand. would like to disr.rrs:.each ofthese factors in detail.

The reasons motivating dancers to become mobile are without exct,rrtion economic, and their mobirity can be considered as an..ono,,,ï,strategy.These women's economic aspirationscan be put into practirr,and implemented thanks to transnational netwo.ks anã people alreadyinvolved in úe transnational sex industry. The women'whã come rowork as nightclub dancers in switzerland are mainry recruited rryfriends or acquaintances who already have some experience in the sr.xindustry in migration terminology, we are talking abãut a kind of chairrmigration (Fawcett 1989).-Acqlaintances play an important role as go-betweens o the agencies hat find jobs aiúe dancers.No dancer s di-rectly engaged by a cabaret in Switzerland; the cabarets work throuslragencies that present them with photos and short descriptions of tìi.prospective dancers. cabaret owneÍs then choose the women they wanlto hire and it_is the agencies that arrange the papers and contracis, als<rtaking care of visas for úe women.

Placement agents - úe second link in the chain after acquaintances- are embedded in transnational networks of nightclubs land perhapsother services within úe sex industry), and can tÍerefore pl"c" ih" *o-

men in different countries. we shoukí note that úis explains t o* ro-"of úe dancers become transnationar players through mobility. A goodthird of the women interviewed had ãkeady workà as dancérs in an-other country - many in fapan, others in Lebanon, South Korea,Bulgaria, Italy or Australia - so they are, in a sense, worrd traveners,. Itshould be further noted that it is not only the networks of placementagencies that give úe sex industry its transnational charact"" bt..rt

"lrohe local demand for migrant sex workers. In our intervìews, nightclubowners mentioned that there was a speciÍìc demand by crients io, *o-men from Eastern Europe because they are well educated,3 an and!19n1e

They are regarded as the íupper class, among sex workers.Ethnicised and'racialised' gender reprãsentations

circulate worldwide

Ëfçate t l t ' t rur t t t li r t wott t t ' t twi t l r s1x' t ' i í ì t " l txr l<s' ,t t td l r t 'sc t l lnic

*lel lal r rurgi rurr i t 'st t l tkt ' t l ) l ) l t l l rl Í lh<' ransrrat i< lnalharactcr f

lndurtry.nlly, lrt, t 'gislation n Switzcrlandwith regard o permits or these

oÍ'darrct'rs brccs the women to be continuously on the move andtorrlrillutcs to the mobile character of their transnationality.

dsrrr't'rs cceivespecificshort-term residencepermits, commonly

âs ir 'cJuncer's ermit'. At present, this permit is granted for a

rr oÍ'cight months a yeaÍ, after which time the dancer has to

ãwitzt,rland or four months beforeshe can come back o work in a, OÍìcn women come to Switzerland for several years, returning

or llavclling elsewhere for a few months, úus circulating around

flkrbe, In addition to this global circulation, these women move every

h to a different cabaret within Switzerland as úe contract tying

to ortt: particular cabaretgenerally asts for only one month.

In.ckrpth analysis reveals how, in order to be able to continue to

, llrc dancers develop local footholds, at least sporadically, in the

context. Dancers are in very precarious situations becauseoftheir

tory trajectories - limitations imposed by their residence status,

of' knowledge of the national languages and of their rights - and

êntr(ìpreneurial transnational operating space available to them is

'lctecl;his leaves em constantlyon the boundarybetweenegalitlllegalexploitation.After variouscases f exploitationwerepublicly

in Switzerland, regulations were put into place to spell out the

ment and residence conditions for cabaret dancers, aimed ating these women from illegalities and exploitation. These regula-

notwithstanding, however, almost all cabaret dancers engage, at

íïom time to time, in activities that do not appeaÍ in their work

Ëntrect, or that are explicitly forbidden. They work longer hours and

ãore írequently than their contract allows; they break the rules by en-

!ãUraging customer:s o drink alcohol (chiefly champagne), as they are

Éetr given a percentage of the caÍé ownet's margin on alcohol sales;

Fd thcy oÍíer sexual services both during working hours and in theirãçe tirne, something they are also not allowed to do. The dancers thus

ãnd themselves n a legal vacuum that places úem beyond úe reach of

€Êntrols or legal protection and in the informal sector of the economy.

It lr important to note, however, that dancers make their principal fi-

*acial gains through the additional services hat they offer illegally.a In

Ctort, this is where these women's economic incentives often lie, for in

fret these activities are undertaken to some extent on their own initia-

dve, demonstrating the economic nature of their mobility and their en-

ãËpreneurial ethos.We shouldbear n mind, however, hat úe story s more subtleúan

It may seem.The discrepancy etweenaw and practice n the dancers

lANlNlr l lAl l lNl ' t ÌN BYNÀMl( s ol fvl l ( : l {ANl\ l l lAN\NAll í}NAl l{ì l {MAllr tNì



worl( Ì ì i ty lso lx ' t l r t ' t 'sul toÍ tot ' t ' t orr wlr r l l r r . txl t 'nrr r r i r rgr 'orr r r r lsidepressures r í ì si tuat ior t í 'c l t 'pt ' r r t l t ' r r ryl t .xphr i l ; t l iorrr r rt ' l r l iol r ocabaretmanagers, lacement gcnci t 's r ' ( ,v( ,n l i r ,nls.Wlt t , r r l r is s l l r r -case, he dancers ind themselvesn an incxtriculrk'si lutt ion arrd lrt,r,r,,condit ionsare a seriousbarrier to their mobil i ty. Most oÍ'the dnrrr.r:;are, so to speak,walking a tightrope. This is particularly true for wotÌr(.rlwho come to Switzerland for the first time. A considerableportiort olthe dancers come to Switzerland 1'ustonce and never Íeturn. These women do not develop along úe transnational ruobíIesype, but rather, rrr

tersect with the fourth t)?e: transnational outsiders. Finally, somc olthem simply fall outside úe transnationalism paradigm: they movr.once, they stay once, ÍeÍlrn and then stop circulating.

V/e might ask, úen, what are úe conditions that enable some w()men to profit from a situation that we could label 'opporfunist capitrrlism'? In order to be able to exploit these opporfunities in this legal grt,yarea, women must establish a whole series of vertical, locally anchon.tlrelations. The women who are able to exploit the uncertainties of thcirsituations and achieve their economic ambitions are the ones who, rrrthe course of their stay in Switzerland, manage to create and build rrlrsocial capital consisting mainly of weak ües with (good) agencies, (dr,cent) cabaret owneÍs, clients, non-government organisations and othcldancers. This allows them to accessa wide range of important informr"tion, and their various contacts help them increase their income antldeal with the precarious natuÍe of their situations. They can avoid ex-ploitation and stay mobile, and they get to know where they can eanlthe most money with the fewest risks. These dancers come back agairrand again to Switzerland, while also leaving to go dance in other coun-tries. In other words, this kind of local anchorage s a condition for stay-ing mobile; Iheir 'savoir bougel is conditioned on getting to know thcright people in the immigration country.

As we have noted, however, not all women circulate and none oí'them circulates forever, as cabaret dancing is a job that can be donc

only by youngeï women. While some women go back, others try to set-tle in Switzerland through marriage (the only way open to them). Someof those interviewed in our study were married in Switzerland, andmay well have been in the couÍse of developing different relations tothe country of immigration that would place úem within another trans-national pattern.

In further specifying the trqnsnatíonal mobíle type, I is important tostate that while they establish local footholds in Switzerland, they mustat the same time maintain transnational ties in order to be able to con-tinue to circulate. Dancers Íeturn home on a regular basis, and somedancers regularly send remittances to their children or to their familiesat home. We could speak n this case of transnational

families dispersed

êt tome.

:pêce, , r r rpl rusisi r rgl r t , í i r<t hrt t l r is idt ' r l tyPc, ikc typc t lutr tbcr

f, ' r . ; ì r rurrd rrsrral ly il l i t r r t rclc ratrsnat ional inship obl igat ions

danr.crswith rrrorc ndividualiscdprojectsalso send heir money

but thcy intcnd to invest ìt later in their country of origin, mostly

lltt' iclcaof building up a small business. Again, what counts is

rrrolrility s used heré in order to improve lifestyleand socialstand-

Ëlnally, it is important to note that we did not find any kind of ethnic

lUp fìirmation processes aking place among the women interviewed.

can be important for these women, but it is expressedon an

Jal level and there was no collective ethnic group-making among

Russians or the Ukrainians or other dancers on nationalist grounds.

ãfily .ottr".t in Switzerland was essentially professional in nature and

fuL ptr." with oúer dancers, clients and so on. TÏansnational net-

on the other hand, were either of a family character oÍ estab-

khe.l *ittt oúeÍ actors embedded in the transnational sex ndustry.

l,J,r Albanian-speakingigrants n Switzerland

&klng a historical perspective on the migration pÍocesses of Albanian-

lpeskìng migrants from former Yugoslavia, t is interesting to note that

it .rn ot r"*" different types of transnationality that have developed

ãtitr the course of úis group's migration to Switzerland. In fact, we can

g*ntify several of the ideal types discussed above. In a first phase,

#banianr arrived as temporary and seasonal workers, circulating be-

*reen Switzerland and their places of origin, as in the third ideal type

dl:cussed above. Later on, they setúed down, brought their families to

Sfltzerland and developed a localisedmobile transnatíona.I ype. Finally,

€Ver the last few years, we have witnessed the emelgence of elements

ê€ localísed iasporíc ransnational orunations.Until the r9-8or, Albanians who arrived in Switzerland from former

lfugoslavia as seasonal workers were mostly young men' They- came

fforn rutal and poor regions, worked mainly in unskilled jobs and oftenllved in barracks with other foreign workers. Their objective was to earn

lAgney to overcome economic hardship at home and to return after a

fËW ears o their families. At that time, their transnational way of being

wes marked by mobility in many ways. First of all, they had a seasona

pËrmit úat forced them - like the dancers - to circulate between'Switzerland and their homeland; after nine months of work in

ãwitzerland, they had to leave the country for at least three months'

õecond, úe migrants often did not migrate only to Switzerland, but

Worked n other countries as well (e.g. Germany) or in the northern re-

publics of former Yugoslavia (e.g. Slovenia). Their radius of circulation

includedthus diÍïerent regions andlor countries (Schierup 1995; Mesic

lANtNt i t rAl i lNlrt N nYNAN4lt \ Mll i l lANl\ l l(ANìNArrr r r \ / \ l



r992). l 'h i fd, t lr t 'yarr ivt 'd n Swilzt ' r ' l : rrrr lr r ; r i r r lylr touglr t(( l l l i t in l i ln(' r ' i ,

neighboursor othcr Í irrn i ly rrrorr lrc lswlro lu ltrrr l4ct lo l ls í ì r r t l r r , r t r .Again,as n the caseof the danccrs, lr t 'yoÍicrrcrrrrr , xrc l<<lwor'k orth e same enterprise he follow ing year, ravirrg .slablishcd ocal Íirolholds that allowed them to stay mobile while maintaining the epìccrrllr,of their life in Kosovo. Fourth, we are dealing here with transnatiorr;rlfamilies, as the wives or úe children of the workers stayed behirrrl(Dahinden zoosa, zoojb; Von Aarburg zoozl.

A fifth and Íìnal element deserves special attention. In the first phlst,

of migration, no strong Albanian ethnic or national group formatiorlcould be identiÍìed, nor were these workers categorised by the Swiss p<rpulation as Albanians';úey weïe seen simply as Yugoslavs. his is mirrored, for instance, in the fact that it was not vrrIll r97g that the firstAlbanian association, Perparimi, was founded as a section and its meet-ings were held in the already existing premises of the YugoslavAssociation in Zurich.

Soon, however, the transnational formations of the group in questiorrstarted to change. From the r98os on, the political and economic situa-tion in former Yugoslavia overall, and specifically in Kosovo, deterio-rated drastically. In the aftermaú of Tito's death in r98r and the aboh-tion of Kosovo's autonomous status in 1989, the ensuing political un-

rest directly increased emigration pressuÍes. At the same time, with theshift in immigration policies in Switzerland, and specifically with theimplementation of the 'three circles' model in r99r,5 the recruitment oÍ'workers from former Yugoslavia was no longer possible. These immi-gÍants weÍe now ca tegorised as members of the third circle and had noright to obtain work permits. As of that moment, immig ration toSwitzerland from former Yugoslaúa was possible only through seekingasylum or through family reunification. Confronted not only with eco-nomic hardship, but also with increasing political unÍest at home, theAlbanian workers slowly abandoned their plans for returning anddecided instead, whenever possible, to bring their families to

Switzerland. Meanwhile, many of these workers had experienced a kindof 'permit career'; after a few years as seasonal workers, they receivedan annual permit úat entitled them to bring their wives and children toSwitzerland and, later on, a residence permit, a mechanism that hasbeen very accurately abelled 'the seasonal opensesame"' Leuenberger &Maillard ry99: zz). As a consequence, ince 1989 there has been a stea-dy increase in the Albanian population from former Yugoslavia inSwitzerland through chain migration, and a feminisation of the migra-tion flow has been observed Piguetzoo5).

This was thus the first sign of the development of a locqlisedmobiletrransnationallly.Albanians did not stop circulating between their piaceof origin and Switzerland; such movements were interrupted only by

Ott t l r r t . r l i Í l l r r .w l r r i t l t ' rott. l t tdt ' t 'd ,Al lxrt l i i rrr r t igt ' l t t t lsl r r i l t hcir

ãeri rt l(<lsovo,( ' t l l ' t ' l t t i l l l t r t t ' t 'srtrc l crtt lr t ' rc t:gularly n holidays

i n, tì,ttit arnily bligalions<>warclshr:irparcnts nd siblings' hi s

ãrrrutronalìclcl clicàmainlyon family elations nd mutualsupport

I reciprocity.This support turned into an obligation as the situation

Kn*,,un ncreasinglyããterioratedafter 1995' In addition' from r98o

ãwor,l, politically motivated immigration could be observed' Members

ãã tU. tit,io"alist elite among Albanian.students were i"t1t*tl^c]lf:-

úecland forced to leave iorouo (Malcolm 1999)' Europe' and esp.e-

y íwitzerlandwith itsalreadv stablished

fb"tol: -Y:S:Ï'J]i;ËilJ;;rri-"ryr"À seekers*iwng-from ormeryugoslavia.' Iïú *i,fti" the diÍferent epublics f formerYugoslavia1 ü:

,oTFlrF wlt lr l lr Lr rE urr rLrLrrL - ----- "- 6

Èieakof the war in Kosovo n 1998led to a phaseof mass emigration'"-

The developments in the r99ãs triggered new (syrnbolic and social)

Èeurrdary--aking pÍocesses^Áorrgthã

former Yugoslav migrants along

Ëhni. hrr", andïe saw the"pp"ã'"ttt"

of a strong Albanian-national-

ij* ltt well as a strong Serbiin one)' Ethnicity was now úe language'

ã*.:n.y and category rïr"d to legitimate action by the migrants wiü re-

ffrd to their lives in Switzerlanã' btlt"lto

with regard to the events in

ilài, tor""r"nd. A new form of solidarity based on ethnic criteria - a

üãìna"a sohdarity of destiny _ developed and culminated in the mass

ãobilisation of Albanian -igr"rrt, in hometown association projects,€ollective remiüances and hrimanitarian projects' long-term nationalist

iãiio"t as well as lobbying and political work' During this time' a part

ãf tbratrim Rugova,s iotõ.'", Ë*iled and resided in Switzerland, and

the political actors worked between Switzerland and Kosovo úrough

iletworks of úe Albanian associations'

Inshort,overthisperiod,twoelementsthatarepartofal 'ocal iseddía,poir"-rro"t"otionat fàrmatíon cleatly emerged' First' we witnessed the

rise of ethnic .orrr.ìo.rsn.ss (which was dialectic' in the sense that the

KosovoAlbanians were now also identified by úe Swiss as 'Albanians')'

elongwiththeappearanceofeúno.politicsandnationalismandthede-

velop'-"tt tofanethnic 'groupness' 'Second' theseprocesses\MeÍeaccompanied by an institutiãnaúsation of transnational networks, also an

ilü;; f"átor" of diasporic transnational aïrangements. The l(osovo

Álú"rri"r* formed l0cal and international networks with humanitarian

inrtitotiorr., development agencies and so on (Iseni zooS)' A decisive

moment in the crystallisatún of the 'diasporic' aspect was^wiúout

a

Jo"rri,rr" lobbying of Swiss and international organisations. or the in-

ããf"ta"n." of Ko"sovo.A furúer illustration is to be found in a cere-

*árry ,o which I was recenúy invited b1 the 'Kosovar Diaspora' - as

in"y ia""tined themselves in úeir invitation letter. This ceremony was

org'""lr"a by the elite representatives of the l(osovo Albanian populatiorr

in-switzerland and the Republic of Kosovo,who úshed to express hcir'

lANlNl l)A li lNl ' l ll

bll ,YNAMl( li 0l r Ml(; l tANlf i ' l l iANl iNAl l l rNAl | | rl t Ì \ lAl l í rl t ' i



66

thanks to th e city of 'Zurich ìlr srrp l lor ' l i t tglr l tr l t l t 'pcl l( l( ' l l ( ( 'oí ll c

Republic f I(osovo.During this cvcnl, (osovo ìtt 's ir l t ' t t l i l l t r t r i IScit l i r t

prËsentedhe Zurich city councilan d th c Swiss rtirrislt'r ir r íbrt' igrr rl

iairs with a memorial tablet n the name oÍ'thc l(.sttvrr Diaspora.

we should note, however, hat while 'diasporic' elementscan bc itlt'il

tified in úe discourse of Kosovars, particularly in regard to politit:rl

transnationalpractices, n other realms we observe ewer transnatiorr;rl

practices. Many of the Kosovo Albanians in Switzerland are affectt'tl lrv

èconomic marginalisation as well as discrimination. Despite an incrt';trring number oi targeted ntegration measures, his migrant populaliorr

anã their children are affected by strong discrimination in the lalrorrr

market (Fibbi, Kaya & Piguet zoq). some live in precarious circttttt

stances and many are unemployed, especiallywomen. Furtherntot,',

although more and more Albanians from former Yugoslavia are bt'irr1i

given ãitizenship, a large segment still lacks Swiss nationality. ln llrrr;

ã"rrr", *" codã speak of the absence of 'sedentarising' capital tlr;rt

might be responsitle for the fact úat transnational fields are lx'irr1i

soriewhat hesltantly developed n only a few domains by Albani:rrrr;

For instance, in the economic realm, aside from remittances,we Íìrlrl

only a veryfew specifically ransnationaland ethnic businesses.wht'llr(.r

in úe Swiss or in transnational contexts. These immigrants ofterr th,

not have the resources(financial, rights, etc.), ocally or transnatiort:rlly,

to build up such transnational ields (Dahinden zoo5b)' We might t'vt'tr

say hat the most marginalisedof them have developedno more tìlttr 't

foim of weqk loçalísed.mobite ransnationalíty. they are neither well irrlr'

grated into the local structures nor, most importantly, do they circrrl;rl,'

ú"t ."r, the two countries. They are transnational kinship gÍoups as (l('

scribed by Faist (zoooa), but they do not build up stable ransnaliorr,rl

fields, and lack local anchorage hat could explain he 'absent ransali.tr

alism' in, for instance, he economic realm'

In sum, this example points to the possibility úat different itlt',rl

types can coexist simultaneously or can, over the couÍse of time, rt'llllrt t'

"".t.ìott"r. what the future will bring - assimilation, ong-term llotttr,l

ary maintenance or something in between - is not yet l<rtowil

Furthermore, the example of Kosovo Albanians in Switzerland sltowr:

that personsdo not,naturally'form a 'grol1p'in a sociological enst' rrrrl

b"."rrr" they come from the same country of origin.. This casc slrr,lv

also highlights the fact that it is not only the context of immigt:rli,,rr

that shãpes ransnational ormations, but also he locality of the c<>rrrrlrv

of origin. For instance,so-calledethnic conflicts n I(osovohad llrt'ir r'l

fectsú th e Albanian community in Switzerlanclttrtl ottlribtrlt'cl o llrc

development f diasporic lcmcnts n th c lnrrtstt ; t l iott ; t ll t l i l t ìFÌ( ' l t ì( ' l r l : l

l,t,l l 'hcArmenianiusporant ) ewArwteniunigrantsn Switzerland

fre lhirtl 'xllttrplc iglrlights nothc:rspcct f'theprocessualharacter

ãf tratlltritti.nal ìrrnraticti," n'p"tt thai s relatedo a time dimension

*êd tltrt'sliort,nf nrot'iiif'and làcality'Migrantsarrivingconsecutively

futlu ,,''.' rtrtd he ,"*";di;; ã""a"p di#erentkinds of transnational-Ëii,itri.,"t, whichcancauseensionswithin these amegÍoups'

In rlrt' :asefn'-tìl*' migration: t-l",T.P:1ry:n:r.:ï"";

*Ïì.llll,,:ïiï.ï#ililìoorpï"."durllgwortdwar notonlved

ãriì. ìt,,t i. deathof "ffto*111t"]r r'5 million Armenians'but also e-

lulte(l rÌ rhc ormatiorïãr" gtoua'Armenian iaspora, hich.today n-

ifriì tt,**i.' diaspora tahrs' ronically' he most recentmigrationmove-

Fetttl lrom Armema h"u" toi"tid"á *itft the creationof an indepen-

&ilt Arrncnianstate ú" aftermathof the collapse f the USSR n

l9gr, Sirrrc he-independencef Armenia'"pp'o*i*"t"1y

a quarterof

lS poprrlationhas teft the countÍy (Bachmann' Dahinden' Kamm'

*ffiìl;ì:ì,,iiü,'ïr,"*,ans belongint9 ^nadentifyinghemst'I

rÉth tl e A . rt,' a. di;;;;;", ; ;ánï highly qualifiedproíì'ss''; ;r

frr l lng ot' slrrclyi t lgn Switzerlãnatf special ists'usici l rtrs'rt l rt i l

Hologists ,,, ' .1 , g""f, ' wh o arrived s asylum eel<t'r 'sl);r l rt i rr l

*ul i l l i , "1;1s1'l At t t t t ' t t i r t t rtsvl t t r t t. cckcrs 'he irst

: l : ' , ' : ì l :1. ' : 'l ' , : : : " ''

l l t l reIy l rer l |1 l t' t ' t l t t lw i tl rw l r ic l r t l rcyarcadmit tedt< lSwt l ;l : | | . I t l I t| !1.

ThIe l r ; i t1 t r t l r r l l , | ; t r r l, | . Í i . r. ts lt t l I t t ' l rt ' l iv it i t .s thcy art ' l t | | r rwt . . I ll I l i l | | |F l

ãh e lt r swi lzer l ; r r r r l rr wr. l l;t s ot t l l t t ' i t lut t ts t t l t l iot l l t lw l ry ol l r | t l iEt att t l

l leulratrt'r Perrin oo4)'

Itt Switzerlana," 'igãincant

gÍoup of Armenians alsoarrivedfrom

ïbrheydtrring r.r" 9zJs,-seeftitt!.to""p" the brutalevents f úe war'

* secorrd roup of Armenian migrants a1lved over the couÍseof the

ïgã;; ;;i;e7t' rr'it j'o"p *"J.p"{ of theflow of rurkish migrant

ffittrel's looking to'"-"ploy-ent P

Europe'The third movementof

k*rertilrr rnigrants o iwiizerland is composed rimarily-9f.:ü'""t

fon, llrc newly li"p""a""t .Republicof Armenia' Unlike the

A:tìlettilrrrsto ,""tnJ-i-it"'t""à as Turkishguestworkers n the

Ë; ;ìil tg7os, he most recentor 'new' Armenian migrants were

ËBlttrorrtt,cl ith the lrr.r""rirrgty Í,estri.ctivemmigration policies of

ÊuÍtt1t",,tt:ountries. *ït'"tf""à'ieplaced its relativelyiberal admission

pllty irr r9ll9, asmentìtìed earliËr' nd he new policyofferededuca-

üetts a d *ur,. oppo"-""iti"' "l*o'texclusively.o highly,qualified or-

ãig;t;. i'.,t,r,,qrràttÌy, ince 1989' Armenian mmigrantshave Deen

dtlrrr rrrr.rrrlrorsf' , ;r;i"*i"á Élit".o, a quitedissimilar ype of mi-

$ãttl: ltsylrrrrrcekerswho live under very differentconditionsnãïltarrhrrrd' lt is now fossible to distinguish thr-eegÍoups of

i!tt*',ì'',,- I vi.n in' *it"J"nd' mirrorint,t* i:*1"";*:i,:]l

'ANlNlil )Al l lNr) l ,N It i (' t Mt{; l{AN'l s ' l ' l {ANsNAl' , l ( ìNAl lr()RfúAll( ,Nr



act i t ì9. ' l ' l t t ' r l t t t ' t t iat t syl t t tn t ' t ' l icr r i r ípol i r . n in i t sl r r r ly orrr l r r rr.r lin zoo3 (Bachmanrr t al . zoo4.) r r í í t . r ' t , r lronr l r t - urr ' r ' r . l i r i r ì lyí ' l l r r , r rsituation,which in some cascs hurl l lsrt,r l r.r' yt ' lr ls. r 'rrcyoíìt 'rr t, rpressed feelingof shame, nferiorityancl solir l iorr.l was not [rt 'r ' lrr lrçof their 'Armenianness' that they felt inÍèrior arrd urrcasy, owevt'r., rrrlbecauseof their legal status as asylum seekers.They had no pr.Ír,'sional or oúer prospects n switzerland, úey were not locally anch.r.t.rl,they could not circulate or be internationally mobile and, at the srrrrrr.time, they did not develop stable transnational relations with their c.rrrrtry of origin. We might

speak n this caseo{ trqnsnatíonal outsiders.The type of transnational pattern developedamong young, higlrlvskilled Armenians was different. They defined themselves first as ;r,,,fessionalsand it was their professionálnetworks that were of relevarrrt,for their daily activities, as well as for their identity classifications lrrtlsymbolic boundary work. They spoke several languages, had well-prrirljobs and, should the job require it, were willing to move to other corrrrtries - as some had already done. They worked on multinationar tearr*;and could be called highly skilled globetrotters. Their aspirations Íì'staying in switzerland were professional in nature and based on a trr.sire for professional qualifications and selÊrealisation. The capital irrquestion here is educational, but also the potential for being mobilt..

We could say that they represenl the trqnsnatíonalmobile type.Finally, we have the so-calledArmenian diaspora that in our typolotrly

represents he localiseddiasporictransnational type. These Armeniarrsmake considerable ideological efforts in order to conceive of *reir conrmunities as ideally continuous wiú the populations of diasporas irrother nation-states and wiú the homeland. They lobby the Swiss government on behalf of úeir homeland (for instance, for oÍficial recogrìrtion of the genocide), and they devote funds and human resources roassist or influence the economy, culture and politics of the homelantl.The actors of úis diaspora are embedded in an institutional networkthat is very dif[erent from the one in which the highly skirled are rr-volved. Not unlike the dancers

and their placement agencies, the latt.rrely on different sources for recruitment and placement, whereas tht,institutional network of the diasporic actors is more governmental irrcharacteÍ' In other words, they actively engage in syrnbolic boundarywork based on ethnicity, despite the fact that their daily networks art'not characterised by ethnic homogeneity. They are locally integraterlinto the social structure; mostly they are swiss citizenr or r".o.rd- u,.third-generation migrants.

This example úus not only shows the possibility of different transn'-tional morphologies exisüng simultaneously within one and the samt'group of citizens, but also how these forms can become contradictory.First of all, as Bjôrldund (zoq) has written, Armenians in the diasporu

laai ly () l l r r , r ,l i i rslxr I i t t ,ol lk ' )r r t ' t , rnpk'cl. t ( )Ì l i r r l< í tht ' i r dispt ' r -

Ãs , . . , .1r t , ,1r1, ,rr l r t ,slxl ' t^rrr

l r r r l r r tcrra6lcrr th . l .ng run. Only

Aftnerri l irrArtrtt:ni l twil l l tc ablc to guarantee he survivalof the

EËïrlutrs.l irrr igrantArmcnians' arouse hereforemixed feelings,as

!Ìrlalts r(Ì not 'supposed' o be emigrants' Second, t can be stated

the establisheddiaipora has but little in common with the new

arr rnigrants, both historically and úth regard to their contem-

liíì, abïoad. Few close contacts exist between the diaspora and

Frw itnmigrants from Armenia. What Ishkanian (zoozl pornts out

àulor citieJwith huge Armenian communitiel,sulh as Los Angeles

dett'llrancisco, also applies o Switzerland' Although new Armenian

ituttr* tlu" in places itãttittg established diaspora communities and'

ãi*r*, t"".At

from establiihed diaspora nstitutions and organisa-

BF, hey generally emain on the margins of these communitiesas

n,' áuisld"r, iarely, if ever,participating n communal life' The

who are new to the host .oútttry are sometimesdisappoinied o

to admit that cultural distance from contemporary Armenia is

higher among members of the diaspora than among new immi-

cnmmurritiesl As the Republic of Armenia was paÏt of the USSR

to becoming independent, thoÊe who lived in Armenia. exn11i-

d more thanTo years of comrnúnist rule, whereas Armenians liv-

ln the diaspora weÍe not expdsed to Soúet influence' Armeniansively perceive this factor io be otte of úe causes for úe diÍíer-

in'culture' or'mentalitY'.

Conclusion

lblr chapter,s attempt to establish four ideal types of_transnational for-

ãutor* based on ttre dimension of mobility and locality is intended to

üt,lr.r, what sffikes me as a pressing problem in contempotary migta-

ããu ,"a mobility studies. Migration studies too often focus either on

nut iliry or on lácahty, but foiget to look at-boú dimensions simulta-

neortfy and at úeir articulations' The qpology I propose here.might

iiì; ;, to think úrough 'mobility lenses', in line with the ideas of

õiry 12o"7; and his new mobility paradigm emphasising the complex

ii.iio"r t .t*."n different mobilities. However, we also need constantly

b b.", in mind that locality is as important in analysing these transna-

àonal formations as is mobility. Mobility ends in the development of

ipecin. ffansnational forms after or during migration, but in ord,er o

ú!ao*. 'transnational', migrants must touch down somewhere' From

the case studies, it appears that transnational practices and formations

Êênnotdevelop separaielybut are linked to the constraints and opportu-

ãities i-poreã by specific contexts' Not having a residence permit' for

twr lANlNn r^i l tNt) t !N it i ( l !r Mtcl lAN'. ls ' ' l 'aANSNAl' . loNAl lrol iMÀll( lNl i i 71



cxaÍnpl( : , night al low ar r t , thnic group cons( orrsners o cf t ,ve1lp,l r r lcould hinder th e developÍner ' ì tlÍ ' tabl t ' nrr rsrr l l iorr i r lì r . lds rr ot l r t . rrealms.TransnationaÌmigrantsare, so to spcal<,rrrabk'tocscapc lrt, irlocal contexts.

By reminding us to track mobility and rocality simultaneously, thc rypology can provide concrete ideas about the articulation betweán trarrsnaüonality and integration. For example, in the current debate over h<lwpÍocesses of migrant incorporation in the host country and the estarr-lishment of transnational spaces are related, transnaúonarity is oftcrrseen either as an alternative

to integration or as the cond,ition of beir13'integrated' in the host country and the country of origin at the samt.time (e.g. Dahinden zo-o9; Waldinger & Fitzgerald rool4y. The rlpologyreveals that we are in faci'not dearing here úth

","ro-rrr- game: th,,

best-anchored social actors in our aãarysis - for instance, áiasporic,Armenians - provide evidence of a high transnational engagement'evenwhile they are themselves not particularly mobire at att. Ãnãúer tellingexample is the case of localised mobile transnational formations thatdispllr a contemporaneous and double integration within two contextssimultaneously.

My final remark concerns the regulatory power of úe state. Thecase studies reveal that úe state is a principaf

".to,

for all of úe idealtFpes examined. The conditions attached to the 'dancer's permit, arenot only a result of Switzerland's eúnicised and gendered migrationpolicy they are simultaneously crucial for the forr.rãtion of úe óecifictransnational arrangements of the dancers. The same can be àia orArmenian asylum seekers, but also of the Albanians. while I do notmean this result to be interpreted as confirmation of romantic primor-dialism, or as a sign of longJasting or dormant ethnic or national feel-ings, it is important to note úat the state and related ethnic and ,ra-cial' categories (still) possess considerable power to inflect hetero- andauto--identiÍìcation processes in úe modein globalised world and toproduce processes of exclusion and inclusion. st"t", may be losing so-vereignty

with regard to úeir ability to reg'late socio-economic ieali-ties or social networks, but when it comes to membership and identifi-cation (and access o territories as well as the rights that go with this),they remain determinant. Likewise, nation-state and ethriic categoriesaÍe not things of the past, but play a major role in shaping the" corr_tempoïary world, even under contemporary conditions of gloialisation.This means that we have to take the 'nation' in transnatiãnalism veryseriously indeed.

{

I

Thern in arro l lu ,r 'y lx, l l t i r t r r ist,s ì-orn i :o tnb ination í ' low transnationalmobiÌ i ty

in*t t,tgt, lcvt,ls Í i.,.,r1 .,,l,urag" in the receivingcountry. However, t is not related

iu u ,rr i,"g c.llct.tivc cthnic and/or religiousconsciousness, ut to a low or altogether

rbre,t ,,,,ì.- or to iclentifìcationwith ethnic categories fthe new country' This cas

e0ttkl lu,consiclcrecl s the ideal typical form of assimilation according o the dimen-

:lt,rrn .lcvclopccl by Cordon (1964). Here we do not speak of a 'transnational

fbrnra lor Í.'l'hln rcction is based on a study carried out in Switzerland in zoo5 (Dahinden &

ttanlr aoo6), in which we conducted 7o intewiews with cabaret dancers and twenty

*ttt t."y p.rrorls from federal and cantonal authorities, employment agencies and

llglt.ltibs. The dancers came from eleven different countries, with +q being from

l{ur lernEurope.'[,lte interviews did in fact reveal that, in contrast to úe dancers from Latin America

end 'fhailand, dancers from Eastem Ëuropean countries have an above-averageevel

oí'education; some even had a university degree' This means that most of the

Ëantern European women working in cabarets in Switzeriand come from a middle-

elunsbackground, i.e. fiom families with high cultural capitaÌ'

Our inteúews reveal that through these services, they earn an extÌa CHF r'ooo

$onth on average(approximately € 6oo)'

Thc three circles model established regional priorities in úe admission of immi-

grlnts as follows: from EU and EFTA states as the 'first circle" from the uS, canada,

Ãustralia and New Zealand as the 'second circle' and fiom ai1other countries ofori-

gln as the 'third circle'.ii should be noted that after úe war and in the context of retum programmes, a sig-

niÍìcant number of Kosovo-Albanian asylum seekers did return home'

ttm"l



ChapterInrtrumentalisingiasporasor development:

' InternationalndEuropeanolicy iscourses

AgníeszkaWeínaf

lntroduction

rÉcent years, politicians from many countries have seized upon dia'

as a migration policy actor. The recent upsurge of research evi-

showing the policy relevance of the nexus between migration and

has contributed to this trend. A growing body of oÍficial

of United Nations agencies,policy recommendatíons of the

Organization for Migration (IOM), World Bank studies on

OECD work and research conducted by numerous

institutes has turned the attention of policymakers to the

migrant and ethnic communities and individual migrants play

development of countries of origin.,' The High-Level Dialogue on International Migration and Development

ln September zoo6 allowed the UN to play the role of facilitator between

home and host countries. Discussions were then moved forward by the

Êlobal Forum on Migration and Developmenr (zoo7 in Brussels, zoo8

la Manila;. This, in turn, has generated a world process for regularly dis-

eussing the ways and means to maximise migration's development bene-

flts and minimise its negative mpacts. Diaspora actors perceived as orga-

ilised entities are paÍtners in this debate, although their representation

rnd legitimate deíìniüon still pose a challenge.A recent IOM survey (IOM zoo6) meant to help governments of de-

veloping countries identify weak points in their diaspora policy demon-

Btrated how the governments often had diÍficulties determining who

'their' diaspoÍas weÍe, and were úus unable to put successful targeted

policies in place. From a policy perspective, here is no homogenous de-

finition that could be translated into a statistical toolbox and support the

creation of a socioeconomic profile of o diaspora. Unforlunately, in the

policy realm, diasporas tend to be identiíìed with ancestry without re-

gard to existing academic definitions. Moreover, it seems that diaspora

has gradually come to be identiÍìed with transnational community. The

discussionabout the blurred borders between transnationalism and

aca-

roleuin

Ar,lJ l l r : , / l (A Wli lNAIì lNti ' t ' t { t MtiN Al l i i lN{ I l^ l i l ' ( ) l {Al l l; ( l{ I ) l iv lr l ( ) l 'N4 N



diaspora s addressedn several ther corr t l i l ) l r li ( ) l l r io l l r is l rook ( Í i r rsummaries see he chapters y Faistand Baubi)r ' l<),r' l lrr,s x'yclnd lr cscope of the present chapter. t is important, howcvt'r', o rcÍèr to tlrt'place these concepts hold in the discourse on migration and develo;rment policies and to observe the complex interests that lead to the pn'valence ofone over the other.

To grasp its full meaning we need to see the concept of diaspora as ;rcategory of practice (see Brubaker 2oo5). The perspective often applic<l

- i.e. the practice of the given group creating itself through practicesneeds to be reversed here, however. International and supranational <lr.ganisations have offered 'themselves as entrepreneurs framing 'dirrspora' in several ways that challenge the academic discourse. They havcbeen shaping the image of migrant and ethnic groups as actors of dt'-velopment policy. This creative nput of international and supranationrrlorganisations is inscribed in their perceived role as producers and gurr'dians of a noïm in various areas of public policy (see Barnett &Finnemore zoo4).

In this chapter I will analyse the emerging functional definitions oldiaspora against he policy-based ndicators that help set its boundarit's

within the field of policy practice. My objective is to understand howdiaspora is framed as a migration policy actor, and the EU case serv('sas an example. The migration and development agendashave been orrlyrecently drawn together in the European policy context. The new corrrponents of the comprehensive European immigration policy, traditiorrally associatedwith restrictive measuÍes, include a number of elemerrtslinked to the development agenda, such as mobility partnerships arrtlcircular migration, in which diaspora plays an important role. It rtmains to be determined, however, which policy actors are needed tt,meet the policy ends, and úus how diaspora is defined.

As such, this chapter will look into exemplary documents product,rlby international and supranational organisations to see how they frarrr,'

the actors of development policy. My discussion will focus on differt'rrluses of the terms 'transnaüonalcommunity' and 'diaspora'.I will ulsoexamine several European Community documents pertaining to tlrlsubject and analyse the role that diasporas have in the European conlprehensive migration policy.

4.2 Diasporaas the emergingpolicyactor

For many decades, iasporawas typically defined as somcthing oÍ'r r orrtext in which a people ived'scat tered s a resul l< l í ' r r l l r r r r rur l icr islorr

cal event '(Cohen g9) i rl . Thc not ion oívi<l l t ' r rcr ' ; r : r ; tt ; rurr ; r l icol t r tt ive experìencewlÍ i un i r r t 'scl r l 'xrbl t . t ' l t ' r r rcrr ll ll r r l r ' l i r r i l iorr ; r r r r l

exerrr l r l i Í ì r . t lty t l r t ' f r .wisl t ; t t tcl r t t t t ' t t i l l t l l i l ts l lot ' l . ls) ,s were he sent i -

I t renlul r t tcl t t tol i< l t t l t links to l l t t ' l tol r t t ' tot t t l t ryan d a strongsenSe f

hkrrrging. Most dcíìnit ions also suggestedha t populationswere dis-

perst'd tctwccn two or more host countries.When discussed n this tra-

dit ional scnsc,diaspora efers to all extremecasesof dispersion,e.g.

Pslt,stinians, amils and l(urds, but doesnot include oúer forms of the

corìlcmporary migratory experience, such as economic migrants or

Itud(ìnts.

l)cspite the impressive broadening of this definition over the lasttwenty years - from the particular paradigmatic experience of a few eü-

dlc groups to an expanded and more flexible understanding of the term

(ree Brubaker zooS; Faist in this volume; Bruneau in this volume) -

iron,, of the existing definitions could meaningfully inform public pol-

leyrrraking to help define the functional boundaries of diaspora. The in-

d[:ators proposed by many scholars are not easily translatable into pol-

lCy tcrms. The classic definition of diaspora rests basically on Sheffer's

(ru8(r) three proposed criteria: the dispersed group must hold a distinc-

tlVe collective identity across international locations; the group must

hHv" som" internal organisation of its own; úe group in dispersion

fftrxt keep ties with the homeland, be it symbolicor real. Adjustment

p clranging realities allowed for modifications of this understanding of

dlarpora, first, by introducing a notion of voluntary migration as in the

€ãËr' f Sheffer's ethno-national iasporas tqg5: g) or Cohen's díasporí

BQmmunitiestggZl; and, second, by easing the requirement of internal

Cfgarrisation, s proposed by Cohen, for whom it is a collective dentity

thal kceps diasporas together in contemporary times. It was still un-

€lepr,however,whether migrants involved in transnational practices can

be nlcn as members of diasporas.Safran (r99r) deÍìned diasporasas

âthnü'minority communítíes, s opposed ïo mígrant çommunities, ocusing

tltert'by rnore on the degreeof settlementof the group. He proposeda

nlutrlx.r oÍ'indicators to define diaspora ncluding úe triadic relation-

:lti1r 0í lhc communities to a homeland, a host country or other coun-tfler ()Í'rJilsporasettlement (seealsoVertovec1999) as well as a shared

ãerrror.y/vision/myth of the homeland, alienation rom the host country

ên d 1tt 'r 'rrntrt 't tct 'f ' he'myth of return'.

f{eccrrlly, towcvcr,a growing body of literature succeededn reformu-

letlrrg lrt.clt,íìrr i l iorr,iaming diasporaas almost an ypopulation.n the

ã1Ovr,tnrl tto lottgt.r lttÍòrring to the specific conlextof their existenc

(:er Sllrrr:rp;x'r 'r()()();crtovcc& Cohen 1999; Castles& Miller zoq)', i l ler '" is l lrrrsh'ss r,í i 'r t,rrcco, Íìrr cxample, he Chinesen thediaspor

|ë t wr r tn tr ' ; t r l t tot ' t 'oÍ ì t ' t lr lxr t t l l t t ' ( 'hinr 'sr :iaspora. an Hear,Piek

êirJ Ver lovt , t ( t ,oo4. ' . ) ptovi rk. t t t l t l l - t ' t t t t t rpl rssing ef ini t ion of

dlae1,, , t , r ,

f f iã(tt t t I i r l r . , , . l , . . , ] .( ;Nl|1sZhAw|l|N^x l iN' l^l lslN(; l )lAsl ì ()l tAs t i (l t { l } t ivt i t ()t 'Mt iNl /7



m#iï:ï:ií"il:ÏlJii:i,,;ilïìiilì,ìl,llï:t:,,g w.l*;lÍïiïiJ:,';.,ï,:;trniiïir*ïil*:i;::lii

f lrisÍbrn

fl*:i"ïffíffiïfr iï1ï1,"ïÍ::ï,:iïg.:,,1.^otu"-a,rans

*-l,,r,ruilf#i*A#"i'#i$l'r1,:,,ilt"ilï""';i,ï':Ëfï_,.',*ïmvúi'"t"";";',"*,ïïii,'"i:r",ïïïx'ïïil::;,':.ïTl'ïüJ:ff J'ã#.ffi,'11:"1,n",ab111".-ïJï#jff.,,ï:i:X;::, t*t n","#ìf,"i.t grous rcognitive fr;

ffi il"#x'iã"":ilïf *""",ffiJj-.'1ï;ï;concepts,,":ï:ï"d#l

!,!:;#,ttg cruiie;ë.i:i'" orabsícrindividual mn*,,r.".,";3ï*Ì:rj#Ïïi:::'úf

ï'"",ï:ïiifïïH

3i:l;"x:ï,:x ÍHËÍl;: il: r asen,r eve,oDistoryo'.-"-"i,

J::'lï:to the ôrefro.rt ãootui^"cropmentpolicy.

veloprnent""i?..i::;f,

tt;";ïerrontpeopletto r'"l'f

onryhe,,no,l,'fl'f i.* oãi,ü'i"'ï: i:.* i*iï:ï,ïil:1Ïïïcacreae"" ; i :ï:,#:ï,f:*m: "::ï,ff

ïïüï"ffi ;ll,ï;':,:ï1"ïJ:#ïffi""iiiïiïï**,"";;;ü:iJ;*,i.àrsìïnexus between,",'va"nnà;;ïf::d#'ff:ïf'"ï:#'i:'-1,*';çff,:1i

r*}:,:'j..ì'ï'Ëi{',**#r*r.#',ïH'JË,ï,{l]*-t'.ffiü*'lï"{:'"#ËitÏ"?irrï:ffiÍ.i?::Ju:rd,r,he.rised;:lt"::lmi::,ru***J*t*****ïÍ*',.iH

Methodof research nd analysis

nretlroclol<lgyìrllowt'd irt tny rt'scarch nvolved a combination of:lrt's. l'hc main Ítrcus was on qualitativeanalysisof documents'

nirrg to the European migration policy. The material consistedof

relt.vanl preparatoÍy documents from the years 2ooo-zoo7 $.e.n Commission proposals and opinions, iniüatives by member

FIU Council common positions, legislative resolutions of the

Parliament, opinions of committees, other opinions and re-

rndations) and relevant EU Council conclusions. Supporting&cuments include decisions issued by the Executive Council of the

âfilcan Union, UN resolutions on international migration and develop-

l?iènt, UNDP project descriptions and IOM policy recommendations.

?he analysis is based on the assumption úat the 'migration and devel-

êpment nexus' really means úat migrants or people with migrant ori-

glns participate in implementing development policy. This participation

lnekes them actors of development policy. I was interested to see, first,

how these actors were defined in migration policy terms, and I thus

looked for indicators based on úe standard migration policy categories:

legal status, citizenship, eúnic or national origins, duration of stay in

the host country access o legal employrnent, level of skills, remittances.

$econd, I assessedúe extent to which the above-mentioned documentsrespected he classic academic deÍìnitions. In the texts I thus looked for

tpecific indicators, such as membership in a diasporic organisation,

rubjective feeling of belonging and'triadic' relations.The basic research material was supplemented with information on

EU assistance o migration and development (e.g. an AENEAS report,

Thematic Programme on Migration and Asylum oÍÏìcial guidelines). To

get a better understanding ofthe institutional and social context ofdia-

spoÍa engagement in the framework of the European migration policy,

several argeted expert intewiews were conductedr and supported by ad-

ditional questionnaìres.

4.3.1 The deftnition f diasporaor public policypurposesn the

international rena '. .

It is diÍÍìcult to agree upon who firsf used the term 'diaspora' in rela-

tion to the development agenda, especíallygiven that international mi

gration and development have been joined in the discourse of interna-

tional organisations for well oveÍ a decadenow. There is no doubt that

úe UN, in particular, made an effort to intensify debates on these is-

sues. In their numerous resolutions,a international migration has been

consistently linked to úe development agenda.

A{;NIiSZkA Wt,tNAti FN', l 'AlslN{; i) lA$l ' ír l { / l t l i ( l t l l l l iv lr l ( ,1 'Ml 'Nl l( )



. St t rpr isi r lgly,r r rclol t l r i r ly o cxlx, t l ; r l iorrsrr ist ' t lry l l r r l r l i t . r l ist .11rrr ,ur . ,th e anguage í 'UN doc:r t t r t t ' r r ls'volvt .s r<lr lrt l l r . r r r isi r r t i r l r r ì l'or r r r r r r rni t ies' as th e main developrn.ntpor icy actr l rs, ' .1 cr iasp,ras. ' , ' r ' r r .Report of th e SecretaryGenerar6olg7t of'rrì May zoo6 on inrt,r,rr;rtional migration and developmentdevotesseveralsections o ,trarrsrr,rtionaÌ communities', which are referred to as the actors Ítrr d(,vt,rrrrment policy with an important impact on the home countries. Trr,' r,.port does not proúde any straightforward. definition of the tt,r.rrrNevertheless,by giving examplesof successfirlmembers of trarrsrr;rtional

communities, it describes a developmentporicy actor as a rorliterm legal resident of the host country, wiìh ethnic and,lornational lit,r;to the hom^ec9untry, wh.o is employed legally and possesses unds orskills to offer for its developm"rri. 'ih"

".Lr',citizãnship or membt.r

ship in a diasporic organisationor subjective eeringsofïelonging a,,.not mentioned.

If úe UN has been prudent in avoiding multiple terminology in itsoÍficial texts, other organisations have uãed the terms ,transïation,lcommunities' or'migrant communities' and'diaspora, interchangeablyand abundantly in their policy documents.6

The IoM has been úe most vocaradvocateof wid.ening the definitiorrof diaspora. Ionescu (zoo6) offers an eúaustive discussion of the termbased on the IOM report .survey oÍÌ engaging diasporas for develop_ment' completed n zoo6. when derineaúng he concept, onescuusesseveral ndicators based on the migration pãh.y statistical toolbox. sheargues ultimately for the utilitarian criterion: diaspora is a resourceandthus the ultimate defining indicator is whether the actors

".,g"g"i., d.

velopment policy. Diaspora incrudes practicarly anybody witria"migrantbackground who contributes to úe ãevelopment of úe home counrrvSuch a person can be included regardlessáfhi, o, her legal

"il;;ãountry of birth,T does not need to be established n the hãst country asa permanent resident, does not need to have citizenship of the counrryof origin, does not need to be involved in any migiant association(although

it helps, as collective bodies can be ,rroit ""rily be engagedaspartners for policy projects), but should maintain primarily"õrio_i.,ot necessarily political or sentimental, ties with the home counrry.

Consequently, she defines diaspora as .members of ethnic and nationalcommunities, who have left, but maintain links with, their homelands'(Ionescu oo6: ry).

ft is noteworthy that the uN and IoM approachesdefine actors n de-velopment policy as individuars - úe notiãn of co[ective identity is lessimportant, a community member acts on a voluntary basis, ollowrnghis or her own values. Both see hese individuals as linked

"ár""g", rry

traumatic experience or symboric ties, but by a pure and positiveïeadiness o act n economic terms.

t l t . l i lx ' t ; r l ior rs tt t l Ì t t ' l t ' vc l oí i r t l t ' t t r l r t io t l l t lorgutt isatit lt ts tad ar l

:t oi l r ì i l l io l ì t t lgovt 'r t t t t l t ' tr ls, ' .g. t lrc l 'h i l ipp ir t t ls at td lnd ia, which

bet,Orrrc rrcrclsingly intcrcstr :d irr thc linl< between migration an d

rrt.ttl. owcvcr, t is thc AÍi ican Union (AU) that offersarguably

Ëxeciitivc Council called for an elaboration of the definition by ex-

lïotn the AU member states and 'Diaspora' (the AU always capita-

ËbeÀlcxurrrplcoÍ'an organised esponse o the issueof deÍìnition.

ãub,saft1ranAfrican countries, he major target of developmentpoli-

renpondcclo UN calls for a migration and developmentl"**:.by:hirig a process o define an African diaspora. n its decision," the

bs tlr., word in this context).The definition was then elaborated ur-

Ëg a *,.ri"*, of expertmeetingsand consultations, nd eventuallyoífi-

Clrlly clopted.rTíreclcbates ere focusedon four principles:African diasporamust

k çleíìncd y bloodlineor heritage African,not country-specific), ust

5e lnkcct o the processes f migration and must be historically nclu-

ifVe llrrt exclusivêof peoplenot committed to the developmentgoals

Thr clcÍìnition Íìnally agreed upon states he following:

ï'hc African Diaspora consists of peoples of African origin liúng out-

llde tlre continent, irrespective of their citizenship and nationality and

*hn ,r. willing to contribute to úe development of úe continent and

Ére building oithe African union.'o The definition is very broad, in theãplrit of thé one proposed by international organisations. Moreover, it

éirmantles anotheì classic element of academic definitions - the link to

E nation or ethnicity. A pan-African approach is a basic feature of the

diesporawith which the AU would like to work'.rhis wide approach is not necessarily shared by members of diaspo-

tlc organisations, who would prefer to see the pool of participants re-

etricteã - mostly to people who feel a genuinely strong link with their

origins (they indicatã a ìhreshold up to the third generation) and,who

hsìL"

rLottg national or ethnic identity. Pan-Africanism is not alway

present in this discourse.,ïo

debate these issues and also to determine further steps, the AUhas held a regional consultative process in various parts of the world

(including Euiope). The AU's cuÍrent efforts are focused on shaping

ìhe regional representation of the African diaspora. The searú for an

lnterlo-cutor who would fit the definition has proved to be challenging,

yet necessary or progress on úe migration and development agenda'"

tn" nU has also oncretely translated this commitment by having dia-

Spora repÍesentatives elected as members of its Economic, Social and

Cultural Council.Interestingly enough, in the international arena, the distinction is

made betweãrr, otr the one hand, diaspora as an actor of developmenl

policy and, on the other, diaspora as a potentially destabilising factor o

A(;Nlt isTKA Wl;tN.1fr^l

lSlN(; lr lASl 'ol lA:l l; l rl l l ì l ;v l i l l r l ' lv l l jN I



( r l ( ' t Ì l ( ' t l l l l ld ( ' r t Ì ì i l l i l l Í .1lx ' i t ( ' ( ' n l l rc corrrr l ly oí o l ig i r r , us slr r r l i . t l lry r .rrrparativc pol i l ica l sci t ' r r t is ts tr trcl itr lt ' r 'nr l ionrr l r l t ' lu l ions sr , l r< l l r r 's1r ;c, ,col l ier zooo; col l ier & Hocíí ìcr zooo; r(oi r rovrrrr r r isvorurnt . ) . , l , r r r , rnstrumental isat ionIdiasporaas ar ract . r ' Í dr .vt ' r .Jrr r , , r , ,ut i . f igrr r r r , , ,security ssuesan d th e historical record oÍ diapoi;rs

"nei*i,íir r r,,rrflicts in the home couÍÌtry Such an approach ; ;";r"ï;"r?" ,,r rt,,,fact that the discoursehas been fr"meá mainry by developm.riìr,,t ,,,,gration specialists.Focusing on the positive ,iaá or ar"Jf"r""ìnt",u,,,,

tion, they largely ignore its possible nãgative impact.The discourseof international organlsations

has blurred the mearrirr;iof diaspora and merged it with úe characteristicsascribed o transrr;rtional communities. The uN's initial attempt to use the term ,transrr;rtional community' to describe migration

"trãd"u"topÁ"rripáti.y

".,,,,,,as not been taken yn br úe. giowing number of pofl.i ir.i'ri"riu,,r.Most interestingly, t is now.quite accep-tedhat the *i-:ái"rfãr", ,,,fers to boú migrant and ethnic communities. Diaspora t", it-.r, t,,come an all-encompassingconcept, the boundaries of which are stirlbeing negotiated by various poliiy actors. International organisationsacting as policy entrepreneurs favour a broadening

"ftd;ãp" ut'diaspora'.

4'3'2 Diasporaas an actor in Europeancomprehensivemigration poricyThe EU entered the fierd of migration and deveropment poricy onry re-cently. Its position has been influenced strongry by a""ir"pá"", air-course' The largest group of migrants from dev"eioping orrr,ïri"r-ìr, ,rr"EU are from Africa; they arso have the strongest visit itity dr" to mediafocus on human traÍficking via the Mediterranean sea. The tragicevents in ceuta and Merirla in zoo5" have opened up discussiãns withAfrican countries on migration issues and, given the

"-"gA""f"p-ment context of úe root rauses of migration, have pushed ,ï" f U awards a policy approach that would acúowledge rtr.'i-fã"""ã"or,n"

migration and developmentnexus. Thus, the"n".a toã.tìu"ry'irivorvediasporas came to the forefront

The problem wiú this engagement lies in a clear division wiúin theEuropean comprehensive migration poricy between an internar and anexternal dimension. Both focus, to an important extent, on migrant andethnic communities and involve úem as European policy actors, buttheir scopes differ. Moreover, they use different terminoÌogy when ad-dressing úe,respective target groups. This diüde is"rp"ffi,irìïi"

,"úe relation between integration pòhcy and the migratìo""ía'J"*r"p-ent field of the so-called ,globalãpproach

to migrúonIntegration of admitted immigrants (though ,iot ,efugees) has beenthe hallmark of more consoridatú European'responses to immigration,

t t f l ( ' lo l l r t ' r tcknowk' t lg t ' t l l i r i l r r r t o l ' i r r t t 'g r l r l i t t t t o í t r t igrar l ts i r t

EU , t l r t ' i r socialul i t ' rur t iorrrr d pott ' r r t ialbr radical isat ion.n the

dayx, lrt ' norr-intt 'gratc<J,iscriminatcdan d vulnerablegroups of

Ítln lrrcl groups oÍ-migrant origin were seen as potential security(llrrysrnans zooo). The integration project, therefore, was a ïe-

Io tlrc perceiveddanger of disrupting allegedlystable and homo-

srx:ic:ties.Though not directly anchored in the Amsterdam

ty ol the Hague Programme,'3 two directives especially strengthen

torrisation n this areaof intergovernmentalpolicymaking: hose on

lly rcunification'4 and those on the rights of long-term residents''5'eovcr, egislation prohibiting di,qçdÍnination and promoting equality

alnobeenhigh on the agenda.'", Orr rc; November zoo4, on initiative of the Dutch presidency, the EU

&utrcil adopted its set of Common Basic Principles on Integration,

ldticlr were later elaborated in the Common Agenda for Integration.'7

I uurnber of practical tools, such as the network of National Contact

Folnts on Integration and the Handbook on Integration, promote a con-

rolldated agenda in this field, and úe Integration Fund provides finan-

€lcl support for the implementing actions.'Ihc Common Agenda for Integration addresses n many of its propo-

lElsthe members of migrant communities, i.e. people with direct mi

grcnt experience. Ethnic communities made up of EU nationals of eth-

nlc background are not included in úis perspective. The most impor-

tEnt feature of the EU approach is thus a distinction between EU

cltizens and non-EU citizens. The dividing line is the legal status of an

lndividual in the host country so that, as a result, migrants are defined

âg third-country nationals within úis framework. The term 'migrant

eommunity' as used in this document is thus signifìcantly naÍrower

than an ethnic community (the former includes only migrants and their

descendants who are non-EU citizens, while the latter includes both).

The integration of EU nationals of immigrant origin is not a matter foÍ

[ìU immigration policy but for EU social policy (hence social cohesion

policies). Thus, the public policy response to potentially threatening dia-sporic communities is distributed across different fields.

The documents pertaining to integration policy usually focus on indi-

vidual rights and individual efforts to integrate. Migrant communities

as collective units are not pÍesented as the policy's principal addressee

In the Íecent Report on Integration,'o which lists successfirl pro-

gïammes on integration in the member states, mmigrant communities

are explicitly mentioned only twice.'e They are, however, implicitly indi

cated as partners more often, e.g. with regard to initiatives concerning

religious communities.Since this policy targets internal actions, it does not deal with mi-

grants as purely transnational individuals. There is no clearinterest in

A( iNi l iszKAWtl tN^t i

diasp<lr ic otor t i r r ,l rtMllN' l 'Al siN(; lr l^ l i l ' { ) l tAf l i ( l t l ) l rv l i lo l ' túlrN I



r rus rorrr r . ( 'our ì r lyoyir i l iesrt . l ror r igl r r igl r t . r rrrhi s frame' Th e Í i rcus s on th c crr l t r r i ; r lr r rd rr r ' i ; r l l isr i r rc. r ivt , r r t ,ssl r , r lay precondition ncrusion n the rrostsrr: i t,ry. rrry trrc , ' ', t . i , . ,r*,r.,,an individual or his family and the destinatroncouÍrtry is of irrrporrrrrrr.whereit exists' the community in which migrants participatecrrr rr.ome an important interlocutor of integratioã poh.y, ,, iït"grntl,,,, ,,,eÍìned as a two-way process.

-Diaspora emerges only in the context of the external dimensìor*lEuropeanmigration policy. It becomesa reaÌ policy actor in the Gr.rr;rlpproach to Migration, defined

",

." úd.*."d, glotl"rra .ofr"'r"rr, ,,1,roach' covering poricies to combat illesal immi rgratton*a, ir, .ì"p.,,,ion with third countrie,s,3rlesling ã"-b"n"nit

"rr"úï àiãàon,.-,hepolicy'whichhas. eeri eveloieairr." zoo6,aims o formularr.omprehensive and coherent mechanisms that address

"-úro"i,"rrg" ,,,igration-related issues, enriching the lustice and security policies wit' development and external reratiJns

"tgi" ,o enhance diarogue and co_peration on migration with third couitrres. In the first stage, it Ío-used on the counrries of Africa

".rdth" tra"di,"*""""r. ar'ã?ï, lrr,ooT conclusions, the EU Council under the German presidency ex_ended this poÌicy approach o úe easternEurope.rn.'"ppío"ãË"r,.o*p"rr"r*;;'.ilï:,ïi;:iïffi,t"ïïrï

úird countriesin migratior, à"r"g"-"nt, ,rpporfing the fight againstllegal migration and migration

""ía"u"tão_"rr,. ",

Diaspora is perceivedas a crucial ereÀ'ent of the third dimension.Prior to zooz, in the EU documents, tt"-ì.r* ,diaspora,wasused ino-called Country SÍategy papels or specific country reports, primarilyon economic subjects. There, diasporà was mentioned as a source ofevenue and an important factoi for stabilising fo."f-"r;a"ïlniorr"fgrowth." The nexuswiú g" a"u"top_"rri

"g;;ã",;;;;; fr"""rn,ffi#:i:ï"".:*':':i'","-5:'"1*"."-n:Flli ãü'"o""ïr"vshirtãdr,om";;,";"#:ïïï.fl:ïïdïï,ïïi,":ï"1ïreseniaüon

A mantra of EUJevel documents fo, ,"u"r"tyears now has been toreate a triple-win situation: the host country gains through rabour, theome country gains t{r1or1srr "_á;;.1";;;"t and the migrant gainshrough supporr for individuar initiativesli Ã ,o.r* on the developmentagenda as a major innovation to the tradition"t r"rt i.l""

"porï"ir.r.*een further pursued in a commurri."tiori-o' circular migration andúility partnerships between the EU and third counkies.,4

The zooz commìnication'5 mentio;;-di";por" in the context of itsossible role in development. But only in the September zoo5 commu_nication n migration nd devetop^í"'À1, ai"Jpãr"n rú ,r:*"il*tsmeaning ircumscribedor Euiope",poi., ,r".

Th e deíì l i t iorroí 'cl i ls l lor lgivt , r rn Í ì rol t tolc 7 oí this cotr t tnt t t t icat io

broacl r rcls i r r lr cspir i toí ' t l rc dcasprcsct t tcd y Ior tescuzoo6). t

rnt,rclyon thc clucstionof'birthplacean d nationality although

êl:o rrnclcrlincs he importance of an individual's emotional link to

{fo h,rrr.,lrtr<1).t doesnot directlyaddress uestions f legalstatus

ã11pl,,yr,,"trt,skills, duration of stay or belonging to an organisation.

*evoril,"l,,*r, the actions proposed in úe text to mobilise diaspora for

foVsl,,pttt.tttt delineate the concept and give quite precise characteristics

dlhe rr"* policyactor.

Flrrt, the diaspora is seen as a transnational community, and it is thisããtrsnutional character that guarantees the successof development in-

Itletlves. Such an approach echoes the traditional triadic relaüonship.

}lOreover, the transnational character of diasporic organisations is

furthcr accentuatedwhen it is a matter of úeir political engagement in

&e dgvelopment strategy of the home country at three levels: the coun-

*y oí'origin, the EU cóuntry of destination and the EU. The members

of such"-di"rpot"

need to be recognised in the EU legal system to be

fble to get thróugh to the ËU level. They would therefore generally have

to lle EÚ citizeni or long-term residents, not tempoÍary or circular mi-

grents who are úird-country nationals.-

Second,according to the text, diaspora members are not necessarily

$igrants themselves. People with a migration history are framed as

rrËmbers of migrant communities; and people of ethnic background

Cre abelled as members of eúnic communities. Still, it is not entirely

elear in the text whether migrants are considered something truly diÍ:,

ferent from diaspora members. In some parts of the communication, it

lc stated that currently active migrants and diaspora members could be

eonsidered as development policy actoÍs so long as úey are active'

Third, legal status and resident status, in particular, is introduced as

an indicatoi of membership in a diaspora. Among other initiatives, the

liuropean commission proposes mapping and mobilising diasporas.

ttrui it must be underitood úat it refers only to those staying and

working legally. The proposed data collection on diasporas implies actual coúnts rather than estimations. Interestingly enough, there is no

discussion of how to define diaspora in order to gather the relevant

data, or even from where the data can be gathered. V/hen discussing,migration profiles' (a proposed data gathering tool described in Annex

81, he communicatiott do"t not put forward any proposal to this end

either.The fourth trait of diaspora is the organisational side. The constan

use of the term 'member of diaspora' juxtaposes individual and ato

mised migrants with the diasporic community. This is an important as

pect, as tÈ" E,rrop""n Commission invites member states o identify re

presentative interlocutorsin the diaspora to engage in developmen

At;Nil l t i7K^ wtrtN^l lNs' l ' l i l ,MliNlAl tslN(i l ) lAsl ' () l{As l1() l l l l iv l l l () l 'Ml 'Nl tì5



proic:cts' ' l 'ht :yntrst ' ( 'pr( 's( ' t t trr orgl r r isi r l iorrl ral s el igi6l t . , r rcl 'r senough-author i ty,o be a partncr rr Í r t 'cr t 'vt , r r ) r ) r ì r ( . r r|u,r i , :y, r í : i tsour-try. such organisationsshould be trustwortrry rrrcr wt,il t,starrrished,orpartnershìp n projectsusuallymeans-"rr"ging

ÍuncJing.

, lifth'the diaspora members are seen as a source of contributions totheir countries of origin. A substantial part of úe text is devoted to fi-nancial remittances, associated with Íìrst generations (i.e. migrants),butalsowithúe *"TTl of sk'rsandprodu"cti""

iiil;h";.r,,.rïi.i,

"p-lies to second and third generationis as wen. In this context, theEuropean commissionpro-ãt"r the idea of temporary ,"torrr-o? qr"rr-Íìed diaspora members. Although the communication points out the vo-luntary character of diaspora.mlmbers' contributions,'it is imftìea tnatthe emotional link to thè country of origin and úe readiness to contn-bu e ag9úe key elements of diaspora idãntification.

In all other relevant EU documents, úese characteristics of diasporamembers are implicit, especially in discussions of the instruments ofmigration and development-policy,

.e. circular migration aná mobilitypartnerships '"7 rn the ca-*e f circular migration, diJspora members (de-fined as_long-term residents o,

-.-beí,of eúnic co*-rrrriir"r;

"."upposedto work for the deveropment of the country of origin úroughtemporary outward migration from úe EU, white i"_po.íry migrantworkers (who are not seen as diaspora members)

""gdi;;*"ra_i-

gr_ation.By contrast, mobirity partnerships'8 propose"to"mobilise .o.rro_lidated diasporas for development policiËs.still, it is not entirely crearwho wilr be the final user and. mplement-

ing.actor of the policy. Rooted and established diasporas *ry Àï"" r.*"nothing in common wiú newly arrived migrants, and subsequenty"u"r_ of migration create distinct and closed"commu"i;J.*i;;;._,úe idea for the migration and development agenda is to overcomethese differences, to have a ressdiverse set of interlocutors on the otherside, united by a common goal.

,The.main problem wiú the way in which diaspora is conceived inthese

documents is ,h-"j g* ideal iype applies to very few migrant andeúnic groups in the EU. The conditiË"t ofniglr levels'of internïïrg"rri-saüon-and regularised legal work and residence status are probably metby only a few settled communities (e.g. the Turkish diaspïra

"r.ãarosome well-established gÍoups within tÍre African aarpãrã. n.rJ.tiu"

immigration policies encourage undocumented migration iro^ r^r^*^ycountries or the pendurar (shuttre) migration of regaívisitotr rro- ,ràiglr-bouring countries who engage in unìocumented work. The real chal_Ìenge lies in reaching outtã these peopre to foster migratiorrand devel-opment and to createan interlocutor iir,

"pro."r, similar to what theAU is pursuing)' Another difficulty ir th"

"pp"r"ntfocus on the nation-state as the unit ofanalysis, and consequ""ú

" necessarycondition for

diaspor l r . l r t r i lc l inpi . ' l ' l r isr t igl r t ost ' l l pt r r l l l t ' r r rtt t l tc t :usc Í rcccnt t t t -

grurrls rorrrcxtrcrrrely ca k or v(ìry ì(ìw ntrlt irrati<lnaltateswh o do no t

nect'ssarily ce thernsclves s members of the national community asso-

ciatt'rl with their home country (Schwartz zoo7l. EU support for dia-

xport within the boundaries circumscribedby the indicators discussed

al()vc could influence directly the self,identification of diasporas and

tlu'ir members. It is probable hat as a result of this processúere will be

a pr<lliÍbration of more or less standardised organisations competing for

thc Íìnancial support, as has happened in severalother policy areas.

It remains to be seen how the availability of funding and the impor-tance given to the role of diasporas can change the existing diaspora

groupings into fully fledged actors of European migration policy who

serve he migration and development goals' A recent EU-funded project

lmplemented by UNDP focuses on strengthening diaspora as an actor

oÍ' development in sixteen countries included in the European

Neighbourhood Policy and in sub-saharan Africa. Not many of them

have clearly defined diaspora communities in the EU, and those who

do have so far not engaged n a process of deÍìning representatives and

legitimate interlocutors. The incentive to organise can have positive im-

pacts on many migrant communities úat, to date, do not perceive

themselves as diasporasand have weakinternal structuÍes.

Inevitably, the divisions not only between internal and external di-

mensions but also between migration policy and social policies are

blurred, since diaspora as defined and used in úe documents consists

to a great extent of EU citizens. Most prominently, for policies within

the external dimension, úe same migrant or eúnic groups are no long-

er perceived as a security threat, but as a valuable asset.The 2oo5 com-

munication on the external dimension of migration policy'e stresse

the importance of recognising the link between members of the dia-

spora and their country of origin. Similarly, the communication on mi-

gration and developmentlo of the same year indicates integration as a

part of a diaspora mobilisation policy.

4.4 Conclusions

This chapter has explored the current use of the term 'diaspora' in EU

documents in its most common public policy context: üe development

and migration agenda.This discourse shapes the understanding of úe

term by policymakers and averageciüzens alike. Diaspora is seen here

a category of practice that can reorient existing selÊidentiÍìcation of the

relevant groups.In the scholarly literature, the paradigm of diaspora as nation-in-exile

went throush several transformations. This has left us with a set of

A( iNi l isZKAWti tNAI l l lËï l t l lM iN Al ls l N( | lAsl i{ la^q lr ( ll | ) l ìv lr l oI 'MliN l' It7



arr ìbi Í {uousharac: l t ' r ist ics,_nr: l r rcl i r rgl r t ' l is lx, rsiorr l rr grorrpslurr i r r6;a common nat ionalor .ethnic or i t r l i r r . r ' r .ss w'. r r r r ' r t .pÍac.s, t r r r ,maintaìningof a network inking ai l destirrati.rrs,yrrrxlr ic

'rrear inr<s

to the.home country and emotiúal identification wiúr it. Th; .o--n,,complaint of academicsand researcherss that a definition

"rr-_p"rr-1ng all úese aspects s too vague to be usefirr rot th"ot"ti."i;;;;;r",",or empirical operationarisatiãn. It arso overlaps too tr.o"aiy

'ãrh.,rr-rent appÍoaches n the Íìeld oftransnational studies.

Policy documents adopted at the international revel have an impacton how the distinction

between transnational community "rrJ-ài"rpo.,s. framed in public discourse. In fact, their impact ,"á_, to be theelimination of any such analytical distinction, as ,kansnationar

commu-nity' is not a part of the discursive game. It is úe 'diaspora, th"t h",been assigned all transnational traits- and characteristics. This .orr..p_tion of diaspora is inclusive and refers to migrant and, ethnic commu-nities. In general, it arso establishes only three important conditions forbecoming a diasporic actor of development policy first, an ethnic ur na-tional origin; second,.a capability to contriüute io a"u"iop-""ï i" ,rr"country of origin; and, third, a readiness to do so. fn" _ãriirrrport"r,tdimension of diaspora is the economic one. The ties to the homelandgan no_9-ne_ere syrnbolic o^rpurely political: úey need ," fr" fr"ì"n.irf,Íìrst of all, for the country of origin and, secondly, o úe diaspãr" _"__bers úemselves. such an apprJach brings to light trr" i*p'ort"rr." ortransnational networks and everyday transnationãr practices of indivi-duals and groups. This treatmeni of diaspora as a Íesource mav seemlimiting, as the central values of cultural identity, ,ú;;ii; rr"iJr,gr"g,sentimental ties, etc., aÍe not accentuated.

,^^1", "-O"anmigration policy, úe migration and development nexus

nas-Deen recenily promoted as an important area of intervention. Thetools ofúe Global Approach to Migraüon, including .it.J",

-ifr"aio'r mobility partnerships, focus on dÌaspora as a pohãy actor. In thl, .orr-text, diaspora is defined

-or"

r,"rro*ry than by i"t"rrr"tú"i-"rg""ir"-tions:

apart from the importance of national oi eúnic origins, "ïã ,n"capability and readiness to contribute, membership in ai"ipo* org"rri-sations is required' on this basis, European policymakers'can aãnrr"their target group and provide support for its ãctivities. It is quite im-portant to understand, úough, that while d.iaspora s *"l.oire

", "uropean migration policy actor in its external dimension, in the .or-text of cooperation with third countries, it remains marginal - or is per-c-efvgdas a problem - in the European discourse o' tli" integration ofthird-countrynationals.

what must be stressed s that úe division between migrant commu-nìties and diaspora that is pÍesent in some academic dis.orrrr"r, ar-*"ttas in EU migration policy, has been blurred in the contexf

of the

!f blr 4.r De.veoytmentpolicy attors as de,fìnedhy the United Nations, the

lnternational rganízatìonor Migrationand the European ommission

LrgËl t ltus

€lt l:e rship

Ethnlc r nationalor lglnsFurrt ion f stayIn host ountryLagrl mploymentlkll ls o oíferFundso ofíerMembershipn anor8ensationSubiectiveeeling fbelongingïrrnsnationalchaacteritics

re levant( residencen host

country)unclear i f re levant,

it is of the country

of or ig in)

relevanÌ

temporarymigrants

excludedrelevantretevanrrelevantunclear

unclear

' tr iad ic e lat ionshiP'

i relevant

i re levant

i relevant

relevant

al l ncluded

i relevantrelevant

relevanti relevant

relevant

' tr iad ic e lat ionshiP'

i relevant

re levant( residencen host

country)irrelevant

retevanr

temporarymigrants

excludedrelevantrelevantrelevant

relevant or funding

irrelevant

' tr iad ic eìat ionship 're levantor íunding

migration and development agenda. Given the framing power of inter-

natìonal organisations and their role in norm diffusion, the increasingly

vague or unclear division between diaspora and transnational commu-

niiies could soon overtaken by a process of essentialisation that is

policy-driven. Governments eager to follow üe highly political and sub-

slaisea migration and development agenda have recently embarked on

identifying and delineating úe target groups. More research is needed

to see f the noÍms created at the policy level will have a real impact on

the sellidentification of diaspora organisations and their members.

Notes

r I would like to thank Rainer Baubock and Thomas Faist for their helpful criticism

and constructive suggestions.

z In this chapter, I present only the final results of the analysis. For a more detailed

analysis and full list of secondary souÍces see Weinar (zoo8)'

3 The interviewees eomprised two representatives ofintemational organisations, seven

ÍepÍesentatives of African diaspora and migrant organisations in Belgium an<l the

Netherlands, two representatives of African diaspora organisations in the uK and

one Íepresentative ofan African migrant organisation in ltaly'

FFì

AGNil isTKAWItNAtr lN4lN Al l \ lNt, l r l A\ l 'o l l^\ l t )l t i r l Vl I ' r l , i l4 lN ll ()



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5 In th e context of th e UN init iat ive 'Digi ts l t l iuspor- ir ( ' twork í ir r AÍ ì ica ancl t l r , .Caribbean n North America and EuropË;,,diaspora'is useclas synonymously witlr'expatÍiate population. This is the onry place *Ëe." th. term âppeers in the ofíìci;rrreports. See Reportof the Secretary-General6ol3.3 of 3i Augusi zoo5 on human r.r,sources development.

6 See, for example, Conclu-síons f Migration and. Developrnent onference,Brussels t5_tt,March zoo6 (bodies involved were túe goveÍnment of Belgirm,-the IOM, the WorklBank and the European commission) ãnd üe Grobal commission on InternatÌonirr

Migration report

,Migration

in an interconnected world: New directions for acuorr,October zoo5, available at www.gcim.org.7 A case_in oint, one way of courting d.iÃpora is by ncludingmigrants who are regis

tered through instruments suth as Mexiios Matiicula Consular, an ID card accessi,bÌe to undocumented Mexican nationals in úe US.

8 Decision Ext/EX/CLlDec.6 (lII) of Executive Council, Sun City, Republic of SoutlrAfrica, zrz5 May zoo3.

9 Decision of úe Executive Council on the Definition of úe Diaspora (EXlCLlzzt(vrr)).'Report of the Meeting of Experts on the Definition of úe Afrìcan Diaspora,, AddisAbaba, Eúiopia, rr-rz April zoo5.Often one condit ion for accessingmìgration and development roiects is met by in_volving diaspora groups identified by úe home country parmers.In September 2oo5, large numbers of African migranislried to climb over fences se_paÍating úe Spanish encÌaves from Moroccan tãritory At least six people died rncÌasheswith security orces.The Hague Programme: Strengthening freedom, security and justice in theEuropean Union, OÍficia1 ]ournal, zo o5 c"y I or.Council Directive zoqlSílÉC of zz SeptéábeÍ 2oo3onthe right to family reunifi_cation,OÍficial fournai L z5r, qlrclzoiz: oorz_oorglCounciÌ Directive zoqlrcglEC of z5 Návember zoo3 concerning he status of third_country natíonals who are long_term residents, ófÍìcial yournal L o16, 4lorl2oo4:oo44-oo53.council Directive zooolTSlEC of z7 November 2ooo establishing a general fiame-work for equal treatment in employment and occupation,official iorrál L 3q, o,2lrzf zooo: oo16'oozz. council Directive zoool4;, líc of 29Iune zooo impleâántirrgthe pri,nciple of equal treatment between p.rro"r irrespectiue f raciar or'ethnic orr-gin, OÍficial

JouÌnalL r8o,

ryloTlzooo, oirz_oor6.Communícation from the Commission to the Council, úe European parliament, theEuropean Economic and Social Commiftee, A Common Agenãa for Integration _Framework for the Integration of Third_Country Nationalsú th" Errrop"; ú;;",COM(zoo5)389.Communication from the Commission to the Council, theEuropean parliament, theEuropean Economic and Social Commitee and úe Committe" of th" Regions, ThirdAnnual Report on Migration and Integration COM(2oo7)jr2.Ibid: r7.European Council Conclusions December 2ooç: 1.Communication from the Commission to úe- EuropeanCouncil on úe GlobalApproach to Migration, and Communication from thË Commission to the Counciland the European parliament _ The global approach o migration one year on:Towards a comprehensive European migÍation pãiicy, coUlzoú;o735.

TI

r5

17

r8

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r6

I t r t rx ; r r r r .1r le,l rc l ì t ,1xrr ' llorrr l rc ( ir r r r r r r iss iono l l r t ' l i r r lo; l t , : r r r ' ; r r ' l i r rnr t , r r l : r r rdlr r( l r t t t t r l l i t t t r r lx ' ; r t r p; , t ' r r tíot l {n ot rs l t t t r ' l iot r . r rnt r r l l l t 'pot ' lzooo, COM(zoor) ;

i l rpor l Í iorrr t l r t , ( lorrr r r r iss iono t l r t , l r r rolx , r rn )ar l ianrcnt nd the Counci l on the

Irrr I lerrrcnl i r l iorr í Ma<:ro' l i i r r i r r r t ia lss is t rncc o Third Countr ies n zoor, Com(.roo,r , )152.

Ser, lirr r,x:rrnpk',CornrnissionCommunications: IntegÍating migration issues n the

llrrlolx'ln Union's relations with third countries* COM(zooz); Policy Coherence or

l)evt'loprnent * Accelerating progress towards atteining the Millennium

l)evt,lopmcnt Goals - COM(zoo5)i34; Migration and Development: Some concretrr r i r , r r l : r l ionsOM(zoo5)39o.

a4 (:orrÌÍnunication rom the Co mmÌssion to the European Parliament, he Council, úe

l4rrlopcanEconomic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions - Onlilcular migration and mobility partnerships between the European Union and úird

rrxrrr t r ies, OM(zoo7)o248.

-!

(irrnrnunication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, thelhrropean Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of úe Regions -

lrrkrgrating migration issues in the European Unions relations with third countri es,COM(zooz)7q.

16 Communication fiom the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the

liuropean Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of úe Regions -

Migration and De velopment: Some concÍete orientation s COM(zoo5)39o .

lf (bmmunication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the

Iluropean Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions - On

clrcular migration and mobility partnerships between the European Union and third

countries, COM(zoo7loz48; Council Conclusions on circular migration and mobilitypartneïships of December zoo7.

It 'loint Declaration between European Union and Republic of Moldova' and 'foint

Dcclaration between EU and Cape Verde', both si gned on 5 June zoo8.

Communication fiom the Commission to the Council and the European ParÌiament

- Priority actions for responding to the challenges of migration - First follow-up tof ampton Court , COM(zoo5l 062r:7.Communication from the Commission to the European Pariiament, the Council, úe

European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of úe Regions -

Migration and Development: Some concrete orientations COM(zoo5) 39o. The divi-

lion between úe two dimensions is, however, maintained, as the text sends the read-

er to the Communication on Common Agenda for Integration for details on integra-

tion policv.

a.

11

r9

l0

F



ChapterInterrogatingiaspora: ower ndconflict

in Peruvian igration

KarstenPaerregaard

tÊlarpora" ,diasporic' and 'diasporisation' have become trendy terms

31iong anthropologists, sociologists, migration scholars and advocates

multiculturalism n the past fifteen years.Among the most pÍomr-

tlrinkerswiúin úis trend are Gilroy (1993)and CliÍford (rgg+b\,

influential works from the early r99os triggered a wave of new

tion studies with a focus on the transnational and diasporic di-

,ons of contemporary migrant populations.' The contenüon of

authors is úat culture cannot be examined as a geographically

construct but must be studied as a dispersed phenomenon, a

that leads to the argument that all people are diasporic, at least po-Truly, diaspora 'has become a global word that fits the global

''(Dufoix

zooS: ro8). Such use of the concept of diaspora offers

possibilities for understanding contemporary social change in an

leãsingly globalising world. But it also raises important methodologi

fnd cõnceptual questions concerning the definition of the terms \M

in oui analyses and the many political and moral agendas hey

niel. tn effect,migration scholarsace he predicamentof addressin

concepthat, n úe realworld, s oftenemployedn divergentandhe-

il wavs and, within academia, is associatedwith emancipation

diversity. As Amit and Rapport state:

lf primordialism and essentialism are key elements in the efforts

to deÍìne the ideological rationale and boundaries of diaspora, it

ls ironic to see cultural theorists, who have so denounced the

exoticisms of the colonial and orientialist gaze, now embrace

them as vehicles for subaltern political liberation. (zooz: 541

, using úe concept of diaspora, migration scholars consequentl

be explicit about how they employ úe term analytically and, at the

time, distance themselves from its use by other people for politi'

and other puÍposes. n Brubaker's zoo5:rz) words 'we shoul

of diaspora in the first instance as a category of practice' that

K^lt1 | IrN l ìAtr i t l t l i ( ]A^|i l |

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crrr i r l<t 'sl r t .wor ' l t l r r r t l r , r r ly l r r r r nk wlr t . l l r t , r ' ,r r r t l row,i t can iui t Í i r l lybc uscdus:r cl r l t .g,olyÍ l r r r r r lysis' ,l r ; r t s, o tk,s<'r i l r t , r r r r ,world.

Th e ai m of this chapter s to scrutinist ' tht: prcdicarnents hat r lrr.scholar faceswhen applying the concept oÍ'diaspora by discussing ir'usefulness n úe study of global migration. My suggestion s that di;rspora servesas an analltical category o study particular aspectsoÍ'riligration processes ather than as a general term for all forms of hybrirlity and mobility in the contemporary world. More specifically, I propos(,that we use diaspora to explore migrant

populations as communitit.sthat are constantly negotiated and contested and that exclude as mÌr(rlas they include, rather than as entities that are bounded and homou,,neous and that automaücálly embrace all migrants from a particular ir;rtion. To illustrate this, I draw on my own peruvian migration data t'xploring how diasporic networks and ties shape the conflicts, comnrilments and organisations in which migrants living in the united statcs,Spain and Argentina engage. develop his analysisby first discussrrrlithe analytical problems of using diaspora as a general concept to und.rstand social fluidity and identity construction in a globalising world arrrlsuggesting an analytical framework to explore global migration. I tht'rrinvestigate three kinds of power struggles and contestations amorrli

Peruvians n the US, Spain and Argentina. My particular focus is.rrthe role that the bilateral ties, which migrants in the three countries crt'ate with Peru, and the multisited ties, which they establish wirlrPeruvians in oúer parts of the world, play in these power struggres a.rlcontestations. Finally, I discuss the possibilities of using the concept ,ídiaspora to understand Peruvian migration. I conclude by proposrrrllthat it is primarily the Peruvian migrant elite who claim to bãlong to ,,diasporic community and that well-off migrants construct such

"nld",'ity by excluding large numbers of working-class and less privireg.tlPeruvian migrants.

My data indicate úat diasporic populations often aÍe very heterogt,

neous and that diasporic activities tend to be based on social class.These insights resonate with a recent study by waldinger, popkin a.rlAquiles, who found that the hometown associations of Sarvadãran mrgrants living in Los Angeles are torn by a double loyalty to both tht.sending and receiving society and are therefore ridden by conflrr t(zoo7). My data complement these Íìndings, however,by showing tharwhereas the transnational dilemma of belonging to two places ãt on.,and the same üme tends to generate stress within small cross-bordi.rmigrant communities, such as the Salvadorans, class and ethnic corrflicts within the migrant communities - as well as between these conr.munities and the state of the sending country - are the main source .Íconflict in larger diasporic populations.

l, l Diasporaas an analytical oncept

tDlanl lor i r ' is r r<l t i rni t t 'd <l crdt .nr ic usc, unl ike i ts twin conceptoftJBltrttt ir l ionalisnr,term coined by US scholarswhose main researcInttrest lit:s in migration processes between the US and CentralAtnelicu, Mexico and the Caribbean.Quite the contrary diaspora has ahng lradition in European political and cultural history and it is onlyGeeutly that migration scholarshave taken an interest in the concep

fFrríbix zooS: 4341. Semantically, the two concepts refer to different

fet ovcrlapping social phenomena and processes,which explainsúeir9ften inconsistent and confusing use in migration studies.ãettsnationalism, on úe one hand, indicates he links that migrants es-bblixlr to their country or region of origin, which allows them simulta-llAously to create new lives in the receiüng societyand maintain strongHerrtity relations to the sending society (Portes, Guarnizo & Landoltfggq). Although it is true that transnational links are far from new in$le history of international migration, modern technology makes it pos-$ble to make more systematic use of such ties and maintain them*1ueh onger than previously (Smith zooo).

Diaspora, on the other hand, means dispersion and indicates theülany bonds that - in response to either discrimination or assimilation$ the receiving societies - bring together people who share the same

history but are scattered in diÍlerent locations. In its classicnition, diaspora implies a people retaining a collective narrative of

&ffering based on an experience of persecution and dispersion in theirical homeland that continues to make up a central point of refer-

ãbee n their creation of identities (Safran r99r). Moreover, diaspora isGâ$tnonly understood as a people or historical collectivity defined inËfms at once historical and religious, such as the fews, úe Greeks and*1e Armenians. Typically, they themselves refer to an origin myth vestedllth an almost sacred value, which gives úe term a strong ethnic con-Ftation (Stratton 1997). Diaspora has also conventionally been asso-

énted with certain economic and social activities in úe host sociery.€tre was úat of the merchant and another was that of the intellectual,hth giving rise to the image of diasporic minorities as intermediaries,

labelled 'middleman minorities' (Bonacich rg73:' see Schnapper

After 1968, the meaning of diaspora was broadened to include com-ities that scholars had once labelled immigrant, nomadic or exilic.

the words of Tõlõlyan: '.Where once weÍe dispersions, there now is' $996: l). On the one hand, this change n use of úe term is

ftly the result of a reorientation of identity from within the commu-#tles themselveshat increasinglyembracehe diasporicdiscourse.As

€llfïbrd(rgg+bl reminds

us, membershipn a diasporas now viewed

FA l t s' l ' t N'Atrtt,ti ( AAt t t x i^ l ' lN( l l) lASl,( ) l{A



i ls l st r i l l ( ,gy) í , r Ì r lx)w(,r ' r ì r ( 'nl) ( , ( i rur i ( ' i l'nl l i ls l re r rol r i l is l r t iorrí i r r l t ' rnat ionalsupport nd iní ì t r t 'nt : t ' l rol l rn l l rc l rorr r r . l ; rr r t lr t tcl l t t ' l rosl srrciety.On the other hand, his rrcwprol i Í i ' r ' r r l iorrí l l r t ' l t ' r r r r ' t l iaslxr l r r ':ralso due to a shift in paradigm ha t took placc n thc r99os, instigrl irr l ischolars o explainethnic relations and identity proccsses s he outcorrrrof globalisationand transnationalisation. n eÍfect, a growing numbcr' ,,Íscholars exploring migration, multiculturalism and ethnicity have rtr';rsltheir work as diasporic studies; this simultaneously allows them to crr;rture úe deterritorialised and fluid nature of modern life and accoun[ íor

the local embeddedness and particr-rlar circumstantiality continuing toshape people's ives in the twenty-Íìrst century. Nevertheless,precist'lybecausediaspora s associatedwith origin and primordialism as mlr( llas with mobility and hybridity, it implies an immanent tension betwt'r'rrbelonging and travel. The concept has therefore erroneously compellt'tlmany scholars o study migrants, refugees and exiled people through tlrr'same analytical lens that anthropologists, sociologists and other scholulr,conventionally used to explore small-scale and marginal populatiorrgÍoups (Amit & Rapport zoozl.

As a result, diaspora has become a new buzzword for culture arrrlidentity as well as a conceptual vehicle to claim rights on behalf of pc,ple who suffer from oppression or discrimination. Indeed, unless w,'

want to lump together in one category all forms of migrant comnìrlnities and identities, we need to be more specific when labelling glob;rlmovements and networks as diasporic. Does doing so actually help tr:runderstand úe changes that take place within the migrant communitit':rwe studyl Or, does it lead to reification of transnational migrant groul):ias homogenous or static social units and representation of their engaÍl('ments and concerns as the mere replication of national and ethnic idortities on a global scaleì This again raises critical questions regardirrllthe definition of our analytical unit and, more importantly, how wt'study the process through which societies and communities emer[]r'and evolve nto self,conscious constructions. As Amit and Rapport poirrt

out, collective identities 'whether defined in terms of nation, ethnicity,occupation or political movement, are all too often invoked to Íìll the v:rcuum of location once Íìlled (literally) by place' (zooz:3). Thus, wht'rrlabelling particular emigrant groups as diasporic, we need to asl.whether we are referring to the mere demographic fact that a certairrfragment of a national population lives within a territory con trolled byother nation-sta tes. Or, are we implying that this group has developt'tlits own political and cultural communities and created its own form olidentification (Vertovec rggT)?

In this chapter, I argue that although modern technology prompts :lgrowing proportion of the world's population to move - making travcl

ling and migration a dominant dimension of modern life-

this dot':r

f lot i r r r l r ly l r ; r l r l l soci t ' l ics tr ' t l i ; rsl tor i r 'or l l r r l r t l l t rt l i r l r rs lt ul lurq

ãËntrr ; r l ( ,ius;ror icck'r r t i t i t 's.ì r r l l rcl Ì rurr ' rnploying hc r tot ionoÍ 'dia

lpula int l isu' inr i rulclyo ul l l< i r rclsí t ransr tat ionaltetworks nd dent i

tie:, I prrrposcwc: íbllow llutlcr, who identiÍìes an isolated set of categaliex ir l rrrralysis pplicable o al l diasporas o as to help us not only

dlxtlrrgrrislr ìasporasrom other movementsof people, ut alsoconsid

êf therrr r íiamework for the study of a specificprocess of community

f€rtnatiorr (Butler zoot: 194ìr. n Butler's definition the following di

ãlettxiottsoÍ'diasporic researchare particularly relevant as analyLical a

tsgtuit's: the reasons for the dispersal, the relationship wiú the home-lettd ;rrrcl he host lands, interrelationships with oúer communities in

tltr tlilrsporaand comparativestudies of diÍíerent diasporas zoor: r95).

I :uggt'st we use Butler's approach in a slightly revised and reduced

frlttt, lrr rny approach, o be diasporic mplies that a migrant population

€ol1Éir{l$ f communities in several countries or cities outside the home-

htrd arrd that these communities, on úe one hand, maintain a degre

BÍ'et:orromic and political autonomy as an immigrant community in the

hlÌ rocicties and, on the other, create networks and ties to not only the

Ëãunlry of origin, but also migrants in other parts of the world.

ãr:errtially, this makes úe global web of relations linking migrants in

Ëultlplt' destinations ogether he glue of diasporicpopulations.Hence,

$ eontrast to the notion of transnationalism, which I use to explore theHlcteral connections migrants construct to their country of origin, I un-

&rctand diasporic networks and engagements as úe multilateral net-

Ëlkr arrd ties migrants create across regional and national boundaries

ãUt:lele heir homeland (Faist 9g9: 46-471.ãut lrow do we operationalise such an approach and apply it in em-

$llcel rcsearch? Moreover, how do we identify those aspects of a mi-

$cttt population that actually are diasporic and those that are non-

ëruporicì To answer these questions, I shall try to apply this approach

hl rry ,r*n study of Peru's migrant population and discuss to what ex

ãlt tlrc ties and networks Peruvian migrants create aÍe diasporic. I

furefort' devote the remaining part of the chapter to the analysis ofSfep crs,rs of power struggles that have instigated Peruvian migrants to

€€ate and engage in multilateral networks and ties. The first caseh I label 'diaspora and politics', involves a political conflict cause

e lel)our migration chain to the US, stretching back more úan three. The second case, diaspora and solidarity', deals with a sens

€€)ÍÌuÌìitment that propels migrants to collect and remit money totheir fellow countrymen in Peru. The úird case, 'diaspora and

', examines the networks and institutions that migrants create in

lk US, Spain and Argentina. Although the data I draw on were colkêd r.'v"r"l years go, he threecases hed ight on ongoingpÍocess

if pwut strugglesn Peruvianmigration üat continue o cause onflic

,KÀlrt I I 'N l ,Alr l l l { l r |AAli l

| r ( ,cAltNc | i lAsl 'o l{A



aÍìd lcrrsion i r r Ì lor ' r l . l r r igrr r r ls (sct ' Al l ; r r r r i r ' ; r r rotoo(r ; l ì t ' tg liPacrrcgaard oo5; l ì t ' rg &' latnul3t to, toer(r ;Mi t t isl t ' r ' io l t ' l ì t ' l t tciorr r r ;Exter iores el Perú2o05). 'A cornrnort l r t' tnt ' t t tnt t i t tg l t ror tgl t Ììy rni llysis s the fragmentednature of Peruviarrs' iasporir: clationsarrcl lr, 'practices hat tend to divide migrants anywhere hey scttle. Morc spt'rÍìcally, he three casesshow that, on the one hand, migrants' atterrtpl ,construct a unifying identity as Peruvians s ridden by ongoing ctlrrrrrand class ensions and, on the other, their transnational engagemerrl rrtheir homeland reproduces old political conflicts with the Peruvr;rrr

state, and generates nevr' ones. In effect, the case studies pÍompt us l')ask: politics for whomì Solidarity for whom? Diaspora for whomì

5.2 Diasporaand politics

Over the past jo yeaÍs, over 3,ooo Peruvianshave worked on US sht't'pranches on the basis of an H-zA visa. Currently, almost 2,ooo are wot l(ing as sheepherders n the US for úe Western Range Associatrotr(WRA) and other agencies. Many of them have worked on as many rrrfive contracts each asting three years. Their labour migration meets clilferent economic needs and links distinct lives between the First Workl

and the Third World. At one end of úe migration chain, the econonrirand political crisis in Peru generates a constant supply of rural workctsin desperate search for alternative sources of income. At the other entl,the sheep ranching industry in úe US looks for cheap labour to rlrwork North Americans will not accept. The two ends are conneclt'rlúrough a network of Peruúan herders who travel repeatedly betwet'rrúe US and Peru. In the North, the ranch owners, he WRA and US irrrmigration authorities control the flow o f Peruvians who enter and leavt'the US on H-zA visas; in the South, an informal network of family arrrlhousehold relations assuÍes the reproduction of the labour force arrtlprovides new recruits (Paerregaard zooz). A critical aspect of this nri

gration chain is a patron-client relationship between the herders anrltheir employers. Not only does t spur Peruvians to continue working irrthe US and call upon new family members, but the dyramics are ust'tlby US ranch owners and the WRA to discipline the herders to endult'harsh working conditions in the mountains and the desert and to dett'rthem from running away. Although this relationship creates anxielyabout upsetting the ranchers - who often exploit the herders'fear 1,,scare hem from complaining about their conditions, cluitting the job orreturning to Peru before the contract expires - it also instigates sonrt'herders to protest.

In 1995, a group of Peruvians iúng in Bakersfield,California, wer','led bv ex-herder Victor Flores to cïeate the Unión de Pastort's

ãvejeros,{r rn tgl t t t isr t l iot tol t l t ' í t ' r r t l i r rgl r t ' r ' ig, l r ls Í [ t t ' r 'dt ' rst td dis-

l€t l l lu; r l inf Ì t t Í i r r t rut t iotrl lot r l Jr t ' i t 's i l t t l r l i r l r tr r thc US and Pcru.Th e

Ëf l lot t r t 'ct ' ivt 'd t r l l l i t l t t tct t t iot t tt l ,< lsArtgt l lcs he same year t was

f9fttretl lx'r'uttst: )c'ruviannclwspapcrPerúde os 9o began publishing a

lËtiex oí'urf r:krsabout the herders' situation.aThe news causedan in-

êlue cliscrrssion ithin the Peruvian community in California about so-

llderity iìrììong fellow migrants and the moral and legal rights of immi-

$ferrtn n thc US.5To many of them, it came as a surprise úat herders

&orrr lcrnote villages in the Peruvian highland were working as legal

fãlnigrants in the US in human conditionsworse than they were used

ã lt t l ' t ' ru.'f lre scandal widened when Perú de los go reported that the Peruvian

€ancul in Los Angeles previouslyhad ignored the herders' comglaints.

The nt'ws also reachedone of Peru's major dailies, La República,"while

E&retus,'t weekly rnagazine in Lima, reported on ill-treated Peruvian

krders in the US. Lima teleúsion channel Canal 4 produced a docu-

FlFntflry on Peruvian herders in California in which tvvorepoÍters inter-

*wecl l Basqueranch owner who revealed he conditions in which his

krttvian employers were living. The documentary sparked yet another

Ërndal among politicians in Lima, where President of Congress

ilertlra Châvez referred to the herders' situation in a heated debate

lbut human rights in Peru. Similar Íeports on SpanishJanguage elevi-dãtt channels in the US caused moral indignation among Hispanic

ttlnority groups. In ry96, the Peruvian ambassador, ogether wiú oÍlì-

édr Írorn the US Department of Labor, paid a personal visit to several

Fehes cmploying Peruvian labourers.Tlte dcbate about economic exploitation and human rights abuses of

kruvlan herders in üe US that emerged in üe wake of the Bakersfield

krders' union formation and Flores' accusations against the WRA re-

kte tlru economic and social complexity of global migration networks.

&ee lhr, Peruúan community in Los Angeles, the media in Peru and

fo tlS and politicians in Lima engaged n the controversy, the herders'

ífuation became the concern of economic, eúical and political interestsff very different kinds. Whereas the Peruvian consul in Los Angeles

sttprrrseded,he editor of Peru d'elosgo won an award for its cover-

oÍ'llrc conflict. Meanwhile, Châvezplayed on national sentiments n

accusing the US government of double standards because t criti-

thc hurnan rights politics of úe Fujimori government while ac-

ng sheep ranchers' abuses against Peruvian herders. For its part,

political opposition in Peru traced the cause of úe tragedy to the

of the Peruvian government in solving the country's economic

. âhhough Flores received the most attention, he was not the only ex-

àder to articulate the interests of the herders in public. In 1989,

hAl{S iN l 'Alr l{ l {1,(;AAl{ l

' l i 'or loci<l ' ( ' luf

r(;A' l ' lN(; l) lA5lr{ l{ A

i l Niúo lr i t ( lut t r l r l t r t rclSouth



r l l r r t ' t , -yci r l or icontract n tJrc: S. Urr l i l<t ' l rkl r t 's, l ro t ; t l l t . r l r r Jrr ,USand l , t ' r t rvr , r r rauthorit ies o keep a closc cyc oÍì Arrrt 'r ir ' irn lrr,t '11arrchcrs' rst,olPeruvian abour and, f necessary, ring it to a lralt, 'Tbodocioas argrrcrlin favour of Peruvians aking work as sheepherders n the US, wlritlrhe thinks Íepresents a unique opportunity for them to earn Amclrcrrrdollars. In Lima, he made friends with the Peruvianengineer n chirr1i,.of recruiting herders and occasionallyoÍfered him advice and supporlin selectingnew candidates.As the public debateof the herders'situ.ltion in the US became more heated n the late

r99os, Teodocioaurl ,rgroup of ex-herders n Huancayo waÍned that Flores' critique oí'tlr,,WRA and the sheep ranchers eventually would encourage them to Lrol,for herders in other countries. Together they formed an associatiorì ()lformer WRA workers, úe Asociaciónde Ex-Trabajadorese la Westt,rrrRanch Association, with the aim of speaking in defence of the WllAand the ranchers. ln ry97, Teodociowas inúted to pÍesent his vrt'wpoints at the committee for human rights formed by Peru's congr(.srHe also met with Flores and representatives from the Peruvian govcnlment to discuss the future of the migration programme. At the mt'r,ling, an informal agÍeement was made among the WRA, the enginr,t,rand the Peruvian government to Íespect the herders' rights, and it wln

decided to allow úe migration programme to continue úth íì.wchanges.s Within a short úme, the pnbti. and political interest in rlrt.herders' situation faded away and the number of herders travelling tothe US continued to increase.

The labour conflict and the scandal it caused involved a broad rarr1i,.of actors including migrants, journalists, oÍficials and politicians oulside as well as inside Peru. At one point, úe conflict also caught the rrrtention of other Hispanics, which prompted Peruvians in California tocreate multilateral ties outside Peru and think of úemselves as belorrliing to a wider immigÍant community in úe US. Once Peruvian iourrìirlists and politicians engaged in the dispute, however, the matter w;n

transformed into a national issue of contention in Peru. In effect, ilchanged meaning from being a multilateral engagement concerning :rllmigrants to a bilateral affair between the herders and the Peruvi:rrrstate.

5.3 Diaspora ndsolidarity

Many Peruvians feel obliged to contribute to the material wealth of thcircountryTnen n times of scarcity and crisis. This is expressed n their organised attempts to collect financial and material help from tlrt'Peruúan government or from public or private institutions in Perrr.

?hlg l rcl r r r r r ,Anel ici r , ( ut lsi r r l l t t tgt ' t t t t t t l t r t lsst 'sat td t t ratcr ial amagc n Peru.

fuêd r'orrrrt 't ' l iottx'lwt't 'r tci l i t 's oÍ'thc: northcrn coast and th e rest of

ft e rotrrr lrywa s ntcrruptcd, caving housands f peoplewhosehomes

tild lìr.lcls rrcl bccn Íloocledbeyond the reach of emergencyassistanc

The tlisrrsk'rcausedby El Niflo also eopardised he government'spolicy

ts spark cc<lnomicgrowth, and createduncertainty about whether the

ç€urltry'srcccnt economic recoveryand its emergence rom a recession

€€üld lx' sustained.News about El Nif,o and images of its devastatin

lfïeel r;rpidlyreached Peru's emigrant population around the world and

Itlrrrul tttany migrants. Peruvianassociationsn the US began to collect

lié orr lx'half of Peru's victims of El Niflo. Initially, indiüdual migrants

tseçtetl in an ad hoc way, encouraging friends and neighbours to join

&eil t'ílirrts to help countrymen in Peru, but soon Peruvian associations

âruttglrout the US followed their example. In Miami, a number of

FEfuviln migrant associations organised a collection of clothing, food,

tledlcinc, tools and money that was sent üa úe country's national car-

fçr st thc time, Aeroperl, and several private Peruvian freight compa-

Èles, l)uring the collection, which took place on 14 and 15 February

lggff at a small plazain front of a shopping centre in Kendall, Western

lfletrri, l<nown among Peruvians as Plaza Perú, representatives from

ëãpa"ttt Peruvian associations and the Peruvian consulate in MiamiGe prcsent. To attract the attention of the Peruvian community in

Ilrnti, several celebrities were brought in - including a famous

hruviarr model. According to one local Peruvian newspaper, more than

ienty tonnes of clothing and other items were collected over the two-

frt aflair.'r Other newspapers labelled úe collection a success becaus

ft F|lc,rurag"d cooperation in a common cause by a broad variety of

?€futi,,t' associationsand institutions in Miami, which might otherwise

hve a.t,,d on their own and with different agendas.'" Likewise, many

fttltlpunts also expressed heir satisfactionúat Peruvians n Miami

lG ttt,,ttrg"d to arrange a collection of such dimensions in collabora

*n with the Peruvian consulate.Mlgrants in other parts of the US also planned collections to aid the

*tlnrn oÍ'El Niflo. On zz March 1998, the Asociaciónde Institucione

Ftuerms en los EstadosUnidos y Canadá AIPEUC),an umbrella orga

I cncompassing all Peruvian institutions in the US and Canada

a nationwide telethon. It was organised locally by each of

FEUC's chapters, n Los Angeles, San Francisco,Miami, New York'

ago and Montreal. The president of the Los Angeles chapter, which

f3pferents one of the largest Peruvian organisations in the US' inúted

I Yefiety of Peruvian artists, musicians and dance groups to entertain

ffrt: ut a rented banquet hallin Holllwood. Alongside the mandatory

Èãtrcn." fee of twenty dollars, participants were encouraged to make

vas c n

dotrat iorrs. r r raiol i lydisrr r t r ly t l rop;r r . r len- or . twt . r r ty-ckr lhrr . I i l lsrr

R(x;At'tN(; ,t/\St'(!r A

bttgt ' r 'ss. '1l ' l t t ' tn<lvt ' t t tct t t 's



col lect ion oxcs, ru ta Í i 'w part ici lxr r r ls t . r r . i r rvi t t .drp on t l r r .st0g(. t ( lhand over their donat ions n publ i r : . ' l ' l r t ,st ' r ' . r r t r ibrr torscr c al l srr rcessfulbusinesspersons,rofessionals nd l<rrownmembersoÍ'thr' l , 'gAngeles Peruviancommunity who each donated up to a thousancl ltrllars. Simultaneously,other collections were arranged by indepenrlt,rrtPeruüans associations n the area, such as the Arequipa club rrrorange county. To stimulate competition between peruvian comÌÌrlnities acrossNorú America, the leadersof the AIpEUC updated orgarrrsersand participantson the resultsof the campaign n other

"r""r,'tl',,l.,ostering a sense of simultaneity and shared commitment am.rr11Peruvians in North America. The outcome of the many contributi.rr:;was later communicated tò Peruvians in different parts of the uS arrtlCanada hrough local newspapers."

The migrants' sense of solidarity, however, was directed towards rr.lonly their countrymen, but also peruvians living outside pe^r.''Periodically, this concern would trigger debates and campaigns withirrthe migrant communities as they sought to demonstrate sohãarity witlrPeruvians who suffer social injustice and discrimination in the host s,ciety or otherwise fall victim to misforhrne. In fanuary 1998, a group oíPeruvians in Miami formed a committee with the aim of supporrlrìti

countrymen who struggle to regularise their undocumented status irrthe us. The committee was founded by the editor of Miami's peruviarrnewspapeÍ El chasqui and the leader of the peruvian Americarrc_oalition which, inspired by the success of the cuban communiry rrrFlorida, urged Peruvians in the us to use their right to vote to elect ;rcountrFrnan to congress.'l The committee's political message was thullegal immigrants have a moral obligation to help undocumented imnri-grants because llegality is a universal condiüon that may affect the livr.sof all immigrants. By úe same token, some of the organisers who ust,local immigrant newspapers in spanish to communicate their messag.contend that such a sense of solidarity should transcend national identi,ties and include immigrants from all Latin American

countries.'4 S,far, however, the resonance of these attempts to create horizontal ticsacross social classesand ethnic groups and incite the formation of a na-tional identity among Peruüans immigrants in different parts of NortlrAmerica has been limited.

In other parts of the world, similar movements have been formeclamong Peruúan migrants to create a collective consciousness of therrr-selves as a sepaÍate demographic unit and to mobilise for political pur-poses. In Argentina, the Movimiento de peruanos en el Exterior('Movement of Peruvians Abroad') was established n 1999. In colla_boration with other emigrant communities in the us and canada, .saim was to promote the candidacy of an emigrant in the zoor elections

fo r [ 'er t tvi r t r ol i l ical r rcssagc:s that be-

Gêuge í ttr igrartls' :otttr ibutiotts o l)cru's cìconomy hrough remit-

ênc:ex, lrt ' l)cruvian govcÌrnrÌìcnt as a moral obligation to support

ttÍuggk's against discrimination and marginalisation suffered by immi

ãlêltttl iÍr [hcir new countriesof residence.Such a messageencourage

*tlgrarrts kr think of themselvesas a politically homogenous group who

lhere th(Ì same interests regardless of where they live or who they

lre,'(' Other Peruvian organisations in Argentina are also concerned

rlth thc welfare of their countrymen, though for very different Íeasons.

ln tlrt, r95os and r96os, hundreds of young Peruvian males went toAtgentina to study. Many returned to Peru, but oúers stayed and either

l?êrricd Argentine women or brought their wives from Peru to setúe in

Argentina. Some of these women who today are well established and in-

êgrated in Argentine society have formed an institution called the

Agociación de Damas Peruanas, which does charity work for newly ar-

dyed Peruvians n need of help.'7Migrants' efforts to collect aid on behalf of the victims of El Niflo in

Fetu and support their country of origin in time of war and interna-

Ëonal conflict recurrently encourages hem to come together and create

llaks to Peruvians in other cities and countries, thus forging multilat-

Ërl ties outside Peru. These attempts, however, often cannot be sus-

llned for very long, partly becausemigrants are internally divided andpftly because they distrust the Peruvian state. FurthennoÍe, although

ãllgrants' engagement in Peruvian domestic politics has prompted

Fêruvians in some counúies to establish connections across national

kundaries, these ties are ridden by class conflict and focused on mi-pents' involvement in Peru raúer than in the countries where they

ËVe, Hence, rather than compelling migrants to create diasporic net-

t?rhs and ties, their sense of solidarity makes them turn attention to-

ïerds their country of origin.

f- í Diaspora and class

ln many of *re communities that Peruvians establish outside Peru, mi-

Fênts reproduce the power relations and ethnic tensions that divide

kruvian society into economic and social classes.This is evident from

Se many migrant organisations and associations that Peruvians create

b their new countries of residence. Whereassome of these institutions

tsË open for all Peruvians who want to come togeúer - to play football,

&nce or watch folldore shows - others recruit their members according

Ë elther regional origin or socio-economic class. The la tter are úerefore

Ëore exclusive, which'has important implications for their capacity to

ãtgediasporic networks and ties. In cities such as Miami, Los Angeles,

l (,1l l f i ' l ' l lN Al i l { l l l1(;ÀAl l l }

Ncw Yorl<ìncl ) i l1( ' Isorì,ow rr ig l l l r l$ )Íìerì irrrrr rgrrr isrr l iorn

l lTEl t l ro(A ' lN( | lAr i l ' rl{ A

i t l t ot l tcr n l igrant

ro J



Jt ' rst,y,basedon their rcgional ttachrnt ' rr l rr l) t ' r ' rr . ssrx ' iut iorrsrrrry x. t l iv idedalong wo l ines: hosebascd<l n rr ignrrrts 'a l lar: lrrncntr thcir rr ;rtive villageand those basedon attachmcnt to thcir lromc provinc(:or tlt,paÍtment. Village-based ssociations re, aboveall, committed to thc rrrrgrants' place of origin, often being engaged n an intense relatiorrslrilrof economic and social exchange with their fel low villagers in l)('r'uOrganisations based on migrants' attachment to their home provinct' ordepartment, on the other hand, tend to attract a more -heterogencorngroup of migrants of both urban and rural backgrounds.'o

In contrast to social, cultural and regional institutions, class-basedorganisations normally recrult their members from Peru's urban middh'or uppeÍ classes,being of mostly mestizo or European descent ÍiorrrLima and other major cities n Peru. These nstituti ons can be of variorr:;kinds, úough are usually private clubs, professional organisations,chambers of commerce or charity organisations. They exist in plact,riwith more establishedPeruüan communities such as New York, Miarrri,Los Angeles, Barcelona, Buenos Aires and Santiago, places that havr,been the destination of Peruvian emigration for almost half a century,Thus, during the r95os and r96os, hundreds of young men frorrrPeru's middle- and upper-class amilies travelled to Spain and Argentin;r

to study medicine, law, agriculture, etc., at universities úere. Malrydecided to stay. They eventually married local women, got good jobs rrslawyers, physicians or veterinarians and became part of Spanish anrlArgentinean society. However, most of úem maintained their Peruvrurridentity by forming associations. During the late r98os and early 199os,Spain and Argentina received a new \À/ave f Peruúans headed by a larg,,.number of working-class migrants from Peru's urban shantytowns ernigrating at a time of economic and political crisis. Today, many of thos,,once newly arrived live on the margins of úe host society, forming rrrremeÍgent proletariat of immigrant workers in Spain and Argentirr;r.Hence, their migration and livelihood experiences are radically differcrrtfrom those oftheir predecessors, difference that often leads to striÍr,

within Peru's immigrant communities in these countries.This variety of migrant organisations reflects Peruvians' possibilitit's

for creating multilateral networks. Thus, migrants from Peru's rur':rlareas and urban shantytowns tend to organise in regional and ethnic ussociations, which serve as vehicles to sustain ties to their place of origirrand engage n transnational relations of exchange with their relatives irrPeru. Rarely, however, do they develop links to migrant communities irrother parts of the world. If they do, these bonds are usually not orrlysecondary to úe relaüons that link them to the homeland, but also tal<t.the form of trans-state rather than transnational connections (Waldingt,r& Fitzgerald zoo4: n8z). Migrants from Peru's better-off strata, on tlrr,

€ther lr iurc l,gfol l l )s lcclr t tsclt t ' i r soti l t l artc l troÍ i 'ss i<lr tu ltatus n Peru eases he

ptoblerrrs í obtuining stayand worl<pcrmits in host countriesan d be -

€:une tlìcy sufÏirr lcss Írom social and cultural prejudices than other

Fenrviarrs.ì"hcir privileged position enhances heir mobility and allows

thetrt t,, c:rt:atcmigrant institutions, basedon class and profession, and

folrn rrt'tworks with Peruvians from their own strata in other parts of

&e worlcl. This is clearly evident in the Peruvian American Medical

lecirty (PAMS), one of the oldest migrant institutions in North

Anterica,Íbunded by Peruvian medical doctors who migrated to the US

ã worl< during the Vietnam War.'e Today this association has around

f;ioo rncmbers with its own office in Chicago and a number of local

€hepters in the US."" Similar institutions weÍe created by Peruvians

llho rtudied at Spanish and Argentinean universities in the r95os and

Ipfios and ultimately stayed abroad to establish families. In Spain, mi-

Itnttlx íìrrmed an organisationcalled Convención Nacional de Médicos

Hl:puno-Peruanos. which comprises approximately8oo Peruúan doc-

tsf: and has seven chapters in Spain's major cities. In Argentina,

Fetuvian doctors are organised in the Asociación Peruano-Argentina de

Hêdlcos, which is also divided into local chapters. The main chapter in

foentrs Aires represents between two and three úousand Peruvian doc-

$e, Apart from the annual meetings these institutions organise nation-Í'or their members, a global gathering for all Peruvian doctors living

Peru has been arranged on a number of occasions."

[ü scveral North American cities, an exclusive group of male

ians has formed associations for former students of the Leoncio

Military Academy, Peru's most respected military school in

" These associations function as institutional anchors of a global

of ex-studentsof Leoncio Prado - so-calledLeoncioprqdinos'

today are architects, engineers, doctors, bank directors, business-

etc., living in úe US, Mexico, Panama, Venezuela and different

ol' liurope. They also help Leoncíopradinos ho want to emigrate in

ng jobs and getting adjusted to their new environment. Thanks to

Ëupport they receive from the network and their frequent communi-I on the internet and by email, many former Leoncíopradinoseel

$ueh at home in their new countries of residence as in Peru. As

tüch graduate explained it:

Te arc verywell organised ecause e are all professionals iü goodWc use the internet and communicate by email. We help each

whenever there is need. They help me Íìnding a job and later I

Fomebodylse.this exclusive sectoÍ of Peru's emigrant population has created

:teble network of diasporic connections úat allow migrants to feel

without'sustaining active ties to their homeland.

K^RS,t , t iN'AtrHi l i rAAt{t l f f iE l t t , t tt ;A tt l I l^Sl ' ( lt ^ l( )



5.5 A Peruvian iasporal

This chapterhas exploredhow l)eruvirrrrrr igrurrrtst 'gotiatc nd orgrr;1,.in three types of conflicts and power strugglesand investigated rowthese negotiations and engagements compel them to forge diaspor ,networks and ties. The first case examined a political conÍlict tlr;rlemerged because of the economic exploitation and physical abust' r,lPeruvians who work as sheepherders n the US. It discussedhow tlr,'conflict caused a scandal within the Hispanic media in the US arrtl ;r

critique of the Peruvian state because t failed to proüde the herders 1,.gal and moral assistance.However,even when úe scandalreached tr;peak and became an issue"of contestation first, between he Peruvr;rrrconsulate, the press in Los Angeles and media in Lima and, later, lrt'tween the Peruvian and the US governments - the networks and ti<'s rtactivated were mainly bilateral. Rather úan mobilising Peruvians rrroúer parts of the world and thus prompting migrants to engage n nrrrltilateral networks across regional and national boundaries, the conílir tbecame a tense issue between migrants and the Peruv ian state, thert'lryforging transnational ties at the cost ofdiasporic ones.

The second case focused on Peruvians' commitment to help tht,ircountrymen in Peru and other places. This commitment prompts thr.rrrto organise collections of aid to help the victims of natural disasters ilPeru and to aÍrange campaigns to suppoÍt fellow migrants struggling toregularise their illegal status in a host society. Such activities generat(' ;lfeeling of solidarity with Peruvians not merely in Peru, thus reinforcinlities to the homeland, but also in other parts of the world. As such, tlrt,yprovide migrants wiú a notion of simultaneity in time and homogerrr'ity as a social group. Peruvians' awareness of constituting a global soci;rlunit, however, is susceptible to the vicissitudes of politics and dominrting rhetoric of nationalism in the homeland. During times of politì<rrlconflict in Peru, the Peruvian goveÍnment often plays on the patriotisrrrof the country's migrant population and its loyalty to the homelantl,

which tends to lead to its division, rather than uniÍìcation. In effect, nrrgÍants' feelings of unity and shared national identity seldom last ionliAlthough many support wiú great enthusiasm the humanitarian assistance campaigns that Peruvian organisations launch from time to timt,,tensions often break out once úe aid and solidarity become an object olpolitical controversy.

The third case examined migrant institutions and the social class rt,lations that transcend úem. Whereas some social and cultural organrsiltions are open to all migrants, others recruit Peruvians according toclass, ethnic and regional aÍïìliation and therefore divide rather thrrrrunite üem. In fact, the only groups of migrants that have developt'tlmulülateral networks linking Peruvians in several locations

across

?eglotur lr r r r l l r l ionrr lxl r r r rdrr l icsrr '< 'l r t 'ussociul t 's í 'proícssionalmt -

Sfãnlorgrrr r isul iorrs,t tcl tas t t tccl i t 'al ssociat ionsn the US, Spainan d

Argetrl irru tttd hc tnorc coníìnedand exclusive etworksof former st u

épntx rrí'l)t'ru's clite schoolsand military academies. n Peruüan rnigra

ãott, ilrt,n, diasporicnetworks and ties emeÍge from the same conflict

lntl rtnrgglcs that divide Peruvians n Peru into social classesand eú-

ilc gnrrrps and remain a privilege in the hands of the most powerful

ãêçtorsoí'the country's migrant population. Indeed, to this small group

3f train('d professionals and ecoÍìomically well-off Peruvians, it may be

Ëgued that the idea of diaspora exists n the form of a cosmopolitaËer*ity (see Hannerz ry96: roz-rrr). This notion of a dispersedethnic

€gtlÌrìunity united by a shared oyalty to the homeland is based, how-

!t?r, orr the exclusion of the vast majority of fellow migrants. In other

ffirds, it is the identity of an urban elite from upper-class neighbour-

|pod:r ln Lima who often claim descent from European immigrants. As

Hlcatcd in this chapter, úeir success n mobilising other social classe

l&d ethnic groups has so far been imited.i Thc íact that only a small group of Peruvians has created multilateral

l€tworks and ties and engaged in diasporic activities can be atÍibuted

ãeveral factors. First of all, Peruüans tend to disperse across many

ricsand cities, which undermines their ability to establish orga-

migrant communities in the receiving countries and to createconomic, social and political ties with their country of origin or

n diíferent migrant settlements. A second factor is that, with theion of üe US, which has been the destination of Peruvian mi-

itc since the mid-r95os, it is only twenty yeaÍs ago that Peru's exo

$ained momentLlm. In addition, Peru's migrant population is exbrehetcrogeneous and includes migrants of both sexes, as well as oft all social strata and ethnic and regional groups. Moreover, unlikegovernments in the Caribbean, Mexico and Central America that

mlgration on the top of their political agenda, the Peruvian statonly recently begun to show conceïn for its emigrant population

& Tâmagno zoo6), a concern úat makes it into úe headlines of: public media only rarely. In fact, the flow of information between

eÕuÍìtryand its migrant population is surprisingly thin and, exceprêcurrent estimates of migrants' remittances and their impact on€ountry's development, úe only news that appeaÍs in the Peruvian

lR are occasional reports about migrants who have been caught bypolice or immigration authorities because hey have broken the law

Ëavelledllegally.

l () í) l (Al i t i l rN l 'Al j l i l { l i r ,AAli l ' lN l l ' l t t tr ' t ;rr t Nt t ' tAl l t ' ( r t tA |(t I



5.6 Conclusion

I t is now pert inent o return o the opcrr ing<lr rcsl iorrl Í ' lhis hapk,r ' :oask what kind of networks and ties Peruvian migrants Íbrge whcn tlrt,vengage n conflicts and power relations. The material discussed rrtlicates that Peruvian migration is characterised by few if any, diaspor raspectsand that these are restricted to the exclusive activities and rt'plr.sentationsof a small group of migrants. Considering that the major tvof Peruvianswho have emigrated n the past twenty or Jo yeaÍs bekrrrll

to an emergent working class of immigrants in the First World, this olrservationundeÍscoÍesSchnapper's t999: 33) point that'proletarian populations are undoubtedlyJess likely to maintain themselves as a clr;rspora'. Moreover,my material demonstrates hat migrant communiti(.:toften constitute exlremely heterogeneous populations divided by class,ethnicity, education, gender and age, which provides support ÍirrBrubaker's (zoo5: rz) suggestion that rather úan essentialising tlrr,term 'diaspora' by giving it a specific meaning, 'we should think of cli:rspoïa not in substantialist terms as a bounded entity, but raúer as rrrridiom, a stance, a claim.' Finally, the material reminds us that, as sclrolars, we should be careful not to use the term'diaspora'to portray tlrt,life of contemporary migrants in ways that pull the wires of a politic;rldiscourse to serve the interests of exporting companies, remittancr,agencies,politicians, development planners and journalists rather thrrrrthose to whom úe term actually refers: the vast majority of migrarrt:rstruggling daily to cross national boundaries, legalise their papers, firrrljobs and create new lives in foreign places.

Notes

r Ong stetes that diasporic studies '1ook at the subjective experience of displacemorr,úctimhood, cultural hybridiry and cultural struggles in the modern world (1999: r:,)

z I collected the bulk of data between ry97 and, zoor, with supplementary data gallrered between zoo3 and zoo5. I used a multisited strategy o conduct field resear.tlramong Peruvians in úe US, Spain, Italy, Argentina, Chile and fapan. The muiti-sirrrlapproach aÌlowed me to explore global relations and diasporic identities through irrdepth ethnographic studies in selected countries and research sites.

3 The union is associated with the United Farm Workers of America (UFWA) of tlrr.American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO).

4 Peni d,elos9o Vol. 9: z, 3, 4 (February, March, April i998). See also los AngelesTíntr'.17 August zooo: A3+Az3; Oregonq The West 15 uly zoor: Azt + Az4.

5 Many Peruvians Ìiving in the US have either entered the country illegally or ovustayed a touÍist visa and live and work as domestic servants, gardeners, waiters, cotrstruction workers, etc., in the big cities.

6 La República16 August 1996: Local.

7 Caretas o fune 1996: No. r4r9.

Wlr r re ;rs rhr rcr iw;rs:rur r r .sslr r l r r l r l l inp l l l r r 'pr r l r l i r ' 's l l ( ,r Ì l ion lo l l r t ' r rur l l t ' r , r t '

la ih .r l o r r ro lr i l isr , l l r t 'sr rp ;ror ' lÍ l r r ,r r l t . rsr r l l r r , t lS r rnt l Ì ,r r r . l ' l ror .rg l rr lny agrccdl l r r t t l rc r ;r r r t l r or r t l i t io r rswr ,r r .r r 'pr r ' l rcr rsi l r l t , ,l rcy a lso shrred Tbodociosconcerrt l r ;r l l r t .( ( )n l rov( ' rsytr r lxudist,d l r t . i r í ìr l r r lc prospects br working on labour con

lr l t l l i r r l l r t ' tJS, o thr rssuvccurr i ta l nd crcatcan a l ternative ourceofincome. Thetlirprrt,' , l lrcrr, not only disclosed the predicaments inherent in Flores' strategy

tlrrough rncdia attcntion and with the help of Peruüan politicíans, o organise he

Ircrrlt'r 'srr Íìghting the WRA and, in so doing, to fight the US sheepherding ndustryrrrr lrt'wlr<>lc but also demonstrated he complexity of economic, social andpolitical

l l r l r ' r r ,s lsnvolved n g lobalmigrat ion pract ice.

Ii l ( ' ln tyuí No . 3: 98 (February 998) .

l,rr l Nrrurs o. z (March 1998).llhitttu llora Vo1. : 5 (April 1998); El PanamencanoYol. :72 (April 1998); Aaualid.ad

Vrr l . r: Jz Apr i l 1998) ;PeruvianTímesYo| .7 : 3 March 1998) .

|,nrrrvirnsalso showed concern for úeir home country during úe 1995 war Peru

lrr ir ' Íly íought against Ecuadorover the border separating úe two countries. Rather

llrurr rrniting migrants, as happened n 1998 when Peruúans collectedmoney to aidllrr. viclims of El Nino, however, úe conflict with Ecuador tended to divide Peruvians

Irrto two groups: those supporting President Fujimori in his martial rhetoric against

ttriglrbouring Ecuador and those in favour ofa pan-American - rather than national -ir lerrtity, eeking a peacefulsolution ofthe conflict.A rirnilar movement, called La Plataforma Socio-Política Peruana Americana('f)errrvi an American Socio-Poiitical Platform) was createdin California ín ry98 (Peru

dr kx 9o Vol. 9: z (February1998)).

l,u (lrt5níca o.5:42 (lan\rary ry981, El ChasquiNo. S: 98 (Februaryry981: Peru New

No, z (March1998) .líl Iluuld.o d.elPeru No. 3 (October zooo); Gacetad.elPeruNo. zr7 (October zooo).()rre oÍ'the movement's leaders is brother to former Peruvian President Alejandro'lbledo. The candidate promoted by the movement as candidate for Peruúar

Congrcss was the owner of the biggest Peruüan r emittance agency in Argentina,

Argcttper.liirnilar institutions exist in most US citíes with a major concentration of Peruvian

lnr rn igrants.'l'lrir division ofregional associations is reflected in migrant institutions that evolve

íïrrrrr rural-urban migration practice in Peru (Paerregaardry97: 65-7o\.

*9 ftAMS also has a few Peruúans dentists in its membership.

l€ llrrtrrcmembers of PAMS deplore úe fact úat úe institution attracts few new mem-

l*.rn, 'l'his can be attributed to úe growing diÍficulties encountered by Peruvian doc-

Iorr who have studied in Peru and later emigrate as they try to revalidate their aca-

rlerrric degrees n úe US. In effect, PAMS is increasingly becoming an institution for

ttrldclle-agedor senior doctors that in time will fade away.[)tt rcveral occasions, he global gathering ofPeruúan medical doctors in the US has

lleerrheld in Lima to support the development of medical science n Peru.

Irr l,os Angeles there are two such institutions: Asociación de Ex-Cadetesde Colegios

Mllitrres del Perú and Asoci ación L

r!

,1

rtl6

t7

rã

It

al

F



ChapterA global erspectiven transnational igration:

Theorising igration ithoutmethodologicalnationalism

Nina Glíçk Schiller

f, l Introduction

ïhere is currently a large and growing body of descriptive studies of

lÊilnational migration. These studies document the many ways inmigrants and their descendants live their lives both within andthe borders of multiple nation-states. Often these studies seem

disconnected from both soc ial theory and a series ofpowerfuleontradictory narratives about migration and its consequences. In

narratives, migrants appeaÍ as destabilising or even criminal in-into nation-states,or as coveted global talent, or as the last best

oÍ'homelands whose development depends on migrant generatedIttances. Rather than addressing these contradictions within the

of social theory mainstream migration scholars, especially thoserned with public policy, respond to contemporary attacks on mi-

ta and migration by adopting the perspective of their respective na-. Arguing for the need for, or providing evidence of, the long-

lrcnds towards integration, they accept national borde rs as the bor-oí'society and as úe necessary nstitutional nexus for citizenship,

:ratic rights or a social welfare state (Alba zoo3; Esser zoor). Forpart, many scholars of transnational migration, despite their de-ons of cross-border pÍocesses, have also displayed what Wimmer

| (Wimmer & Glick Schiller zooz) have called a 'meúodological

talìst' approach. They have responded to critiques of dual national-ãnd transnational social fìelds by assurances úat migrants withties and loyalties can and will rapidly assimilate (Portes 1999;

ka zooz). In so doing, scholars of transnational migration con-to the assumption - which has been foundational for much ofrn scholarship - that the migrant/native divide is the fundamen-

ehellenge to social cohesion and the stability and welfare of the

ltr which migrants setúe.

NtN^ ( ] i l{ t i : i( i l i l i l t i

l l t ( l r islor i r ' l r l rs í l l r t 'ywt ' t ' t ' tot t l i t i t t t 'c li t l r i r r lr c bor-

A tj l t)nAl I ' l j l l i i l t l i ( ' l lv lr( N

l l lANtlNAl ' , l (NAl Ml ( l lAl ' l ( 'N



l \4carrwhi l t . ,ol i t i t urrs r r r t l orr l r r r r l is lso i r r r r r t r ' ; rsi t tpl'x l t ' t t l l i t l r lvdeÍènd ther nr igrant /nat ivcdivicl t ' l ry ploj t r ' l i r rg r r r r inurgc oÍ l l t l t rnat ion-state s a normat ivc cul tural corr t r r rr r r t i ly.t r r i 'x l tnJr lc, r r l l r lUnited I(ngdom, former FinançíqlTímes ournalist and Íbundcr oÍ llr,'cuÍÍent affairs monthly Prospect avid Goodhart, argues he followirrli.

The justification for giving priority to the interests of fellow citizens boils down to a pragmatic claim about the value of tht'nation-state. Without fellow-citizen favouritism, the nation-stalt'

ceases o have much meaning. And most of the things that libt'r.als desire - democracy, redistribution, welfare states, humatrrights - only work when one can assume the shared norms antlsolidarities of national communities.'

In this chapter, argue úat if migration scholarsset aside heir mr'llrodological nationalism, transnational migration studies can contribult' l'social theories that elucidate the mutual constitution of the global, rr,rtional and local. Migration scholarship can provide a global perspecliv.on poweÍ that explains the relationship between the contemporary corltradictory narratives about migrants that either demonise them or ct'lrbrate them. Raúer than being evaluatedas either good or bad, migr;rtion can be discussedas part of broader transnationalprocesseswillrirrwhich nation-states are enmeshed and to which they contribute.

In the first section of this chapter, I elaborate a critique of the tai<t'rrfor-granted use of the nation-state as a unit of analysis that underlrrlrmuch of migration scholarship including that which addresses ransrnrtional migration. In the next section, I look to the literature on rì('r)liberal restructuring of capital accumulation wiúin specifìc places. I :rrgue that by highlighting transnaüonal processespast and present urrrladdressing nstitutionalised power, his literature can serye as a con(('l)tual starhing point for new perspectives on migration. Finally, I skt'ltlrsome of the ways in which a new perspective,which I call a 'glolr;rl

power analysis of migration', can bring together úe various appareÌìllycontradictory trends wiúin migration discourses and scholarship, ;r;well as explain their simultaneous emergence and relationships.

6.2 \)íeaknessesf migration cholarship

Building on several decadesof scholarship around the construction arrrlnaturalisation of 'national communities', I use úe term 'methodologir;rlnationalism' to critique úe tendency of migration scholars to conflrrlcthe nation-state with a concept of society. By methodological nationrrl

ism I mean an ideological orientation that approaches the studyr,l

) t ' (x( ,ss( 'séer: ioí ' r rdivicl r rall i t i r l r r -sl l r l t 's.t ' t t t lx ' rs í ' Ì rost : tat( Ìs rc assumed

tO glrar . t '1 'or Ì Ì r Ì roÌ ì istgryan d sc t oÍ 'values,norms, socialcustoms

âltd irrxl i lrrt igns lìeck zooo; Chcrnilo zooT). Taking stateborders as

ta[lFlal lxrttrrclarics reatesa mode of logic that makes immigrants the

ftürtlatrrr.rrtal hreat to social solidarity natives are assumed to share

gttllort r ly (:ornmon social norms. Becausemethodologicalnationalists

plírle(]t .ach stateas not only historically discretesovereignstatesbut

ãl:,i r"1r.rrt" societies, they portray migrants as arriúng with particular

dlcthrciivcnationalnorms. Much of migrationtheory consistentlydisre-

$ardr both the social and cultural divisions within each nation-state, as

iell ax t6c experiences, norms and values migrants and natives share,

beserrs.,hey áre embedded n social,economic and political pÍocesses,

llËtworks, movements and institutions that exist both within and across

Itate borclers.Berrarrscmany migration scholars accept this kind of bounded think-

Ing entl cmploy a container approach to society, our relationship-to mi

gfãtlorr clebãtei often leads to an unquestioning acceptance of the un-

iierlyirrg premisesof a politics and public policy of exclusion.Migration

:çtf,iUrì* speak as though there are discrete national economies and as

if whar happens on state territory were a product solely or primarily of

fgte p'licìeì. More fundamentally, as Castles notes (zoo7), migration€4eory tnnds apart from more general developments in social theory. It

t l'Or his reason that migration studies that examine global movements

af peopl., have been strangely silent with regard to recent developments

h :n.ìul theory. Such developments include an increasingly sophisti

eFcl r.,holarship about past and present periods of globalisation, a the-

gfl:etlun of a glóbal network society,discussions of a second modernity,

Eltl,p,,,r of-ethodological

nationalism and advocacy or methodologi-

ël eãsrt''opolitanismBeck zooo; Castellszooo; Latour 2oo4; Massey'

Anttgr,, Hugo, I(ouaouciPellegrino& Taylor1998; Sassen 99r)'

Evãrr schãlars of transnational migration or diaspora have often

bãUnel heir unit of study along the lines of national or ethnic identities.fuy hru. generally failed to link their descriptions

-ofmigrant local

S'trans-border connections to analysesof new flexible modes of capi-

$ cc,'*.rlation and úe contemporary neo-liberal restructuring of

t, self and modes of social legitimation. The end result is that their

ol'analysis - often described as a 'transnational community' - be-

Ëaff a migrating population deÍìned and delimited by communal cul-

*C1 iclcntitús that define a 'transnational space'. It is for this reason, I

fÈltnu., that so much of úe scholarship about transnational migration

b Cl urt identity formation or its persistence acïoss borders (Levitt

Gat; lrr:ies ooì; Faistzooob). These weaknesses ave ed scholarsof

*n:national migration into two contradictory equally untenable and

NtNA(l| l ( : t(

i ! i (11l l l i l l

sol Ì ì ( Ì [ i r Ì ì ( 'si t t t t t l lat t t '<t t tslyrr ' l t l xrsi l iorrs:l r t . ' t . l t . l r r ; r l iorrÍ ' r r r igl l r r r l

cl.ol tAt t , l i t (s t , l i ( : i lv t ,rN n{ANSNAl' l ( )NAll l { l l iA ' l ' l ( tN

l, t Theconstraintsf current heoreticalrameworks

il J



bui l t remit tancc conorr t ics nc l l r r . l t ,stipt iorroí ' r r r igr . l r r r tnrr rsrr ; r l ioi ral ism as an ephemeral Íìrst-gcncrati<ln lrt 'norÌÌ(:non hat por.lt,rrr l leventual ssimilation. t i s no wonder,as l laub<icl<zoolìb: 8) has rr,tt,r l ,that policy discourses recognising transnational migration ar('r()contradictory

There seems to be little reflection on the diversity of orientatiorswithin migrant groups úat do not identify themselves as dil-sporas. Moreover, there is little

awarenessof the tension betweerrtesting individual efforts at cultural integration as a condition oÍadmission to long-terr4 residence or citizenship and the hopt,that transnational ties can be instrumentalised for co-develop-ment and reducing emigration pÍessure. Frequently, ministriesin charge of foreign relations and development pursue agendasthat conflict with policies promoted by ministries of justice anclhome aÍíairs.

In building a global power peÍspective on migration, úe concept oÍtransnational social field allows for more conceptual clarity,Transnational social Íìelds are networks of networks that link indivr

duals directly or indirectly to institutions located in more úan one rrrrtion-state. These linkages are part of the power dynamics thro'grrwhich institutionalised social relations delineate social spaces (Bastlr,Glick Schiller& Szanton Blanc 1994; Glick Schiller 2oo3, zoo4, zoo5l.The term 'field' is used not metaphorically but, rather, as a means oÍ'krcating individual migrants within territorially situated social relatiorrships: taxation, employrnent, education, policing, property ownershiP,law and public policy, for example. The transnational sociar ields of nrigrants can contribute to, be shaped by or contest the local oÍ transÍìiltional reach of various states' military economic and cultural power.s.The conceptoftransnational social fields I am advocaLing oes not ,,ti

lise Bourdieu's notion of fields as discrete domains of power. Instearr,building on classic social anthropology and geographers' recent intercslin networks, I focus on social relations úat intersect and transform discÍete territoÍially based and historically speciÍìc social spaces of locrrlcommuniry village, city or state (Epstein 1958; Mitchell 1969l.Geographers have theorised the social construction of space n relatiorrship to transnational networks, but their work has not been adequatelvutilised by migration scholars despite the popuiarity of spatiar-,,'"t,,-phors in transnational studies.

fr ntal<t' t 't tst 'oÍ 'thc: cotttradictory olicies hat highlight an d ye t im -

pËde rarrsnationalmigration, as well as to place migration within socia

ãleory iu u way that is conceptuallyunconstrainedby borders of nation-

lHter, wc need a global power perspective on transnational migration.

A lrsrrsrrationalperspectiveon migration that discards meúodological

êetiotralismand begins from a theorisation of global power has the fol-

bwirrg rrrerits.First, t situatesmigration as one of numerous processe

âgt both cross state borders and contribute to úe constitution or re-ËÈrlctiorr f state poweÍs. Second, t recognises he continuing impor-

Bltçe oí'states as actors wiúin and across state borders. 'We cannot cur-

l€ntly ciispensewith states as instruments to cÍeate and protect rights,'ts redistribute wealth and to pÍotect public goods and services.The le-

lel regimes, policies and institutional structures of power must be ac-

fuiowlcdged in our scholarship and examined within a global power per-

tpeclivc. Third, this perspective recognises that states constitute only

ãnë Bet of institutions of power that extend transnationally. Financial

€€ngkrmerates,NGOs, religious organisations, treaty-basedorganisa

âOnn and corporations are also institutions of power that work acros

ltcte borders. Finally such a perspective builds on, yet also critiques,

&porisations of global networks positing that úe world has been trans-ãrmed into a spaceof flows.

Ttr date, the úeoretical frameworks used by migration scholars hav

been lacking in one oÍ more of these four domains. Many fail to ad-

é?err po*.r. It is strange úat migration scholarship has had so little to

fÊ/ about the global exercise of power, since the question of power

!ãuetures whether or not we even define a person who moves acros

ãBte borders as a migrant. Clearly, those who have rights as ciüzens in

ãêtes or confederations of states hat dominate the world militarily and

lconornically - namely the United States and the European Union -

hve lrcen able to move to the rest of the world with few barriers.

keple from the rest of the world have not been able to ÍetuÍn the fa-ï9ur, 'Ihis makes them migrants and the subiect of migration scholar

Étlp. tt would seem, therefore, that migration scholarship requires

$obal perspective on power beginning with úis basic disparity between

l$tes to examine what combination of forces fosters and maintains úis

&quality (Grosfoguel & Cervantes-Rodriguez zooz; Cervantes

lodrlguez zoog; Castles2'oo7;Mittleman rgg4.Even migration theorists who specifically acknowledge theoretical fra-

ileworks that look beyond the nation-state - world systems, world so

€leff or Braudelian world-scale úeories - approach the global in way

*Ct ultimately negate a global perspective on migration (Wallerstein

ãêo4; Luhmarrr,rgg7; Braudel r98o). They negate úis perspectiveby

l4 NIN^(l t

l { ' t( s{ i l t | | t r

t Ì lai l l t i l i t ì i r t Í l l ist i t tcl iot rsl t ' lwt , t . t r ,vt , ls l l rn;r lysis. r l ist incl iorr rc

A El. l l t tnt t , t ìRri t ' t i ( . t vt i () N l l iAN:iNAll()NAt Ml(; l tAl ' l ()N

whith rrol l r r ly; t t .nr . l r r l ( .sl i t l ( ,slut als<l l t rpcsdist i r tct r l i -



tween evels Í 'analysiss cot t t 'cpl t tul lynl rdt , rpr l r t t , Í i r lr r igrr r l iorrlut l i r , : ,fo r several easons.t perpetuatcsnigrül ionsclrolarsl r i ; r 'st 'nr : l t l r r tordiscussing he connectionbetweenstates nd rnigrantsas one oÍ'prrslrpull raúer than as a single set of globe-spanningprocesses.A conrr';,rof levelsof analysisultimately reintroducesmethodologicalnatiorlrlisrrrand, with it, the assumption úat pÍocesseswithin the boundariesoÍ tlr,,nation-statecan be analysedwiúout reference o globe-spanning nstrtutions of power.

For example,by arguing in terms of levels of analysis,Massey rrltimately dismisses a global perspective from his multi-factorial effort tosynthesise contradictory rnigration úeories (Massey et al. r99,ç,i)Massey focuses on a 'migration process' with internal dynamics tlrrrtconstitutes a discrete Íìeld of study. Rich in data and insights into process,his approachencouragesmigration scholars o disregard he w;rylin which global institutions of power shape, and are shaped by, sor.i;rlrelationships n specific ocalities.

Employing a similar logic Portes (zoo6: 8), a pre-eminent US migr;rtion scholar, n a recent papeÍ on migration and development states;

At a higher level of abstraction, we find world-systems and oüer

neo-Marxist theories that view labour migration as a natural re-sponse to the penetration of weaker societies by úe economicand political institutions of the developed world. The concept of'structural imbalancing' (Portes and Walton r98r) was introducedto highlight úis process that takes multiple forms - from directrecruitment of workers to the diffusion of consumption expecta-tions bearing little relation to local lifestyles and economicmeans.

Iflooking beyond the nation-state is conceptualised as a higher level oÍabstraction - that is to say, a macro-level analysis - then we aÍe unabk'

to observe and theorise the interpenetraüon between globe-spanning rrstitutions that structure imbalances of power and migrant experienct.swithin and across states borders. Yet, this imbalance of power botlrshapes the circumstances that compel people to migrate and simultlneously constitutes the conditions under which migrants attempt to scltle and develop transnational social fÌelds. The signing of NAFTA,which Portes (zoo6) in úe same paper consignsto the macro-level, snot an abstraction. It represented the power of an imperial state - tht,US - instituting its agenda through its control of finance capital anrlmilitary force. Capital is at its core a social relationship that links peopk,together unequally within and acrossnational borders. Notions of leversof analysis obscure this basic transnational aspect of daily life arouncr

Hlolx. ,f fet t l so t ul Í ì t ' lds cross rr tdwi t l t i t rstal t 's.

I iven lroscsocial hcrrristswh o speakof'world society ave ended o

fOe:UnJrcir concernsabout migration on their own nation-stateand its

lnrtitrrtional nexus in ways that make that state their unit of analysis.po l exlrttple, Bommes (zoo5) claims that, following Luhmann, he is re-

plecirrg a concept hat understandssocietyas a big collective/collectiüty

fu a corrcept of modern world society'. The relationship between üese

ãËtlorr-statesystems and the world society,however, remain under-deli-

AËêtedand unclear in Bommes' migration theory leaving the door openê s r.ontinuation of methodological nationalist framing of debates on

l3ttnigration. For example, Bommes' arguments about migrant assimi-

htiun are accompanied by a list of institutions, many of which - even

ln thr: context of the EU - can only be sensibly read as remaining em-

be{dçcl in national regulatory systems such as the welfare system of in-

élvldtralstates.'l'lre main point of reference for assimilation is diÍlerentiated social

:yFt('Íns:

organisations and functional realms like the modern economy'

law politics, science, education or health but not gÍoups of (ma-

jority) societies. Bommes zoo5)

The weakness n Bomrnes' theorisation is not his insistence on the con-

ãnuing significance of nation-states and national institutions. Rather,

Se problem is a failure to address the way local and national goveïn-

ênCeand the workforce have been reconstituted within a transnational

lastitutional nexus to serve he broader needs of finance capital.

Even those social úeorists who begin by embracing methodological

lndividualism privilege the nation-state as their unit of analysis when

&ey discuss migration. For example, Esser (zoo4) champions a,rational

€hoice framework that builds on methodological individualism.

HOwever,Esserplaces úe onus of assimilation on the rational choice of*fe individual migrant who must come to terms with úe structural con-

dltions of the societies he or she faces. Generally, 'societies' for Esse

Ëe discrete countries that he describes as sending and 'host' societies

ilence, transnational ties are simply a sign of 'ethnic capital'. As Esse

{roo4: rrJ5) argues:

Immigrants have (or should have) an objective interest in assimi-

lative actions and investments in receiving country capital, like

formal education or the acquisition of the host society's lan-

guage, and one would expect the same investment strategies to

apply as for the indigenous population. The problems migrants

NtNA (; l l ( lK l i( l l l l l I l ' l r

i rr r l r I l i t t r lur 'l l t t t 'sts l t t 'y r l t l t r i l r t t t t ' t r ll tc st l l )star ì l ia l ionl

€lRhlt I ' t iHst 'r i ( i ' l lv lrr) N

l l l^NsNA'llr lNAl Ml(; l tA' l l ()N



6.4

(and hcir oÍ ] ìspr i r rg)act ' i r r cl l r l iorr( , nt( ' l l sct iorrs

genouspopulat ion) rc obvious:wl I r l l l r t .y r r l r i t t lyt l tvcat l l r t ' i r '

disposal s ethnic group capi tal , ikc l l r t 'sct tdi t rgcountry's r t r r

guage or ethnic social capital. Howevt:r, t'tlttlit group capital is

clearly ess eÍficient than receiving-countrycapital. By complrti

son, it is, in most cases, pecificcapital,because ts usability dt '

pends on special circumstances, such as the existence of an cllr

nic community or a transnational network.

'Transnational'for Esser s simply another term for segregaüonbctrtttr;,'he cannot conceive of incorporation 'beyond' the nation-sl;rlr'

Simultaneous incorporatiori in more úan one nation-state and so<r'lv

build on transnational social fields that connect various scales oí 1ioveÍnance (Levitt & Glick Schiller zoo4\.

Towardsa groundedglobal Power ramework or migrationstudies

There are severalbodies ofliterature from which to draw in order to rtl

velop a global perspectiveon transnational migration. They canillrrrrrr

nate the current contradictory narratives on migration, but havt' ttol

been used to address transnational migration within global fields oí rrrr

eclualpower. Scholarssuch as Castells(zooo) and Latour (zoo4), wtro

trace networks of interconnections that are not confined to nltliolt

states,provide the basis for an analysis of migrants' transnational srx ,rl

fields within the current historical coniuncture and úeir transÍìrrrrr,r

tions of human relations.However,neither has addressedmigratiorr ,'r

migrants' encounteÍs with regimes of borders, racialisationand clt'lrrr

manisation. Beck (zoo7) provides a critique of methodologicalnatiorr,rl

ism that privileges a global perspective and the role of migranls 'l;transnational actoÍs. He assumes that transnational migrants ar(' t o:;

mopolitan actors who necessarilyand properly destabilise natiottrtlt:;lprojects.Beck homogenisesmigrants and echoes he opponents oÍ tttt

gration who argue that migrants' transnationality threatens the rt'p1irrr,'

of nation-states.Migrants aÍe not necessarily transgressive n llr(.rr

transnationalsocial ìelds. They may engage n nation-state-buildirrlirr

one or more nation-states.They may reinforce or contribute to, rltllrt'l

úan contest,neo-liberalprojects. A global poweï peÍspectiveon rttilir,r

tion must address the various positionalities migrants have assttrrr,',|

within attempts to implement neoJiberal capitalism and the tyPt's ol

contradictions these positions are currently engendering.There is a scholarship hat addresses nequal power and conÍì('( s rrtl

cial forces that extend beyond individrral sl l l( 's lo l l lc t 'xpt'r i t 't t tt ' ,l

Fqpl"[c l l , t .u , , t i iy rrclurti ir .-statcs.l ' l r is itt 'raturct Ì ìcr t lcsut oÍ'theanaly-

i't'"i"tì,:ti 'u gi,r5alisati'n.t has6ccn cd by geographersoncerned

ïJth tl," rrt'o-lilxralestructuring f governance'he processesf capital

Ëciirt,,,t,,ti.,.and he reinventiig of citiesand urban ife' Wiú few ex-

ê;ì1,;;;, such as the globalcitiãs hterature, his scholarshipdoesnot

&ãrur* rnigration.Nãvertheless,he researchand úeorisation con-

[láe,l i,, this literatuÍe can proveuseful to the proiectof developinga

tbtl power perspective on migration

niujtif.r"tlr- ."r, be defineã asa seriesof contemporaryprojectsof

gàitut accumulation hat, beginning in the r97os' sought o reconsti-

ãü ;;,.;;i ;"iations of produJtion, ãcluding the organisationof labour'

Ër;ï;.,it,i*rá";,military power' goue"'""tè' membershipand

fËvereigntyHarvey o'o5,"oo6;

Jessop-zoozJ'

Neo-liberalism a:1

iir'tt"

.r""úon oÍ wealthby destroyingand replacingprevious

lutsof production,consumptionand distribution' úus generating

lirrms ôf desire. The neo-hLeral agenda reflected' therefore' more

iol pro."rr", of capital accumulation characterised byY"Ï, 7

liiu,, d"rtrrr.tion" Thãreare alwayswiúin capitalisteconomics on-

lclionsbetween he need ìrst to construct'andúen to replace'pre-

,fy ú"l social relations, ideas, values, political arrangements- and

lJriot t that regulate, circulate and prote-t capital' The accumulatedrct of the traniformationswroughi by theseprojectsand he poli

end technologieshat"..o*p""!

them canbe calledneoJiberal e-

,r""ã, rvftff" the policies úãt institute the transformations can be

rd the neo-liberal agenda.

ihe term 'agenda's useful becauset reminds us of several spect

rì- havestmãtured he contemporarymoment and pr-oducedhe cur-

fï"úJ .titit. Neo-liberalprãjectshave aken úe form of specific

,ï' id"", and policies hai miy or may not-be successfi;1lymple-

flh'cl. These ideas have been held, shaped' defended and contested

â range of actors - including social sciãnt5t1 -.wh;thï.o:,i::,trh:l

dì;."Iy linked to policy.Th"ebroaderproiects nvolvednot

iustthe

rain oi economicsbut also politics, cultural practices' deasabou

ü;;;.*.t ï"a irt" p-d,,.iio" and disseminationof imagesand

rÀiiu.r. In ierms of specifìcsocialpolicies hat affecr he clualityof

for migr"rrt, and nãtives alike, neo-liberal restructuring has in-

ad a reduction in state services and benefits and a diversion of pub-

,nonies and resources to develop private servrce-oriented ndustries

m health care to housing lsometimãs in arrangements called 'public-

f"rà"rrt lps'). It his alsoconstituteda relentlesspush toward

úãJuú;;^úlough the elimination.of':"t: li:"T:*:i ï:*:

uruno-i. issues from tariÍfs to workers' rights. Finally, he term

Ã'fiú"tdagenda'and the work of geographersn exploring th

I t ll NtNA li l r ' , t i s( ' i l i l t t I '

i r r rplcrnc:ntut i< lní t l rcsc gt 'r rcluss r rsr . Í r r lx.< 'r r r rst .r r ,o- l i lx ' r r r l r;

€t ,FÍ1Al ' t r t ts l , t r { i |1vt ;)N t ' l tANsNAll( tNAlMl( ; l {A l l ( )N

reposi l i<>rr i r rgí ' l t t ' s lal t rs rr rdsigrr i Í ìcr t tct 'l Í 'c i t ics,b<l th n rela



are mplemented n th c ground arrcl l i Í l ì , r t , r r t iul ly l t ,pcrrdingro t r rslon diÍferent national policies,bu t orr spt'ciÍìckx'ul lr istorìes nc:lrrr l irr l lthat of migration.

By conceptualising he global restructuring of capital accumullrliorrand its relationship to urban and state restructuring processes, rrilil,rtion theorists can examine úe ways in which the migration proc('ss r:ishaped, n turn, shapes ocal spaceand is at úe same ime reflectivt,ol,and contributes to, transnational processes.They can address Casth.r;'

(zoo6: r) call to analyse he way in which 'migration playsa central oh,in current global processes f social,economic and political changt", ;r:,well as his observation that 'migration is both moulded by and helps tomould these global transformations'. At the same time, migration sr rrlars will have an analytic perspective that does not dichotomise mao,,level versusmicro-levelanalysis,does not speakof levels of abstracri,rrand does not make the nation-state he exclusiveunit of analysis.'l'lr;rtanalltic perspective allows us to put migrants into the spaces w[rt,r,,they live and to which they are connected through various sot ;rlnetworks.

Of particular interest in this regard is a debate in geography alxrtrlthe meaning and utility of úe concept of geographic scale (Brenrrrr1999; Herod & Wright zoor; Marston, Hohn & Woodward zoo5)Previously, geographers worked with a concept of scale that portrryr,rlthe local as being nestedwithin larger encompassingunits, which oÍìt,rrhave political boundaries - municipalities, sub-state administratrvr,units, nation-states, geographic regions such as Europe and the glotrr,Over the past few decades, eographershave had to confront a restnr(tured world in which the implementation of neo-liberal agendas tlirrrupted fixed notions of nested and territorially bounded political unrrsCities became dynamic players within global fields of power and flowr;of capital and labour, globally marketing their urban brand and, in sorn,,ways, creating their own foreign policies and alliances (Brenner ,\

Theodorezooz; fessopzoor; Peck 1998).They competed n an eíÍorrto atLract lows of capital and a mix of 'new economy' industries. Nt,weconomy industries are ones that produce servicesdemanded willrrlthe global economy, including the very consumption of locality in tlrr.form of tourism. Central to this new economy are 'knowledge' in<Jrr:;tries, which produce the workers, skills, technologies and consumpt vt.patterns necessary o organise, aggregateand concentrate capital.

Geographers and scholars of the urban began to describe the rr,,,,liberal rearÍangements of goveïnance of territory as 'rescaling processes' hrough which localities change the parametersof their glolxrl,national andlor regional connectedness so úat they 'jump sclrh,'(Swyngedouw ggz).The term 'rescaling'

emergedas a way to addrt':;r,

r ip to stalcsan d withirr glol lal r icrarchiels Í ' urban-basednstitu-

pow(Ìr. ìathcr than understanding he local an d global scaleas

disc:rctt:evelsof socialactivitiesor hierarchicalanalyticalabstrac

lts in previous geographiesof space, the global and the local (as

I ar thc national) are [understood to be] mutually constitutive'(' r 2ooI: r)4-8il.

Tlte thcorisation of rescaling provides a way to analyse quesüons of

nce that neither ignores nor priüleges nation-states. It allows

the acl<nowledgement hat state sovereignty - neveÍ an accurate de-tlon of the diÍïerential powers of various states - is now more

I than ever. But states remained players within neo-liberal re-

uring. Stateswere rescaled to play new roles by channelling flows

felatively unregulated capital and by participating in the constitution

global egulatory egimesenforcedby the World Tiade OrganizatioTO) and nternational ìnancial nstitutions.At úe same ime, speci:tstes such as those of the US and WesternEuroperemained he

íbr globe-spanning Íìnancial institutions such as úe World Bank

the WTO. Currencies based in these states remained necessary or

transactions, albeit linked through the restructuring of Íìnance

tgl to investment strategies of China, fapan and Middle Eastern oil

A broader range of states including Russia and China, whichtained their position as military poweÍs, contribute to the global

ic through which capital accumulation is secured or protected.

Ag I have indicated, discussions of migration and migration policy

lly have not been part of úe study of the neo-liberal restructuring

and localities. While there are geographers, such as

eryne Mitchell (zoo3), who have approached studies of single cities

this perspective, úe firll implications of this framework have not

broadly applied to migraüon studies. The one significant exception

the global cities literature (Friedmann 1986; I(ing r99r; Sasse

). Looking at a small handful of cities, urban scholars have noted

their prominence has been linked to their dependence on the mi-on of highly skilled professionals and on migrants who staff the re-

service sector of the new economy. Global cities, however' often

been described as exceptions, as if all other cities and migration

reflect onlv the dvnamics of national terrains and policies. Yet, the

rship on neoliberal restructuring noted that all localities began to

peteglobally.€onstantly drawn into discussions of national migration policies,

rs of migration have not paid suffìcient attention to the way in

h the neoJiberal restructuring of speciÍìc localities shapes the wa

*hich migrants live in a specific place. Neither urban geographer

migration scholars have examinedhow migrants become activ

NINA(;l l ( lK

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agcrì ts Í' rcscal i r rg lol i t t, s rs t l r ( .ysr , i lk. rr s;xr . i í ìcplar : r .s.) r . ; rwrrrg

l ' l r l t \ l , l ;{ l lv lr) N

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Explainig contemporaryontradctory iscourses



f rom th e l i teratureon urbarr rcstructur i r rg nd rcposi l i< lning,l r rgl r , r ran d I (Glick Schil ler& Çaglarzoo9, Íirrthcorning; l ick schilkrr, i lpir, '& Gulbrandsen oo6; Çaglarzoo6; Glick Schil lerzoo5) argue tlrrrt rrdifferentiate and understand the dynamics of migrani inãorpo'rrrr,,'and transnationalconnection n different cities, t was necessary o sirrrate migration within an analysisof the neoJiberal rescalingprocess(,s,

v/hile combining the scholarship on the neo-liberal structurirl,i ,,1spacewith migration studies n order to speak o the current appart'rrrly

contradictory migraüon policies and their accompanying discouises .rr,lpolemics, t is useful at the same ime to draw on the emerging critirlrrt.of migration and development. An increasing number oi,ãholr,*some in migration studies and others in development studies - hav.. ,,.sponded to current celebrations of migrant."-ìtt"n." economies by ,lfering a potent critique of the policies of co-developmentand mignrrrr:,as k"y agents of international development (Delgado Wiit. ,\covarrubias zooT; Faist zoogd: De Haas zooT\.These siholars havt, r;rken to task 'the global lending community': the world Bank, the lrrr.rAmerican Development Fund and other regional banking intert'srrrAccording to these major institutions, which structuÍe úe tãrms unrlt,rwhich two thirds of the world's countries have been abre to obtairr rrnancing, migrant remittances can serve as a major source of capitalis;rtion for growth in less developed states (v/imaladharma, peìrcc flstanton zoo4l. Those critiquing this development strategy examirrrhow Europe and the uS in previous eÍas of imperialism, as we[ as rt,day,have drained wealth from less powerful regions of the world (Glir l.schiller zoog). T?ansnationalmigration reflects this transfer of wealrlrIt is a strategy through which families from exploited regions attelÌrr)lto meet their needs for housing, education, health care. critics of rrirgration and development policies look beyond methodological natiorrrrlism to understand the context of international migration as a producr .luneven fields of power. However, úese critics have not sufficiently rrrr

dressed the specific and varying roles that migrants have been playrrrliin relationship to neoJiberal restructuring and rescaling in both loc:rlities of deparhrre and settlement or the forces that configure migranrs'agency. Nor have these scholars analysed the contradictions betwcr,rrmigration and development policies and the efforts of states hrough.rrlthe world to control migration and access o residency and ciúzenslripas well as subject migrants to neo-liberal labour policies.

t iorr scJrolars an lrcÍì irrkr address he seeming contradictionsttecl rr tlrc bc'ginnirrgoÍ'this chapter f they pay more attention toglollll rolc oÍ'power holders - including financial institutions, orga

orrsand states hat serve as base areasofcapital. All ofthese cen-ttl'p<lwer play key roles in reconstructing and locally reconfiguring

Íbrms of capital and labour. Facing ongoing contestation, thoseItold power are intimately involved in the legitimation of their re-

oÍ'truth through national anti-immigrant discourses, the celebraoÍ'migrant remittances by global financial institutions and the polithat divide global talent from úe apparently unwashed and un-

. We can add to this list a number of new issues, locatingns within, and resistances o, implementation of the restructurings in speciÍìc places, as these localities are affected by the intro-

of new migration regimes. Furthermore, new üstas for migra-research open up to explorations of úe multiple, significant roles

by immigrants in the localities where they reside or to whichgre transnationally connected. First, in order to examine the under-coherence of apparently contradictory aspects of migration dis-

r:e and policy, I review the relationship between neo-liberal Íestruc-that was instituted globally and its intertwined migrant regula-

regime. I úen speak briefly to some of the variability of locality,and neo-liberal restructurins.

will beein with neoJiberalism and the anti-immisrant rhetoricby so many countries. During úe nineteenth and most of úe

centuries, state-based nstitutions provided a common na-I infrastructure that materialised and legitimated the claims of theto constitute a single national community of shared norms and

. Beginning in the rg7os, these trends were reversed as awide, alúough variously implemented, neo-liberal agenda of prition. The diminution of public services, moÍeoveÍ, eroded the

Ity of life and social cohesion of nation-states and public life. By theing of úe twenty-fiÍst century as discrete realms of economic

weÍe ever more integrally linked to production and con-n pïocesseselsewhere, state narratives and citizenship regimes

reinvigorated to stress once again the distinctness and exclusivityal identities based on cultural difference. In short. nation-states

become identity containers that maintain and disseminate imagesthe nation as a society. These national narratives bear little resem-

to the complex web of the contemporary transnational institu-structures within which social life and relations of power are ac-produced. The fewer services and rights statesprovide for their ci-

and the more they produce citizens educated to identify as

NINA r ll l( l \ l i ( ' l l l l l I l ì

custol Ì r ( ' rs ' lnl Ì ( ,sl ì ( ' ( lrr t r r l l r rn's Í t otrst t r r r l r l ior t; r l l rct ' lut t t wi l l r t i i

Ëlrì l t^ l I ' l i [ ' ì t ' t r( | ! v t r () N l l{ANl;N^|l()NAl l \ , l l ( ; IAlt{)N t)l

ãSlt tg<ott t l losi l ion l l i r r r r rpt ' r r t rr r r t lNor l l r Arrr t , r ' i t l rnlopLr lat ions il l



Íorms oí 'c ivic arrd socr i l l ' r rgl rg( 'nÌ( 'nl ,l r r ' r r rorr ' l tcst 'sl l t t 's l ) lornolr 'discourses f socialcohesionaÍÌd nat ior Ì i l1:otnt t t t t t t i ty.l ' l r t ' r rsi t l r ,lthat national dentity container s increasingly onstructt:d ry íìrrrrrrrr l iforeignersas the causeof disruption, he declineof'social servitcs rrr, lthe deterioration of community. The larger the number of citizt'r*; rrrstatesaround úe world who find their futures circumscribed by povrrtror lack of social mobility, the more they are told by political leadcls llr,rtthe problems are caused by persons from elsewhere.

None of this is new nativism and anti-foreign sentiments havt' lrllrran aspect of successive tagesof nation-state-building Higham zo<,.';Anti-immigrant discourse s a historic component of úe natiort-sl;rllbuilding pÍocess. Through this ritual of renewal, citizens of statt's l.fine their loyalty to a country by differentiating themselves from stipirrr,rtised racialisedothers. Movements of national renewal are currently l;rling place n the wake of úe growing negative consequences f scvt'r.rldecadesof neo-liberal restructuring. In this context, they have fuerllt'rl rrevitalised nationalism that has distracted public attention from tht' lr,,llowing out of the state and úe growing disparities of wealth and pow,'tfacilitated by neoJiberal measures. By providing a foundation for n,'wmigrant labour regimes, anti-immigrant discoursesalso have contrilrrrted to new souÍces of profitability for investors n a situation of Íàllirrtrprofits.

Worldwide competition in the last few decadesof the twentieth rlrrtury led to the development of global assembly ines moüng indusln,rlproduction away from North America and Europe into far-flung tegiotr,where labour was cheap and unregulated. Tariff barriers were dettt,,lished and untaxed export-pÍocessing ones were established hrouglrorrtthe world. At the same ime, first in úe US and increasingly n Eurt,;,r',sewice jobs in restructured cities geared for consumer industri,'r,Meanwhile, tourism or agricultural jobs that could not be exported wlr,'filled to some degree by undocumented migrants, who provided qrri,'r,

cent, hyper-exploitedand flexible labour (Anderson zoo7l. In sorrr,'European countries, such as the UK, asylum seekers and refugees - l,'11ally or illegally - provided this form of labour. Undocumented mignrrrlr,working in non-union sweatshops kept industrial production clost'r 1,,US consumption centres (I(wong 1987).

Agricultural and industrial corporations based in Europe and Nor lrAmerica have increasingly faced a contradiction in their production pr,,cesses the balance between near and far production. This contrrrlrrtion was intensiÍìed by the rise in oil prices and the prediction of fulrrr,'oil scarciry which means it will become more profitable to locate pr,,ductive processescloser to the areas of high consumeÍ demand. A' ,

many obsewers in Europe have pointed out, the low birth rate rrrr,l

helgl r t t ' r rl tcst '< rr l l l t l i r ' t iorrs y r r l rkinl ; ,r lxr t r rsr :arcc:n these egion(Eertk's eoo(r).

Irr rt'sporrsr', ab<lur eginrcs developed hat were more suited to thepfoclttltiotr rrccds oÍ'neo-liberal economies and their inabilities to rea-li:r xrrstaincd profitability. These provide workforces that are cheapGÕtrlrolllblcand relatively nearby. The crisis of profitability unleashe

fu tlrt' :,ooti downturn only increases he pressures o obtain such a*trklirrcc, even in the face of dramatically rising unemployment in

tulo1x' and the US. Integral to this transformation are the contempor-It] rlcnigration and criminalisation of asylum seekers and the undocu-Jãenlt'd as well as the new enforcement regimes of bio-surveillanceFesrrrrcs that limit mobility. The new labour regimes once again offer

llmtt"a short-term 'guestworker' contracts to peÍsons of various skill le-ì€lg who migrate from states úat cannot sustain the workforce they

fodut:<l and educate. Part of this new conÍìguration is an expansion of&c litl labour market, offering the most recent accession states policy

lnltlqtives emphasising the merits of circulating labour. It seems likelySet wt.,are witnessing a shift to a labour regime made up of circulatinghborrt Írom within the EU and new, very controlled forms of contract

hbour Írom elsewhere.As Vertovechas poìnted out: 'circular migration

,,, lming advocatedas a potential solution (at least in part) to a num-trÍ'challenges urrounding contemporary migration' (zoo7: z).

Dehumanised through úe rhetoric of national diÍference, policies of)rm contractual migrant labour meet the needs of neo-liberal

tgendas and their clrrent profitability crisis more eÍficiently than theuse of family reunion, asylum and the undocumented to sup-

flexible and politically silenced labour. In many countries, new im-rltion regulations grant work visas, sometimes with timeJimitedracts, only to persons with technical and professional educations.

le regulatory labour regime complements, rather than contradictsovcrall thrust of anti-immigrant narratives. The discourse highlight-

a 'global war for talent' commodifies skilled workers, denying theirto family life and firll personhood.

lf'we examine the relationships among the neo-liberal restructuringespital, its profìtability and legitimacy crisis and the emerging re-

of controllable and flexible labour, then úe underlying unity be-the various seemingly disparate trends in migration policy and

urse becomes clear. Nationalist rhetoric and exclusionary policiesthe way for production regimes that rely on highly controllable la-

r, Faceless migrating labour is portrayed as invading borders,ially lawless, and so requiring restriction, regulation and contrac-

constraints that limit the rights of workers to change employers or

lenge working conditions. The depersonalisation of labour as

l? 4NiNA í ; l l ( l ( s( l l l l l lF

contractui l l crv i(( 's l lows ir l lu l lorrr 'pol i t 'yl ; r l t ' t t tct t lstt wlr ic l r l r t ' rn '

cÌoi lAt t , t l t ts t ' t1(r ' t ' tv t i nrANsNAilr rNAtN4t( ;nAt l{ rN

;$dressi t tg l tc st 'vt ' t t ' r r t t r ltut turrrcrr lt 's l l ic l iorr í r ights lrat rrcrca

lr \



parat ion Í 'workcrs r<lrn orncan d í irrni lywi l l rorr t ig lr tsoí scl lk ' t t t r t t land family reunion becomegood cc<lrtorrricxrlit ' ics.Dcpcrsonltl is;rl l.ttof the processhighlights the categoryoÍ' the unskilled, despitc tlrt' l,rrthat many such workers have relatively high levels of educatiorr. l'lrr'

willingness of the university-educated, eachers,health professior,rl'i,engineersand architects o migrate as 'unskilled' labour has evcryllrlrllto do with the structural adjustment and privatisation policies itr llrlrrhome localities úat initially led to the depression of wages, o ttttlttt

plopnent of professionals and, increasingly, o worldwide crisis. liv'rrwithin the EU, the diÍlerential right to migrate for work granted by v,rrious'Western European states o accessioncountries in the short lt'rrrrhas created a regime of controllable, exploitable abour (Andrijrrscvr,zoog). Meanwhile, labour contracts offered to workers from states wttlrfull membership, such as Italian construction workers in the UK, torrri'with restrictions and fee structures that, beneath a coveÍ of lcg:rlrtt,make migrant workers more malleable - and exploitable.

Legitimating úe migrant/native divide, scholarsand policy anrlyll',.alike, justify legislation that excludespeÍmanent se ttlement by migr,rrrtwoÍkers and their families in the name of the importance of maittl;tttting famlly cohesion and community cohesion in the sending coutt r .These migration experts report that circular migration increases llrrlikelihood that

both countries of origin and destination can make gains frorrrmigration according to their respective preferences. Many nrigrants and úeir descendants also prefer to move back and fortlrbetween their ancestral and setúement countries. At their best,circular migration policies align the objectives of origin courrtries, destination countries, and the migrants who compriscthese flows. (Newland, Agunias & Terrazas zooS: z) Portt's(zoo6: 95) goes even further, emphasising how returnees arr'

much more likely to save and make productive investments iìlhome; they leave families behind to which sizable remittanct'sare sent. More importantly, temporary migrants do not compromise the future of the next generation by placing their childro rin danger of downward assimilation abroad. To the extent thrrsending country goveÍnments provide the necessary educationrrresources,úese children can gÍow up healthy in their own couíìtries, benefiting from úe experiences and the investments oltheir parents.

When migration scholarsemphasise üe benefits of transnational trrt

gration and remittance economydevelopment o all concerned willr,rrl

lagly rccorrrpurryhis í i r rrrr í lu lxrur thcy supporta rcgimeof hyper€*ploitlt ir lrr.Slrrlrt-tt 'r 'rnab<lur <lntractsesurrect lder forms of inden-Fgrewith linritcd rights and mobility. Condemning workers to a regimeËf ghorl-lcrrn corìtractsonly means that they get caught within a syste9f lrrrrg-tcrm f'amiIy separationwithout rights, protections or benefitsftattr thr.rstateswhose infrastructure they are building with their labour,Frvitcs and taxes. When families are separated by migration regula-Ëann tlrat allow no family reunion, they reproduce a social life at great

rnal sacrifice: parents live separated rom children,spouses are di-íiom each other and elderly parents are left to survive without the

nce of children (Constable rg97).Thc global system of power in which this new arrangement of labour

;rlace- and its human costs - are all too rarely addressed withinion studies. While potent critiques have been made about each

nd of these contempoÍary apparently contradictory narratives, in-ng significant critiques of the migration and development paÍa-

they remain within separate migration literatures and thus haveirnpact. It has been far too easy within the different streams of re-h to take for granted neo-liberal restructuring, rather than ques-

Ing the underlying values it fosters and the human toll it exacts.

reemingly disparate scholarships and narratives about migration re-the implementation of neo-liberal restructuring in diÍlerent cities

ÉtatesaÍound the world. By globally examining the fìelds of powerptituted by transnational processes,migration scholars can develop a

rch agenda that both calls attention to human costs of neo-liberaling and traces the various tral'ectories and resistances it

cleveloping his perspective, it is also important to note that globalinstitutions have made migrant remittances a growing indus.

fust at the moment when many migrants may be less interested instrategies. To some degree, transnational migration has

a 'hedge your bets' süategy on the part of migrants who werere of the long-term welcome they might receive in the stateswherewere settling, even if citizenship rights were available and utilised

, Glick Schiller & Szanton Blanc 1994). Migrants sending remit-to be invested in homes and businesses makes certain assump-

about the viability of local economies in sending states. They as-that there will be suÍficient security of persons and opportunity

for those with capital, such that investment is a viable strategyhneÍìt them or their families. Increasingly, in many regions of úe

these assumpüons no longer hold: regions of states or entirehave become destabilised as a result of structural adiustment poli-

the hollowing out of nationaleconomies through trade agreement

F NINA (i l l ( lh S(' l l l l I fR

provisions u( l r ls NAl i ' lA r r r t lW' l 'O ( ,nl t ' i ( l iol ts,l r t .glowl l rol inl ( ,1! t ; r

A ti l .( , l tAl l ' l r l t ' i l ' t r( ' l ' lv l ; ()N' l 'RANt;NAl I tNAt Mt(: i l4 i l ( )N

êï lel r r Í ' rastr r tcl r t t t ' invt 'sl t t tct t l .igr ' ; t t t lt tpt t l Ì t l ty ) rov( Ì i l r l t< l hc cí



t ionaÌarr t tsaÌ ìd df l tg t r tck'r r rd t l r t ' Í i rst t ' r ' ing í l l roxy rr i l i t iusrr r l w.r rThe resul t s that migrants iorn sorrr t ' r ( 'gior ìsn t l t t 'wor lcl nigl r lprr ,fer s ettlement, amily reunion and unilaterral,athcr harrsirrrtr l l turt 'orr,,.incorporation, at the very time that this strategy s being tìrrr'<krsr.rl,,them. Transnationalmigration and connection are not inhercrrl Íi'lrtrlr.r.of migration but reflect conditions n localities n more than orrt,st;rtr

A global perspectiveon migration alsohighlights the varied rolt'r tlr,rltransmigrants have been playing in relationship to the neo-lillt'r';rl i.structuring and rescaling of localities. Migrants can be'scale nr;rl.r'rrwho reshape places as úey integrate them within transnationul sot ,rlfields of familial, commercial, religious, political and organisatiorr:rlr,lationships (Glick Schiller & Çallar zoo9, forthcoming). Migrants' rrrrrltiple and contradictory transnational incorporations into localilils nrmore than one state cannot be analysedby reference to globalis;rlr,,irfrom below - oÍ tÍansnational social spacesor communities - iÍ tlrr',r=terms direct us to sepaÍate he analysis of migrant agency rom otlrr,raspectsof the structuration of a transnationalsocial ield: classpositr,iring, localised economic and political opportunity structures, crrltrrr,rlpolitics, racialisationand non-migrant actors. The multiple positiorr.rlities of migrants cannot be encompassed within analyrical framcw,,r l ',that approach migrants solely within a context of resistance o urrcvr'trglobalisation, as ethnic communities or as labour, whether skilk'rl nrunskilled.

Instead, building on the growing body of data on transnational rr lir rtion, researcherscan specify a series of diÍlerentiated roles thlt rnigrants living within transnational Íìelds have been playrng within r.í , r sto implement neo-liberalagendas.These roles include, but are nol lrrrrited to: r) agents of neo-liberal neighbourhood gentrification; z) r'xcrrrplars ofneo-liberal values; 3) significant actoÍs in efforts to revitalisc rlban centres and deindustrialised cities; and 4) links to transnatiorr,rlflows of capital (Glick Schiller & Çallar forúcoming). These roles rrr,rf=

clear that migrants can be agents of diÍïerential development or r'(,:;rhtance to neoliberal agendas n specific placesand at specific poirrts ltime. The roles migrants play in localities around úe world have lx.,,rrshaped n the past few decades y the interpenetrationof the neo-lilx,r,rlagendaand local histories and structures. Hence, ocalities diÍfererrti,rllr,inserted in the global economy offer different opportunity structlrrr,r:,pathways of transnational connection and barriers to incorporation.

In cities and towns that are not among üe selecthandfirl of glob;rr rties but have been very much subject to, and active participants rrrworldwide flows of capital, migrant activity is ever pÍesent: in lulnrrrand property markets, in the establishment of small businesst's, rrrneighbourhood gentrification or in the attraction of international crrprt.rl

fgÍlt i (, í s(\ 'ond-ti( 'r : i t i t 's rt f( 'slftt( t lr( ' arrd rt lposit ioÍt l ìemselves e

llorrully, rationally nd globully.l 'his gcncral statementapplies o local

Itlexuround the world. On the one hand, the impact of migrant connec

ãons lrrcl the range of roles migrants have been able to assume within

thesr' localities varies in relationship to the local ability to successfull

€gllrpcte and rescale . On the other hand, migrants' participation in, and

lhaping oí transnational processesare integrally related to larger flows

lnd rcdistributions of capital - economic, political, social and cultural.

ln some instances, corporations with a stake in maintaining their in-.ttÉtÌÌìents in a speciÍìc city have worked together wiú organisations of

Ëêttsrnigrants to recruit and retain highly skilled technicians (Brettell

ftrtlrcoming). In other cases, migrants and persons of migrant back

fiound may serve as crucial middlemen linking a deindustrialised

ftfuggling city to foreign capital (Feldman-Bianco forthcoming). By con-

, in some localities, migrants contribute to restructuring and rescalby proüding primarily low-wage factory and domestic labour (Salih

Riccio forthcoming). In cities where work is scarce, migrant busi-may provide crucial economic actiúties as well as necessarypro-

and services to natives and migrants alike, who are faced withspread unemployment and impoverishment as a result of the de

tion of local industry. Drawing on transnational supply networks tobusinessesand on transnational family networks to supply inex-

ive labour, migrant businesses may fill up oúerwise empty storets near the city centre, contributing to the vitality of a city (Glickler & Çaflar forthcoming).

Êy utilising a global poweÍ perspective, we can trace the transnational| fields within which migrants appear not as foreigners to be differ-ted from naüves, but as actors that connect local people to global

. An industry that has become as commonplace as that of ke-shops, which provide inexpensive food for urban populations

Europe and much of the US, is but one example of the uti-

of'this perspective. It is possible to trace connections within the in-ry all over the world: websites in Spain oÍfering kebab ecluipment;an factories producing grills, knives and spits; meatpackers n var'

fiuropean cities serving the kebab industry middlemen, shop own-

and clerks who have migrated from North Africa, South Asia andAsia; and consumers of all backgrounds throughout Europe

in the network reap sizeable proÍìts, while others toil long hours

low wages. The transnational networks of production, distributioneonsumption are simultaneously part of the restructuring of local

the re-imaging of local cultures and the reconstitution of the localand global.

t / l Ì NtN^ (i t t(rK s(l l l l l I , t l

Migrurr t -st , r rdi r rgx' l r l i l i t 's l r l r l provirk' l l r t ' l l r lxr t t t íot t t 'oí l r l t t tst t . r

| ,1)

*idelr r r i r r r r l ry r r t 'o=l i l l t ' r ' r r lrof t ' ts. Al l l r t 's; r rnr 'i r r r t ' , lr c c. l t 'hrr r ru.r

Lft l l^ l I l iR, t ' t ' ( l tvt i ( N lIANtiNAil( )NAl t l l t t ; [4i l( ]N



t ional social ìclds huvt 'alsr l 'x; l t ' r ict t tct l t l t t 'vt ' t t l t 'vt ' lol l t l t t ' t t lt t t t ' l , r

t ionship to the global economy artcl st r t t t : l t t r l t l di t rst rncrr t ol i t t , ' r ,

Because tates ave withdrawn public servict:s rrr ing hc strttc:lttt lr lrr l

iustment process, hose ocalit ies hat have been able o recciv('r '( 'r lrr l

tanceshave developed o the detriment of other municipalities rttttl tr'

gions. In some states,such as Mexico, goveÍnment policies of matt rrrrli

Íemittance-basedelectriÍìcation or other public-service mprovt'ttrt'ttl:;

with government funds have exacerbated ifferencesbetween owtt ;tttrl

regions. Remittances havenot brought development, but rather, girow

ing disparities within and acrossa national terrain (Çaglarzoo6)''l 'lr,'

diÍïerential success of those localities that do send sizeable numllt't't; ,,1

migrants also opens difïerent possibilities for return, investmenl ;rrrrl

transnational connection. Significant investment or Íeturn depends ,,lr

local and regional security, tself an outcome of the balanceof powt't t,,'

tween sending states and larger global institutions and powerful sl;rlt'r,

and their conÍìgurations of power including their drug and lttttt,,

industries.

6,6 Conclusions

Within these brief profiles of diÍÏerent trajectories of local restructulirrg'

it becomesobvious that migrants occupy a Íange of positions in tht't r

ties where they setúe, including unskilled labour, cultural promolt'tr;,

city leaders,small businesspeople,global talent and transnational rr;rt

talists. It is also clear that migrant transnationalsocial ields contrilrrrtr'

to the varying positionality of migrants and to the restructuring antl rr

scaling of cities. These transnational ties and the resultant local devt'lo;'

ments have been part of a global migration regime in which moveÌÌì{'rrl

and family reuniÍìcation was possible, often legally and sometimes tlt'

spite barriers to movement. In general, most states where migrants lrvl

have allowed some form of settlement with rights either at the tinrt' .1entry or as a long-term aspirationand realisablepossibility. f migrlrlit,rr

is restricted to those wiú short-term labour contÍacts or professiorr,rl

skills, migrants will not be able to play the varied roles described in llrri

chapter. Their multiple positionings in relationship to the restructulirrll

of localities stems from their ability to travel, obtain rights in multipl'

states and establish transnational social fields.In short, a global poweÍ perspective on migraüon allows scholars l,'

speak to a series of integrally related pÍocesses hat cannot be ulì(l('t

stood separately. irst, the proiection of migrants as undesirable otht'r','

revitalisesnational idenüties and loyalties of citizenswhose relationslrip

to the state as provider of services and social supports has lr,','ti

&n ol r r r ig,r ' ; r l i r rg,r rxl i t 'sr l lows i r r l r t ' i l r rst ' r t i< l r rrr dcorr t rol svar iou

Ë?tt tx oÍ r r r r í ì r . t .orr lnr t t t 'd alxrur .Mcartwhi lc,migrant professiona

Ëey be wt'lcorrrcd n spcciÍìc placcsas contributors to the neo-liberal e-

Itf l trtrrr irrg tt d rcscaling Í 'variouscit ies.An d migrant remittances an

k rdit,tl oÍl to transmit foreign currency to families, localities and re-

$ttrer k'Íi bchind, enabling their inclusion, however unequally, n glo-

Itl pullt'r'rrs f'consumption and desire. Migration scholarsneed to putall íìrrrnsof methodologicalnationalism so that their units of ana-

rlo rr<llobscure he localisedprocesses hrough which capitalism stlnrmlly restructured, eproduced, experiencedand contested.To un-

ncl fhe dynamics that surround us, we need to examine simulta-nly thc culrural narratives of everyday orms of nation-state forma-tlrt' global efforts to reconstitute capital and facilitate its flexible ac-

ulaÌion and the struggles of people around the world to live theirwith dignity and justice.

ãy clt'veloping such a framework, migraüon scholars will be able toirrto the policy arena with perspectives that do more than follow

well-worn path of sterile debates about úe effects of immigrationËociülcohesion. We can speak to factors that truly are eroding var-

human experiences of social solidarity as well as highlight the

ay experiences of openness that bring people together in theirÍ'or life with meaning, Íespect for all varieties of human diÍïer-

and opportunities to explore their shared humanity.

Enodhart, D. (zoo8), 'The baby-boomers finally see sense on immigraíorl., The

Qbsrrvcr,Sunday, z4 Febntary zoo8. www.guardian.co.uk/commenüsfree/zoo8/feb/

l4/ i rmigration.immigrationpoÌicy.

F



ChapterBridginghe divide: owards comparativeframeworkor understandingin stateand

migrant-sendingtatediaspora olitics

Myra A. Waterbury

by the coincidence or conveïgence of global events, the pastdecadeshave seen a signiÍìcant increase n the number of states en-ng members of úeir national communities who reside outside the's borders. As such, there has been a concomitant explosion of aca-ic interest in those transnational and trans-staterelationships. Moremore states are constructing ties to populations abroad, and thosetÌations are making more assertive claims for recognition of their

ue status as members of cultural and political communities brid-more than one sovereign state. In the post-communist world, úe

tion of politics and the end of Soviet domination brought re-attention to the relationship between potential kin states and the

border ethnic gïoups created through the dissolution of multina-I states and empires. And in oüer areas of the world, political andmic changes have encouraged states o reúink úeir previously in-

or even exclusionary stances owards migrant populations resid-

ebroad.Thanks to a flurry of fascinating case studies and úeorising about

phenomena, some progÍess has been made towards understand-how, when and why states structure increasingly complex ties to po-

abroad. Yet, as the debates n the literature over the meaning

terms such as 'diaspora' and 'transnationalism' continue, we see úatquestions remain unanswered. How should we understand

role of the state in shaping transnational pracücesì What causesto increase their engagement with populations abroadl What are

risks and beneÍìts of policies that seek to extend sovereignty andto those outside the state?A significant barrier to further pro-

towards a firll understanding of these dynamics is the prevalentical separation between studies of kin state and migrant-sendingpolicies towards external national populations. By maintaining this

ion * whether self,consciously or not - analysts of both sets of

Mït{A A, WÂ'l rki i l r l r t

( i ls( 's r ( ' losi r rg orr l orr pol t ' r r l i l r l lyr ' r r i t í t r lr rsigl r lsl r r r l r r r ryrr ,1.1,r r r r , , lÍ rorr rctrgagir ìgìcross t 'giotrs ncl r istor i t ' i r l l l t ' t Í ì t l i r .s. l ' l r is r ; rptr r

looo; 1) . ' l ' l r t ,st 'pol l r r l l r l iorrsrr i tyr lso x,r r rorr ' l tot t t tclo l l t t t i r t< lst talcÍ t t t t ' t r r l r t ' rsl r iptl d physicalmobi l i ty - be -

l l l ( l lNc' l ' l l l l l ) lv l l ) l i



reconsidershe ut i l i ty oÍ ' this analyl icul t ' l lul l r l iorr nclusl<s lur l r r r , r rbe gainedby constructinga broadcr comparativc ramcworl< rr wlrr, rto understandhow and why statesac t on behalÍ 'oÍ-mcmbcrs ol ;r rr,rtional community residing outside the borders.

The chapterbegins by comparing the analyticalusage of diaspor;r 'iminology in úe migration literature with that in the literaturt,orr f lrstatesand cross-borderminorities, then discussing how the two s(.t:;tl

'literature can learn from each oúer. The second section uses insililri',

and examples rom boü setsof literature to constructa compar;rliv(' r,lmework for understanding the relationship between statesand poprrl,rtions abroad.This framework addresses our main questions: wlro tlrr,state targets,why and when states ncrease heir level of transrlrlrorr,rlengagement, how states create and maintain ties with those abroutl ,rr,lwhat barriers there are to integration of the diaspora nto the honrt,l;rrrrlstate political community.

7.1 The definitionaldivide

In general, the literature on diaspora and transnationalism deíìrrt,r; rdiaspora almost exclusivelyby its migrant origins or the far-rearlrrrrgdispersalof an ethnic community to multiple points, reflecting cl;r:;rrrrcasesof diaspora such as the fewish and Armenian ones. This typt. rldefinition tends to exclude casesof trans-borderethnic groups crt':rtlrlfrom the shifting of borders or the dissolution of states and empirr",.such as ethnic Hungarians in East Central Europe or Russians rr llrr,near abroad.For many authors, he diasporaphenomenon is unic;rrr,t,the situation of people moving across borders. As Sheffer defincs tlr''subject of his book on diasporapolitics, 'an ethno-nationaldiasponr rr, rsocial-poliücal formation, created as a result of either voluntary ,,rforced migration' (zoo3:

9).'On the other side, those who study the relationships of kin sl;rtr',,with 'strandedminorities' across he border have not, for the most l);ut,adopted the diaspora terminology. They generally conceptualise tirr.uuniverse of casesas a discrete set with unique conditions. Unlikc rrrrgrant diasporas,external kin are the product of borders moving acrr,:;,,populations. Migrant diasporas form gradually and voluntarily, aÍe k.r rtorially dispersed and members often maintain the citizenship of tir,'rrcountry of origin, at least through the Íìrst generation. 'Accidental' rlr,rsporas, on the other hand, happen suddenly and largely against the wrllof their members, tend to be more territorially concentratedand oít,,rrhave the citizenship of only their new state of residence (Brubulirr

ãfrd Ìavc k'ss

€Õust. t l r t 'shi í ì ing Í bordcrsoÍ ìcn coincidcswith th e shi f t ingof their

Ptorp(.cls irr citizcnship Íiom the homeland to the host state.

ï'lrc term 'diaspora' s often politically problematic as well. Diaspora

lg llrrngary, Poland and other kin states s most commonly invoked

lhen cliscussing olitical and economic migrants who setúedoutside of

$e rcgion - and historic territory - of the mother country (Tóth zoo4:

f/1), When the term 'diaspora' is used to describe communities of eth-

il. kin in Eastern Europe, it is equated wiú weakened bonds of ethnic

Etd linguistic aÍfinity and the triumph of assimilationist pressures on€1e rrational community. For example, ethnic Hungarians described as

$ving in diaspora in neighbouring countries are those in a 'state of

lbandonment': they did not migrate, but are liúng outside of 'ethnic

btOgr' and therefore are in the pïocess of losing their cultural and lin-

$fxtic ties to the Hungarian nation (Ilyés zoo6: 46). ln contrast, more

funr:entrated national communities 'beyond the border' are reachable

Fd critical components of the national project' Calling them 'diaspora'

*€uld indicate that they were 'logt' to úose in the Hungarian state'

l.ho would see hem as a crucial soúrce of cultural pride and influence.

of diasporisation due to assimilation and out-migration' (Toth

: roo).Ttc separation of migrant-sending and kin state casesbased on these

ãumptions of difference has led to distinct terminologies, úeoretical

and analltical debates. However, bringing the two sets of lit-

re into dialogue with each other proüdes a much more complete

r:eof the role of the homeland state in shaping transnational prac-

For example, migration-centred analysts have begun to rethink

conception of 'transnationalism as subversive and transnationalists

Erassrootsactors challenging úe hegemony of states' (Waldinger &

igeraldzoo4: 1186). More attention is now given to the homeland

as an agent in constructing diasporas and shaping the member-

p of those abroad in social, economic and political spheres between

ueland and host states Fitzgeraldzoo5a; Itzigsohn zooo; Sherman

). Analyses of kin states and trans-border diasporas offer a wealth

ical and contempoÍary examples of the state's role in structuÍ-

ties to those abroad, which can aid in creating useful models of

transnationalism. The state of national origin is often a key

in shaping trans-border ethnic ties, particularly in caseswhere

homeland state s the politically and economically strongest actor in

triadic relationship between host state, homeland and trans-border

3y this logic, even those ethnic Hungarians who leave their ethnic kin

Émmunities and emigrate to Hungary become part of the 'intensiÍìca-

ity (Brubaker 996: 6Z'ZG).Theactionsof kin states, uch a

N4ï l lAA . W n r Rt i li | |ì

I l r rngary t t rcl l t ' r tnut ty l r torrgl rorr ll r t ' twt , r r l ic l l rt ' r r l r r ry, l t ' r r rotnl r , r l r .a rangcoÍ 'clngagt 'r r t t 'nti t l r 'st r i t r rcl t ' t lr r i r rol i l i t 's ' ,ìorn r l ipkrrr r r r l i t,l

l, f A comparativeramework



for ts o guaranteehcir scct t r i ty ncl l rc o' t 'at iorr í govt ' rnrr r t , l r lÌ r r r r r itr ies for information gatheringan d cultural Íurrding, o dircct lrr l irrr,r lan d economicsupport as well as ethnic repatriationand natrrral isrrtr, ir(Bârdi zoo4; Wolff zooo).

IGn statecasesalso demonstrate he potential dangers of'sl;r lr. r.rltransnationalism: he instrumental use of cross-border ies to fustiÍy rrredentist ambitions and nationalist politics (e.g. Serbia n the wrtlr .lYugoslavsuccession); he security dilemma createdwhen a horrrt,l,rrr,l

state claims residents of neighbouring statesas citizens (e.g. Rrrs::r,r',,military intervention on behalf of its 'compatriots' in South Osst,rr,rt,and the negative effects on inter-ethnic reiations created by f,',,,,, ,,1minority fifth-columnism or disloyalty to úeir state of residencr, (r.piethnic Germans and Hungarians in Eastern Europe after Worlcl W,rrII). The dark side of transnationalism is an aspect hat migratiorr locused analystsare beginning to grapple with as well. As Zolberg;rrr,lothers have pointed out, states attempt to control both physical ;rrr,lsyrnbolic boundaries. Therefore, all efforts to construct states ancl rr,rtions involve some kind of exclusion (Zolberg ry83; Filzgerald zoo,;lryThe extensionof the national community beyond the borders thr.rrprr

exLraterritorial membership and other tools can be understood ;r:r ,rform of 'trans-bordernationalism', whereby the homeland governrrrt,rrlpÍomotes a specific deÍìnition of the national community for its owrrpurposes(Fitzgeraldzoo6a: 99).

Many of the cases n the migration-centred literature, on the oilrr.rhand, usefully demonstrate the contingent and instrumental natun, olstate policymaking towards diaspora groups by tracing the proc<.s:ir,:,through which policymakers increase their level of engagement witlrthose abroad over time (Brand zoo6; Smith zoo3; yaradarajanzoo,,)This perspective s a much-neededcorrectionto the kin state iteratrrrr.,which often sees ties of ethnic affiliation as enduring causal facto's rrrdomestic politics and foreign policy decision-making.Analysesof rr,,dentism and trans-border ethnic conflict often assume that state acr.rrrespond o the plight of co-ethnicsand act accordingly n order to slrtr,fy the demands of ethnic affiliation (Ambrosio zoor; Davis & Moor,,1997).YeI, the numerous examplesof fluctuating levelsof engagenrt,rrlwith cross-border populations within and among potential kin stlrtr,:,have shown the need to look at domestic political interests to untr.rstand the intensity of dìasporapolicymaking at different points in tirrr,'(King & Melvin 1999; Saideman& Alres zoo8; Waterburyzoo6).

lt lrrgirrg logi 'tht 'r ' lrcsc nsiglrts iotn l<instatc-an d migration-centre

€êFes,lrt ' rt 'rnaindclr Í 'the chapteroutl ines a comparative ramework

fgf rrrrclt'rstanding hy and when states ncrease heir engagementwithpoltulrlions abroad and what factors aÍlect the implementation of dia-

lpoll (Ìrìgagementpolicies.The framework focuses on úe actions hat

Itetex tal<e o engage populations abroad, raúer than on the origin of

&e population. It uses evidence rom a wide range of cases o develop

hurs"tr of arguments. First, while states often utilise a rhetoric of en-

ggirrg the 'global nation', their policies taÍget specific populations

lbroad, depending on what these populations can offer the homeland

!têtc, Second, states increase their engagement with specific externalpopulationsbecause t servesa specific political and strategicpurpose.pleuporas represent a set of uniclue cultural, material and political re-

!€urccs, which homeland state elites come to recognise and seek to cap-

fure, Third, states expand the boundaries of citizenship and member-

lhtp in order to co-opt and control access o diaspora resouÍces. Finally,

I nrguc that because his new engagement involves the expansion of thepolltical community, the development of diaspora policies is often a

€gfltested process, which can lead to a backlash against diaspora en-

$Eement and a disconnect between rhetoric and the substance ofplicies.

l,l,r Globaldiscourse,argeted olicies

Ia looking at the entire univeÍse of potential diaspora members for any

$ven country it becomes clear that many statescannot so easily be clas-

llfìed as either 'ethnic kin state' or 'migrant-sending state'. Many states

lllvor current or historical relationships with popu!+ions in other coun-

Ëler for various reasons, including the redrawing of international

hundaries, sporadic and voluntary dispersal and state-sponsored emi-

$êtion. Some states hat are usually thought of primarily as emigrationftltes have had the potential to act as pÍotectoÍs of members of üe na-I community who reside on territory that was once part of the na-I homeland (e.g. India, Haiti, Mexico). And many kin states also

substantial economic and political migrant populations (e.g.

Ungary Poland, Germany). Some states have policies that extend tocross-border minorities and migrant communities,' but most haven to target only one or the other for specific puÍposes. The target-

reflects what the homeland state wants from its engagement within diaspora populations, as well as the feasibility of integrating ex-

communities without riskine tensions with other states.

M\' lA A. WAIir l i l i l r tr i

l l l r i l i l r r l t l r rdi l r r l t ' wo r ' ; rst 'srr wlr i r r l l r r .sl l r l r , rr s t ,xp;rn<lr , t ll : r , i rgagernent il h r l r igr l r r lcl i t ts; lorr loprr l r r l ions,l r r l r ls r . t . j r , t

I /

lêrgt '1r ; r l t ry l l r t ' inl t ' t t 's ls rr r t l1l t ' r ' r ' r 'pl iorrsÍ l rorr r t ' larrdtatcpol i t ic



;16lr .1t ial role as kin state o thost ' cr .ss r l r t ' l l . r .cl t , r . .r r l i r r i t i , l l r . r r . : ,1Duvaliergovernmentof Aristide macl. <Jiasp'rr t ' lati 'ns a rr l l 1l ' i 'rrrr,,even going so fa r as to call th e diaspora he'Tenth Dc-partnrt.rrr,rrrr,,government.Bu t because f historical ensionswith th e nciglr lrrrrrrrrrrDominìcan Republicover heir respective oundarieson thc'slrrrr.., l ,,land territory and the need for help from economicailyprosper.rrs ;rrrrlpolitically connected diaspora members, the focus of Hait|s Drrir ,,..was Haitians in canada and the united states,not those across h,, r,,,,der in the Dominican Republicor throughout the caribbean (rtzigs,lrrr

.ro,goi ïo*ard zoo3). Similarly, even úough the Indian goverrì rr,.rrlhailed he'global Indian fao'i ly'in th e r99oi (vardarajan ão5: r91, r. .expandedpolicies to engage ndians abroad argetedpiimarily íh" ;,, u,leged professional-class iasporaworking in hìgh-tech jobs in th. lrliand v/estem Europe. India's recent raws regarãing 'peopre of rrrrri,rrrorigin'

_specificallyexcluded citizens of neighboúing'pakistan rr.,rBangladesh, eflecting fears of inflaming regiãnar ".rúrr, (Lalr zoc,lrzz).

Kazakhstanand Hungary on the other hand, craftedpolicies foc.s,,,lmoÍe on the integration of ethnic and linguistic kin thãn on engaÍ_rrr|

with migrant populations. I(azakhstan'sdecision n the years fodáw,,,11independence to offer ethnic repatriation to ethnic Kazalús was r;rrgeted not to those who had migrated to other former Sovietrepubrrr:r.and would therefore ikely speakonly Russian,but to those outsidc rlr,,Soviet sphere in smaller lGzakh-speaking communìties who ,w.rrrrlmost effectively contribute to the cultural rebirth of Kazakhslrrrr(Diener zoo5: y4).In Hungary the country,s irst post_communist t,;rder claimed to be the prime minister of Íìfteen

-i[io'Hungarians, ,r

number that included those n the western diasporaas well aíthosc i,,neighbouring Romania, Slovakia,Ukraine and Serbia. Hungary,s rrrwgranting special benefits and national identification cards to etnrrrtHungarians (the controversial 'status

Law') was valid, however, only Í,rthose ethnic Hungarians in the neighbouring countries, not for tir.s,,assimilated Hungarians in the Western diaspoìa.l

7.2.2 Motivesand triggersfor diasporaengagement

The targeting described above suggests hat the state crafts differenr rr,lationships to its various external populations, depending on what a dc.per engagement with a potential diaspora group could offer. Clearly,homeland state elites aÍe not passive

"ìtotrìtirrãdonly by feelings ,Í

national aÍfiliation or by demands made on úem by those abioatlInstead, shifts towards increased diaspora engagement are driven rrr

el i tes.As I wi l l discrrssrr r r ror t 'cl t ' t r i l , l r r ,sc n<>t ivt :san be groupelftto l lrrt 'r ' t turitr scls <lí intt 'rcstsan d 'rcsources' epresented y diaËpol'ls: ltc cxtraction of'material resources or economic gain, úe creatlott or rnaintenanceof domestic and international political legitimacâtul llrt'utilisation of those abroad as a culturo-linguistic resource o burecl in defining the boundaries of national identity.

Murry states, however, initially resist opporLunities to forge extensivtlatrsnational ies, suggesting hat diasporas epresenta host ofnegaüv

êFpe('tsand potential dangers for homeland states as well. These negatlve connotations can manifest in representations of diaspora membersâ3 'trüitors' who have abandoned the homeland, painful blights on thenglional psyche or outsiders trying to take away jobs and resourceMass emigration can be a sign of state weakness and a threat to regimelegilimacy,causing resentment of those who left (Brand zoo6: 33-3Fltzgerald2oo5a: 7). When those abroad come home, they may be per€eived as being tainted by their unique experiences and therefore toodlÍli'rent to be reintegrated successfully into the homeland state. In addltion, if formerly excluded diaspora members are given access tohorneland state resources and membership , they are often perceived byperrnanent homeland state residents as unwelcome, resented competi-tors for political influence, subsidies and even jobs. Finally, diaspora po-pulations can embroil the homeland in tense relations with the states oflsnidence, thereby jeopardising the homeland's security and other for-eign policy goals. The dual nature of the diaspora issue permeates de-bêtcs over the state-diaspora relationship in kin states and migrant-:ending states, often leading to domestic opposition aga inst increasedlevels of political and economic integration between the homeland statênd those beyond the border.

Becausepopulations abroad can be sources of risk and political un-€ertainty, there are often barriers to elites perceiving certain diaspor€ommunities as positive ïesources. 'We must, therefore, also explain

Whatcauses hat perception to change: a moment in which the diasporgoes from being seen as a liability or a population that can be ignored,to an important resource that should be cultivated, and even exploited

{Ostergaard-Nielsenoo3a: zr9; Shain & Barth zoo3: 45o1.Moments of'tedefinition' are often triggered by large structural changes, such adramatic shifts in the regime or political system, often occurring simul-teneouslywith important changes in regional relations or economic re-atructuring. These changes allow space or a redefinition of the bound-êries of the political community and a rethinking of the state's relation-:hip to úe diaspora. Such a redeÍìnition could also result in a decisionto disengage from a previous policy commitment regarding a popula-

tlon abroad, as occurred when the German government phased out

I Jli M\',t ìA A. W^il t ì i l r rr l

l Ì ì l t Í ly Í i ts pol ici t 's owlt t t ls ' l l t r r i t i t ' r ' r r r ; r r rsrr i t rsl t ' r ' r ri r r lol t t ,r r r r l l r ,=former

ËHll)(; lNr; l i l t t) tv i l r l

l tat t r l 1. , l tosc r r l ltoi r r l l rn r rg 'nrol Ì r ( 'nls n wlr i t r 1l<l l i l icalcgi t i r r ra



Soviet Urt ior t n t l r t ' c l t 'utck' i r l lowir rg t ' r r r r i l ìur l iorr ,rr t r r r r r r r l ,the promiseof automat ic crrnarr : i t izt ' r rsl r i l l .l ' l r r ,pr i rnury ìx rs r t , r , 'however, s to provide a picture oÍ'thc motivcs an d pro(:css('s..rrru,lling a shift in perception that subsequently riggers incre:ast.cl'nli,rli,,ment with diaspora populations.

Diaspora communities are often sources of important mati.r'i:rl rlsources hrough remittances they send back to the homeland strrtr., rrúe form of diaspora-led nvestment or by oÍfering the homelarrd :rr,rrr.expandingmarkets

for its exports,cultural output and even a teÍÌìl)()r,r\labour pool (Barryzoo6: z8; Itzigsohn zooo: n43). Most migranl-st,rrrling countries, like the Philippines, Turkey and many Latin Amu.rt,rl,Middle Easternand Souú-EasteÍn European countries, rely heavily ,,rrthe emigrant diasporaworking in richer economies o contribute r. rlrr,country's GDP (Newland & Patrick zoo4l. Economic nterestsplay tr,r;,,of a role in non-migrant diaspora situations, particularly wherr tlrr,homeland state s more economicallydevelopedúan the diaspora. ivr,rrthe promise of possible uture economic gains, however, "n L" us('(t r,,a justification for activist diasporapolicies n these states.For exanrPl,.,in Hungary the ethnic Hungarians in neighbouring states have lr,.,.rrdescribedas a potential resouÍce for businesses n need of labour ;rg r

selling point for Hungarian policies towards co-ethnics(Melegh zo<,1rzo). Similar arguments have been used to justify repatriation programmes in Romania and Russia.

The state's integration into economic and trade organisations rs ,rprocess that may compel or deepen neo-liberal restructuring oÍ' tlr,.state's economy, leading to a desire to stabilise and increase the flow r,ldiaspora remittances and investment (Varadarajanzoo5: 6). Growirrlieconomic opportunitiesas a result of regional ntegraüon and increust.rlforeign investment can also lead to a search for easily assimilatecl r,rbour migration, which may make the diasporaan attractiveprospecl. trlfact, it could be argued that Spain has invented such a diaspora for rlrr,

puÍpose by ofíering retuÍn opporLunities o the descendantsof Sparrislrmigrants in Latin America (Padilla zooT). fapan has also used secorrrland third-generaüon Braziliansof fapanesedescent o fill out its lab.rrrneeds without challenging its exclusive, ethnically based definitions r,lcitizenship (Fitzgerald zoo6a: roz).

Diaspora engagementalso plays an important role in political legrrrmation, both domestically and geopolitically. Reaching out to thor;r.abroadand establishingcross-border ies can be a way for goveÍnmelÌt:iand poliücal parties to redefine the basesof their legitimacy at times r,Íeconomic or political crisis, or when the sovereignty of the state rr,being weakened by external forces. In describing the history olMexico's changing policies, Sherman argues that the state

extended it:r

wa s x' i t t1; l r tcsl ion<'cl ,r r rd l r t 's lul t 'wus ryi r rg o consol idate part lcle r i r rsl i l r r t iorrulrdcr ' ( rgg9: 847).Maintaining he oy al ty f emigrantt t l lr t, ir lr<lrnerountry, and thereby securingaccess o those commuttllir.s und their resources,can be a vital'part of the processof nationbrri l t l ingand maintainingelite dominanceat home'.

l'opulations abroad are also strategically mportant because of theieulltrro-linguisticfunction, particularly their role in state-building, natlonll identity construction and cultural reproduction. The diaspora ca

lervc prominently in the construction of national myths, which ar[:ed to legitimise nationalist political agendas and the modes of inclu-llott and exclusion úat designate who will have access o political poweettd the resourcesof úe state (King & Melvin 1999). External populatlotts are often incorporated into narratives identifying forces that threatett the survival of the cultural or linguistic nation, broadly defined aextr.nding beyond existing state borders. The continued existence ofgr(xrp beyond the border úat maintains its cultural identity and connectlotrs to the homeland by resisting assimilationist pressures offers a deÍbnce against fears of cultural di lution and a source of national pride.For cxample, in the case of Mexi co:

Itlhe new Mexican ideology holds that by creating and maintain-ing a distinct ethnic identity within the United States, albeit diÊíbrent from Mexico's indigenous culture, Mexican Americans arepreserving their national heritage and proving that Latino rootsare much deeper han Anglo-American influences. (Shain zooo:68t\

ln addition, such populations keep the influence of úe homeland lan-guage and culture a live in territories that were once part of the home-lãnd's empire or colonial holdings, recalling the diaspora's ties to his-torically signiÍìcant moments of past greatness and tragedy. Threats to

these groups, therefore, are framed as úreats to the unity, status and:urvival of the nation embodied by the homeland. This type of resourches been particularly important fo r Hungary a small, linguistically isolêtcd country with a history of empire (I(ürti zoor).

One of the main triggers for utilising the diaspora to bolster state le-gitimacy is political liberalisation through institutional or regime€hange,which subjects control over the state-diaspora relationship toÌnore intense political contestation. The diaspora resources becomprizes to be captured within the context of domestic political competi-tlon. The opening up of political competition after decades of dictatorialer authoritarian rule triggers the search for new souÍces ofpolitical sup

port and legitimacy by new political actors on the scene. These actor

|4( l r\4YliAA. WAil l l l t tr l

Jravt :i t t l t 'govt ' r t t i t rg'x1l t ' t ' ict t t r ' ,r r r t l l ry rr lso urvr , i ,w orgurr is; r l rorr , r iresources r a t rack rccort loí idt 'ologicr l osi t i r l r r i r rg.

ln( i tNi l'| ]

l r t ) tv i l ) t ,

Iã anot l r t ' r '<.xrr r r tpl r , ,rs ls l i rr ropcln J nion rct : t ,ssionlccarnr :Ì ìore cr

t4 l



{ r ' í ì .urr r i r rg;rl r , ,course f the nat ionan d nat ional dcrr t i ty l rut nvol<csh<lsr ' l r t ,yorrr ll r t ,border can providea unique sourceoÍ'legit irnacy br thcsc nc w P.lirrr,r lactors.They can position themselvesas 'nationalising elitcs' or ;r:i ri.rviours of the nation who can now right the wrongs of' tlrr, p,r,,rEmerging elitescan also utilise diasporapopulationsas potential t.'rr;rituents,who can affect domesticpolitical outcomes hrough trans-lr,rrlr.rmedia connections or eventually through gaining the right to v.rr, ,rhave special epresentationwiúin the government.

At times oÍ'prlirrt.rltransformation, the diaspora'may come to be consideredby, ,,,,* ,,,gime as úe key population for domestic transformation' íshain 2,r,,,,66s).

For example, n post-communist Hungary engagementwith thr, r.tlrnic Hungarians in neighbouring countries has been a crucial org.rrl,,rtional and ideological resource for a party like the Alliance of-y.rrrliDemocrats (Fidesz), a relatively new right-wing party that lacked r rrr.bilised base in the early r99os (Waterbury zoo6l. The parry r;rrrrpaigned actively n úe ethnic Hungarian communities in slovakil rrrr,lRomania, not for votes, but to win the battle of public opinion trrt,r.that would be reflected in Hungarian state media. Domeitic polirir,rl

strategies nvolving the diaspora have also been seen in a numbcr,,rlother cases, ncluding Mexico, El salvador, Haiti and úe Domirrrt:rrrRepublica (Itzigsohn zooo). Al1 these countries have seen ele<.r.r,rlcampaigns spill over into diasporacommunities, with party elites lrr,1ring to capture the endorsement of diaspora leaders and their for.rrr;rland informal organisational networks, as well as to control the rr*;course of national interests and priorities by embracing the diasporr.

External actors and úe actions of the state in which diasporas rcsrrlrcan also cause shifts in the opportunity for elites to engage th.r.abroad. f the degreeof access o, and availabilityof, diasporã ãrour,,,,,becomesconstrained, then úe homeland state s likely toìncrease its h,

vel of engagement. For example, if homeland state elites see that .r'wintegrationist or assimilationist policies are being put into place by h.rrstates, he y ma y Íespond by hying to'pull 'the diasporaback to rlr,,homeland through transnational connections and feelings of loyalty. Ar;Brand argues in regard to úe Tunisian and Moroccan diasporas rrrWestern Europe:

as European states successively changed laws governing immi_grant integration, the Maghrebi states faced the prospect of de-clining loyalty among their nationals. In Íesponse, new institu-tions and policies were put into place or existing ones were rede_fined. (zoo6: z:'6-z17)

*1n, t l r t ' rc; r l isul ior t lc w that l r r r rgurywould soon become he easter

bard"r oÍ' tlrc Schengcn visa regime. This meant that many ethnic

Hìutgarirns would be leÍì on the wrong side of a new Iron Curtain, forË1e Sclrcngen chapter of the accession reaty would have prevente

lgnranian, Ukrainian and Serbian citizens from crossing the border

lato I lungary without a visa. This prompted a search of new ways forHungary to maintain cross-border ties, culminating in úe controversial

&eision to give members of the regional diaspora ethnic identity cards

{Vatcrbury zoo8). Poland and Romania also crafted legislation to dealtdth the stranding of eúnic kin outside the Schengen borders.

7,2,3 The oolsof engagement

3e now turn to consider how the engagedhomeland state creates, andãalntains access to, these diaspora resources . Tãking examples from

both the kin and migrant-sending state cases, we see that homelandItêtes have better access o these resources when they are able to craftlnd, to the extent possible, control ties with those abroad and their or-

llnisations. In order to shape these relations, states extend their soverflgnty and redefine the boundaries of citizenship and membership to

laelude targeted members of populations abroad úrough institutiona-llred packagesof 'engagement' policies. In a tricky, often unsuccessfirl,

balancing act, state elites attempt to push these policies while keepingln mind the demands of úe diaspora communities, who may or rnaylÕt respond in kind to these overnrres.

ïn both úe kin s tate and sending state iterature, institutionalised en-gâgementwith populations abroad is recognised as a tool of co-optationtnd a way of building clientelistic relationships that go beyond the bor-êers of the state. In the case of Hungary party elites have vied to co-opdlaspora leaders and to create clientelistic relationships that extendlCross the border. Fidesz, in particular, used the tools of patronage and

ellentelism to develop its power base and establish its structure of allillces and institutions (Waterbury zoo6: 5oo-5o3). Similarly, in Mexico,üre Fox administration (and earlier governments as well) attempted to:hape the message and the loyalties of organised Mexican migrant com-*runities in the US (Martinez-Saldana zoo3; Garcia-Acevedo zoq).According to Goldring, state-ledprogÍammes in the r98os

signaled úe state's attempt to construct transmigrants and úeirorganisations as one more in a series of corporate groups thatthe Mexican state could co-opt by engaging them in corporatistand clientelist relaüons. (zooz: 68\

t4 ) lví\ ' l lA^, WA ,l l l l l

r l r ì

Middlc l i l rsl t ' r t t t l t t t 's, t tcl r rs' l i rnisiu rr t l Mortx' to, ; r lso r l i l isr , t lonrrselsan d expatr iatc Í íài rs íJìr : t 'ss r rsl t r l r r t . r r ls

f ì í ; lN{; ' r r i l i Div i l ) l

:bl l l ty ln d t 'vt ' r r rct 'd o ( ' r ìgi ìH( 'wi t l r t Í ì r r r r r r Í i r r ' ( l larry zoo(r : zr) .or r r r r r l l i l lk ' t r l t iorr r r li tyr rcl 'vt 'n 'xt t ' r r rul < l t ing ights s thus

14 1



r r rclin order o satisfy heir own sccurityobjt 't :t ivt 'sl lrarrcl oo(:).

Homeland states reate ystems Í'patronagc nd control by'r.t ';rsrt,r lin g sovereignty' ver those beyond their territorialboundarics (lÌr,rrrr lzoo6: z6). They do so by crafting policies hat'(re)producecit izt.rr :, ,vereign relationships with expatriates, hus transnationalising govt,r rmentality' (Gamlenzoo6: 4-5).All stateshave availablea similar to,l[rrof policies they can choose rom in shaping relationswith populrrli,,l,.abroad. Homeland states can:

(r) seek to change host state polrr ,.,,through diplomatic advocacyor tÍeaty protections; (z) fund dius;',,r,rcommunity organisationsand the creation of educational,cultural, pr,lrtical and entrepreneurial nstitutions; (3) oÍïer full or limited Ítrrrrr:r,,1political citizenship, such as voting rights, special orms of Íepr(,s(,nt.ltion, dual citizenship or dual nationality (41 of{er firll or limited íirrrrr,,of social citizenship through welfare state and labour market access rr ,direct subsidies o diasporamembers; oÍ (5) extend he benefits oÍ trrrtural and symbolic membership through rhetorical inclusion, ctlrrrrridentity cards and trans-border cultural exchanges.

The most powerfirl - and controversial of these policies is thr.r.rpansion of citizenship through dual nationality legislation, giving rlror,.

abroad preferential access o entry and the state's political commrrrrvBoth types of states utilise citizenship options, with some variatiorr rrrthe purpose of the flexible membership. Kin statesuse 'ethnizenslrr;,which Baubõck defines as 'externalquasi-citizenship' or those who rlr,not reside n the country granting úe status 1zoo7b:496), as a Íirrrrrof symbolic membership and nation-building that may oÍ may tr,ltranslate into real benefits and mobility. Or úese states may allow Í,,rmultiple citizenship or preferential naturalisation for ethnic kin rrs ,rform of minority protection, providing an 'exit option' for natiorr;rlminorities facing discrimination and assimilation (Iordachi zoo5.. 4tlIn Hungary a failed attempt in zoo4 to provide extraterritorial dual t irr

zenship reflected he 'ethnizenship' model, whereby ethnic Hungari:rrr,in some neighbouring countries would have the option of 'citizenslrr;rwithout resettlement'. In zoo5, the left-wing social democraticgovt'rrrment, which had rejected the ethnizenship model, simplified nahrralis;rtion requirements for ethnic Hungarians, creating a stronger frarrrcwork of preferential naturalisation based on individual application, rrora collective right to ethnic citizenship (Ministry 2oo5).

In migrant-sending states,exteÍnal citizenship is meant to create a rr.lationship of rights and obligations with emigrant non-residents in order to tie potentially reluctant or increasingly distant (in time and spar,,1populations abroad to úe stateor origin. Citizenship is thus ,a substrtute for physical pÍesence n the home state, and grounds emigrantr'

l$lowirrgf, we y Íir l slutcs o t 'xtcnd tlrcir sovcrr: igntyin the absence f coerciv

btttr-stir lc powcìr ' o (ÌÍìsurecontinued access o diaspora esouïce

lGlntr r l t ' r roo6: 5) .Tlte policyrnaking process for diaspora engagement, particularly

ïhrrr it irrvolves he expansion of citizenship, takes place n a context

teught with contention and debate.The context of citizenship policies

ëfi€irrly differs between kin and migrant states,but the policies rigger

$rnllarlcvels of debate and contestation over changing the boundaries

Ë tlre political community. Policies must go far enough to provide po-puleliorrs abroad - both migrant and ethnic kin - with realistic incen-

ãves íìrr maintaining loyalties that correspond to what those populations

Ëleãt lil<ely seek from the homeland state: some combination of in-

€!Ëcred economic opportunity (eiúer investment, tax-free remittances,

Propcrty ownership or access to improved labour markets and subsi-

éler), symbolic and cultural membership (ethnic ID cards, support for

*lnority language education, cultural exchanges and even ts or rhetori-

Ël lnclusion as positive national members) and protection and advocacy

l€nnsularand diplomatic services, ïessureon host states egarding mi-

f!âilt or minority rights). Yet, as I will demonstrate in the following

leetion, policyrnakers risk going too far, thereby provoking backlashl3clnst the expansion of the political community.

I,1,4 Contested utcomes

lhcn a state increases its engagement with the diaspora, this process

#eessitates an expansion of the homeland state political community. At

I minimum, increased diaspora engagement involves the reordering of

&teign policy priorities, redistributing state funds and restructuring

tsvernment institutions to include agenc ies, commissions or ministries

ts gdminister the new policies. Debates over diaspora policy increase in

lntensity as those abroad are given access o membership in the politiÊêl community of úe homeland state and new policies expand úe

boundaries of political membership beyond the state borders, therebypopardising the 'coherence of the ciízenry' (Barry zoo6: z4). AsWeldinger and Filzgenld rightly argue: 'The terms of national belong-l1g are almost always he subject of conflict' (zoo4: rr79l.

Ëlite rhetoric of ethnic kinship or national belonging, therefore, does

Êot always reflect the reality or accep tance of a particular national pro-

ffft. Such projects are often contested, and there may be widespread re-

llltance to accepting members of the ethnic diaspora as 'real' members

Ëf the civic community who deserve the full rights and benefits of citiSenship. Thus, even after diaspora Íesources have been identified and

l \4 \ {A A. \ \ 'At i tr tr r Ì t ì ì

sol ì ì ( ' l )ol i (y r lur t r l -1,r 'sr r t ' i r r rpl r , r r r t ,nl t , t lo r rur i r r l ; r ini t ,s wi l l r l l r t . r l r , rspora, Í lbr ts t<lprovicl t ' r to- t ' l l t t t i tsr l r t ' rxrcli l l r Í i r r l l rcrut tcss lo l rol r l i

ãFllr( . lN{; i l i l l ) lv l l ) l

€Ë5f i1l i r l ( .s,l r i t l r worrkl r rnr io n rrs r i í t ' l i r r rc r l r l ior l l r l i tyisl r , >tr l l ic l

l lol ; r lkrw or 'pt ' t ' í ì , r ' r ' r r l i t r lr l r l t t l l t l is; r t ior l( i< i l r ry, rzyrnala- l (azÌowsk



cal membershipar c oÍ icrrnrct wi t I r r t 's isl r r r t t ' . r rct .cl isctrssior tl r t r . r ,pe Í access o membership n tht : h<lrnt ' larr t . lol i t ical olnl Ì ìunt t \ ' r, .opened, ensionsare brought forward, stcÍÌìÍÌì i Í Ìg iorn thc dtlr l rr,rtur,of the state-diasporaelationship.Those egitimatelyopposcd [o t.xl,,rn,ling the reach of the state may ask severalquestions. fhat is tlrt' t o:, r'the state f diasporamembers acquirea unique legal status,giving tlr,.rrrincreased political and even economic influencel What are tlìt' rorr',,.quences f they are allowed to choose among identities and loyultit,:: r',they pleasel Are they - or aÍe we - the authentic representativcs l nrrrculture and ouï nationl What may be lost in terms of our e(on()rnland political stability, even ouÍ foreign policy goals,by extending rrr,.rnbership beyond our bordersl Examples rom the cases hat follow lr,'11'illustrate the dynamics of this tension over the incorporation oÍ rlr,rspora members into the homeland political community.

Despite he popular rhetoric of historical responsibilityand ethrrit ,rlfiliation, the Hungarian public has consistently shown ambivrrlt,rrrrabout the Hungarians across he border, particularly n relation to r.tlrnic Hungarian labour migration and citizenship (Csepeli & Ôrkr.rrr

ry96: z8o). This ambiguity was reflected n the failed December .r,,,,.;

referendum on whether Hungary should provide non-residentdull r rtrzenship for the ethnic Hungarians in neighbouring countries. Orrly rper cent of eligible voters turned out for úe referendum and, of tlro:r,'support for the dual citizenship agenda was only slightly more tÌr:rrr ,rper cent. The low turnout invalidated the results - by law, 25 per ct'r t , leligible voters must support or reject the initiative. Many expresseclrrrprise that so many Hungarians would vote against he measure (l(ov,rr.zoo6: 6z). Tâken in the context of a broader compaÍative underst;rrr,ling of state-diasporaelations,however, he outcome of the referenrtrrrrrmakes more sense.Fear of a 'wave' of ethnic Hungarian migratiorr ;rrr,lconceÍns about the political and economic consequences or Hurrgi,rrvwere the main arguments put forth by the centre-left governing co,rlrtion against granting co-ethnics citizenship. Such arguments prov('(l t.have traction amongst voteÍs aíìxious about Hungary's economic ;rrrrlpolitical stability. The willingness to vote against expanding citizenslrrl'clearly showed the limits of cross-border ethnic attachments rtlHungary when they compete with other conceÍns of the citizenry ;rrr,lopposing political elites. A similar debate went on for years n Polrlr,lover the Charter of the Poles,which givesethnic Poles n neighbourirrlieastern states egal recognition of belonging to the Po lish nation, irr ;rrldition to a wide range of rights in Poland, such as less restrictivecntr\requirements and access o some educationaland social services. llrr.,

'semi-citizenship' included a Polish identity card to be issued l,r

l (o|yÍ & Wcir l i r r2oo7: r58-r61). í ìcr t Ì ì r ] ìyycarsoÍ 'debate nd opposi-

t lon, l lrr. ll w 0n tlrc l)ol ish Chartcr was Íìnally passed n Septembe

ãper7 tr rd atr tc nt o ef Íèct n zoo8.

lrr Mcxico, the clual nationality issue spurred a public debate'about

frlr;rl il Íììcans o be Mexican' (Barry zoo6: 48\.As more integrativepo-

llr,irr wr:re discussed, t became clear that there was 'no consensus n

Mexito about the preciseterms of the membership that should be oÊ

fbrerl to the people of Mexican descent' (Gutierrez r999t 567)' ln ry97,

the Mt,xican government introduced a constitutional amendment to al-lpw Mcxicans abroad to take on a second citizenship without being

:lrilrpcd of their Mexican one. This was seen as a crucial move to keep

the'iiaspora in the US from assimilating completely and losing their

tien with the mother country and thereby to ensure a steady low of re-

llilliìnces and investment. Opposìtion to the new citizenship law, how-

€Vrr,cxposed conceÍns about the migrants' poliúcal loyalties and the po-

terrtill for Mexico's independence to come under attack. As one analyst

desr:ribedhis fear:

When migrants return home, úey carry with them an assort-

rnent of q-uestionablebeliefs, values and habits acquired in theUnited Stãtes...Allowing úem to participate in úe national elec-

toral process paves he \May o the degradation of Mexico and the

l<rss f independence. (Martinez-saldana zoo1l. 46)

Reluctance about granting voüng rights was also expressed by en-

tfenched political interests, most notably the previously hegemonic

lnstitutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), which feared that diaspora vot-

Iilg would shift the political balance against them (García-Aceved

,oo)i 543\. However, once diaspoÍa resouÍces were rediscoveÍed and

tlre peiception had shifted, the political loyalty of Mexicans in- úe US

became a political prize lo be won, reordering the ìnterests of various

party elites. The PRI, once reluctant to incorporate the diaspora poliú-èelly,shifted to using its version ofrevolutionary nationalism to criticise

the Fox goveÍnment for not doing enough to help those beyond the bor-

der, anã the dual citizenship legislation eventually went forward

(Martinez-Saldana oo3: 38).ln Kazakhstan, the government's ethnic repatriation plan also trig-

gered backlash over the issue of national belonging. After Kazakhstan'

independence from the former Soviet Union in r99r, the government

ectivãlysponsored the return and repatriation of ethnic Kazakhs n what

It called the 'far abroad', meaning primarily üose in Mongolia, Turkey

snd other parts of Asia. This policy was part of a nation-building

l { l rl \ ' l \ ' l {A A. wAll l ì1i l I ' r

pro( :( .sscsigrr t 'do l l l r l r r r rct 'l r l l l r ( ' r l t' r r ropp;rpl r i r( ' i r l i ly l r l r l ( ; rz; r l , l rnwere an extrcr Ì r ( ì ly( ' l ì r . lol ls' l l r r r i t t r r ; r jotly in l ( ; rzrr l< l tsl l t tt :l t t ' t t ' wl l r '

ããll ,( , lN(iI l l ; l r lv l l ì l

fãl l rer ' l l t : r r rr sytr r lxr l í wclr l<t t t 'ssir l l l r t ' l tot r r t ' l l t t t t ll l r l t ' i t r tclir l t l rcrr

ol i l i t .ulrgt ' r r r l l rs.r r t t ' l l r t 'di i tsl rot l t( 'sot l r ( : ( 'st lvc l lccn dent i f ìed



largenumbersof non-Kazal<hìrrssi ; r r rl ) ( ' i r l ( ( ' r 'sls w( ' l l ts ' l l t t t i t l ) r i l r " ,Germans and other regional nat ior Ì r l i l i ( 's.Al l t ' r rst5oo,ooo t ' l l r r r r ,Kazakhs ame o l(azakhstann ther 99os, irrcltrccdry repatri lr l iorrr.rrefits such as free air f l ights, expedited ersidency ermits, lrttr11rr,r1i,couÍses (in Russian), ob training, housing and potentiaÌ ecortottttt ,'1,portunities. The process of incorporating the ethnic l(azal<lts r,,rrrabroad proved to be difficult, however: cultural tensions betwcur llr'

culturally'pure' Kazakhs rom the diaspora and the 'Russified' tÌrttllt.t

land resulted in distrust of those coming from outside (Currurrrrrli',1998: 4r-t45). Political ensions over the deÍìnition of the politit irl r ,rtrmunity and to what degree t should be defined by ethnicity lt'd 1,, rrcomplete policies that left many repatriating Kazakhs n a legal rìntl ', ,

nomic limbo. In 1995, dual citizenship- which previously had lrt'r'rr rllowed only fo r ethnic Kazakhs was abolished, orcing thost'lr,,trrabroad o give up úeir existing citizenship in order to apply for l(;rz.rfrnaturalisation. However, he paperwork necessary o fo rmally rcrr()rrr( '

one's citizenship and gain another provedbureaucratically umltct's,,trr,and costly.As a result, by t999, almost 90 per cent of the replrln.r lr",from the diaspora acked Kazakhstani citizenship, and therefort' t,ttl,l

not vote, own property or run for oÍïìce (Diener zoo5: y9). In acklilr,,rrmany repatíiates were not receiüng their promised allowancesot |rr':ltheir benefits because they neglected to register properly with [,,,r1authorities or failed to stay n the areasdesignatedby governmertl tlglttcies as suitable for resettlement (Cummings 1998: r44). As hus lr,','rrthe case n a number of states hat ha ve allowed ethnic repatrittliotr lspecific diaspora populations , the state uses the influx of cultrtrtl r;tl'lings for specific purposes,and shapes he terms of their incorpot;tlt,,rrto benefit the perceived,often contested,needs ofthe state.5

7.3 ConclusionLooking at the similarities in the structure and political dynamics ol rtr,rspora engagement by a variety of kin and migrant-sending statt's, lrr',chapter generateda broadly comparative model of how and why sl,rlr'',make policy towardstheir national populations abroad. n sumtruttir;rtr1ithis model, we see first that populations abroad represent a st'l ol tttrique cultu ral, material and political Íesources or homeland stuk' t'lrlr",This model of 'diasporaas resouÍce'offers a useful frameworl< r,r ,'rplaining th e motives or, and modes of engagementwith, th<lst 'ott l :;t,1, 'stateborders.Within this frameworl<, omcland state l i tcs cotttt ' o ttttderstand nd promote he diasp<lr r opt t l l t l iot trs t sot l Í ( ( 'oÍ sl t t ' r r l i l l r

ãrul'ì '. 'rgt*t

ir i to polit icalcl iscoursc nc lpolicydebates' otential hreats

tg tlrt'ir lccc'ss are rnet by an increase n activism by the homeland

ttatc. (llrrnges in externalconditions - such as realignments-9f power

ln inl('rstat; relations and shifting economicand geopoliticalalliances

,ì,0i,,' ,,ppurtunities for states o ãstablish and control their relationship

wlllì t,xteinal communities. In respondingto thesechallenges, tatesex-

terrrl tÌrr:ir sovereignty and redefine the úoundaries of state citizenship

àri,i,,.tiott"t

-"nib"ithipin order to cÍeate' co-opt and maintain tìes to

ãutrrrllrtionsabroad. Policy consensus and implementation.can' how-

il;:, ì;; ;h"ng"a"tta

disrupted - leading to incomplete and contested

=i,H,,gr.,-"rr, - ïy the overe*tension of õvereignty' -domesticpolitical

cuiìr,lrt"tion and a backlash against úe redefinition of the political com-

Aurtrity o include thoseoutside he stateborders'

'l'lrcre is still much work to be done towards a comparative, rame-

*,,i't. ótt" way to talk about both sets of caseswithout diminishing or

igì-,tiü impártant differences would be to work towards a tlpology

bï,,'a o"" targeting specific types of populltion; úroad (e'g' diasporic

ã.i,,tu-i. mlltant*s, ái"rpo'it exlles attdpolitical migrants' unorganised

ã-pr,.i*t, cáss-border co-ethnics after independence)and úe types of

!oìi,,i., the state uses to engage those populations' Such a typologyeorr lclhelpusseepossiblep"t t " ' ' ' ' tomatchmot ivat ion(whatstateãlit,'r; *"nt from ceìtain poiulations; with- action' Some comparative

Çp,,i"gi"t tt""e already beLn generated by those looking at one type of

írïi,,rr"1..g. external voting) or at one type of population (e'g' migrant

;;;;'il#i"t), but few"il"tpt

to incorporate boú aspects (Gamlen

ãoofrt Cfr"náer zoo61' Work ãn úe introduction of new types of citi-

irn*nip and membership options is a particularly promising model for

ãross-reglorral nd cross-typeanalysis (Baubõck zooTb; Faist-z-oor)'

Ëuture research towards a Lroader comparative framework would also

tte,,*Íìt from a deeper investigation of the role of host state policies' As

luentioned,achangeinthediaspora'spolit icalandeconomicincorporatlon in the host state can triggei a reaition by homeland stateelites to-

*ards more intense transnational engagement' Host state policies re-

tarding kin minority or migrant populations also shape how and to

ih"t"í"rrt

diasporaswill orianise,"tta

*n"t kinds of connections they

will ,".t from úe homehnJstate, thereby determining wheúer or not

ê potential diaspora population is available to be mobilised as a re-

ãorrrce.Furthermore, ihã"-ot"tt

of host state resistance to homeland

Ëtateactivismcanconstrainolopenoppor|unit iesforextraterritorialpolicies to develoP.

ln terms of d"Íìrritional distinctions, although using the term 'dia-

gpora' to deÍìne a population beyond the border may be problematic'

adopl i r lg ht ' pl t r l rst"cl i ls lxr t ' l rl lol i l i t ' lo ck,st ' r ' i l l t .t i t l ( , tcl ioÍ Ì r r r t l l r r ,content ion rouncl host 'pol ici t 's nuy rt ' r rst ' í ì r l . l r t ' lht . r r r r igl r r r r l

'iother external roup can rightly Chapter



crrrrsicjcrt 'd<Jiasp.ru <lgsrs rl,,wrrin the rather rui t lesssearch br an object ive ct oÍ 'cr i tcr ia. ' l ) i ; rs| ' r r r , rpolit ics',however,may represent stance akenby a potentialhorrrt. l ;rrr, lor kin state that focuses on the íntentionalítyof treating an t,xrr.rrr,rlgroup as if they were a bounded, distinct group with ties of loyalry rrr,laÍfiliation to úe motherland. In this way, I believe hat diasporaprlirir,,can be a useful catch-all o define a constructed elationship and irrrr.rrtional set of policies employed to keep those abroad connectecl 'ilrr,

homeland.clearly, there are important empirical and analyticalnuances hrrr rrr,lost in the attempt to create generalisations rom such vast divt'r':rrrr.Instructive differencesbetween casesmay include the ethnic malit,ru,of the homeland state (degreeof homogeneity), whether a prirr;rrrlyemigration statehas kin state potential tied to a specifichistoricaÌ k,rrrtory (e.g. India, Dominican Republic) and the relative economic and ;,r,litical strengths of the external population compared to the homt,lrrrrrrstate. Yet, there is clearly analltical uülity in looking beyond the p'r,v,rlent type-specific distinction between kin states and. migrant-serrrlirrpstates.By engaging both sets of cases,we are forced to question t.lr'r.and region-specific assumptions, leading to a more nuãnced urrtr,,rstanding and broadly applicable theorisation.

Notes

some authors have crafted broader definitions of diaspora that include trans-br:rr|.,rki n minor i t ies (Shain& Barü zoo3:45o: Brubakerzóo5; foppke zoo5:3o; I ( i r r11iMelvìn r999).Italy, Turkey and croatia are three examples ofstates that have developed polici.r; r,,engage both ethnic kin populations in neighbouring countries and migr.rrrldiasporas.other countries wiú special legisiation targeted only at kin minorities inrlrr,l,.

Germany, Poland and Russia.Sheridan, M. B. 'salvadoran leader embraces diaspora', The washinglon posi Bor ,rOctoberzooz.other cases using targeted repatriation to move ethnic kin into specific, often rr,,nomically depressed regions ofthe country include Greece. Russia and Türkey.

Olasporasnd nternationalolitics: tilisinghe

universalisticreed f liberalismor particularistiandnationalist urPoses

Maia Koinova

l, t lntroduction

ïte growing pace of globalisation in the first decade of the twenty-first

ëntury has prompted scholars to seek a better understanding of the

l€le of non-state actors in world politics. Transnational social move-

ü!ênts challenge states on international issues such as global warming

11td global inequalities. International NGOs criticise states for disre-

lpectinghuman rights and lagging on democratisation and develop

úent. Terrorist groups use violence to advance ransnational ideological

lnd religious creeds üat transcend the state. Diasporas use institutions

Êf their host state to advocate causes for their home states. All thes

AoU.stateactors are relatively autonomous from the state Ìhey live in

tnd its material ïesources; they are transnational or linked to more than

ãne state, and they seek o affect political change.

Analysing diasporas as non-state actors is a relatively new trend in

pglitical science. While diaspora studies first emerged from cultural stu-

êles, anthropology and sociology, political science followed this trend

Itcrting in the r99os. (Sheffer zoo3; Shain 1994-ï995 2oo2, 2oo7;

ïtng & Melvin 1999; Byman, Chalk, Hoffman, Rosenau & Brannan

loor; IGldor zoor; .Waylandzoo4; Adamson 2oo5a,zoo6; Brinkerhoff10o6; Lyons zoo6i Õstergaard-Nielsen oo6; Smith & Stares zooT).

lnterest in diasporas grew after 9/rr because oreign-born nationals liv-

l1g in Western stateswere behind the terrorist attacks. There is a grow-

lag understanding that during this era of globalisation, diasporas ar

llot simply migrants in the eyes of host states; hey are linked simulta-

lleously to many political contexts through cheap communication and

üensportation networks. Diasporas are becoming political actors with

lgcal and transnational agendas.To theorise about diasporas in poliücal science means facing a num-

ber of challenges, including the conceptual ambiguities surrounding

l \ l^ l l lA l! ( t lNt r \ a

t l r t ' t t ' r t t t 'di t rspr l t ' l r ' .s l r igl r l igl r l r , t lr r r r rorr , rk, l l r i l, lst 'wlr t .n. i r rl r i r ; , , rlumc, posi t ivistc<l t t t : t 'pl r ral isul iorrsurvt ,so Íl l r f t r r r r i r l r l t 'dl t r , l i , , l , l

I r r l t ,n.sts Í nrr , t t t l t t , t 'sÍ l l t t ' sot t t l < l l t ' t iv i ty t l r rot tgl r dcvcl-

ol t t 'c l t r l t , t ' t l t l l rgl t t t iz l r t i<t t t l r li l t t t t t 'w<lr l<nd Iransnat ionalinks.

tr( |t t^s ANIì lN l l l {N^l l l ìNAl l' ( )l l l l ( 5



viewingdiasporas s mul t igcrr t ' raLionalroul)s Í ' r r r ignrrr ts l r . l sl r ; r r , ,rsimilar identity an d maintain recurrent contactswith thcir <:oulrtrvlorigin (Esman1986; Safran199r; cohen r997; SheÍÏèr zoo)i r l 'rrrr,.,rrrthis volume). Alternative constructivist accountshave receníly lrt,r.rrr,,more widespread.They treat diasporaas 'a cetegoryof practicc, )r()lr,rclaim an d stance, ather than as a bounded gioup'(Brubal<r.r.ro,,,,;Nevertheless, onceptualisingdiasporasas a global political pht-rr.rr,.rron requires more than mirroring classicdisagreements

n the litt,r.;rrrrr,.on how to define th e 'nation' (Gellner 1983; Hobsbawm r(),),,Anderson r99r; Smith zoor). Diasporas n ttrã gtobatag e diffcr Ír,,rrrnations of the modern age because hey have multiple nãtional i<h.lrities and loyaltiesand are interlinked acrossúe grobe. he origirrrrr r.rtion is no longer'homogeneous'. Dual citizenship and multipleìoy;rrrr,.,,abound but are not yet conceptually ntegrated nto the term',diasprr,r'

These conceptualdeficienciesobscure he unit of analysis n polirir rlscience.The questions asked,methodologiesused and generaúsarrorflreached are affected by whether a scholar considers a dúspora t. lrt, ,rbounded group' a conglomerate of elites and individuals functi.rrrrli

1'rthin that bounded group, networks or enduring discursive pattt'r rr,

Positivistviews facilitateasking questionsabout the impact of dìasp.r,r,,on the state and political processeswithin it, úe usó of compar;rriv,,and statistical methods and the concepüon of diasporas as uniìary ,,,tors or elites with a shared dentity. such researchãesigns simpliÍy rlr,complexity of a diaspora by ignoring generaüonal, g.rd--., and tcari.'based difíerences, but examine correlations and cãusality between rrr.pendent and independent variables. n contrast,a constructivistview rrldiaspora enables more complexity. It asks questions about how rri;rsporas emeÍge, who belongs to them from various generations and gt,rrders and how identities - in general (rather than a specific group .relites) - affect the political world or are affected by it. úis hne-of sr r,,larship

is closer to the humanities, where content and discourse rr;llyses are often the methods preferred.without trying to resolve he conceptualdebateabout the term'cli;r

spora" I adopt in this chapter a definition used by Adamson'rrrlDemetriou to address he contours of a'diaspora'in the global sp:rr,.,which contains both positivist and constructivist elements.

A diaspora can be identified as a social collectiüty that existsacross state borders and that has succeededover time to r) sus-tain a collective national, cultural or religious identity through asense of internal cohesion and sustained ties with a real or ima-gined homeland and z) display an ability to addressthe collective

lzooT: 4<171

The rt,corrcl najor problem with theorising diasporas n political science

ItAttrs Íiotn the non-consensualdefinition of the term 'non-stateactor''

Alllrorrgh I haveoutlined three major traits of non-stateactors autono-

Fy lioìrr the state, transnationalism and aspirations for political change

= iel{if rnate questions arise about all of them. How autonomous is a

ApI.*trt. actoiif stateprogrammes are often the sponsols of NGOs, if

ããtrxnational social movements are penetÍated by state oÍÍìcials and if

êrrorist gÍoups - such as Hezbollah and Hamas - and are embedded

glflrin státe institutions? How transnational are non-state actorsl Are

$1ey,rooted cosmopolitans' (Tarrow zoo5) embedded primarily in one

Aclitical context while maintaining links with others across he globe, or

ife f '"y embedded simultaneously in severalsocial and political contexts

ipuru,,. r999)t Finally, some non-state actors, such as international

iiçCl*, rnay have a clearly defined agenda or political change. Diasporas

bCveno clearly unified agendas.Their institutions, powerful individuals

,lnd transnational networks are capableof steering political change, but

,ãften advancecompeting claims. Thus, political science scholarship on

has much conceptualand theoretical work ahead.ïhis chapter will focus on úeorising the role of diasporas in world

úitics, thãugh \Àrill concentrate specifically on diasporas in liberal

:racies l-inked to homelands experiencing limited sovereignty''

the end of the Cold War and the growing pace of globalisation,

tories of limited sovereignty have proliferated due to secessionis

other intra-state conflicts. Their ambiguous international statu

ns considerable political opportunity for international actors to inter-

e in shaping domestic developments. Diasporas are among these ac

€ênt resources hat local elites aÍe eageÍ to capture. In this chapter, I ar

ãUe hat such diasporas utilise democratic discoursesand proceduresin

ãfdu, to puÍsue nãtionalist projects related to their land of origin. The

gechanisms used relate to how diasporas filter global pressures for

becausãoith"lt connection to kin in the homeland and the signifi-

Theoreticalaccountsof diasporasas radicaland moderate

actors

lecent scholarship on diasporas and homeland politics has focused o

&e role of diasporas in conflicts and post-conflict reconstruction in

€reir homelands. This interest has been prompted by two maiot

r\ 2 N4^l{ lA l( í ) lNil \ ' .1

Í ì r rc l i r rgs.rr zooo, u stur isr icr l; r rgr,-N lrr t lyor r l l r t , . t .<lrror lyí t iv i lwa r demonstral .cdlrat : iv i lwurswi l l r str ln l3cl iusp<lrurrvolvt .rrrr .rr lr r , ,

l l l / ì ! i ANI) lN I lr l lNA ' l l( )NAl l' ( )l l ' l l ( l i

Neverlhr 'k 'ss,r ' l ro l l r rs lr i ; rs s l i l l i r r l l r t ' prr ' l i rn irrarytag(Ìs Í 'undcrlrrg ht .c<lncl i t iorrsrrd nt ' t urr isrrrslut rnakt: iasporas gents f



highly likely to continuc to pcrpctuat., cspccrialryí'thc clirsp.r,;r r,*,large concentrationsn the united staters coll ier & l-locÍïìr.ì.r.,,,,1Kaldor (zoor) arrivedat the same conclusion rom a difÍèrcnt rlrt.rrrrrcal perspective; uxtaposing new' (intra-state) s. 'old' (interstatt.)w,rrn.she found that diasporaswere crucial in sustaining the intra-stul,,*.,,0of disintegraüon of former Yugoslaviaduring the r99os. In tlrt, r,;rrlr2ooos, other studies made similar generalisations,mostly derivinli rrrternal validity from case studies rather than external validity

lr.'rr,rmany cases.occupying scholarly attention have been the Tâmil 'r'rpi.r,,and the conflicts in Sri L4nka, the Albanians and the conflict in l(.s,v,rin the r99os, the Kurds and the conflicts in southern Turkey ancl ,;r;,among others. As a result, diasporas have largely been consitlt,r,,,l'long-distancenationalists' (Anderson 1998) that participate in a wrrli.range of nationalist and conflict-perpetuating activities becaust, rrr,.1,lead comfortable lives in the industrialised world and do not far.t,rlrr,consequences f their actions.Diasporas hat emergedas a resuÌt or |,r,Iitical conflicts, rather than from economic or other types of volurrr;rr1,migration, maintain traumatic identities attached to homeland terrrt,n,and the myth of return,barnng them from seeing potential avenut's lrl

confl_ict esolution (Faist zoooa; shain zooz; Shefïer zoo3; Ly,ttzoo6; Smiú & StareszooT; Baser& Swain zoo8). v/hile they lirlr l,1,their homeland governments, organise peacefirl áemonstrations ;rrrlprovide humanitarian aid, they also oÍten mobilise for radical caus(,s lthe transnational space.They broadcasthate speechand nationally irrr,lerant messages,engage in fundraising and sponsorship for ratlit;rlgroups and often take up arms to go fight in the homeland (Bym.rr ,,tal. zoor; Hockenos zoo3; Biswas zoo4; Wayland zoo4;

'Ada'rs.rr

zoosa; Fair zoo5; Lyonszoo6; Orjuela zoo8).More recently, other scholars have noted that such accounts are ()r(.

sided, not capturing the peacefulpractices n which a number of r.,,rr

flict-generated diasporas have been engaged.while the Boston-blst,rlIrish diaspota fot years helped perpetuate the conflict in Nortlrt.rrrIreland by supporting the Irish Republican Army through fundraisirrliactivities, it was able to moderate its stancesafter intervention from tlr.clinton Administration in the peaceprocess hat led to the r99B c,r,rlFriday Agreement (cohrane 2oo7; Anonymous r zoo8). Morã-recerrrlv,the Ethiopian and Kurdish diasporas have been promoting moder.:rrr.politics in their homelands ravaged by internal wars (L/ons zo<,í,;Koser zooT; Natali 2oo7; zunzet zooS). Diasporashave been ablt, r,,promote liberal ideals and participate in the democratisation of tlrt,rrhome countries before úe end of communism and thereafter (shrrrrr1999; Biswas2oo7; Koinova zoog).

l ltc rrdic:rl isatiorr r t lrc: nock:ration Í' oolit ics in their home-, l,illlt' comparative work exists, and much scholarship describe

ir practices n different cases nstead of building theory. Thisptrr go(Ìsbeyond taking sides in a cluster of arguments maintainingdiasporasare either 'nationalistswho perpetuateconflicts' or 'could

Ínoek'rateactors'. I argue that diasporas in liberal societies inked toexperiencing challenges to their external or internal sover

ty rcact not simply by endorsing nationalistrhetoric

and activities.,r, they act in a more sophisticated way they filter internationalrures or democratisation in a world where úe liberal creed has no

lfìcant ideological opponent after the end of the Cold War apartradical Islam (which nevertheless has incoherent ideological mes-across a variety of internally divided communities and organisa-, l{ence. diasooras use the universalist creed of liberalism instru-

tally in order to increase their political clout with Western govern-while simultaneously pursuing nationalist projects related to

r countryof origin. They do so by r) using discoursesboutdemocra, peaceand reconciliation and z) occasionally endorsing minimalratic proced.ures.hey do not, however, promote a full-fledged ver-

of liberalism and they fall short of supporting liberal democratic

I build this argument on the basis of numerous interviews that I con-between ry99 and zoo8 with representatives of Albanian,

ian, Ukrainian, Serbian and Lebanese diasporas in Washington,, and other locations alone the East Coast of the US, Kosovo and

.' In this chapter, I expand my aïgument based on literatureinterviews conducted among diaspora reÍrrnees in Macedonia in

ÉummeÍ of zoo8. While I am aware that these diasnoras do not re-t the entire universe ofcases. thev are nevertheless reoresentative

diasporas generated by conflicts and severe tensions in deeply di

societies.I limit the scopeof this chapter to diaspora linkages with homelands

do not experienceacute violence. Non-violent periods allow domes-Bnd external actors - including diasporas - to make choices ranging

moderate to radical in order to affect domestic change. The gamutchoices is foreclosed during periods of violent warfare in the home-

when diasporas almost unconditionally support the local actorslrest advance nationalist goals (Shain zooz). Under violent condi-radicals usually hold more political clout.

In order to avoid simplifications when generalising diaspora beha-scholars should examine diaspora mobilisation and attitudes dur-

different stages of úe political processes n the homeland. On the

l ì4À4All lA l\ ( l lNo\ t

r Ì ìost ) i rsi ( t 'vt '1, : r l iuspolur Ì iHl ì l x, (orr r t ' lx ' l l igcr t , r r ll r t , r r iol t , r r r r ' . r lÍects ts ctht t icbrct l r r ' ( 'n,) l l l x ' torr r t . r r r r rcl rr rorr , (ot Ìst ru( l iv( ,wlr t , r rl r t ,

I iAS ANI) lN I r lNA't t( NA t I' r t n t( t ì

l t txorr oo. l ) " l ' l r t ,sr ,Í i r l r rut l ions ot ; r l isr .<lr r igl l rnls i th t l rcdurnolr vl l r rcsoÍ í i t r .ck l r r r Í s;x' t . tr urr t l rssoci l r l iorr .

r\



violence tops.BcÌrcovi tchight ly urgucc lhu t u cl iasporr 'srrvolvt , r r r r r r lmay vary dependingon th e conÍìict-cyclcn tht'hontclarrcl zoo7: .,,, ';However,his accountconsiders yclesoÍ'violence io m a ltegirrrrrrr; i,,an end, ignoring the fact that in stateswhere sovereignty s dcr'ply rlrrtested - e.g. Lebanon, I(osovo, Nagorno-Ikrabakh - conflicts rrr;ry ,r,,lfor decadesn some parts of the country while non-violent relatiorrsrrr|,,ipredominate in others. Thus, a diaspora connection to the horrrt,l,rrrrlmay not be related to a conflict cycle, per se, but to the violerrt.t.,rrr,lnon-violenceensuing during larger processes f secessionism, llrlr. .llapseand contestedsovereignty. he Albanian diasporaprovides r 11,r,,1example. t supported he radical KosovoLiberationArmy (I(tA) clrrrrrrgqthe most violent years of Kosovo's secessioniststruggle, 1998-lr,1,1,1The Albanian diaspora acted more moderately, however, prior to tlrr,conflict and following NATO's 1999 military intervention in St,r rr.rThis moderation occurreddespite he fact that Kosovodid not enjoy rrrternational state sovereignty hroughout that time and gained indr,1,,.rrdenceonly in Februaryzoo8.

8.3 Diasporas nd he liberal reedSocialisedwith liberal values n Western societies,diasporasmiglrt lriexpected o be interested n promoting such values n their homel;rrrrl,,Indeed, this often occurs in the transnational space. Diasporas k,;rritheir extended families and friends about democratic practices, sut lr ,r,,how to vote for local government and to develop gender equality nor rrr- a pÍocess termed a transfer of 'social remittances' (Levitt z<lor;Moreover, there are deep-seatedreasons motivating this trarrslcrVoluntary migrants chose a democraüc political system over livirrl1 rrrtheir original societies,whether autocratic, semi-autocraticor dcrrrl

cratic. At first glance, conflict-generateddiasporasmay look difÍì'rr.rrtfrom voluntary migrations because hey were dispersed by violencc ;rrr,lcould not proactively make political choices. However, úis perceptiorr rinot entirely accurate. Political exiles - such as many among tlrr,Lebaneseand Albanians from this pool of cases were given asylrrlrbecauseof úeir pro-democracynclinations. Evenrefugeesdispersctl '1.violent conflicts and settled n'Western states such as refugees Íì.ornthe wars of disintegration of former Yugoslavia- have interacted witlrthe political culture of their host country for extended periods of tirrr,and internalised some of the liberal political values. Moreover,polirir rlpluralism allowed many migrants who did not have a political voict, rrrtheir homeland to form political groups and societies n their host larr,l,,

, Enrpir icully, rowcvcr,w( ' ci.uì t i l l obscrvca wide range of diaspori

fËeetlct,s: ac.lical ctivitics, aggrcssiveand passivenationalism as wellS inlerr,st in promoting democratisation.The Polish diaspora, or ex-$rflple,wrs consistentlyanti-communist and pro-democratic ong beforefu errd of'communism. Thus, it would not be an analyticallycrucialtÕ:p lirr r'lucidating easonswhy - and ways n which - diasporasmight

te to democratisation during the age of globalisation. Diasporasked to homelands experiencing internal or external challenges to

sovereignty would be more analltically significant because úeset.tr14csmake them more prone to act on the nationalist and radicaloí' the spectrum. If they were to act with moderation, however,should be clear-cut reasons explaining this behaviour. Challenges

the homeland's sovereignty subject diasporas' engagement \ rith theI creed o what social sciences all strong tests'.3

lergue that diasporasof this kind utilise the universal creed of liber-Íbr particularistic purposes. They are neither simply nationalists

rrimply democracy promoters. They claim a middle ground bying democratic discourses and using democratic procedures to ad-nationalist goals. Situating their claims in this central space, hey

the existing global opporrunity structure of liberalism to advancerelated to their country of origin. Teleological statements that de-

racy signals 'the end of history' and an end-point of man's ideologievolution after the end of communism (Fukujama r99z) would be

in this discussion. Nevertheless,acknowledging that liberalracy has been the most poweÍful ideological creed for the past

decades would be an accurate description of its place in the globalspace. Adamson even argued that liberalism has become a

I opportunity structure in the international system (zoo5b: 547-). However discredited by the US-led pre-emptive wars in

and lraq during the early 2ooos that were justified in the

of 'democracy', democracy promotion has nevertheless ong beenbedded in the foreign policies of major poweÍs such as the US andEuropean Union, as well as global institutions linking democracynotion with development aid, such as the World Bank and úe

onal MonetaryFund. Thus, almosteverycountry n úe worldeven if not sincerely interested in promoting democratisation withinborders - has been exposed directly or indirectly to elements of the

creed.One could rightly argue that Marxism lost its cuÍrency as an ideologyth the demise of communism, but economic inecualities within so-

and across the North-South divide are growing and creatingfor new ideological creeds to emeÍge and channel such

í, fúAll lA KolNr r\ {

gri( Ìv i . t t t ( : ( 's . ' l ' l r t ' t t r r t i -g lolxt l is l t l iot tot . i l r l r rovr,r Ì t ( ' l l lNl t i l l gr t 'w rr r l t , , r rdance n thc r99os havc l r . r . r r n( 'v( ' Í lu(, o uclc lr t ,sslr t ' r t r , r rr l l r ry

PÍrRAS ANI) lN l i l rNAil( )NAt t' Í t l ' t ( \

Ëãpotts i l rk ' l ) i r r lyor l ) i r r l i ( 's rrr t l pro;xrsc rt ,c l ib l t ,solut ionsl(cck &Ël lk irrk t t19l1).rr l t t r i r rg ul<r 's lact 'ukrrrgsic lctratcgical ignmentpr o

t\ l



lacked a clear ideologyand havc krst sornt. signiíìr:arrr:t '' l l l tow ËHadden zooT).Thus, the majority oÍ'gricvanccshavc bct:rrclurrrrrr'l l ,.r lthrough religious-basedmovements making claims on behalÍ oÍ poprrl,rtions of various nationalities iving in multiple states. sÌanr, irr p;rrtrr rIar, has aspired to such a global ideological reach (Adamson -,,or,,,1r)While ambitions for a global Islam certainly exist, the actual lr,irrlr ,,1Islamic organisationshas been confined to certain world regions rrr, ras the Middle East, úe Caucasusand Central and South-East Arr,rIslamic gÍoups are strongeÍ in Europe than in úe US and Austr,rlr,rwith no real footing in Latin America.

8.4 Democratic iscoursesor particularisticurposes

One way in which diasporas inked to homelands experiencing t lr,rlIenges to their sovereigntyengage with the politi cal projects in ttrlircountry of origin is to frame sovereigntywithin discourseson deÍÌrr,, .rtisation. In order to demonstrate how they do so, I use theoreticrrl rrsights from úe literature on framing, an integral part of scholarship lrr

social movements. Works on transnational social movements - aclrlr,,::sing antiglobalisation, environmental, feminist and other movem(' r ioriginally engaged wiú theorising on principled action based orì urlversalist claims raúer than on particularistic prol'ectsof identity-lr;r;,.r1actoÍs such as diasporas (Keck& Sikkink 1998; Risse,Ropp & Sil<liirr[1999; Della Porta & Tarrow zoo5; Tarrow 2oo5). However,a numlrt,r ,lscholars have incorporated ideas from this scholarship into their worl'.',seehng to capture dynamics in diaspora politics. Most notably, tlrr.opening of political opporfunity structures - such as the onset oÍ'w;rr.',,withdrawal of foreign troops and the political opporfunities availablt, rrrthe host country and the international environment - have lrr,r,rr

deemed important for the political mobilisation of diasporas (Wayl:rrr,lzoo4; Adarnson2oo5a; Brinkerhoff zoo6; Smith & StareszooT; NirtirlizooT; Skrbic zooT; Koinova zoog). Political opportunities both rorrstrain and enable diasporas, determining to a certain extent their idt'orogical and strategic choices (Biswas zoo4l. The choice to frame pr,,sovereignty claims in democratisation terms deserves attention as ;llimportant characteristic of diaspora mobilisation.

A frame is an 'interpretative schemata that simplifìes and condelr:r,'',the "world out there" by selectively punctuating and encoding objct r:,,situations, events, experiences,and sequencesof actions within <lrrr"',pÍesent or past environment' (Snow & Benford r99z).Effective frarrr,."demonstrate that the existing status quo is not natural, identiíy,r

GË:t.tt ', nrolr!lwhich 'íiarnc briclging' s the most common (Benford&tnow .looo;. lirames do not operate n a vacuum but are dynamicallËlatetl lo political and cultural opportunities and constraints. In theËClt:trltional realm, local insurgents capture distant imaginations andã€ rttpport of international actors by successfully matching five sharedËlêüterrtswith their international counterparts: substantive goals, cus-Snery tactics, ethical precepts, cultural aüitudes and organisational

x ( l lob zoo5).

I will ilÌustrate how framing of sovereignty is linked to democratisa-Ëea by comparing the cases of the Lebanese diaspora linked to úetgoo-zoo5 movement in Lebanon and the Albanian diaspora inked toSe r999-zoo8 pro-sovereigntymovement in Kosovo.aThe largely non-

tt episode of contested sovereignty in Lebanon began in zooo*hetr lsrael withdrew its military forces from the country's south and

:ltcd with Syrian troops' withdrawal in zoo5. The Lebanesediasporato Lebanon mobilised to restore the country's internal sover-

and the ability of domestic institutions to function without peÍpe-interference from Syria. In Kosovo, the period started wiú the end

NATO'smilitary intervention n ry99 and the arrival of the United

ns Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) on's territory and, to a certain degree, ended with the proclamation

I(osovo's independence in February zoo8.5 The Albanian diasporartrongly connected to the pro-sovereignty efforts of local elites andutions that chose an 'institutional path to independence' over pre-strategies of non-violence and guerrilla warfare.

The Lebaneseand Albanian diasporasused the processof frame brid-to connect sovereignty with democratisation claims. The processto the 'linking of two oï moïe ideologically congruent but structu-

unconnected frames regarding a particular issue or problem'íbrd & Snow zooo). Sovereigntyand democracyaÍe ideologicall

t because national self,determination has been a ma.ior part ofdemocratic creed since US President .WoodrowWilson formulatedf'ourteenpoints at the end of World War I. In both cases, diasporas

sovereignty and democracy,aspiring to Íesonate with US policy'sI promotion of democracy.While often contesting each other and

ng without sustained coordination, Lebanesediaspora organisationsadopted a similar pro-democracy stance: 'Help Lebanon to

in its place among democracies of the world...' appealed Hassan El-, a prominent diaspora individual, to US President George

Bush (Najjar zoor). Delegatesof the World Maronite Congress,ation and anti-S1.rian gathering of iournalists, exiles anddiaspora members i n zooz in Los Angeles, joined forces to

ií l lNi l \ 'A

's l ) ( fal ( it h ll ( :ot Ì Ì l Ì lol ì oi ( ( ' iuì ( l lo rr r lvocr l t , r r i r . r , r , r r r r t l .vr . r r , rgrrLebanon.. . f reeo crccta chrrr r .cr .ar i r :ov( . r r ì r Ì ì ( . r t r r t , rc; r i l ' r t , r r ; r r ; r r ,(LFPzooz). supporters Í 'one oÍ ' thc rn<>stct ivc<1iasp'ru

l ' Í ) l l^ \ ANI) lNll l{NAllr rNAl I ' ir l l l l r ' ,

thgt r l r r . lol iur l , r r l lul r r r r t , r r lr r igl r l r t ' r r r r r t ' t ' l l r t r isr r ri l r Íur t l rcr dcrr to

ëfct iccl rangt ' St : l r i r r r rnt ' l Í i ' r r r r ingoor) . l ì t 'putat ional ,ather han mate



ìcl i r r rs, rr 'FreePatrioticMovement (FpM) of Micher Aoun, exirecl n Frarct,, ,r;r.rlits political influence. n the us to emphasise Lebanon,spartrt,r.srr;rwith the us in building democracy n tile Middle rart lerrãnfrÌÌor:r =lzooT)' Individuals linked to the Lebanese Forces, another prrirrr.rrg:9up

lu'th strong diasporapÍesence, inked sovereignty"rJã",i,u,,,,,,laims by emphasising how human rights abusesshourd not be r.rt,r

ated in Lebanon. They argued úat atuses occur because Syria srr;r

pïessesdomestic opposition (Anonymous 3 zooT).These claims w(,r.made keeping in mind that their leader samir Geagea ", i-f.ir,,,,,,,rin Lebanon.

Like úeir Lebanese ounterparts,Arbanian diasporaorganisations rrthe uS held personar and institutionar rivalries, but they írro

"áopu"r,,clear stance-linking Kosovo's nternational sovereignty o a democ'rrir

discourse.The president of one of the most influeitiaí di"rpor"-ìrrrtir,,tions, úe Albanian American Ciüc League AACL),foe Dioàuardi, corrgratulated Kosovo-Arbanians or their 'd"isciplined úavior, in thÀ zoo.municipal elections and claimed that it esúrished úat .Kosova

is reacryfor a democratic society and selÊgovernance.,AÌúough DioGua.limaintained ties wiú ressmoderat" pã.ti", in

Kosovoúat ãmerged fror,the former IC"{, including war u"tlr"nr, he nevertheless craimed th'lhe wanted to 'see leaders úho"r"

,""dy io demonstrate úat Arbaniansare, eady.to- olveprobrems...', hus'spéeding Kosovo'sdemocratizatio,and solidifying international suppoi for its independence.iã n,,,National Albanian American couniir, a washingto", nlc.-ú"r"à organr-sation more closely related to parties in Kosovo"thathad

"-"rj"ã-f.or'he non-violent Democratic leigue of Kosovoduring tf." ,99of"_pfr"ised the need to develop úe rule of law, thus huãchi

"g irogr;^^",for the democratic education of Kosovars to pave the way to indepen_dence (AnonyÍnous 4 z.oo6).

+lú""4 diaspora groups shared a rejec_tion of the united Nations policy oi'standàrds Èefore stahrs, - áeu"toped ìn zoo2 Io give leveragã o ihe international community in soeed_ing the democratisation process and including ."t;"; Íb',

-irï""ryights - úey used the democratic creed to iustify their'own rogil-à;"i.rrtthis policy' They argued úat, regardressof intentions, 'standards beÍbrestatus' de facto prevented Kosãvo from becoming more democratic.SelÊgovernment without membership in internatÍonal insütutions thatopen opportunities for economic devel0pment is diÍficult to sustain.

one could argue that democratic disàurses can be"aopt"a ""rity

t"-ause there is no cost to advancing them and commitments are not'sticky'. ì7hi1e such observations ro,rrrd almost commonsensical, úe rit-erature on democratising an Eastern Europe of úe r99o, n"r' ,t o*r,

ï ial, t 'ostsur c paid Í'orrc dcviatcs rcatly iom rhetoricalcommitments

€:petrially n Western societies, eputational costsmatter. Diasporas hat

efìetr want to be viewed as 'good citizens' (Biswas zooT) also want to

ãvoid increasedsecuritisationmeasures after the terrorist attacks of 9/il (lìudolph zoo3) and various stigmas related to their connection to

corrllicrridden homeland. Th.y cor-rld ace reputational costs if they do

not adhere to their discursive arzuments.

t.S Democraticproceduresand unresolvednationalistgoals

Diasporas do not only use democratisation discourses, they also pro-

note minimal democratic procedures in their homeland. These prac-

tices are mostly related to electoral pluralism and rotation of power oflocal elites rather than to liberal aspects of democratisation associatewith human, minority or gender rights. Diasporas advocate hese demo-eratic procedures for nationalist and other particularistic purposes.

ãvidence from diasporas linked to úe democratising region of EasterEurope during the past two decades could well elucidate this point.

Serbia was a chronically disintegrating state from r99r and did notenjoy full internal sovereignty over Kosovo during úe r99os. Local poli

tical institutions, economic life, educational and medical facilities weremirrored by the parallel structures of the secessionist Kosovo shadostate. In this time period, Serbian diaspora gÍoups in the US focused

their efforts - however sporadic and uncoordinated - primarily on sup-porting Milosevic and some parties of his opposition. Interestingly, thediaspora promoted groups that were often no less nationalist thanMilosevic. For example, Chicago-based groups stemming from oldChetnik organisations rendered limited support to both opposiüon leader Vuk Draskovic and his ultra-nationalist rival, Vojislav Sesel

(Hockenoszoo3: rz7). The influential Serbian Unity Congress (SUC)

initially backed Milosevic during the war eífort in Bosnia-Herzegoúna,but changed its attitude after the rgg1 Dayton Peace Accords.Thereafter, Milosevic was briefly considered the 'peacemaker' of úeBalkans' in US circles, but úe diaspora considered him an opportunistwho had jeopardised Serbian interests in 'Greater Serbia' (Hockenozoo3i ro9; Anonymous 5 zooT). The Serbian Unity Congress (SUCsupported opposition groups that could oust him from power and sponsored some of their leaders to travel to the US to testify before USCongress. SUC president Michael Djiordjevic often acted as the officialrepresentative in the US for Serbian politicians Vuk Draskovic, ZoranDjindjic and Vesna Pesic Hockenos2oo3: r7t-t7z).

MAli lA t( ( lN ( v^

As t t tct t l iol t t 'd,rr l t t ' t r tst 'ol l (osovo l w;rs to l r r l r , r ' r r r r l ,)u l i l r l ( .1,n; lt ional , egal sovercigntyha t wus rr issi r r l -1. ' r ' l r t . t l i .spr ' . 's, Í rgi rg( , l r ì ( , .1with th e homeland'sunresolvecl ationarist

ËlArit ,0Hns ANI) lN l ;RNAll( )N^l l ' Í l l t { l

Éhanrr t ' l l t 'c l l r rorrgl r l l r t 'Wol l r l M;r t ' t ' t l< l r r iurrorrgrcss bascd lnMa( ' t .dr l r r ia.l r ry Mlct 'clorr i l r rs i l l r ckrst , :< lnrrcct ionso the diaspor



wa s rr'r simpíy't. r ir,r,claims betweensovereigntyand democratisation,but to engagé ,, ;r,,,moting certain procedural aspects of democratisation. Ke"eping rr,,ireyeson l(osovo's uture independence, he Arbaniandiasporaadãpt.rr ,rpragmatic attitude with the understanding úat if demo.rà.y is the ,.rrlvgame in town' for achieving independence, then it will play rl(Anonymous 6 zoo6). Diaspora organisations regularry provided m.ritors for elections n Kosovo.They oÍficially disapproveáor *ou violerrr .

in zoo4 when Kosovo-Albaniansnjured ana kìtea a number of serrr:rand destroyed Serbian cultural monuments. Th"y arso did not activt,rystand in the way of úe InÌernational criminal Tribunal for the fornrt,rYugoslavia (ICTY) when it indicted for war crimes Ramush Haradinuj,once a KIA commander and then prime Minister of post-war Kosovo.T

Challenges to the internaüonal legal sovereignty of Nagorno_Karabakh have been responsible for the Àrmenian dãspora's limiied irrvolvement with democratisation. unlike Kosovo, for which indeperr-dence is de facto a reality, the conflict over the Armenian enclave olKarabalú on Azerbaijan's territory is considered, 'fuozen, after a ceasc-fire that ended the war betweenArmenia and Azerbaij

^nrn ,9j4. nl ,

Armenian diaspora has hadfew real incentives to promote díÁocrat cbehaüour, knowing that a resolution of úe Karabak-h roblem is not orr

the international community's current agenda. It nevirtheÌess engage.twith promotion of democratic procedures in the most minimalisiwaysin order to meet general international pressures for democratisation,for example, by providing monitors foi elections (Chouldjian zooT).After the violent electoral outcome during Armenia,s zoog presid.entiarelections, a few diaspora individuars became proactive in supporting theopposition represented by former president Levon Ter-petrosiian.

Finally, the Macedonian diaspora based primariry in Australia usedth^edemocratic procedure of the referendurir to chailenge the adoptionof a package of laws aimed at alrowing Arbanians rivi"ng in we'ster'Macedonia and other territorially concenúated minorities õ enjoy rarger1"1Êg_9u:.-"-ent rights. This package emerged, from úe prouiriorx ofthe ohrid Framework Agreement ú"t

"ttdãdthe brief iniernal armed

conflict in Macedonia in zoor. During the conflict, the gueìrilaAlbanian National Liberation Army charúged the internal sovãreigrrryof úe state.At that time, úe territorial divislon of Macedonia into areaspopulated primarily by Albanians and Macedonians was strongly con-templated among both Albanian and Macedonian elites. Thus, tËá post-war decentralisation package became highly politically charged.'flreNovember 2oo4 referendum was organisËd by the nãtionaristMacedonian opposition and sponsored by diaspora contributions

llecnrrro ngagcd in widr:sprtud grassr<xrts ctivities o advocatepartici-pelion in that reÍèrendum. They attacked he upcoming redistricting ofmrrrricipalities,which they considered as favouring the Albanians. Boththe lìU and the US made extraordinary efíorts to campaign against thisrelirrcndum, regarding it as a tool to promote Macedonian nationalismrctlrcr than liberal democratisation. It is common knowledge amongtcholars and actiústs in the region that the referendum would have hadhigh chances of succeeding, and therefore preventing Albanians of

Macedonia from beneÍìting from the Ohrid PeaceAccords and its envi-reged devolution of power, had úe US not committed themselves to re-eognising Macedonia by its constitutionally defìned name, Republic ofMacedonia. With this move on the eve of the referendum, the USboosted the established Macedonian government's position and the le-gal framework envisaging under the Ohrid Accords. This example illus-trates how a diaspora can be instrumental in boosting nationalism byusing a common democratic procedure, the referendum.õ

E.6 \líhy not promote iberaldemocratisationì

The discussion thus far demonstrates that diasporas inked to homelandsexperiencing challenges to their sovereignty use democraltc discourseand can pÍomote proceduresor the democratisation of their homelands(poliücal pluralism, electoral change, referendum) in order to advanceunresolved nationalist goals n the homeland. Unlike violence or clandes-tine activities, these discourses and methods allow úem to promote thehomeland's political goal through democratic practices acceptable o theinternational community. Why, Íìnally, do I then argue that diasporasceaseúeir pro-democratic support when a promotion of liberal valuesofdemocratisation enters the picturel I will validate this argument afterputting the diasporas' behaviour to test on one issue of great importancefor úe liberal valuesparadigm: úe tolerance of ethno-national diversity.

Among the cases have researched, only the Ukra inian diaspora sup-ported some aspects of liberalism in their homeland, including inter-ethnic cooperation throughout the r99os. I have argued elsewhere thatthis difference owes to the fact that the Ukrainian diaspora was linkedto the newly independent state of Ukraine since r99r (Koinova zoog).Unlike Poland, which alongside fapan is one of the most internallyhomogeneous states in the world, Ukrainian society is deeply dividedbetween Ukrainians and speakers of Russian in Ukraine. Thus, theUkrainian diaspora provides an appropriate shadow case o demonstratethat challenges to the sovereignty of the homeland are what predicts

fú^l l lA l( { lNr \ ' .{

wht ' t l r t ' r cl iasl tor l t i l l t ' r tgrrgt ' i r ri r l l - Í l t . r lgt , t llorr ret i . , r rÍ t l r t ' l i lx. r , r lcreedor wi l l stopshortoí 'pror t rol i r rgk'r rxrcr i r l iculut .s.Wit l rgut1, t , ; r r rresearch ne could expect ha t hc cthrro- l i r rgLr isl . icl ivisi6ls

r l{As ANI) lN l l r l lNAll( )NAl I' l }l l l l l f;

f fOrrr , r r t t ' r i r rgl r t . iL J lt Í ì ' r l t t t ' t t l t ' r i r tg t t lo t t torc amicablc clat ion

Willr Arnrcrriapropcr. ìocornirr11r tt,xtlxrok xampleof how a diasporain thc homeland (Libaridian r99g;



Ul<r 'r r r r r , ,would give th e ukrainian diasporaan incentive o support prirrr;rrrr 'western ukraine, the territory from which its ancesiors origirrrrr,.rlunlike in Macedonia,however, hese divisions had not become irrt,r,rr,rlchallenges o the sovereigntyof the state. For the Ukrainian diasP,r.r,which had supported state ndependencesince worrd war I, it bex.rrrrr.of utmost importance to preserve he integrity of independent ukrarrrr.This meant that, in a political neighbourhãod dominated by Russia rrrrl

pÍone to conflict, the diaspora was interested in keeping the loyrrrrvamong Russianspeakers owards Ukraine intact.Thus, ài"rpor" grorrl)r,provided occasional support for dialogue among parliameniariaãs

'r,layoÍs of ukrainian- and Russian-speaking egions and supporr.rlother initiatives that cut across the ukrainian-Russian internai ãiui,l,,(Andrushkiw zooT).

None of the other diasporas linked to homelands experiencing chrrllenges to their sovereignty was inclined to consider r.rppïrt for mïnoriryrights and ethno-national diversity. Lebanese n the diaspora have traciitionally engagedin Arab-American causes and often joined demonstrlrtions advancing the palestinian cause in the Arab-Israeli conflict. B,tchallenging úe Lebanese system to ailow

more rights for the displacetlPalestinians in Lebanon would have been considei"a higlrty inappropri,

"f. lot example, úe zooz World Maronite Congress ,"i".i"d _Ly ou"r_whelming majority - a proposition to discuss úe state of palesúniansin Lebanon on the grounds that many christian Lebanesehord them re-sponsible for 'the destruction of Lebanon, (Najjar zooz).

Similarly, Albanians in úe us have adoptéd a zero-sum game atti-tude towards the national question. rhe aAõr was opposed tJthe inter-national community's vision úat post-war Kosovo ihould becorrre a'mrrlti-ethnic society' through the return of large numbers of serbianrefugees (DioGuardi zoq). Most of the poútically active diasporagÍoups either remained sient or made pro forma siatements against

the sporadic violence in March zoo4 thal inflicted serious harm Jr theSeúian minority in Kosovo.As he most influential Serbian diaspora or-ganisation, the SUC has been openly anti_Kosovar.From a total of z9 is_sues of the Bulletin of the serbian rJnity Congre.ss,3 issues (sixteen from1998-1999 and thirteen from zooo-zão7; ãontained at reast one arricrededicated to Kosovar 'terrorists' and

''war-mongers,or to keeprng

Kosovoas an integral part of Serbian teÍritory.The Armenian diaspora has remained hostire to any reconciriation

with' or moderation towards, Azerbaijan and Turkey. Máreoveq the dia-sporic trauma of the Armenian genocide has perpetuated continuedhate speech against Turkey and increased lobbying to prevent trrt

"y

es n lrarrn confl ict rcsolution

'ItflÕlyarr zooo; Papazian zoot; Shain zooz) is the case of former

President Ter-Petrossian,who was ousted from power in 1998 after

ãtr0ng intervention from the Armenian diaspora becauseof his inclina-

tlons to improve Armenia's relations with Turkey. Ten years after this

evt'nt the Armenian diaspora has not changed its attitude.

t, l Conclusions

This chapter has sought to demonstrate major modes of thought about

diasporas in political science and the challenges this scholarship en-

counters. Political science inquiry currently focuses on considering dia-

$poras as non-state actors similar to antiglobalisation, feminist, envir-

onmental, terrorist and oúer movements. Maior challenges arise from

the lack of a clear conceptual understanding of how to treat diasporas.

It is also unclear to what extent diaspoïas are indeed autonomous from

the state as non-state actors, if various diaspora groups have competing

claims driven by both diaspora and home-state circles. Theorising about

diasporas as identity-based actors requires critical scrutiny of existingtheoretical approaches on transnational social movements that have

dominated this new scholarly Íìeld. This scholarship has built its in-

sights mostly from principled, rather than identity-based, transnational

actiotr. It could thus make claims about universalist, rather than about

particularistic, ideological projects.

Another goal of this chapter was to review major theoretical accounts

wiú respect to the question of wheúer diaporas ale actors of radicalisa-

tion or moderation of homeland politics. It identified two major clusters

of arguments. One argued that diasporas often peÍpetuate conflicts by

way of their traumatic identities, mlth of return, attachment to territory

and various practices such as fundraising for radical causes and taking

up arÍns to fight for the homeland. Another line of thought found thesestatements biased towards certain diasporas (Tamil, Silú, Albanian) on

which scholarly attention has been focused. Some scholars deemed

these casesnot be representative of all diasporas, even those generated

by conflicts. They argued that diasporas could also be engaged wiú

moderate politics and with peace-building and democratisation activ-

iües. A few recent accounts have shown how to go beyond úis dichoto-

my, demonstrating that diasporas may relate diÍÏerently with respect to

diÍferent phases of a conflict cycle in the homeland. These works do

not take into account that homeland conflicts often are 'ftozen'

(Nagorno-Karabakh), have multiple spirals (Lebanon) and are related to

MARIA K('IN(ìVA

largtr u.r rdcr lyi r rg r , r ' t 'sst 's r rcrr rs st . r . r .ssi . r r isr r rK,s<1v. ,Nag'r . r r 'Karabakh), tate cl l lapsescrbia) r t rarrsi r iorrr r r i r rg Jt ,11gc:rat isat i ' r r .have offered heoreticarnsights that i i lurnirratc rrt. ac t that c.r ias''r;*r

l t l^ t i l ' ( )RAs AND lN' l iRN^l l0NAl l ' ( l1 l l l ' * l

gtudiccl ( ' rosst t t 'vt ' t twi t l t . t t r t i tyoÍ ctrst 'sr rcluding i t izens f t ransi-

t iorrcourrtr ics r r '<ltttpt.t i l ivt 'rrt lr<lr i tariarrcgimes,but alsoexpatriateglobe, ncluding increas-

r



are not simply moderate or radical actors,but actors hat engagJstr.;rr..gically n homeland projects. have imited my theory-buildiãg"to ,,,,,verseof casesof diasporas inked to homelands."p"ri"rr.i.rg l"i-it",r ,..,,

];,1ït"gll_]have argued úat they use democra tic díscoursís and prolaures ro puÍsue unresolved particularistic nationalist goals relatecJr,their homeland, but do not furly endorse democratic varues. derivt,tl

thìs argument on the basis of multiple interviews with representatlv(,rlof the Albanian,

Armenian, Lebaìese, Macedonian, Serbian urrrlUkrainian diasporas.

.This chaptei contributes" to the existing literature on diasporas arrrlhomeland politics in severalways. First,ït focuses ,.noúìt1r-"i"rrti,,,,

on the need to discuss diasporas not in generar, but how tnéy ,.i"t" r,,particular political contexrs n úeir homúnds. Second, *f"i.ã"rrr,r,,onstrates that diasporas are not sjmply identity-based actors driven

'yationalist or-ideologicar claims. rhey ian act instrumentally when a1rproaching political issues in their homeland that ,r""d .rripárrfro,,,úeir host land or the rarger international community. The need for tht,

l1tï1X"]t:T]recognition of the emerging Kosovo státe is a good exanr_ple or a malor incentive for the Arbanian diaspora to formúate dem.-

cratisation discourses on its own, Td to promote democratisation pro-cedures and transform its own radical beiraviour from r99g_rójó i"u,one tlrat makes moderate claims. Third, this chapter offeíí a ráíí ,o^.parative approach to the study_ofdiasporas against the backdrop ofth.single-caseapproaches hat still domiúte the-field.

Thi, .h;p;";'th"r"t ycontributes to meso-revel heorising on diasporas and world politics.My theoretical account faces some limitaiions due to the serection oÍcases of diasporas in riberal states linked to homeland,

"Ç"rì"rr.irrgimited sovereignty. It remains to be tested wheúer my theoretically in-formed findings could be generalised into a broad", th"ory of diasporrcsupport for democracy by extending the analysis a ú.""'",rr"r-.ãrr,""_tualised comparisons.'These

"t"t tiai"rforas linked to homelands ex-rcrienci.lg- challenges to_trreir sovereign-tybut residing in non-liberarstates (Lebanese in Africa, e.-erri"ns in Syr"ia ãnd Iran andPalestìnians n the Middle Eastwould be good examples);z) diasporasliüng n liberal tatesat areengagedfir rráÃJ""iìï"'aïïi,

"-ff::,ï:jll.l"1l."lt"r

to their internalor externat overeigntytheuKralnlan ancl polish casesdiscussed above are good examples"and thepool of cases could be-potentiarly expanded to iiasporas rio*"a to trr"democratising political environments of Eastern Europe and LatinAmerica); 3) transnational poritical participation of migrants .*,i"g"rr-entee ballots in a democratic erection. This phenÃenon .orrlã b"

oí'libcral democracics csiding ttrroughoutIng numbers of individuals enjoying double citizenship.

Notes

r International legal sovereignty designates the judicial recognition ofan international

legal entity. Domestic sovereignty denotes the ability ofdomestic authority structures

to control activities within úeir territorial borders (Krasnerzoor).

;l In-depth comparative studies on concÍete conflicts can be found in Koinova (zoo9,

forthcoming).

1 A'strong test' is one whose outcome is unlikely to result from any other factor except

the operation or failure ofúe proposed theory (Van Evera 1997).

4 For further in-depú discussion about framing, access and shifts of foreign policy

with regard to úese cases, see Koinova (forthcoming).

5 One can rightly argue that challenges to Kosovo's sovereignty have not been compÌe'

tely resolved wiú the February zoo8 declaration of independence since, as of |ulyzoo9, Kosovo had been recognised by only 6z of úe r9z UN membeÍ states.

Nevertheless, this maior event paved the way for UN rule in Kosovo to be signifi-

cantly downsized, as well as for furúer development of statehood structures, includ-

ing diplomatic missions in maior countries úat have recognised Kosovo. Most nota-

bly, it created widespread sentiment among Kosovars that their sovereignty goal has

been finally achieved.6 Zerí, A Strong Man on the Side of Kosova: Interview with Former Congressman foe

DioGuardi,', October2ooo, www.aacl.com/Diaspora.html, ccessedNovemberzoog'

7 Haradinaj was acquitted by úe ICTY in zoo8.

8 While the referendum is a democratic procedure, it has been widely used to enhance

the legitimacy of non-democratic regimes, and democratic regimes have used it to

support non-democratic policies. This discussion demonstrates that diasporas could

potentially be part of a pooi of actors who utilise úe referendum for non-democratic

(here specifically, for majoritarian) purposes.

Chapter



Diaspora, igrati on nd ransnationalism:Insightsrom he studyof second-generation

treturneest

Russell íng andAnastasíaChrt*ou

9. t Introduction

ln an era of globalisation and accelerating and diversifying mobility, cer-

tain'new'types of migration escape he attention of statisticians and de-

mographers. They become 'known' through anecdotal evidence, qualita-

tive research, even newspaper reports. Such is úe case with the particu-

lar migratory form that we discuss in úis chapter: the 'return' of the

gecond generation to their parental 'homeland', often independent oftheir parents who remain in the 'hostland'. In the United Kingdom,newspaper articles have recently picked up on úis phenomenon, de-

scribing it as 'going back to my roots" or 'home from home'.' Wajid(zoo6) describes the growing number of British-born Pakistanis, espe

cially women, who are settling in the parents' country of origin. Sheidentifies two diÍlerent t1pes. One concerns young women taken back,gometimes against their will, to arranged marriages in villages in

Mirpur, the main area of origin of Britain's Pakistani community. The

other features university-educated caÍeeÍ women who migrate toPakistan's cities to puÍsue professional careeÍs. In Karachi or Lúore,

they enjoy a greater measure of freedom than they would have been al-lowed by their family and community in Britain, as well as being freeof the racial discrimination still characteristic of British society.

Our aims in this chapter are, Íìrst, to bring this phenomenon of sec

ond-generation retuÍn into focus and, second, to explore its theoreticaland conceptual implications. The chapter comprises three parts. The

Íìrst dealswith conceptualisation and definition: of úe narro\Mphenom-enon of second-generation return and its constituent elements (secongeneration, return); and of the broader theoretical frameworks that arcentral to this book, namely transnationalism and diaspora. In úe sec

ond section, we demonstrate the significance of second-generation re-

turn as an empirical phenomenon by pinpointing úree geographica

l l l t ' , ' ;1r11 (lN{l ANlr ANAIi ^ l i tA (i l l t : i t i l t i

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lx l l r r r ' l r i lc l rcnlrorrgl r l ry l r r , i rnr igl l r l i r rg) ; t r ' ( , l t lsrc also <nown s ht, 5 1.1t ' r r t ' r ; r t iorr ,l t l rorrgl rl r is t l t , Í ì r r i t i r ) l Ì(x )can l re very oose, angin

t rt )



srr ldies draws on our own research.l n the third and concluding Pur.r lthe chapter,we use the second-generationeturn optic to refleit br.it.ÍÌvon the broader heoreticalapproaches fdiaspora and transnationalrsrrr

9.2 Second-generation return: A new migration chronotope

The stripped-downdefinition of second-generationeturn is unambisrrous: it is the'return'of the second-generation hildren of first-gent,r;rtjon immigrants to úeir parents'country of origin. It is a timÉ-sprr,.phenomenon, or chronotope, defined by genealogical time and by lw,places origin and desünation which are the reverseof those framirrlthe parental migration. complications arise when we adopt the enritgaze of the second-generationershemselves, or whom the 'destrrr:rtion' is_alsohe 'origin'- 'going back to their roots' (wessend.orfzooT).A similar reflective ambiguity surrounds the notion of home: they a*,relocating from one home to another, except that úe retuÍn to the plrental home place has a diÍferent cadence- the home is the homelancl.

The same holds true for return: strictly speaking, if úe migrants wert,'true' second generationers, i.e. born and brought up abroad, this is n,rthe return migration of migration statistics. Íet, ior the protagonislsthemselves, t is very much a real, ontological return to the land Jf th"i,ancestors.

These, then, are some of the nuances úat emerge when we excavat(,the apparently straightforward term'second-geneãtion rãtor.r'. otherdifficulties arise when we break the term down into its constituenrparts' we quickly appreciate the rigidity of definitions in the face of th<'messy evidence of reality.

-The term 'second generation' is a hostage to foftune. Its pure form is

clear enough, but all sorts of complications arise when we scrutiniscthe concept more closely. Ego may be foreign-born to immigrant par_ents' but if the parents were married before emigrating, there may beother siblings in the same family who are not, in the pure sense, sec-ond generation, i.e. born in úe host country. Some dúnitions of sec-ond generation include children born in the home country and broughtto the host country at an early age, for instance, before the age of iixyears in many European studies, though later in American iesearch(Thomson & crul zoo7l. The well-known studies bv portes andRumbaut take the threshold at twelve and relax the definiiion of secondgeneration even further by allowing one of the parents to be native-born(Portes & Rumbaut zoor; Rumbaut & portes zoor). Home_counrry_

Íiottt vcry young babics o tt 't 'nugcrs,with consequentdifferences e-girrding educational experience, acculturation, inguistic competenceetc.'l '

'l'hree further reÍìnements of second generation phenomenology canht' noted. First, interesting questions arise when the second generationis the offspring of parents of two difïerent immigrant national origins.'l'he transnational allegiances and diasporic identities of such individuals have yet to be studied.

.Wesignal this as a major gap in the litera-

ture on the secondgeneration.Second,how does one define host-country-born individuals when one

parent is first generation and úe other secondl Given the practiceamong many ethnic communities of seeking spouses for the secondgeneration in the home country and then 'importing' them through'marriage migration', this category of offspring is becoming increas-ingly common and is sometimes labelled the 2.5 generation.

Third, how do we describe individuals who are born in the host coun-try but are then sent back to their 'home' countries for part of theirschooling? Many reasons may lie behind such a course of action: úeneed for both parents to work full time and to be relieved of childcare

duties, taken on by grandparents or other relaüves; he desire ofthe par-ents for úe child to absorb the home-country language and culture; thewish to have their children educated n a safer and more supportive en-vironment. Each individual case will vary and depend on the ages atwhich úe child is sent 'home' and brought back, as well as the fre-quency and quality of parental contact during the separation.Ultimately, these 'transnational children' (if that is an appropriate termto describe them - we aÍe not sure) are diíficult to regard as 'pure' second generation. Their evolving identities, career options and subsequent migratory paths are unlikely to be unaffected by a period ofschooling in the home country.

Moving now to 'return', the meaning of this term is clearly stretchedwhen we consider individuals who are relocating to a place they havenever lived in - although they may have visited it frequently. The pointhas already been made, however, that there is an ontological sense of re-tuÍn to a point of origin, a homeland. The literature on return migra-tion, which is now quite substanüal5 but under-theorised (Cassarinozoo4l, saysvery little about second-generation retum, although it doesacknowledge a subspecies of return, 'ancestral retuÍn', noting studieson such groups as fews 'returning' to Israel; Aussiedler, thnic Germansresettling in Germany from Eastern Europe; and the Pontic Greeks, si-milarly relocating to their ethnic homeland after generations of exile inplacessuch as Georgia and Kazakhstan King zooo: ro).

l l l ì " : ; l ' l l l . lN{ . ANlt

^NAli lA t i l^

{ l l l { l : i l r ' l r

What d<x'sJr is nt 'urr ì r r l r r ' l l l rxr t lcl orr tcrr l r r r l ì r 'k ls l l r iursrr ; r l r r r r ral ismand diasporalSornt 'arrswcrs i l l lx 'givt ' r r n t l r t ' Í ì r r r r l lur loÍ l l r r ' ,

l r lA.ql,{) l{4. l \ .1lr ; l {AIl()N AN|| | rANl;NAIl}NAl t , ,N4

Tlter t , l is l r l l ;xr inlr r t ' r r l t , l r r :



chapter.For now, we signal rel(Ìvantpt'r 'spt'r: l ivt 'so l lr. l<t 'pl rr rnirrr lduring the intervening empirical section oÍ'our account.

The Íìrst generalpoint to make is that none of'the four mairr l i l t 'r .rtures that aÍe constitutive of the themes of this chapter - thosc orr llr'second generation, ÍetuÍn migration, transnationalism and diaspor',rhas much to say about second-generation eturn migration, wlrrr rseemsto slip into the interstices between these literatures. Thc litt'r,rture on the secondgeneration dominated by US scholarship is lrcrr'lby the assimilation paradigm that derives from the historical sr'llnarrative of the United Statesas a large, welcoming country'madt" lrtimmigrants who become, eventually,Americans'; 'return' is thus torrrrter-intuitive (King zooo: z9). Meanwhile, recent comparative surv('y r'search on the integraüon of the European second generation fotrrr.',,largely on their educational and employrnent trajectories within hosl :r(,cieties, not on links to the parental home country (Crul & Verrn('lrt{'rrzoq). Likewise, in the now-exÌensive iteratures on transnationuli:;rrrand return migration, scant attention is paid to the second generali,rrthe returnees, on the one hand, and the transnationally active, orr llrlother, are overwhelmingly portrayed as úe first-generation migrants,

There are some exceptions to this last generalisation, but only Íi'wLeichtman (zoo5) has documented the second- and subseqrrt'rrlgeneration transnational links o f the Lebanese community in Sent'11,r|On a broader front, Leviü and'Waters (zoozl have edited an imporl;rrrlvolume on the transnational lives of the second generation in the tlS,many of these contributions reveal that strong tendencies towards ;r;similation can coexist with significant participation in transnational social Íìelds. The kinds of second-generation transnational ac tivity rrro:;tcommonly depicted aÍe return or homecoming üsits that are design,',|to link up with family roots and to expose he foreign-born to the'r'llrnic culture' of their parents' country of origin. Such visits usually do r,'

inforce the emotional link to the parental homeland, but they can irt:r,make the visitors realise that they can neveÍ relocate or feel at horrr,there. In Kibria's contribution we hear of feff, a Korean-American wlr,,went to l(orea on a study-visit after finishing high school (Kibria zoo.,.

3o43o;).Flying into Seoul,he felt a deep connection o his 'homelarrtl'

I remember flying into Seoul... I could see these little houses.farms in the country... Something about it felt good. I rememberthinking... 'this is an important part of me.'

' l ' l r t 'rrativcs<xll<cdown on us bccause lot of us couldn't speakl(orcan... thcy were basically saying, 'You're so stupid. You'rel(<lrcan,but you can't speak Korean.' There were some isolatedirrc'identswhere we were...yelledat, harassed.

lfur JcÍï and others like him, the homeland visit sewes only to accentLtatr dílJèrencesf culture and nationality, and to reinforce a heightenedíerfs(' of their Amerícan idenlity (Kibria zooz'.

3o7).A definitive Íeturn

Fe(,Ìrìs ut of the question.l)iaspora theory on the other hand, posits a somewhat different rela-

tlonship to second-generation retLlÍn since, according to most defini-tlorrs of diaspora, return is part and parcel of the aetiology of the con-eept. lf we subscribe to Safran's often-quoted criteria for diasporas, weflnd strong relationships to the homeland and the aspiration for returnprrlrninently featured. To paraphrase, diasporas maintain a collectivetÌtr.Ínory (which, however, may be mythical) about their homeland; theireonsciousness and solidarity are importantly defined by their ongoingrelationship with their territories of origin; and they see their ancestralhorne as their 'pure, authentic' home and as a place of eventual ÍetuÍn

(SaÍran r99r: 83-84). In this sense, 'ancestral return' or 'counter-dlasporic migration' (King & Christou zoo8) represent the logical clos-Ing of úe diasporic cycle: úe final, longed-for return 'home'. This isËonsistentwith Van Hear's observation (1998: 6) that, if diasporas havebecome more widespread in Íecent decades, or instance, through on-ward or secondary migration, so too has the 'unmaking' of diasporas,through'in-gathering' or're-grouping'.

But return is perhaps questionable as a defining criterion ofdiaspora.Some diasporas do not desire to return. The Parsees,mainly resident inWestern India but also scattered n many other locations, have no ideol-egy of return to their original homeland, Iran, which they left in the

elghth century. Gypsies or Roma are a different case (Safran (r99r: 87)eplls them a 'metadiaspora') because heir nomadic diasporisation is an€xpression oÍ idealisation of their existential condition. AfricanAmericans, products of the slave diaspora, do have a 'homeland myth',but it can no longer be precisely located and only a tiny minority have

'teturned'to Africa.A complicating factor with any attempt to frame second-generation

feturn \ryithin diaspora studies is úat the definition of what, exactly,constitutes a diaspora has inexorably widened (Brubaker 2oo5). On theWhole, we endorse Cohen's (rggì typology of diasporas into thoseformed as a result of persecution, labour migration, colonial settlementtnd trade, not least because his makes us realise that counter-diasporic

t1 2 l i l l Í l l ! l I KIN(;

^Nl)

ANAStASI^ (: i l ' { i l j t í [r

Í ìows, rrcludir rg r :cond'gt 'nt : r r r iorr( . r r rnì , l r igi rur l r , Í r r l r r ri í l i ' r r . r r l l i ; rspor ic ormat ions. - lowevcr,hc :dangcr wi th t l r is clast icatcdnt.urr i r rplof diaspora s that it becomesconÍused

DIASl,r) lrA. l \41(; lr^ l l t , \ ANlr I rAN\N^l l i l \41 l ' , tü t/ l

rr p<lprr l r r l iot tl r r r l t t t ivr , r l t t l r rk 'r 'okr t t izi r tgr tcl ropolclur ing ant 'ra oÍ ' shi Í ì i r rg tncl t ' tstut tdingsí' l t t ' i r nat ion's elat ionshipso



notions such ls rrrrgration, ethnic communities and transnational social fields. whai rrr:rtinguishes the diasporiccondition from contemporary nternational rrrrgration and transnationalcommunities, we suggest, s historical c:.rrtrnuity across at least two generations, a sense of the possilrl,.perynanence f exile, and úe broad spreadand stabilityof the distrilrrrtion of populations within the diaspora. In other words, 'time has r'pass'before a migration becomesa diaspora(Cohen

ry97:ú5).

we recognise he problems inherent in this broadening of the murrifold historical processes and myriad individual journeys ànd narrativt,'that lead to diasporasbeing formed; yet we also appreciate hat coherr',diversification of diasporic tl?es is helpÍul in explaining the spread ,Ídiasporicconsciousness mong so many exiled peoples n the world, lrr,they the result of ancient population displacements or of contemporiìlyeconomic and political processes such as labour migration or refust.r.expulsion.

9.3 Studies f second-generationeturn

second-generation return is a rather specific migration chronotopt'within the wider movement known as ancestral or counter-diasporic rt,.turn (King & Christou zoo8, zoog). Studies of ancestral ,"tur, .r,.quite numerous, if scattered,and include a variety of cases rom differ-ent time periods and different paÍts of the world. Earlier we noted fewsgoing to Israel, the German Aussiedlerand the pontic Greeks. we ca.also point to various 'retarn'migrations of colonial peoples, such as th.'Dutch Indonesians' who repatriated from úe Dutch East Indies afterthe independence of Indonesia in ry49, the píed.s oírs who settled irrFrance from Algeria in the early r96os, the portuguese retomadoswho'came back' from Portugal's African colonies in úe mid-r97os

anclBritish colonial setúers who came to the uK after independence wasachieved in India and East Africa. Andrea Smith calls these post-colo-nial returnees 'Europe's invisible migrants' and estimates thãir num-bers to be between five and seven million (zoo3: rr). In terms oÍ'European demography, this migration, concentrated in the three dec-ades after world war II, contributed to the continent's shift from a siteof population export to one of mass immigration - an immigrationwhich is moïe commonly studied by a focus-on ,foreign, immilrarrts,some of whom came from the same ex-colonies whence came the colo-nial repatriates. Their ïetuÍn was relatively invisible because t was anambiguous and problematic relocation: they were

liurope [whcnl...tho 'olonial cra lwas] quickly fading in signif i-t:ance. Smith zoo3: 3r )

AlthorrghSmith's book is careful to avoidhomogenising the colonial re-tlrrnees, there is almost no attention paid to úeir generational specifi-city. ln the rest of this empirical review section we examine three casetudieswhere the particular issues surrounding 'second generationness'

âre more prominently foregrounded:fapanese

Brazilians, British-bornln the Caribbean and Greek-Americans.

9,3.1 JapaneseBrazil ians

Compared to other highly developed countries, fapan was a 'late-starter'

as e country of emigration and as one of immigration. During úe fìrsttwo thirds of the twentieth century, around J5o,ooo fapaneseemigratedto Latin America, mainly to Brazil but also to Peru, Mexico, Argentinaend Paraguay.By 1998, according to the fapanese Ministry of ForeignAÍfairs, there were r.5 million Nikkeíjín (people of |apanese descent) iv-ing in Latin America, r.3 million inBrazlT and roo,ooo in Peru (White

zooJi 3r4).When fapan's industrial economy started to run short of labour in

the r98os, Nikkeíjin were prioritised as immigrants to fapan, Íìlling

'frottom-wage' jobs in factories (Sellek 1997: r8z-t83). A new immigra-tion law implemented in r99o allowed Níkkeíjin up to the úird genera-

tion and their spouses to legally enter, reside and work in fapan, initi-ally for úree years. Employers were keen to hire them, partly becausthey were ethnically fapanese, but also because of fear of prosecutionfor employing illegal migrant workers from within the Asian region(the Philippines, Thailand, Bangladesh, etc.). By zooo, there werearound 25o,ooo Brazilian Níkkeijin in fapan, 47 per cent of thern níse

(secondgeneraüon)

and 37peÍ cent sansei thhd generation); their ag

range - more than half between z5 and 44 yearc old - reflected theirprimary function as abour migrants (Tsuda zoo3: 98-ror).

How has the encounter between the Brazilian Nikkeijín and fapanessociety worked outì The comprehensive ethnography by Tsuda (zoo3)provides detailed and nuanced answers to this question.o Tsuda ex-plores how úe migrants constitute their identities in ways that 'ÍÌt'

neither the country of origin nor that of destination. This is partly be-cause úe speciÍìcation of origin and destination is ambiguous for the

fapan-bound second (and third) generation, and partly because of theway fapanese cultural nationalism devalues those who are not firlly

fapaneseby virhre of their signiÍìcant time spent abroad. Multiple status

t 4 l r l lSl i l i l I KIN| ANtr ANASI'ASIA (: i tk|ì lI l

ar ld iclcr l t i l ,yhi í is ar t ' i r rvolvt 'd, orrr t .oÍ l rurr t :orr lnrcl ictory.r r .err rlr r)apanese erspect ive, íkkei j in rc r t .gurcl t 'ds' i r r í i r r ior ' Í ì r ra vul i t , ry, lreasons; heir historicalorigins as lowcr-class ho t:rrr igr.;r lcrl

l l l^st ' ( r rA ,M ( rA ' l r N ANlr ' l ' l {ANSNAoNAI r iN. ' l

Or , prr l t t< l r t '' r t tdt ' ly:

l l t :y, l 'rn l lrazil ian artd l 'rrt goittg to act Brazil ian n fapan.An d

tl \



Japarrcseto Latin America out of povertlt their present empÌoyment in w'rliirgclass jobs; and their 'non-fapaneseness'ncluding poor Japanest. rrrrguage skiÌls and 'Brazilian' cultural traits. From the Níkkeijín persl)r.(tive, moving to fapan, initially on a temporary basis but increasrrrlirvlong-term through family migration, involved both a return to ther t,rlrni c homeland' where income prospectswere much better tharr rr rBraziT,but also a loss of social status since most níseí and. anseih;ttl

achieved middle-class status in their birth country. In fact, in resporrrrr.to their socio-economic-marginalisation in |apan, many Japarr,,s,,Brazilians have strengthened their Brazilian cuitural and nati,onirli:rtsentiments.

These 'Brazilian counter-identities'are deproyed, s a reaction to rlrr.ironic situation in which, from the point of view of an expectedconíirrmity to rigorous fapanese cultural standards (which demand total rrssimilation for those of fapanesedescent), t is easier for the fapant,sr.Brazilians to pursue a strategy of marginalisation rather than attàptr,,lgthnìc adjustment (Tsuda 2ooi: 274-275). Acting Brazilian' involvt,ridisplaying a moÍe assertive, convivial and outgoing lifestyle, includirrlipublic

displays of embracing and kissing, weãring tight jeans and 'r'shirts with the Brazilian flag or slogans, affirming Ét^z'li^n first namt,sand organising samba festivals. However, it is evident that many ,lúese 'Brazilian' lifestyle components are either exaggeratedor merclysymbolic constructions of Brizilianness: they are .culturally decontex-tualised and reconstructed' so úat they have ethno-natiorrál meanlrìlonly in fapan. Thus the samba is a 'performance' that is actually rathcra pale imitation of the 'real thing' - the costumes are amateurishlyhome-made and 'unauthentic' and few returned. Nikkeíiin know tht,dance movements (Tsuda zoor:67-7o, zoq: 283-zg9).

on the other hand, üere are strategic advantages o such 'Braziliarr'comportment, since it is a way of pre-empting negative judgements

based on failure to conform to expected yapinese cultural stanJards. I'the words of two of Tsuda's interviewees (ioo3: z8o, zgz-zg3):

It is easier to live in fapan if you... reveal your Brazilian identiw...and give up trying to be fapanesebecause, his way, you can es-cape the pressuïe to act fapanese... f I try to be fapanese, heywill judge me by their own standards and this wilt read to discri-mination... Instead I can say ,I,m sorry I,m Brazilian so I comelate to appointments...'

i Í 'you don't l ike it , screwyou.

It rrcredso be emphasisedthat the situation of Nikkeijín in fapan is

:tructurally different from the two cases which follow. British-boÍn

Caribbeans and Greek-Americans are, by and large, migrating to their

ethnic homelands out of sentimental and lifestyle choices rather than

purely economic considerations; they are moving from highly developed

economies to ones úat are somewhat less advanced;and they generallysttain middle-class socio-occupational positions in the homeland.

fapanese Brazilians were recruited to fapan as guest workers and re-

main socially positioned as such; their fapanese origins gave them pre-

Íbrential treatment in terms of their immigration rights, but their

Brazilian birth and culture disadvantage hem within the fapanesehege-

monic eúno-nationalism. Although at arrival only z-3 per cent of

Brazilian Nikkeijin intended to make fapan úeir permanent home,

nowadays more úan half are committed to staying long-term and 6o

per cent are with their families, including children (Tsuda 2oo3i 377-

378). These children give an interesting, final twist to the story they

are, in a sense, 'the second generation of the second generation', andtheir own assimilation into fapanese schools (where the educational cur-

riculum and their socialisation pÍocess blot out their Brazilian heritage)

leadsúem to deny their Brazilian roots. This sets up a generational ten-

sion betvveen parents and children: both are second-generation retur-

nees,but the parents are also, in a way, first-generation immigrants to

fapan holding on to their Brazilianness in the face of the impossibility

of fully becoming fapanese, while their children are pressed to assimi-

late and have the capability to achieve this, but can only do so by shed-

ding their Brazilian parental culture.

g.3.2 British-bornreturnees'o the CaribbeanThe Caribbean has been a classic locus for migration research, includ-

ing studies of return. Until recently, however, most of the published

work on ïeturn migration focused on the first generation (see, among

others, Byron 1994; Chamberlain rg97: Gmelch r99z; Pessat 1997;

Thomas-Hope 1999). From this literature it is apparent úat return as a'homecoming' project is not a unified social process but a versatile cul-

hrral experience characterised by diversity, complexity and ambivalence.

The return can be a souÍce ofcreativeness and ingenuity that expresse

strong agency and ambition, but it can also be a socially conservativ

act linked to later-life refllrn and retirement. For boú first- and second-

| /(t l l l lSsl. l i KtNt, ANtrANASlASlA ( l l i l t l , trr tr

gcl ì ( ' r i l l iot l( ' l t l l ' l ì ( ' ( 'srr l r t ' ( l l r l i l r lx ' iuìÌ ( ) r Ì l ( , l i tn(1,l t ( , ( .xtx,r . i ( ,n( , ( ' ( ) lrlgrat iondcles tot ncccssar i ly' l Ìdwi l l Ì 11' luln:r r r r rsr l r l ior '1r li r rks11,rr , , ral lycont inue. nl ike th e Brazi l iar ìf par Ìcs( ' ,ct r rnÌ i r Ì Í l ar ibl>r , l r r rsi , . r r

f i lAsi,ottn, N4{,1{A !oN AN r' l l {AN:iNA ioN^l l ! ' Ìu tl

ã! le lo l rosi l iot rl tct t tsr ' lvt 's,tr l l ; r r ' l r ; r t losts st t t l t r l ly nrsscd o-gt : t tc

wlro rrr r l t 'c ltt l l t t ' i r ' l i r rgl isl rt t t t ' t t ls l )ot l t ' r '& ) [ r i l l ips oo6a) '

Motc r:orrtnrr. l i t toryrrt. l rrtrtttr,cl i t .ws, <lwcver, er ealSO nCOver



eral ly enjoy enhancedsocial status n th e hornclancl . ' ì 'his s rr ; r r r r rthrough úe variouskinds of capital (financiar,social,cultural, clc.) rrrr.1have acquired through migration, and also through time spcrrl irr tlr,,colonial mother countÍy'. As Chamberlain $997: Zo-Zrl points ..t, tlrr'sacredgeography'of empire remained intact in the cáribbearr, srr, rthat emigrants leaving for Britain in the post-war decades elt, rrr ,rsense, hat they were heading for a kind of 'home': an imagined sp;rr ..

'remembered' through school and colonial propaganda,wh"ichwas tlr,,heartland of their imperial world. For many, the reality of emigrrrrr.rrbrought disillusionment, above all through the racism that they w,,r,subjectedto, but also the diÍficult conditions of work, housing, Íix,,land climate. some of these negative outcomes have been inherìtctl l,r,the secondgenerationand form part of the nexus of push factors rrr,rrhave stimulated a substantial return of British-born in iecent years.

According to the pioneering researchof potter and his associatt,srrBarbados,Tt seems hat second-generationeturneesare a positiveìys,.lected group in terms of education and ambition; hence. ìhese inclivrduaÌsare seen,and see hemselves,as agentsof social changeand t'r ,nomic development. Plenty of

work and business opportunitús exist í,rqualified retuÍnees, reflecting a strong economic p"rfo.-"r." driven lrytourism, light industries and offshore finance. Typical secor(lgeneration retumee jobs in Barbados,according to potter (zoo5: 22,,,zzr) and Potter and Phillips (zoo6a: 9o5-9o9), are found (for máles) rrmechanical trades, catering, computing, sales and management, arrl{for females) in administration, accountancy, personnel, clerical worr,,healú servicesand retailing.S

Potter and Phillips (zoo6a) see second-generationeturn as a mairrlymiddle-class phenomenon: nearly all their interviewees had been to crllege and more than a third were university graduates. There was a terÌdency among those returnees without qualiÍìcations to 're-return, r.

Britain (Potter zoo5). However, returneei' classposition in Barbadjarrsociety (and presumably this holds true for othei caribbean countrrr.sinvolved in migration to BÍitain) is only partly determined by their ed,cational qualifications. The returned second generation occupy a strur.turally intermediate position as post-colonial hybrids: they are botlrblack and - because of their British birth, upbringing and accents- symbolicallywhite (Potter & phillips zoo6a).In Fanonian erms, theyreflect a black skin/white mask identity. Intewiewees articulated tht,contrast they felt between how úey were treated in Britain (racialiserlbecause of their Afro-caribbean ethnicity, stereotyped as low-achieversand potential trouble-makers) and how they were perceived.,and wer.

It r l lr t. <'rrcounter tr:twccn rcturncd 'Baian-Brits' (Potter & Phil l ips'

ter,rrr) ncl he island's still racially stratified society.Returneeswere sur-

prist.cl hat, n contrast o 'cosmopolitan'London, Barbadiansocietystill

elrlxr<Jied he acceptance f 'white hegemony', segregatedn a form of

qrrirsi-apartheidwhere, effectively,whites and blacks rarely mixed so-

.:iolly lPott"t & Phillips zoo8). The returned (black) second genera

tklnt.rs were put - and saw themselves - in an intermediate and ambig-

lurrrs position in regard to this colour-coding, as noted above. But theytrlro cxpressed oúer negative feelings towards the way local societ

fi[rctioned. They complained about the slow pace of life, lack of profes-

ni0nalism in business and poor public services.Barbadians, or theìr

palt, fashioneda trope of 'madness'as a means of 'othering' the Baian'Brit

returnees, thereby positioning them outside mainstream island so

eit:ty.The 'mad' label derives from two origins: first, the Bajan-Brits' ob-

terved behaviour (rushing around in the heat, talking quickly, obsessio

With punctuality, etc.); and second, stories of high rates of mental ill-

nessamong Caribbeanmigrants in Britain (Poüer& Phillips zoo6b)'

Although Barbados dominates the existing research on second

generation retuÍn to the Caribbean, other islands aÍenot totally over

iooked. Reynolds' (zoo8) research in famaica and Guyana provides

ãomewhat diÍlerent slant. She focuses on the role of social capital and

Íramilynarratives in sustaining an ideology of return that, when not ac

tualised by the first generation, is transmitted to the second as a kind of

lnherited duty. In her words:

So central to úe family narrative was this dream to return to the

country of origin that their parents' narrations of home and return

becamepart of the second generation's own narratives in terms of

understanding heir personal dentity and senseof self. (zoo8: ro)

Key to Reynolds' analysis is also the social disadvantage and poor economic conditions encountered by many British-born Caribbean youth.

Roystone, nterviewed in famaica, put it like this:

I was born in England but I always felt unwelcomed in my own

country so I can't call England home' if you mean home as a

place of warmth and comfort... prejudice and discrimination was

always there... in London you grow up constantly looking over

your shoulder... I was always getting stopped by the police'.. now

here [in famaica] I'm comfortable in my own skin. I'm a very

hard worker... and if you come to famaica with that attitude..'

I tti' l l l r ' , \ l l l h lNí, ANi,

^NA\l^5lA

( l l l t l , , t" t '

thcr t"s r ìor ' ( .ol ) lon s o l rui l r l l l ) y( ) lu )wl t ) l rsi r ì ( ,ss.' ru i r r r r t . lter posi t ion Ìo w o invcst n a Í ì r l r r r r ' i r l r r ry i r r r r i ly.

TJIASI'() l^, t \4t(I{Ai l()N ANtì i i rANr;NAl ()NAl l : ,N4

el l lo o oÍ l t ' r r r t ' t t t t t t t ' t 'sì r rcl t t ' r ' t 'sso st t t l r ylosts: l r lal<t :dn corrupt ior

âl r l r r r ' ;xr l isr r r .n l l r t 'wotcls oÍ ( l l t r islot t 's zoo(r : z8, r3r) two male

It! leIv('w('( 's:



In his last remaÍk, Roystone ints at another àctor lvouring rr.ttrrrrlooking to the subsequent generation and the judgement tlrlrt tlr,Car ibbean'homeland' is more'secure'place o raisechi ldrcn. r r t l r iwords of Monica. ìnterviewed n Guyana:

You make your life for your kids... I can see how much the nrovr,has been good for the kids. They love it here and have senk.r

really well... they walk to school on üeir own, they're always orr,playrng on the lane - .J would never allow them to do that irrLondon... have peaceof mind because 'm not constantlywonying about úeir safety.

With these interview quotes Reynolds (zoo8: n, ry-r6l highlighrs rlr,,emoüonal and psychologicalsatisfactionsof returning to the part'rrt,rlhomeland - something that also looms large in úe Greek-Amcrir,rrrcase.

9.3.3 Greek-Americans

Although úe colonial aspect s absent n the Greek-American coÌìt(,\t,this exampleof second-generationeturn has several hings in contrrr,,rrwith the Caribbeancase, hough rather less with the fapanese-Brazitr;rrrone. In all three cases,úe first generation's memories and stori<.s lthe diasporichome were passedon to the secondgeneration,often r.t'rrrforced by periodic visits that'were a prelude to the'final'return. Ìn tlrrCaribbeanand Greek cases,we observe a post-waÍ mass emigratiorr ,lpoor, mostly uneducated labour migrants, followed by a selective sr.,ond-generation eturn made up of young men and women who, for tlr,.most paÍt, were much better educated than their parents and aspircrl t,rmiddle-class or professional status upon their homeland relocation.

The 4o oral and written narrativescollectedby Christou (zoo6) rrrr,lthe further accounts obtained in a subsequent phase of researclr l,lKing and Christou (zoro) confirm the highly educated profile oí'rlr,'second-generationeturnees.Unlike their parents,whose emigratiorr rrrthe r95os and r96os was economicallydriven, the returne€smigratr, t.the ethnic homeland primarily for emotional, life-stage and lifestyle r,,,rsons. Of course, economic considerationsdo play a role, but they rrr,.not the prime pull factor for return; raúer, the situation is gener.;rllr,one of subsequent diÍficulty in finding sufficiently remunerative, srrrlr['and intellechrally rewarding employment for those (the majority) wlr,,are seekingwork. Good, well-paid obs are hard to attain in Greece, rrr,l

I st.rrt ny resumé to a few companies hat I would seeadvertise-rrrt,rrts hat would fit my qualiÍìcations, and got really discour-lugcdwhen I didn't even get a Íesponse back...They put an ad in

llrc paper and even before it's been published the job has been

lìllcd by somebody'snephew or cousin.

Working here is hard... To start a business you have to bribe halfllrr: population...you have to 'pay for air', as they say... want tolivc here, I love this country but it's diÍficult to start from scratch.

You either have to have connections or you got to have money.

This is not the only disappointment faced in the homeland. Two other

tltettrcs repeated themselves in interviews: the lack of care for the envir-

€luïìcnt, and the changes brought in Greek society through globalisa-

tlon and immigration. On the environment, Lucy said:

We still get frustrated about the things we neveÍ noticed before

lwhen we came to Greece on vacationsl. We didn't notice thegraÍÍìti, or the garbage on the beach, and we can't undeÍstandwhy they just can't keep their environment clean, you know, it

rcallybothersus...

ïlrt, issue of immigration into Greece s more complex in terms of re-

êtrnees' reactions. Some returnees aÍe surprised, even shocked at the

ãÊalcof immigration into Greece n recent years, particularly the influx

of half a million Albanians; this has compromised the pure, ethnically

homogenous Greek homeland that they had held as an ideal in their re-

turn project. Christou and IGng (zoo6: 826-82fl have documented

opcnly racist Íeactions to this change in úe composition of the popula-

tlort. For instance:

When I was in America I felt Greek and was Greek.

Unfortunately... at this moment, this specific time period in

Greece, I don't feel Greek. I feel like a stranger, like a foreignerin my own country... A lot of foreign immigrants have come to

Greece, especially illegal migrants... It has made a big impres-

sion on me...I don't like it, I haven't accepted t... It has upsetme... and...yes, t has made me angry.

l l lo l l l l l is lr l l l \ lN(, ANIì ANAStASt^ ( i l t i | |t tr rl l

Otl t t t t ' rct t t t t t ( ' ( 'st t ( ' l t igl r ly r i t icr r loí ( in. t , l< ;r t islul l i l r rck,sowrrnls 1rmigrants, special lyl r t 'way lt c ( l rct ' l< rr r ,cl i r riurr r t .l r t ' rnso rr t 'gl r l rvr , l1,According to another interviewcc:

BlAgt' t t t tr t , N4l(;HAll()N

^Nl'

l l t^NËNAll(ìNAl l l ì l \1

t ,4 Concludingdiscussion

Wlrat l igltt dot's tht' second-gcne'ration-returnhronotopeshed on th e



Sometimesúe media spend to o much time [o n immigrarrtsl...This morning... on TV... they were talking about a polish rrrurrwho was on a bus and he was drunk and being aggressivcurrtrthreatening...And the news presenteï was going on and on... Imean,hey,what kind of news s thisl Big deall mean... f he wt.rca Greek,would they spendso much time discussing tl No. Thcrt.is a phobia, t's obvious,a phobia n Greece about mmigrantsl.

Yet another dimension of the migration story is the way that the rr,rrrrnees themselvesare treated as partial outsidersby Greek society rr rr.action also noted for returning fapanese Brazilians and foreign-lr,,rrrcaribbean resettlers.The fact that the diasporic hearth does not.ÍÍr,rthe anticipated welcoming embrace is a major disappointmerrr r,Greek-Americanswho have bought into úe ideal of the Greek h,rrrr.land as the'place to be'. we have treated this particular diaspo*r rrvnamic in a separate paper, from which we take the following twlquotes: he first from an older long-term resident of Athens, the sec.rr,l

from a younger, moÍe recent arrival (Christou & King zooí: Bz9).

Being a Greek-American in Greece has a lot of drawbacks. Tht,Greek people are not that ready to accept someone who is ncrreally Greek. Even úough I speak Greek, my dad was born irGreece, am married to a Greek, I've been here 35 years, the;,have not acceptedme...

I feel that being American or halÊAmerican or raised in thrStates s not acceptedat aÌ1... still find it kind of hard. I feel tharI stand out even though I love Greece...and I speak the languagcmuch better than when I first got here... It's not like I walkaround with the American flag draped round me... But yes, I stillfeel like... I don't fit in .

And yet the strength of attachment to Greece, and of the motivation r,'return' and resettle, seems almost overpowering in úe Gret,l.American case - at least among those who have reítrned. Time arrtlagain, our participants stressed he importance of relocating to rhe pal tda, rhe fatherland, and how this final, myúical Íeturn 'closedthe ciìcrt.',not only of their own lives but also úe migration cycle started by tht'irparents halfa century or so ago.

bloatk'r Ì lrcorisation f'diasporaan d transnationalism nd on the dis-

tltrrlirrrr bctween these two overlappingconceptsl As a particular for:r

el lorrrrtcr-diasporicmigration, second-generationeturn should be con-

Frptrralised irst within úe study of diasporasand, as such, here we

pick rrp some of the issues aised earlier.(lhssjc deÍìnitions of diaspora(e.g.CliÍlord r994b; Safran r99r) and

êlro their subsecluent refinement and deconstruction (e.g. Anthias

tggtì; Brah 1996; Brubaker zoo5) tend to portray a rather static entityã historical process of spreading and scatteÍing to produce a particular

'ellrnic' population distribution and a 'stateof being' or 'diasporiccon

ieiousness' that likewise does not stress further movement, except peÍ-

hnps in terms of a 'floating' liminality and hybridity (Mitchell 1997).

Ëven f the (often mythical) return to the diasporic hearú is written into

the aetiology of diaspora à la Safran, few scholars have paid much atten

tiorr to this final phase, in which the diaspora is 'unmade'. It is almost

tr though the very definition of diaspora assumesthat diasporic popula-

tiorrs aspire to but ca.nnot eturn. This may indeed have been the cas

in the past, and may still be so in some diasporas for whom the point

oÍ'origin no longer exists or cannot be identiÍìed. Increasingly, howeverI combination of the maintenance of the diaspora's ethnic (or other)

ldentity and improved means of long-distance travel enables a Íeturn to

the land of parents and ancestors o become a reality.

According to Fortier (zooo: 16o), úe associationbetween diaspor

ênd dispersal produces three dualities that lie at the heart of úe inher-

ênt betweenness of diaspora: here and there, homeland and hostland

and indigenousness and foreignness. These binaries emerge from con

ceptualisations of culture and ethnicity úat are deeply connected to his-

tory, territory and language, but which also produce mixings and cross

Ings of the dualities, such as úe notion of being 'at home abroad' o

the condition of the second-generation'immigrant' or 'returnee' who

flo longer speaks the language of the ethnic gÍoup. Second-generatio

return demonstrates the blurring that exists over these dualities and

even challenges how they should be framed.Our three case studies of second-generation Íeturn reveal both th

cômmon features of the chronotope, but also some key difflerences n

how this movement is conceivedand motivated in diÍIerent historical an

geographical contexts. One of the strongest similarities is the reflectiv

tymmetry of 'strangerhood' when 'here' and 'there'; in other words, th

rrìtuïn turns the feeling of being fapanese n Brazil into one of feeling

Brazilian in fapan. As Lucy, one of our Greek-American interviewees said

i { i l i i t l i t i t KlNri ANI ANAll i AstA ( i l t ì l : , tr tr i

l , t ' [ nt 'prr t ir t l r is wrry. . .wlr . r r ( ,w( 'r ( , i r r r r r t . r . . r r i r .clr r r t .swr.were crecì<s,a 'd rrow t l rat w("v( 'cor Ì ì ( ' r . ( l r . t ' r . t .w( ' ; r r ( .Americans,an d that's what wc'vr: rcaliscd w.'r( ' r. i thcr.

FIASI' t l t i l , lv ' l( lA l í )N

^N

I I lANliNA oÌ ' l A ' , |\ t

Notcs

Wir j i r l ,S, ( r ,oo(>), ' ( lo ir rgr : t t l<o t t ty t tols ' , hr : uurdíun C2 2J October oo6: r8-r9.

tH ì



14..r1here nor there!

Also common is the strengthof memories from homecoming visirs rrr,rimakes he'homing'vivid an d a step owardsa more definitíe ,rr,rrrrrrof course, he return, whether short- or long-term, s very much r rr,,11,,tiated and constructed experience Íìltered through cuitural nìlrr.rir.r..images and events.

As for the differences,úe following can be highlighted. The r.t,rrrrrrof the fapaneseBrazilians o fapan wai orchestratedai a labour r(,(,rlment within clear hierarchies of socio-occupational lass, global ,.,,,nomic power and hegemonic fapaneseculturè: the resurt waã a kirr.r ,,1'reactiveethnicity' whereby the Nikkeijin reasserted heir Braziliarìr(,r;,iin the face of the fapanese marginalisation of them as ,impurr.

fapanese. n the caribbean, there seems o be a'culture of migrari.r,through which most families have implemented. a migratory"nr.tr,.lbased on economic necessityand flexible mobility for iarious Íarrrrrrmembers: a combination of individual autonomy oi-ou"-"rrt witrr Í,rmily loyalty and sharing of responsibilities (sucir as child rearing) rrr,rr

enables frequent journeying home, including second- and r.5_gïr,,,,,,tion return. The selectivity of this return (mainly available to úe"bt,rr,.reducated) combined with lifestyle choices and a developmental Í.r rr:,tend to make this casea broadlypositiveexperience, lbeii framed wirrrin post-colonial hierarchies of race and 'Britishness,. The Grt.t.lAmerican case, ike the caribbean, arises rom a history of poverty rrrrrlmass emigration in the post-waryears.This is set not wiúú a coiorri;rlcontext, but involves historical and ideological links between natiorr;rlism and the cultivation of a strong eúno-nãtional identity as part oÍ'rlrr.modern Greek state's rredentist policy that suppoÍts claìms or co-t'tlrnics' repatriation to the Greek homeland.

T?ansnationalism fits into our analysisin three ways

_{ìrst. in rrr,.maintenance of meaningful links to the homeland during the pre-rt.

turn phase' especially ÍetuÍn úsits; second, n the maintenJnce of t},,,*,,links in the oúer direction in the post-return phase; and thiÍd, in rrr.way that second-generation host-country entrepreneurs invest in tlrr.'homeland' without resettling there. second-generation return is a r.t,flection of the strength of transnational sociaispaces seeFaistzooolr),and can also act to strengüen them, arthough this does not always .tcur, particularly if the return involves a reiective detachment from tlr.placeof birth and upbringing.

' l ' l r is s t lr r , rcrdl inc oÍ l r t ar t ic lc dct l i l ing íìvc casestudiesof 'second-generat ione-

f r l r r ' t . r r l r r rcdn l 'hcCuardían z May zoot i .

Srt ' ( lh l iskru (zoo6), Chr is tou and I ( ing (zoo6), King and Chr is tou (zoo8, zoog).

Our'crfÍcÍìt research nto what we call 'counter-diasporicmigration is funded by the

lll( Arts and Humanìties ResearchCouncil under their'Diasporas, Migration ano

I f 'r ics' progremme (grant no. AH/E5o86or/XI), zo o7 zo o9.

l{rrrrrlraut 1997) has proposed a graduated system of r75, t5 and r.25, respectivel

t.li'rring to children arriving: before age six; between six and twelve; and bet'ween

lwt,lve and sevente en.lìrl kcy studies see Bovenkerk (1974), Ghosh (zooo), Harper (zoo5), King (1986)

lurrdMarkowitz and Stefansson zoo4).

I;or other worthwhile studies see Lesser (zoo3), Linger (zoor), Roth (zooz) anc

Ylrnanaka (zooo); on returning iapanesePeruüans see Takenaka 1999).

Str, especiallyPotter (2oo5), Potter and Phillips (zoo6a, zoo6b, zooS), as well as

llrt'selection ofstudies in Potter,Conway and PhiÌÌips (zoo5).'l'lrcse findings come from tlvo surveys totalling 9r interviewees of whom, however,

'J4 werc females and only seventeen maies; it is not clear to what extent this predo-

rrrinance offemaies reflects the real gender distribution ofsecond-generation return,

xince there are no official data for comparison.

F

Chaptero



I

ll

Private,ublicor bothìOn the scope nd mpact f transnationalism

in immigrants' verydayives

PaoloBoccagní

lo.l

OVer the last decade, research on immigrant transnationalism has

lhtfted. It has gone from being primarily concerned with 'transnational

lrigrants' - aiming to identify speciÍìc groups of people (or even com-

lltunities) that somewhat qualify as transnational (e.g. Portes, G:ularniz

* Landolt r99g) - to a wider focus on the transnational features in im-

grants'everydayives.This new emphasismay shedmore light onopporrunity structures and subjective experiences' as well as

ongoing interdependence with countries of origin (Levitt

zoo7l.Nevertheless, he use of the term 'transnational' as a general theoreti-

êl category in sociology at least, still shows relevant ambiguities

on&

ff immigrants' involvement at distance, namely, úeir motheÍ country

{Or ocal community), their family and their earlier life.

From a bottom-up, actoÍ-centred perspective (e.g. Levitt zoor; Smith

foo6), I have developedupon certain implications arising from my

âvrn doctoral fieldwork for the theoretical consistency of the transna-

rbock zoo3; Faist 2oo4; Waldinger & Fitzgeraldzoo4)' One lies at

core of this chapter: an implicit conflation of quite diÍferent objects

I approach (Boccagni zoog). This fieldwork has involved a tvvo

, ethnographic and biographic study of a relatively recent and un-

ured migration flow from Latin America (Ecuador) to Northern

It allowed for an in-depú analysis mediated by *y systematic rela-. ^ :- - c^-^^ :1- , * ^ .^ l-^ - -with Ecuadorian immigrants and with their family members

It tro*". Within a limited translocal case, I have generally found little

of transnational social ties. These mostly apply to the practice

transnational care giüng in families set apaÍt by migration.

ional ties are quite sporadic and less effective, however, in the

lUblic sphere with respect to social relationships linking immigrants or

[ ] rci rgrorrps o s<lciulr rst i l r r l iorrsrr t l< rorr rc i . r ' . l rt ' xr l i l i t i r lsyr lcrr r .market and civi l socicty t t t l rc court t lyoÍ or igi r r . r lotr t l t is Vi t 'wlrorr r limmigrants'homesickness Íì d p(ìrsistct t tl t ' lot rgi t rpiy íal t 'xt t ' t ' t l l t , 'scopeand the relevanceoftheir actions at distance.

lgciêt l , : r í ï ( ' t t ivt ' l r t td t t tot iot t ; r li t .s, t t l l r t . i t ' t .vr . r 'ycl l ryivcs away iornhetrt",

ï '] t is dot's rÌot Írcc('ssi lr i ly rnourrt <lassr:ssing hether heir orientaHôttr, rr. lationships nd practiccsarc more or less ransnational r in-



In this chapter Íìrst focus on the meaning of transnatiorr;r l irrrrwill then interpret findings in my ethnography,highlighting llrc v,rrrable relevanceof transnational ties in the everyday ives oÍ'tlrt' irrrrrrrgrants (and their significant oúers) whom I personallymet, fiorrr llrrr',complementaryvantagepoints: an indiúdual level, a family levt'l ;rrr,l rwider socialgroup level. In the conclusion, I will raise tlvo key ctilir;rl '-against he dominant theoretical ramework of transnational migt;rltrtrr) the poor fungibility betlveen socialaction at distanceand in pr.oxrrrrilr(especially n the affective realm) and z) the need to distinguislr l,.'tween private and public featuresof immigrants'transnational ar'liotr

1o.2 'Transnational t ies': A window on immigrants' everydaylivesì

Given úe risk of using (or abusing) 'transnationalism'as a catch-;rll,'have developed a working definition of the term that aims to bt' tttnr.accuïate. It is better applicable o empirical research than the crrrlin

standard notion introduced by Basch, Glick Schiller and Szantort Ìl'rrr,(t994:6): 'ú e processes y which immigrants forge and sustain rrl l lstranded social relations that link togeúer their societiesof origirr ,rrr,iof setúement'. At the same time, my proposed definition is widcr' llr'rrrúe well-known definition by Portes and colleagues 1999: zr9): 'otr ripations and activities that require regular and sustained social conl:rr irover time acrossnational borders for their implementation'.

The latter definition, though valuable for its greater empirical li1i.rii,may be broadened to include immigrants' attachmentsat distarrtt' titúe affectiveand the emoüonal realms, insofar as they fuel systt'rrr.rlrrrelationships of mutual communication and support not groundt'rl il

physical proximity.'I will approachEcuadorian mmigrants' daily ives, herefore, hlorrllltthe notion of transnationql social íes. Such ties imply any social relrrl , t

ship and practice'at distance' (along with the identity orientations llrrrbuild on) that allows immigrants to exert relevant influence on tlìt' r,rrcial lives of those left behind and. vice versa, that allows the latter lo rtttpact the life course of the former in signiÍìcant ways. Building on :;tt, tan 'agential' approach to immigrant transnationalism (Kivisto .,,oi,lMorawska zooja; Faist zoo4) - and centred on the differential invr,lt','ment-at-distanceof ordinary social actors - I will explore immigr';rrrt:-

€feaHirrglyocalised in the receiving countries, whatever their wishes

lììd expcctations.The real point is a deeper and more significant one:*hethcr and, if so, to what extent social relationshipsat distance be-fiffeetr rrrigrants and their signiÍìcant others left behind - may oÍïset the

|gk r,Í'physical proximity, oÍ even substitute (or replicate) co-pïesent Íe-htlorrrrhips, in the life courses of those affected by physical distantiation

Q thr. result of migration. This also involves examining in which life

É€tttains such replication takes place, and for how long. I will thereforeËplonr, through multi-sited ethnography within a long-distance migra-

&n Íìow (Marcus 1995; Fitzgerald zoo6b), the perceptions, utilisationgd ntaintenance of transnational ties in immigrants' daily lives.

On weightand usability f transnationalies n immigranteverydayives:Fromself o familyand o one'swidercommunity

research is built on participant observation of úe daily social lives

e Íbw hundred Ecuadorian immigrants in a local immigration contextNorthern Italy and of their manifold exchanges with those left be-

in Pasaje,Ecuador (Boccagni zoog). For one and a half years, Iout ethnographic research both 'here' (Italy) and 'there'

lor).3 After a critical period in which I negotiated access o theI became familiar with úe immigrants' informal social events

eÍïer-work actiúües - associational meetings, parties, religious ser-, sport and cultural events, or simply going out togeúer. I inter-

some 35 of úem in depth. I was also hosted, while in Ecuador,a few of their family members left behind in Pasaie.9y meeting these immigrants and gradually entering into their

al places of sociability, networks and public events, I explored therections between the 'transnational' - as a theoretical construct *

their dailv behaviours and experiences - as reflected in their selfinsofar as they refer to a persistent tie with their

and.In what follows, I explore the immigrants' own 'transnational social

' (Levitt & Glick Schiller zoo4) from three vantage points: at an in-level, in the realm of family relationships and in a wider public

. Each is explored in terms of accessibility, relevance and impacttransnational ties, assuming that such ties do exist and endure,

as I will show, is far frorn obvious. While these three üewpoints

l ,AOl1, ll ( ( { At,f j l

cr iss( : rossrr r rxrr ry uys r r i r r r rnigrr ruls'ol r l inrr ryivr .s, l is sl i l l wort l rdist inguishing ctwccn hcrnon urr t r lyl ic rorurr ls.

{t l { l l ( ' l ' l l?

Tlte lot t t r l r ' tsl l ry l t t . r r , ,l r r , r r rol t ' I krsc r ry cl t ' r r t i ly no t nlal ly' t r ry cl t . r r l i ly ' , kr rowwlrut urr r - . lurr r l i r :uador ian; lose. . . heplel rsrr r t 'oí 'shyingrr rny own lan<1., . .1 lose his taste, mean

t íty



to.j.t The ndividualevel:Belongings,ognit ion nd communicatìontrtrtra transnational antage oint

A first terrain of analysisconcerns he actual relevanceof transrr;rlrrrrr.rlties and the potential to keep them aliveby examining immigrarrts' pr rsonal attitudes. From this perspective will look at their identitit.s ,rrr,lbelonging, as well as the actual scope and depth of their comÍÌrur{,1

tion wiú the motherland, or in any caseat their ongoing intcrt'st ilany - for the social life and current events there.

Most Ecuadorian mmigrants I met, whatever úeir 'integration' trrItaly, still feel overtly and proudly bound up with their mother (.ounttr,Many would regard ltaly, or their local receiving context, as littk, urolcthan'the placewhere I work hard'to savemoney to send bacl< rrrr l ,,lay the foundations for a future better ife at home. Though argulrlrlv ,.lated to a time factor - most Ecuadorianemigration to Europe lr;rvrrrgoccurred only within the last decade(fokisch & Pribilsky zooz) tlrrufinding is not without practical import.

'I taly', n the immigrants'own accounts, s basically resount,t lr,rt

one (and one's family) has nvested n for the sakeof attaining sonr(, ttgent or non-deferrable key objectives. In everyday ife, 'Italy' is thc pl;rrewhere one might feel either exploitedand misunderstood, o varyinli rL ,grees,or helped and supported, hough in any caseunable (indet'tl, rrrrallowed) to lead a normal life with regard to carrying on with on("s (,,r1lier habits and lifestyle. Almost no one among the Íìrst-generatjorr rnmigrants I stayedwith would ever claim to belong'here'rather tlr;rn rrtheir home country (or village).

Apart from selÊidentification, the unbroken relevanceof the nrotrrlrland often emerges in their accounts. V/hether f"-ü members lr;rv,-been eft behind or not, it emergesboú as a source or nostalgiaurrrt rean implicit standard according to which one makes sense of valucs, tr,r

bits and life experiences n the context of immigration.Homesickness for Ecuador concerns, first of all, immigrants' t,rrro

tions, perceptions and feelings related to their former everyday nrilrclWhile their self-identiÍìcation,on an abstract level (or in patr.iotirterms), may remain intact, reminiscenceof the sensory eaturesoÍ tirr.iidaily lives at home - colours, tastes and smells - may easily fade rw,rr,To the (limited) extent that they may be reproduced by immigrants, tlrisis a result of repeated social events with fellow countrymen here, rttlr-rúan of the continuous relationships with co-nationals there. As S, ,trimmigrant reunited with his wife and children (and thus showinli ,rrrapparently good 'functional adaptation' to life here), puts it:

wherr you Íbc:l ight thcrc, don't youl Yeah, t's like when you gelttp irr tht' rnorning [here],you get up and breathe... ou can smellll wlrcrr it's spring, when it's autumn, the smell of the leaves...firr rrrc' t was different, I used to wake up and there were bananaplirÍrtationseverywhere... nd it smelt of wet land, of guavas,ofcolli'c... (S, 16, in Italy for six years)

* rpecial reference to one's earlier life - irreducible to a vague feelingd patriotism - can be found in most immigrants' accounts, includingtmong those who have actually built or rebuilt a regular family lifekre, 'l'he relevance of one's continuously Ecuadorian identity, shouldFt, however, be reduced to only a matter of reminiscences.

ltt irnmigrants' selÊawareness,still feeling Ecuadorian results in antlderrtity reservoir' one cannot be stripped of, whatever the difficulty

tttay face in *re country of setúement. Hence the unwritten convic-tltat one's own values, habits and lifeswle can still make a relevant

tril:ution for oneself and, even moÍe so. for one's children.r, there is a sense of moral duty - going well beyond a merely

ivc habit - not to lose them. Reaffirming one's national identiftas an obvious fact or as a souÍce of pride, is a means of self,lnction from the all-embracing identity of immigrants' - or, in its

atising Italian version, ertraçomunítarí - that one feels being im-by the receiving society. Whatever regret or disenchantment re-

fding the 'ever worsening' situation in Ecuador, one's persistent na-identity is the basis for personal consistency, in the face of the

ic changes hat result from migration.The central position of 'home' in immigrants' mindsets manifests it-

irr their future life projects as well. These reportedly remain, with aexceptions (basically relating to mixed marriages), strictly linked totnotherland. Nearly everybody among úe inhabitants of Pasajem I met in Italy would like to build a new house at home, is build-it now or - in the more successfirl cases - has already done so.

llding one's own house in Ecuador is a clear marker of the expecta-to return there 'soon'. It is also a matter of maintaining social sta-

an.da simple investment strategy for the money saved here - thata complementary form of remittance, which gains increasing sal-

once non-migrants' daily needs are satisfied.Nobody would really deny the intention to Íeturn home, albeit post-

to a 'future' they are unable to determine. Indeed. a covert butsive myth of return' (Anwarry7) is manifest here.A good llus-

is found in the account of H, a woman in Italy for almost a

t ( ) ( )

decadewfro s t l rct ì rst i t rk oÍ i t t l t i l i t l i l t t l t t r l i r rg; t lozt ' t t i t r r l i ly r t t ' r r r

bers. Though aware of th c at t l l r iv l t l r ' t t l , l tzt 'st t t t l t lpp() tt t t t is l l r . i'

sponses"

rri igr"nt encounterswhcn llack torttt ', l s<)ttttdsttsl rs lr ' l | . l

el lows o rcturtr sooÍìcror lak'r ' i t t otrh

M6rt .11vçr ' ,í ; r r r r l l i l r r t l t ' is 'orrsi t l t . r ' r , r l1i tnstut l iot t r ll r r lyí it involvct fbel i r rgr . t ; r r l r l lytl l tot t t t ' i r t lol l t tor t t t l r i t 's ' , t :c<lrdingo the ratherde-

Êtatxl i r rg :r i t t ' r iot t Í ' l lal l t ' r at tcl 'arrdol t zoo5),on e must object ha t

Itklr i l trrndit ion s hardly ìl lcd by the people havemet. Their attach



ïï

;LI

ï

; lII

I

,iilI

,Ï

iltililIililllu

mined", -oit

ofto enjoy the fruits ofher labour and sacrifices abroad'

[When yo u retuïn home], it 's diffeÍent, t' s no more tht's:tttt ' ' ':.o, th"y think we've come here and made big money' wlritlr.tr'

not - and they look at you, they ask you for monel 'Yott wlt"

come from there, lend me some money! roo' lend m(")'().'

3oo,' and as úis is not so, one tells them'no" and thcy

11'lít""-"d up, they dont look at you anymore, one is nearly ttp:;''t'

'coz it's youï own people... t's no more the same' ["'] Wt' wrtrt'

to Íeflrrn, as v/e say,our life is there, we've come here to wor ' '

we make sacriÍìceswhile we are young, and then we'll go llrt'rt'

we don't know how life will tÍeat us, but we want to go bat:l(. (l I,

38, in ltalY for nine Years)

One may wonder, however,what the primary object of the imttrilit''trl"

persistentself-proiection owards úe home country is. As tht'st' (lllolf !

suggest, i thasmuchmoretodowiththepastofone'scountry,( ) | . | | i t t

"ffí"*,f"a few selectedgood memories related o it, than wit6 llrr

'l e,"rrt rt"t" of its aÍfairs.Apart from specialemergencies e'g' politit rl rrlrheavals, natural disasters), immigrants' interest is generllly wi''rf

Scepticism and mistrust - especially,as far as politics is torrtltttc'rl

(Boccagni zooT\ - are quite widespread''

Ecuì-dorianmmigrants can and often do communicate at disl;trr'. ttt

arelat ivelyeasyway.Cheapphonecal ls, ' thesocialglue'oÍ ' i t t t r r r tgt ' r t i ltransnationalism (vertovec zoo4bl, are a pertinent cuÍÏent soti;tl |li 't'

tice, especiallywithin the family realm' Still, as a wider srrrv.v,rl

Ecuadoiian immigrants in ltaly suggests BoccagnizooT)' r('l('v'rrrl rl

formation on úe motherland involves one's private sphere (i't' l'rrrrllr

members left úere) much more than the public one. Accouttls l)v lrrrtl

migrant kin play a far more signiÍìcanÌ role than immigrants' irt t":r lttthe internet - or to any other channels of information availlrÌrlt' rr tlrc

immigration context.It is an open cluestionwhether úis selectivegathering oí ittl'ittts

üon results^more-from

lack of interest and disenchantmeÍìt t't'11'rr'lirrg

oublic l i fe at home or from poor access o information attt l , '}tttttt i i

nication technologiesan d 'ethnic media' in th e country ol itttttrr l | 'r

tion. The fact remains that the appaÍent real time accc:ssilrililyil ttl

formation on public life at home certainly does not alÌìotllìl ltt 'lll 'tt

tual . information involvement' o[ trtost immigrarrts, r lol lo ,r t '+l

interest in it.

lllerrl lo thc cquntry of origin by far exceeds hat to the setúementone.

?te ;rlrovc definition, which suitably applies only to a restricted and

;glf"rrt.lt'ctiveminority of 'cosmopolitans',underestimates he relevanc

€f tlrt, pcrsistent (though vague) orientations to the moúerland emer-

gltrg irr my casestudy.The transnational projection of Ecuadorian m-

hlgr,,trt*, as far as their identities and life projects are concerned,can

berdly bc regarded as a merely symbolic (Gans 1979) or abstractly pa-

Êiotic one. Quite the contrary úeir homeland orientation may exert atglevant impact on their patterns of consumption, their ways of sociabil-

|fy, thcir values and narratives underlying children's upbringing and

&elr future life expectations.'l1rc fàct remains úat, in terms of 'actually existing' transnational rela-

Ëonxlrips and practices, the family domain is the only one where - for

t€tne time, at least - systematic interactions between migrants and the

lrerland could be empirically detected n my case study. The realm of

rily life, therefore, warrants a deeper nvestigation in its own right.

3,2The

amilylevel: Yourbody s here,your heart s there'a a real cas

for transnationalismand its shortcomings)

eny widespread social practice within the migration flow I have stu-

rnay qualify properly as 'transnational', it is that which is related to

rocial life at distance of family members pushed apart by emigra-

Building on the framework of transnational families (e.9. Bryceson

Vrrorela zooz; Landolt & Wei Da zoo5), I will focus on the interac-

between migrant parents and the children who are left behind.5

k set of phenomena includes their personal expectations' the prac-

r of 'filling úe distance' (both in emotional and material terms) and

dilemmas parents and children are bound to face. I will shed light

the everydaypractices of here and there that fuel and reflect recipro-

eommitment and obligations, rather than emphasise the structuralturesof the families involved. The notion of a 'transnational family

(Sorensenzoo5; Smith zoo6; Banfi & Boccagni zoro) may be

iallyhelpful here.in transnational mothers' accounts, providing for the livelihood of

r children stands out as the only explicitly stated, selíconscious mis"

of the new life that begins after leaving their children behind

rupposedlyor a short period. The emphasison úe significant exmaterial gains from emigration may lessen the relevance

not the suffering, of their actual affective loss:

Y<ltri r ' l st ror ìg( ' rìs you srry:Wr ' l l , ' r t t wot l<i t tg i r r l l t t ' t t t otr r "r 'chi ldren eíÌ berhindl . . .lnt 's ul l ! ' 'Strorrgt ' r ' ' ,t t tcun l lut l . . .yor tthink: 'Who am I here Í 'or ì I think: i í ' l was alonc, whul 's lr rpoint of staying hereì Why do I stay here, rnaking sacriÍìtt 'r i ,

t : l t i ldr t .nurvt ' l r t ' t , r rlowi t rg tp i t t l l t t ' ( 'ounlry,wi t l t rn y parcnts

í i r r l l t r , t t t , Ì ìy )ar( 'nls rc t l rci l owtì l ) i t r ( ' t l ls. . . (M, 7, n I taly orl i r r r lyt 'urs)



stayingalone...whyl It wouldn't make sense. .. l I - l lovt' rrrychild, but I'm compelled to stay here. Coz you need moÍì('y, l(.help him. But if you are alone...who are you fighting for) (N, -,,in Italy for five years)

Unless the hope of an approaching reunion can be sustained, w()rrr'ristruggle,according o their own accounts, o find meaning and f rslilrr,r

tion in the practice of mothering-at-distance.'Whateverhe reastttr.; lducing or compelling them to leave, whatever their efforts to l<t'r';r trtouch and the self,sacrifices hey make, transnational mothers lrrrr,llr'deny that they are missing something important in the realm oí rrllrition, in their capability to raise úeir children, in úeir very toh',r.mothers. This role may shift towards being that of a female brcrrlwttiner, while those who care for the children left behind take centrt' sl,rlir=in the children's affections.A few interview quotes may be helpÍìrl irr ilIustrating each ofthese issues.

I've lost so many major things of my life... for instance, my Írr

mily, which now... exists no more. My husband, for instance. Mychildren, who are growing up without me, which is still wors('.,I'm even osing my hope to see hem growing up...[...]The orrlything I will really complain about, till ny - rny last days, is... rrrychildren. Not being with them, right now. (1, 45, n Italy for íìvt'years)

Most of them [immigrant mothers] - well, they don't really 'Íorget': they trust those who stay here with their children... I knowonly this, they get used to staying without them. They forget tlrrrlthey are úe mothers... [...] They think all is settled with tlr,'money they send back. And it is not... (D,

+t,former immigrarrl,

interviewed in Machala, Ecuador)

M"yb" you can reproach yourself... I mean: I went away, I didrr'tsee my children growing up... I've completely lost their chiltlhood years. But at the same time you're satisÍìed, as your children... never behave badly... tell them: 'If you behave well, ilyou keep on studying, if you don't grve it up - I will be alwaysproud of you.'And I think they, while studying, have a good <'xample of a mother who, from afar, can give them what - whrrtmaybe she couldn't have given them at close range. [...] Vy

ãerpitt. these nherent limitations, nearly all mothers-at-distance hom

I lttel rÌìake systematic attempts to retain close ties with the children

€fey lcíì behind by sending remittances, communicating at distance

lad -' to a lesser extent, given the costs involved - visiting home. The

l9le of'remittances, as well as their impact, would deserve a deeper ana-in its own right (Boccagnizoo9, zoro). I will here make only a

rt.marks about communication at distance.

While calling home once a week or so is a common habit for most ofËcuadorian immigrants I have talked with, for transnational

the frequency is usually higher and the communication is

rged - or maybe overburdened - wiú gÍeater meaning and expecta-lìor parents communicating wiú children at distance, telephoningbe a uniclue opportunity to recover a sense of real proximity

voice contact. Hence a peculiar personal space emeÍges,it is ephemeral and filled wiú painful experiences, through

h those who left mav dive into the evervdavand emotional lives ofwho stayed.

At the same time, while communicating at distance, a transnational

t - and indeed, any migrant - r:rray ealise that he or she canly exert any real control over the children (or anybody else) left be-

This is manifest, for instance, in úe use of remittances.the parents' endeavours, it is only úose taking care of their

in situ who may have a chance to really impose their will on

. Once again, it seems hard to Íìnd a substitute for actual physicality.

If we look closer, even frecluent phone communication has its short-ngs. The loss - or the indefinite postponement - of physical proxi-

much more so in the delicate realm of primary care relationships,

hard to heal. 'Always communicating by phone', as M remarks pon-

ng her own experience,may recreate some feeling of proximity for

, but is unlikely to do úe same when one's children are involved.

No. They don't accept you. They want you to be there. Phoning

ir not enough for them. My elder [daughter] can already under-

rtand you a bit, she knows why one stays here... úe younger

[son] instead, no - he wants to share all with you, úe simple

things of every day...noway. (N, 25, n Italy for five years)

mothers, when communicating with úeir children and families,intentionally to leave out - or even disguise - actual references to

tt)4 I 'Ao| ( ) ll ( l( ( Ar , Ì i i

t l rc i r ow 1 li í i 'cr lrrd it ir lns, r r t l r r t l i r rH,lr t ' tnrtrrr lo lt ll i í l ì t r r l t ics l l ì t l t , ' t t

bles he ymay be Íacing.

l| l l t (rl l l l

, ân(l s lr t ,wlrs t, l l i rrg rrt. : Wr.:t t ' t . t l t t tosl ll l l l ( 'c( ' Ír lc l( ' ry low';

'W c rrrt 'pr ly irrg ' . . .t wrts wíìr l . (1,45, rr t r ly íìrr ìvc ycars)

wlrole, rclationshipsat distance betweenmigrants and_their



Whenever call them up , they tcll rnc wltat lrappcns ht'rt' ,wlr'rl

they'redoing,or how my child's doing - what aboutschool,wlr'rl

he did, what he didn't... and anything more about him. All rrlrorrt

my family what's happening, what will happen...allaboul llturr

If they askme how do I do here, fineì, and I - even wht'rr I Ír'''l

bad - I always ell them I feel well. 'Coz l - I don't want tltt'ttt l,

suffer. So, I'd never... tell them how I do really feel. (Y,.r7' rr r

Italy for four years)

At stake here is an attempt to píevent suffering that may lr:rrtllv I'r'

managedat distance, ather than simply the transmitting of arr i1l1';1l1r.r'rl

picture of one'Sconditions overseas.Whatever he motives, ('otìllrrlltrl

cationacross istance etweenmìgrantsan d non-migrants lltorrlilr tr

stantaneousand easily accessible results in a highly fragmt'trlrtl ,rrr,l

selective low of information. The same applies o the incessatll Lrrv'rlgossip and rumours, which dominates the relationshipsbetwt't'tt r,'rrl

patriots in the immigration setting.Ironically, the family membeÍs left behind in Ecuador s('('irr (1rllF

awaÍe of the'emotional filters' developedby their relativesabt'o;t,1,itnl

tend to do the same.6Only visits back home, ultimately, may |t'.rllv 'rllow for easedcommunication betweenone another,wiüout tht':ttttlrtt,t

lent mediation of physical distance.In the accountsof migrant women who leave nfant childrt'tt lx'l '

the most painÍìrl aspectsof transnational motherhood result íi0ttt llrr

loss of topical moments SuchaSbirthdays, First Communiotts ;rrrrl *,ll

gious feasts.However'close'one ma y feel and in spite of any remittartt' t 's,ì l t l i r l

cal diStanceSeemshere to remain an objecüveconstraint - 1Ììll( r llr'rlF

so when it cannot be bridged by frequent, circular migratiol.'l'ltl vr,rv

inability to overcome distance appliesmost obviously to crititrrl rvrtrte

such as a Serious disease,or even the death, of a family r'ÌÌt'trtlrr ,t lhome. This is, for instance,how I told me about her mother's tlt',tllt, ,= '

perienced frorn aíar.

[You can participate]only with your own thoughts... as I l<tt"u'

from the experienceof my mother's death. (...) We art' rtttttr'

tomed, there [in Ecuador], o hold a wake at the dead p('tsr)ir'';

home (...).That day they did so, then they carriedher to lltt' t ttL

etery... here in Italy] we had a mass, the priest praycd Íot rttt

mother'ssoul oo. ( . . .)Bu t at thc timc oÍ ' the uncral nig, lr t i r r r '

in l ta ly] wa s alone. was call irrg r l) Ì l y d lrrrghl<'rrl l l l r r ' l i r rr ' '

Ën tlr t ,Gv",l ,,rt<',, whether children or not - are permanently exposed o a

:6rl oÍ unspoken uncertainty. This is due to the chance úat some

Èegutivc evànt takes place - here or there - wiúout the 'others'

Ëeiirg ,trt" to participãte direcúy, that is, wiúout their physical pre-

:U,r,,,.. t, is rigirt here that a transnaüonal social relationship unfolds

botlr ifs utmost import, in affective terms, and its uüÍÌost inadecluacy,

9f evt'n its impotence, in comparison with anordinary co-pÏesence

lelelionshiP.

'Wc always sleep with úe mobile on', N abruptly tells me' Yot-

.ou ,r"u.i tel1: if they call us from there, all of a sudden, when

nornethinghappens...'. Fieldnotes,Trent, z6'ro'o6)

lVhatever may happen there' we do suffer here"' we feel power-

less, as we can't help.. *y son, for instance, when he was there

[as an irregular rrngiant, before being repatriated], he once had a

bike accidãttt, and I was in despair here, I didn't know what I

could do... you feel impotent'cozyou can't stay there with y-our

tamily, with your child... no way' You suffer, that's all' All of uswith some relatives there, we suffer the same' (H, 44, mother of

e f'ormer immigrant, interviewed in Pasaie)

tft sum up, for most Ecuadorianamilies dividedby emigration, rans-

nrtion"l ti","r"

basicallya tool for copingwith the negativeeffectsof

la extended epaïation,n terms of both time and space.Sucha condi-

&n impingesËothon úeir private elationshipsand,broadlyspeaking'

*f fn" ir.r["rrd

scope or reciprocalcontrol nherent in any proximity

ilationship. Family ife at distance s a maüer of endurance, r of resi-

rt affections, along úth the social practices emanating from them (e.

remittances, gifts, ongoingcommunication)' The more these prac-

ls make sensJ and the moie effective úey are for those involved, the

lcker they disappear as a result of a family reunion. Hardly ever is fa-

ly life at distance perceiued as a value or-^resourcen its own right'. It

e'xperienced rathei as a natural, albeit difficult, way to counter the in-

rlous impact of migration in the aÍfective realm'

Family úfe at distãnce is expected to be a transient condition, fore-

êdowing a ÍetuÍn to life together, whether 'here' or 'there'. It is sim-

a cons-traint one has to live with, attempting to fill the distance gap

ãdth freqrr.rrt communication, remittances and a constant emotional in-

folu.*"ttt, which in the medium term may prove - especially in the

I r) f l l ,ArÌ1(| l t()( ( Ar, l Ì l

r ( ' l l r Ì Ì oí r t ' lul iorrsl r ipsr t . lwt ' t , r r lx)usr ,s l l ) :uu( .r ' i ' i c l i í l ì r rl l t, ,sustain.

Despi te eferr ing o a sinr i l r r scl oí r r ' l r r l ionsl ì i l )srl cl isturr t t ' ,r ' ; r r r ; r r , rt ional amily li fe has ndee d itt le n cornrnonwith thc socalk'd t l ;rrr:rr,r

FhlVrft ' t i , l ' l l l l l l ( i l l l l ì {r l l l l

Ir r l l r r , r 'orr l r ,xl Í l l r is r r r igr ' ; r l iorrLrw, nÍ ì r l r r rul ociabi l i ty t : l l t iot t

l l r ipr wi l l r to-r r i r l iorur ls,l r icl rur t ' t tol t t t r t 'ssl t r i ly ocxtcnsivc i th sol i -

dar i ly r ' l l l ionslr ips, lu yu sigrr i í ì r :ut t tol t ' i t r nrany espects. i rst ,co -jo b

t( )



t ional social practices, n th e public sphere of immigrants' 't lrr,r lfocused'l ives. now turn my attention o thesesocialpractic:r 's, lrr, rin my casestudy at least,ar e fa r less widespreador socially t.h.v,rrr lthan the former.

1o.3J Thepublicsphere evel:Themotherlandas a catalystortransnational ymbols

Another key area n studying transnational ies in the field conc(-nn rrlmigrants' attitudes and behaüours in the public sphere, beyorrd tlr,.irpersonal orientations or their family belongings. At issue lìt.r,. r',whether their sociabilitypatterns n úe receiving context, as they rrr,rrrrfest themselvesspecifically n co-ethnic community' events,havt' s,,rrr,impact on their ties with the motherland. Is there, in oúer woltl::, .rlink between immigrants' social life here and their ongoing irrvolvr,ment (if there is any) with social life in their home countryì A 11,,,,1starüng point here is the so-called socio-cultural' acet of transnatiorr,rlism. According to a well-known definition, this refers to:

transnational practices that recreate a sense of community bast,tlon cultural understandings of belonging and mutual obligatiorr.We examine the scope and determinants of participation in institutionalized sociocultural transnational activities, that is, the íormation of a community public space hat spans national bordo s.(Itzigsohn& Saucedo ooz:767)

In empirical teÍms, úe authors draw attention - in the wider ír';rrrr'.work of a US suwey on the kansnational practices of three l,;rtrrr,,groups (Portes zoo3) - to certain key indicators: participationin lrorrr,.

town associations,monetary support for projects in one's hometou,rrtravelsback home for public festivitiesand involvement in any clrrl,,,rcharity inked to one's country of origin. As I will show, he structrrrr. ,lthe migration flow I have considered(and indeed of most immigrrtr.rrto Italy) is not ripe enough for such transnational practices to have rt'1,,vant impact with respect to all these indicators. To put it differently, rlr'.approach, though possibly pertinent in üe US context (at least Íìrr r,,lected minorities of immigrants), far overestimates the potentials Ír,r ,,real public transnationalism n a recent and poorly structured mignrtr,,lflow such as the one studied here.

fletiorurls rc rcÍcrcncc:eatt rt's, as well as f'or leisure activities and friendship networks.

Serorrd, hery re a potential resource or organising informal sociabilityItrili;rtivcs in, for instance, entertainment or ethnic consumptions -

tlrel n'iníbrce common feelings of belonging and homesickness.Third,

ltr llrc context of immigration, co-nationals are an essential touchstone

fìrr orres reputation, which may give everybody he incentive to preserve

tolrc trust - or at least respect from the others. For most of the peo-ple I rnet, informal gatherings with co-nationals are a natural habit,

tonrr,what recalling their earlier life at home, that needs no justification.

lJerrcc, they have frequent involvement, within the boundaries of frag-

ruerrlcd subgroups, n common social events such as parties, dinners,ftxrilnll matchesand so on.

Irr the context I have studied, which is quite isolated from the major

Esrradorian colonies' in Italy, the scope of informal sociability is, how-

Ëver,essentially a local one. This is because t cannot rely on the infra-

ItÍucture of an ethnic economy - that is, on products or services dedi-

eãled to their own consumpüon and most\ imported from the mother-

lfnd.The small size of the Ecuadorian collectivity studied (some

4ooladividuals overall) does not permit a Íelevant circular flow of goods

trd resources rom the motherland. Even apart from the impact of their

iurrrber, one cannot help but conclude that distance, once again, (still)

Algtt( 'rs.'lir the extent úat some transnational circulation of resources does

telt' place between the host country and the motherland, it is mediated

by nctworks of co-nationals going to Pasal'e for holidays only) and then

fëtlrrning back here. This consists of no more üan a few informal and

euotionally charged exchanges of photographs, letters, cloúes or smallprËsçnts.A short fieldwork account may be helpful here.

I am at an organisational meeting of the first local Ecuadorian as-sociation. Curiously, it has been summoned right on Easter Day.A public feast, which will take place a few weeks later, should beprepared; few are, as usual, volunteering for this. Once again, Ifèel astonished by their emphasis on small details which an out-sider would find quite irrelevant: úe rules for electing the reyna,the girl who will be patroness to úe event; [...] the three-colourband she will have to wear, which should be in velvet, with anumber of ornamental frills I can't even remember.As petty as they may be, these details (as well as their emphasison the national flag) may suggest their unspoken but resilient

idc' t r t i Í ì t l l ionwi l l r cur ' l icr rul l i ls; r r r t l i lu; r ls. Ìol l r Í i r r ' l l r t ,vr , lvt ' lband and t l t t : associat iorrurrnr , r ' ,l tcy worrkl l i l<t , l r t ' rn lo l r r .brought r ight now Í ìorn Licuadr)r tJr( ' i r rolx' l l t ' i r rg hlr l sorrr t .pasajeflo, eing on holiday just now, nìay rcìturrÌ n thc rrrt.rrrr

l l l ( , t ( ' t i l . i , l Ì ls ) t ( ) l t l tot l t t t t i l i t 'sr r ' r ' t ' : 0t i t tsl r t t t t t ' ,t t t t 'usi t ' t act t 'ssk)

horrr t .kluns, l to bl r r r l< ir rg1x'nr l iorrs, ; rs pt t ts t . 'Sol iclar i ty ' is ot an

l lgtr r , r r t tal<t ' l rcrc. r l r , r rdt 'cd, s l iculdor.At most, he new associ

t iotr r i lrorrld c c<>nccrrtedit h sorneChristmas nitiative, nvolving en-



l

l

time. The only Italian guy there (apart rom me), the husburrtl 'lone of the leaders,makes an objection: well, they could just lruyall that stuÍíright here, it would be cheaper...nobody scorìÌs ()agree. It is as if there were always, n their own backgroulttl, ,rblurred (but potentially rich) intermediate social space- thut i:;,the circulation of information and objects between herc ;rrr,lthere, along with the circulation (an almost uninterrupted orr,,1

of immigrants on holiday there, and soon back here - which tlrt'ywould like to build on, in order to put together the few synrlr,,l:they will proudly eúibit on the feast day. It's a pity that, for rrow,this 'social space' is so discontinuous and not much troddt,rr(Field notes, Tient, o8.o4.o6)

From a transnationalviewpoint, immigrants' informal sociability lor,l,uambivalent. Conspicuous references o the motherland (eúibitirrli tlr'national flag, wearing the national football team T-shirt, reproclrr, ngthe flag's colours in one's clothes) coexistwith litúe interest in c'rrrrr.rrlnews from the motherland, and with even fewer contacts outsirlr,,,l

the family domain - with any social,political or economic nstitutiorr ,rlhome. Hence, úere is a common vision of the motherland xs xn lrlr;r,rof cultural consumption, rather than a signiÍìcant point of Íefererrrr, rrimmigrants' everyday ife (Boccagnizoo7, zoo8).

Even immigrants' own associations,spontaneously emerging (;rrr,lvanishing) quite frequently, build on the same pervasive feelings :rrr,lsyrnbols of patriotic aÍïìliation, though are quite localistic in their st,,;,,and orientation. Whether concernedwith leisure and sport activitit.r, ,roccasionally with advocacy and solidarity, they basically aim to srrtr,ltcommon demands or needs inherent in immigrants' everyday iÍi'. l'l r,motherland remains an evocative ackground syrnbol; he dimensiorr 'lmutuality by far prevails over the transnational one in the interests ,rrr,l

practices of úose involved. A few field notes illustrate how, once itÍÌiurla common identification with ttÌe motherland, even when pavinpi tlr,,way for a shared collective action, is hardly a channel for contacts or r.rchanges with the country of origin itself.

In a year, or so, this is at least the third attempt to found an 'ass()( ,lüon'involving the Ecuadorians n T?ent. The initiative, this timc, lr,r,,been from I, in Italy for decadesand married to an Italian. At tht' Írr,,rmeeting, while she talks of 'representing Ecuador' or of 'making s'lrdaÁty'with their country, the others stay silent. They don't lool< v,.rrpersuaded.Apparently, they would rather expect to be able to tl;rrrrr

te r ;r irrrrrcnl.nd presents or their children, here. (Field notes,Tient,

â7,o4.06]|

Tlre 'start up' of the new associationhas been made, the secondmeet-

Ilg oÍ'the 'board' has begun. As frank as usual, K summons up whattu(,Nlof them apparenúy think: 'We'd better help Íìrst those of us who

ête lrcre! And then, the rest...' (Field notes, Trent, oz.o6.o6)

Mrrch caution is needed, therefore, with respect to ltzigsohn andliarrct:do's (zoozl claim of a growing 'participation in immigrant orga-

Itlralions that promote cultural or social ties wiú the country of origin'.1'his rnay apply (in a few casesat least) to relatively struc tured migrationryrl('rns, apart from being related to signiÍìcant integration in receiving

Irx icties (Portes zoq). In my case study, this conjecture is not sup-poltt'd by the empirical evidence. In úe context of a recent, first-genera-

t|trrr migration flow, immigrants' sociability in the public sphere acts as

n clrannel for mutual support and recognition, or for a revival of theparl, but definitely not for 'the creation of an institutionalized transna-

tional public space, not dependent on local propinquity' (Itzigsohn &

Esttccdo ooz:7791.

lo.4 From ieldwork ack o theory:Emergingssues ndrelevantmplications

The more days go by, úe more it seems to me that, here and now at

least, so-called 'transnational social fields' are nothing but litúe paths,

íot always aid out well (nor much trodden). Seldom have they gÍeater

Écopehan family relationships, or contents other than exchanges of a[

fbctionsat distance...homesickness...and sometimes,whether to com-plerrrent them or to substitute for them, of remittances. (Field notes,

Paraje, ovemberzoo6)Altogether, the Ecuadorianpasajefi.osmmigrants I stayedwith qualify,

It lcast in the public realm of their everyday ives, as only 'potentially

ttensnational'. Most of úem feel emotionally bound up with their coun-

try oÍ'origin, or possibly wiú their earlier ways of living. \íet, given the

lãtge distances and high costs separating them from the motherland (in

travclling and even in communicating), they prove unable to really keep

Iu touch with it. Many of them would probably like to do so. This is

euggestedby their patterns of sociability in the public sphere, which at-

tëtÌìpt to reproduce their earlier 'social worlds', i.e. their own habits,

l ,A(, l t) l l rx r

^r, l l l

valu( ìs tì d i í i 'stylcs ( i r rarr r izo ool) . ( l ivcrr l r r .sl l r r r ' l r r r ; r l< l r r t l i l iorn', 1immigrant l i Íè, howcvcr, hc actual rarrsrur l ior t r lr r l r . r l r r ' l iorrsÍ r r r rgrantsaÍe Íare and inconsistent, nd tht' ir knowlt 'dgt' í 't :urÍr.rr l ,vt 'rrt ',

just

r l l lvAl l i , l , l l l r l l ( r) lr l lo l l l l

( i ivr , r r l r is srr r ; r l l r 'ol lc Í l l r r t rsnrr l iotur l ist t t ,t ' r tnssucl ì as' t ransnat iorur l ot ul pl l [ ìs ' c. l t 'sri l> i r rg r t t t t t igrants' r ivat ised ies at distanclt r t lrt ' rcalrnoÍ aÍI i 'ct ivc r'lati<ltts or'transnationalsocial racks'- that



in th e motherland s anecdotaland superÍìcial,being shrrrlt 't l ,rtheir prevailing disregard and disenchantmentwith political liÍi. tlrt,r,,

A somewhat difíerent picture emerges for their family livcs. lior ,rtleast as ong as family members live apart - which applies espttirrlly t,,migrant mothers and children left behind - a constant low of irríor rr,rtion, affections and even material resources inks immigÍant wor'l((,rs rltheir significant others at home. Though widespread, hese aÍíìrtiorr

basedrelationshipsat distanceare a reaction to an unwelcome s('l)lr,ltion - hoped to be a short-term one, though not necessarilyso * r;rtlr,than a deliberateattempt to keep'living in two places',building orr tlr,=potential opportunities inherent in one's double embeddednesswiilrrlseparate social systems.

Having said this, affective elationships of proximity at distancc rrr,rr.be successÍìr ln the short term and from an'instrumental 'poirrt r' lview (i.e. in earning a livelihood). They can, however, hardly endow rrrrgrants and non-migrants with úe depú of communication or thr.,,;'porfunity to negotiate and control each other's behaviours inhert'rrt rrrany co-proximity relationship (Urry zoo6). Unless such a relatiorrslrrlr

is restored n the medium term, oÍ at least replacedby frequenl ioriineys back home, proximity at distance seemsbound to be an extrcrrrr,lvvulnerable and weak condition. This holds not only for motherirrli,rtdistance, but also for elective relationships between spouses ;rn,lpafineÍs.

Overall, my ethnographic evidence questions the validity of a faslrrorrable notion such as 'transnational social field'. While some aullr,r',would have it as no less than an empirical research tool, my study su;igests t is far too vague for fieldwork use and contentious not only ;rrr itheoretical tool, but even as a simple metaphor.

Rather than transnational, most social ties maintained at distanct. lri'the people I stayed with are actually translocal, as they involve orrly ,r

specific ocal community of origin (Waldinger & Fitzgerald zoo4). 'l'lrr.label 'transnational' may instead apply, to some extent, to their wirl.rpatriotic or nostalgic orientations, in basically syrnbolic terms. Ratlrrrthan 'long-range fields', Ecuadorian immigrants' accounts reflect u rrr,lof fragmented and highly particularistic relationships, hardly t,v,,rstretching beyond the familial domain and not always predictabk.even within that domain - in úeir actual solidity and peÍsistencc. AlisigniÍìcant as'cross-border contacts'may tuÍn out to be - especiaìly rrthe aÍïective realm - they generally act, and are perceived as, a poor sulrogate for physical proximity.

ll, llrcir cvcn weaker transnational connections n the public sphere -

lrrrry x' rnore appropriatemetaphors han'transnational social ields'.

to.5 Conclusions

Applying a transnational perspective to a recent migration flow originat-

itrg Írom a distant country highlights both frequent relationships andexchangesat distance in the realm of family life and a growing embedd-edncss n the local immigration context. Proper 'transnational practices'.' involving entrepreneurship, political actiúsm, socio-cultural initia-tlvt's, philanthropy or whatever else - are instead marginal, apart from

feÌnittances. In contrast with transnational family relations, transnation-elisrn in the public sphere is much more selÊselective,contingent and

even elitist. It is only within the scope of kin ties - or, moreover, pri-

ltlary care relationships - that transnational hypoúeses are substan-tlctcd, at least for as long as family members live far apart. In any otherfeilpect, the moúerland is süIl a source of identity and belonging, but

trtuch less a source of opportunities in ordinary immigrant lives.No wonder Waldinger (zoo8) argues that a relevant transnational en-gâgcment in one's private sphere may coexist with a substantive em-lleddedness n the receiving country (whatever one's persisting national

lelí:identification may be). Still, if the diagnosis of an ambiguous coex

lgttrnce of prívate tra.nsna.tionalism nd publíc localísm (noI necessarilãnrounting to straight 'assimilation') is correct, one may wonder if it

Itlll makes sense- from a sociological úewpoint - to frame the twofoldphcnomenon under a common analytical rubric. The persistence of sig-nlíìcant social relationships at distance may, in itself, be a pooÍ reason

Íbr maintaining a common 'theoretical qualifier'. The two forms oftrcnsnational social ties are in fact quite dìÍferent in their extent, sus-

tlinability and impact.On the one hand, private transnationalism is relatively widespread,

but - from an individual viewpoint at least - likely to decline in the

iledium term, together with remittances, insofar as families come to-gether again (or if, instead, they split up forever). On the oúer hand,public transnationalism - in terms of distinctive social practices inter-

tcting with úe homeland, apart from common syrnbols or belonging -

lc much less frequent and more selective; n my own case study, it is al-

most non-existent. Whether it gains relevance, even in the medium

tsrm for first generations only, depends moÍe on key structural factors

thcn on immigrants' will. These factors include the potentialities for

l '^ t) l( | lÌ ( { (

^(, l l l(\ 2

th e developmcnt í' an 'ct l t r t ic ' (ol lol t ly ' , ;r r l i l ; r l i r rg <l l l t ' l l l t t i t torr

Sumpt ionãn d transnat ional usint 'sst 's r i t ' t l l t ' t l owl t rcls l t t ' l t tol l r I t

land; th e polit ical oïientationsprevail ing rt cotttttr i t 'sof'<lr igirr t ' l1

FhlvAtt; , ì ' l r i l l l( (, [ l t( , I t I I

Notes

' l , l r r . Ío lkrwir rg t. y i t t ,r 'u tr r r0t,vi t 'ws rclp Í i r l ly l ist l t tss ot h th e proper and the not-so-

us(,s rl í trarrsrrationalisnrn rnigraticln research:Kivisto (2ooI), Leútt and



il

whether uãtittg at distance s bound to remain a rnerelysymllolic ;rt .r

a potential chãnnel for emigrants' greater nfluence on the p.lilit;rl lil ''

back home, which reinforces their huge economic weight throttlllr rr'

mittagces; the accessibilityand costs of communication at clisl;ttrrr'

both in terms of information and communication technologiesatrtl 1'lri'

sical transportation to the motherland.

From ali theseúewpoints, the translocalcase have studied,wltir lr i',

likely to apply to the overall migration flow between Ecuador and lt;rlv

or Europe ãverall - suggestsscepticismabout over-generalisedls(.':i rl

the term .transnationaliim'. Apart from all other factors, geogtlrlrlrrr,rl

distance makes it relatively hard to keep up transnational pt':trlt| r

while creating lesser obstacles or interpersonal ties and attachnrt'rrl

The very rrãtiotr of transnationalism, ultimately, conflates thrt't' rltttli=

distinct ,moúerland references"which may be more or less rclt'v;ttrl rr

immigrant life exPerience:

r) social ties at distance with one's motherland structured by itrr

political, economic or other institutions through which tlri''

country of origin remains for the migrants a source of riglrtr"opportunities, identities or belonging;

zt sõiial ties at distance with one's family, or with a litttilt'rr

group of 'signiÍìcantothers', embedded n a regime of mttltt;rl

affections and obligations

3)emot ionalandaffect ivet ieswiúimmigrants,ear l ier . l ivr . , 'whoseoftenidealisednostalgicmemorycontÍastswithtÌrt 't .rigenciesof úe immigÍants' hard present ife; this orienlrrliotr

tãwardsthe past malpave the way for ongoing contactswillr

home but will rarely support a viable future 'dual' life proit't I

In my casestudy atleast, I found a continuum of increasingt'ttt|)ttt, tl

saliencewhen moving from public ties at distance o private otlt': 'rttrl

to ties based on meré reminiscence.Whether

the term 'transttltliott'tl'

should be applied o al l three manifestations f ties across ot't l t 't" rrr ' l

which one úould be üe focus of analysis s an issue that wartrrttl:; ,rr

more attention in future transnational migration studies'

I

t

l lr{) l)(,ri ; l i .k S.l ' i l l "r - zoo4) , Vcrkrvcc zoo4al an d Levi t tan d faworsky zoo7) '

( )rrt, ìrrthcr aspectóf transnationalismmissing in Portes'definition concerns Íans-

rrali0ilr l institutional structures and policies of sending and receiving states

( l l l r rb( ickzoo3) .'ì'1r., "r,,rr.h pio..r,

"lroresulted in a significant investment of writing down - and

tl,,ruu"tyrittg - my own field notes lsee Emerson,Fretz & Shaw zoor)' along with

rrr ig,',rnts' 'nariativessee Bertaux zoo3)' As I aimed to understand migrants'repre-

r,",,iations anduse of their transnational social ties' these meúodological options

w('r(' rnore promising than an impersonal survey oÍ even a set of formal interviews

lrrrrlcssthey were siúated in a specific ethnographic^setting)' As such' this chapter

t,.rrlains Íiequent recouÍse to my field notes às a reflexive and self-critical research

It 1.

lìrtrrn the interview wi'}-I (44, in Italy for four years), a mother wiú wvo children left

lrt,lr ind n Ecuador.

N() lcss significant and even more troublesome is the realm of interactions at dis-

tancebetweenpartnersseparatedbytheemigrationofeither:fortheEcuadoriancaserret'Pribilsky (ioo4), Banfi and Boccagni(zoro), Boccagni zoo9)'

Wlrile in n"."1., f iound systematic evidence of a greater awareness regarding the ac-

tual life conditions of immigrants in Italy than I expected' A fieldwork passage may

lr rhe lpfu lhere.I t isdr"*r r "frommyvisi twi thD,aformer immigrant 'whosechi ' l -rlrtn aie still in Italy and with whom I have often talked'

llere we are at Mrs. D's. [.'.] In the dining room'along with the usuaÌ paintings

of their ancestors hanging àn the walls, I cast an eye on a sma1l photo - right

ubove he TV set. It showi a girl, in ltaly, outside a Despar supermarket' Mrs D

has been to Itah as an irregular migÍant, and has come back' In her wake' an

indefinite number ofchildrãn, brottrers and nephews has left too. She says she

would return now, but 'only together with all my children" Only at last' while

asking her for some more phoios, do I realise that one of her children still in

Italy,ìn their twenties, is S (still undocumented):-one of those guys who seem

to ãrink, play football and lisìen to (loud) music all the time' He has not called

uphome' .for f ivemonús,,butshelooksresigned,rather thanworr ied..Heal-úys drinks a lot, doesnt het' I try to come up with a vague answer' but l-feel

,"ily i_p."rr"d by her lucid account of s,s situation - despite living far from

him for y""r.,"rrd

despite - I guess - their poor communication' No room for

migration mlths, here' 'They'ã messing around' that's all" she sighs at last'

(F ie Ìd otes,Pasaje, z. r .o6)

Chapter t

g trans ationalm grantnetworks



Ë&

.h"ft"t offãr,"

reviãw of the important theoretical concept

Operationalisithrough simultaneous atched

samplemethodologY

ValentínaMazzucato'

fl,l Introduction

is a topic of great interest in both research and policy tïtt"t;

one hand, üe increasing numbers of migrants to developed

and úe xenophobic reaãtions in many of these countries have

io ,-rf"* of st'diás focusing on migrant integration n receiving-

societies. On the other hand, governments of developing coun-

"'"ã-ã*"fopment oÍganisations have become increasingly con-

of ttt" gr"át contribuiion that migrant-t".t"iP"::: T,"k; t",h"Ï:;.;"";;l;t. Thi.

"*"r"r,".,Í"' led úe world Bank' the

íion"l Monetary Fund and other international institutions to

ission st-rdies ofthe effects of remiüances for the development of

lgranthome countries.-Ttresestudiessplit migrants' lives n two: they focus on.eith*

ïTlfru*, ao in thã receivingcountry or the eÍÏects hat migrants have

ïir. p""pf" backhome. *i"tt t, however,s more"Ti"qTd:Ï*l-

iir ãn"it maintaining linkageswiú the country of origin and creat-

new social ies,adapting dãasandvaluesand redefininga senseof, - - -^b- ^F -^^:Ã^-ra'T?enqnet innel ism'

wa Sng in the new- country of residence' 'Transnationalism' was

aJ a concept in the early r99os to bring these tworesearú are-

io b"", on orrè another. It waí áoted that migrant realities could be

erstood only by taking into consideration-the línkages.b:y":" hof"

hãst co.rrrt es and lhe simultaneíty f flows with which these in-

are created and maintained.

; ú; ;t9"t úere has been a burgeoning of.11s1atio"'1.:*

ú"ny tnáí.tical works have been written, identifying transnation-

as a nevr' and unique area of study' Empirical studies have ad-

í the úeoretical concepts to difïering degrees and are still devel

methodologies úrough which to operationalise these concepts'

the

J( )( rVAI lrN NA MAZZlrr

^

lr I

Í ì ìal ( i l l Í i rat tst t l t l iot t l t l isr r rr rur i r ; r rcr l t , l roí sl r r t ly; r1r l t l t '1l i Í ì t ,s; r r,maining rnethodologicalap . t t 'xplorcs l r r ' rorr l l i l l r r l ions í a si r r r r r l t . rneous matched sample (SMS) rnethodologyby way of.a casr, i lr lGhanaTïansNetresearchprogramme - witir'reflections on the r<ircrsl

( l i ' l r l {Ai loNAI lSlNl; I l {ANliNAl lr)NAl lv l l l , l lANI Nlr iW{rl lhl '

i r r r r r r r r t t ' r ' i r r fl r ingsstr r ' l r ts t l r , t tst r r t l / r , r , l i r lgsl sol idar í ty cross xrund

er ics Cl i í1ìr r "d994.b)ln l st ' rvt ' o Í ì r r t t t rat tsnat ionaldentí t íes.

What thcscdcÍìnit ionshavc rr coÌnmon s their emphasison the lin-

kagcs that bind people iving in difïèrent countries.A major contribu-

?1 ,



additional tnowledge an sMS methodorogycan contribute to crrr.r.rrlunderstandings of migration.

In the secondsectionofthe chapter I briefly review transnatiorrurisrrras a concept, categorise empirical studies according to úe methocr'r,gies used and identify a methodologicalgap. Sectioã hree describt,s rrdetail the sMS methodologyused by the cihana T?ansNet esearchrrr,

gramme. section four reviews some findings emerging from the SMSmethodology that can supplement knowledge about"mïgr"tion. Sect .r rfive concludes with some recommendationi fo, researc"hand dever.1,ment policy.

11.2 Transnationalism

Glick Schiller,Baschand SzantonBranc (i992) were among the first r.theorise about the concept of transnationafsm. what sets tËeir anarysisapart from previous approaches o úe study of migration is that they íircus on migration within a globalising economy

"nddr"*

into questiorrthe role of the nation-state in reguhúng úe activities that migrànts err-gage in and the identities that they cÍeate. Tiansnationalism iroblemrtises notions of space that assume that physicar, social anà politicalspacesoverlap perfectly onto one geographical area. The nation-state aÍ-fects the way migrants move a.rd-organìse themselves by .r""tirrg b.,-riers for them (via restrictive visa póhcies) or providing opportuïitie,(e.g. employrnent wiúin developed country economiesi. Ài ú" ,"_,.time, there are also flows that transcend the nation-state such as cultur-al images (Appadurai's (rgS6) eúno-space, media_space, tc.), peoplcand goods that contribute to the constitution of new t i"a, or,p".ãr.

various definitions of transnationalism have been set forth, reflectiní,

the difíerent disciplinary backgrounds of scholars it has "*".i"ãlasch, Glick schitler and szanton Blanc define transnationalism as .theprocesses"y which immigrants forge and sustain multistranded socialrelations that link together úeir societies of origin and settlement,(1994:7). Vertovec emphasises he importarr.. oipeople within net_works by focusing on the 'multiple tíes and, nteractitns hnking f"opr"or institutions across the borders of nation_states' (i999: 447y1 one",Guarnizo and Landolt delimit the concept of transnatiorrátir*-to ocÇupa_tions and qctívitíes hat require sustaineã contacts over time across na-tional borders (1999: zr8). Other authors emphasise the flow of

lion of the literature on transnationalism has been to recognise the indi

vidual migrant as a member of a larger whole that extends beyond geo-

graphical boundaries. This conceptualisation of transnationalism has

rnethodological consequences. Hanneru $998) explains that in most

lransnational cases, he most relevant unit of analysis is úe network, or

what others have called transnational communities' villages (Levitt

eoor) or circuits (Rouse 99z).Simultaneity is considered to be a second distinguishing feature of

transnational linkages (Levitt & Glick Schillet zoo4l. New technologies

(airplanes, telephones, satellite technology, faxes and computers) make

movement and communication between large distances possible with

much greater frequency, speed and regularity and in greater numbers

than even just 50 yeaÍs ago (for overview articles see Etrhníca'nd Racial

Studieszz(z\; Yertovec 2oor; Mazzucaro, Van Dijk, Horst & De Vries

zoo4l. This makes it possible for people to be simultaneously engaged

in boú their home country as well as in other countries where they

have lived or are living. Simultaneous engagement enables linkages to

tightenbetween dispersed people, new livelihood opportunities to

emerge, social institutions to change and hybrid identities to develop.

These changes have led to qualitative differences in how migrants, the

cities in which úey live and their home communities are impacted by

migration (Foner 997).Thus, simultaneity and networks are tlvo important aspects that

emerge from the theoretical transnational literature' In what follows I

investigate how these aspects have been operationalised in meúodolo-

gies used by transnational studies.The simultaneity of flows means that at least two locations must be

incorporated into one research Íìetd. This has been operationalised in

two ways. One is by situating research in one geographical location,

usually migrant-receiüng areas,l but focusing on people's discourseabout home and their feelings of belonging. Many transnational studies

follow this line of questioning (Charles 99z; @srergaard-Nielsenoor;

Poros zoor; Salih zooz; Smith 1998). Th"y are fundamental to the

point that in order to understand migrant realities, it is not suÍïìcient to

study how migrants take on cultural forms of úe countries in which

they reside, or whether they participate in local labour markets. It is

also necessary o understand how migrants relate to their countries of

origin in their imaginaries, in the cultural forms they practice, the poli-

tical identities they associate hemselves with and úe discourses they

engage in. These studies have, however, largely neglected the more

?() l l VAI 'Nl lN^ túA77ll( AlrI

l Ì ì i lkì r ial ocial l Ì ìd ( ' ( :ot lol Ì ì i (l rws ir t wlr i r ' l r l l r r rsnlr l ionlr lcl r , r r l i l i r . rrsul t ,a nd theydo not incluclc rr yorrpi r icul t 'st 'urchrr t l rc ol l r t , r 'k, t , rt ion: a migrant's home community that is conccptualiscd s [rt ' irr11rr rportant by the theoretical transnational literature. Furthermorr', trrr.r,r

Í lPl l l {At ' t( NA t SlN( I rAN:iNAl oNAI lv l l r l tAN I Nl ' w( ) l l I l l

. Arrrotrgwo-torrr r l lyr i r r rsrur l iorur ll t t t l i t 's,wo Íì r r t l t t ' r r tct l r< ld<l l t lg

dint i r rcl iorrsur r x'r r t l rk ' : t l tci r sr 'o;x' , t ' l l r t ing o the number of peopl

ttteysttrdy, ncl lrc typcoÍ crontact it h thc research opulation, e it in-

ierrsivt'or one-oÍÏ (this categorisation s presented n Table rrA.z). The



studies cannot be distinguished from any others on identity ancl r,tlrrrrcity that were undertaken before the coining of the conc(.;)t ,,1transnationalism.

A second ype of transnationalismstudy that becamemore prcv;rh.rrlin the late r99os and early zooos operationalised imultaneityby sturrr,ing both home communities and migrants'country of residence oirrtly,

giving rise to theoretical eflectionson the need for multi-sited resr,rrrrr(Hannerz 1998; Stoller1997; Marcus 1995).These wo-countryenrprrrca l studies offer something apart from preúous methods and their ;r;,proach will thus be úe focus for úe rest of this chapter.

Two categoriesof two-country studies can be distinguished: tlro:;r.with matched samples and those without. A matched sample focuses ,,rrnetworks of people linked to one another across national boundaric.s ;r:;the unit of analysis. Unmatched sample studies selectpeople who;rr,,on both sides of the migration process but may not be directly linkecl roone another. The individual is thus úe unit of analysis in unmatclrt,rlsample studies, whíle the network is the unit of analysis in matcht,rlsample studies. Unmatched sample studies are more numerous.

Since the r99os, two-country unmatched sample transnational strrdies have burgeoned. They have taken research on the linkages betwecrrcountries further by conceptualising home and host country as a singl,arena for migrants' social, economic and political action (Basch et al.1994; Feldman-Bianco 99z; Gardner rggg; Glick Schiller & Fourorr1998; Guarnizo, Portes & Haller zoo3; Hinojosa Ojeda zoo3; Mattlrt,i& Smith 1998; Marques, Santos & Araujo zoor; portes & Guarnizor99r; Ricciozooz; Rouse 1992).

Matched sample studies are fewer (Osili 1998; Saifullah l(han 1977:De la Cruz 1995; Massey 98il.Because such studiescollect nforma-tion from both sides, they best investigate questions about the inner

workings of transnational flows and link migrants' actions wiú those oÍpeople back home. These questions include: how do migrants decide t<rwhom they send remittancesl What kinds of reciprocal relations exislbetween people living in diÍíerent countries, and how do they workì'V/hat

mechanisms do migrants use to ensure úat remittances get useclas they intend, and, at the same time, are migrants' remittances beingused in the way migrants intendedl

A reüew of two-country transnational studies (seeTâble rrA.r) showsthat few studies work with matched samples and no study to date hasinvolved collecting information from both ends of the migration pro-cesssimultaneously.

nrajolity oÍ' studies is large in scope (more than twenty respondents

slrd uses methods in which respondents are interviewed only a few

linrcs (such as suÍveys or one or two in-depth interviews per Íespon-

ele rt). Such one-off methods can be used to learn the extent of certainplrt'nomena and can produce reliable data only if the population in-

volvcd is not vulnerable (e.g. migrants with working permits). In case

oí' a vulnerable population, a relationship of trust between researcheerrcl espondent is necessary and an intensive research meúodology is

uccded. Intensive methods involve repeated contacts wiú the same peo-ple. Table rrA.z shows how the studies that use intensive methods are

Itrr the most paÍt ethnographies. They do not collect cluantitative dat

srìd cannot assess he extent of úe transnational phenomena they study

(Portes oor).This chapter explores a simultaneous matched sample (SMS) metho-

dology in which a relatively large matched sample of respondents is stu-

clied simultaneously and intensively (repeatedvisits over a long period

of time). It is similar to an ethnosurvey, as described by Massey FgSZ)'

in that it uses multi-meúod data collectionand a matched sample of re-

spondents, yet it gives equal attention to, and collects data simulta-

neously from, both sides of the matched sample. The chapter reflects

on the experiences of using such a methodology from the Ghana

TransNet research programme by investigating what it can add to our

knowledge of transnational migration and by discussing some consid-erations one needs to make before employing such a methodology.

rr.3 A simultaneous atched amplemethodology

The Ghana TransNet research programme5 examines hoq migrants'

transnational networks affect the principles and institutionso on whichlocal economies are based.Through the flows of goods, money, service

and ideas between migrants and the people they know in their home

country values,knowledge, economic opportunities and means of socia

assistancechange, adapt and transform. This ultimately impacts the in-

stitutions that shape local economies both at home and abroad' The

Ghana TransNet research programme aims to understand how local

economies are being changed by focusing on institutions that are im-

pacted by migrants' transnational lives.The methodology thus takes migrants' simultaneous engagement in

tvvo or more countries directly into account (Mazzucalo zooo). The

VAI l rN l lNA MAZl l l l Ai i I

prograÍnrr ìos corrr l tost.c lÍ l l t l r . t , pro i t . t: i l r ; ts t ' r l tt l l t t ' t ' t ' t l t ; t r t t l ; r l r l

nodes of Ghanaian migrants ' l r ' ; r r rsrur l ion;r lt t ' lwot l<s: t t ts lct t l , t r t r ,

where most Ghanaiansn the Nethcrlulrls t'sir l t ' ;Acc1t, l te cal)i l i t l tl \

of Ghana,where most migrantshave ivedor passcldhrough;atttl trrt,r l

ÉlFFltAtloN^ll l l lN(, 1l lANllNAlloN^l N'l l( ; l lANl Ni' lWoll l l f ' ll l

ri,+ Resultsroma simultaneous atched amPle

ïl t ix sr.cti<lrrt.vicws ìrrcl ings rorrl th c Chana TransNet esearch ro -

gturnnr(' llrat arc particular to the SMS methodology' Reflections- re



to semi-urban villages n the Ashanti Region of Ghana, o whiclt trt,rtl

migrants trace their roots. The projects have been conducted sitttrrll,r

neously so that transactionsbetweenpeople could be studied ot l lrr'l lr

sides and in real time.Migrants'socìal netwoïks aÍe taken as the unit of analysis.Milir,rrrl':

have a multiplicity of contactswith people n their home country, t,rtl

ging from friends and family members to business partneÍs and t l rr r r

members. we were interested n investigating he different roles ol I'rrrand non-kin relationships n migrants'netlvorks, Íather than to assttttt'

thai it is only kin relationships hat are Íelevant,as is done in slttrlt,",

that take the household as the unit of analysis.Both quantitative and qualitative ÍeseaÍch methodologies w('r'(' ,rlr

plied over a tvvo-yearperiod (zoo3-zoo4) with rr5 respondenls wlr"

were followed intensively over the three research ocations.T n :t lrr'.1

phase, z9 Ghanaianmigrants in Amsterdam weÍe selectedbasecl ,rr ,r

netlvork suÍvey conducted among ro6 migrants. There exists no lr;r:'''

l ine surveyof Ghanaians n the Netherlands,and a large number oÍ trtt

gÍants are undocumented.The ro6 GhanaiansweÍe therefore st'lt't t'rl

through a variety of gateways churches, community leaders, hontt'lilwtt

associations, ultural projects and randomly encounteredmigratll:r lrrmarkets or at the workplace). The diversity of gateways helped ('il!ilil'

our coming into contact wiú a wide varietyof migrants with diÍlt'r|rrt

indiúdual and network characteristics.Once the selectionof respondentswas made, he secondphasel l tlr''

pÍogíamme could begin. The research eam joinúy developedQltt'slrrrtrnaires and question lists so that the same nformation would be:;r:i1.,',1

for in the three research ocations.First, a transaction study was tlt'vr'l

oped to record on a monthly basis all transactionsconducted in t'il i lrt

domains of daily life, which were identiÍìed from literahrre and ;rr,'lrminary fieldwork as being important in the economic ives of migr:rrrl';

and people back home. These domains are housing, business (irrt rr,l

ing farming), funerals, church, health care,education, communi( it ,, '

and community development projects. Tiansactions weïe recordt'tl ott ,t'rrlonthly basis during the period of fuly 2oo3 Io lune zoo4. Secot r r

delth-interviews were carried out on the eight domains.Third, lilr'lrrr,

tories were collected, ocusing on the changes n people's socilrl tr t

works úroughout their lifetime. Fourth, observation of, and par'l r rp,r

tion in, social eventswere employed n Amsterdam from fune 2oo-' 1.

Felrruaryzoo5 and in locations in Ghana from May zooj ïo Arr11r"t

2004.

f,ro,l., ,,, lrow the Íìndings supplementcurrent knowledge coming from

ttalrstlrtional,migration and migration and developmentstudies'

11.4,1LinkingpolicyconsequencescrossÇountrtes

flrpt.rrditure patterns reflect migrant objectives as well as policies that

tr,uy <,'r."t" oi facilitate certain expenditure categories' An-S{S metho-

dok,gy allows migrants' expenditure patterns to be studied simuÌta-t,.,,,ì*ly in the country of origin, in the country of residence and across

frgtionalborders.At úe same ime, it allows he effectsof migrants'ex-

terclitures on network members to be obsewed directly. As such, an'svt

s methodology can show the direct effects that policies in one coun-

try nru" on liveïihoods in another. The example of Amsterdam-based

(iir r naian migrants' expenditures illustrates such effects'

Chanaian migrants' in the Netherlands from our sample spent over

15pcÍ cent of th-el, total non-consumption expendituresSon remittanc::t --------úi ïn" p"rioa of fuly 2oo3 to lune zoo4. Remittances consist of money

and goods sent or carried to Ghana by migrants' Forty per cent of these

ferrrittances was spent on help for network members or oÍganisations

irr Ghana (includìng funerali, churchdonations, education, health,

eornmunity development projects and general subsistence)' and 5o per

eínt was spent on investments (on housing or business pertaining to

the migrant himself or herself) (Mazztcato et al' zoo6)' Almost 5 per

.uut *ã, spent on identity documents for travel to, and stay in' the

Netherlands, and the remaining 5 per cent on miscellaneous expendi-

Irrres Mazzucato oo5).At the same time, aimost 6o per cent of non-consumption expendi-

tures was spent in the Netherlands. Non-remittance expenditure pat-

tcrns show in what ways migrants participate in üe Dutch economy as

wcll as the consecluencesDutch migration policy has on migrants' abil-

Ity to send money back home and contribute to development'

úscussions of whether migrants support the neighbourhoods and ci-

ties in which úey live focus on whether migrants start their own busi-nesses or buy their own homes. Like any inhabitants, however, mi-

grants can support úe neighbourhood, city or country where they live

ìr, *"rry difíerãnt ways. Table rr.r presents the major non-remittance

expenditr_r.retems and their geographic destination based on the trans-

aciion study conducted with 3o Ghanaian migrants''g9r"a one-yeaÍ

period.

VAI iN' l NA N4AZZtl(At( l

Tabfe rr.r ceographic destinationof largest on-remittance xpenditure r.rrn ,lAmsterdam-based hanaianmigrants

-The Netherlands lnternational

gFËHAll()N^l ls lN(; l ' i {AN5NAIl( 'N^l Ml(; l lANt Nli l 'w(} l lKl i

Froccdtrr t ' .tt zool arrcl oo4, st t t l l ;x 'opl t ' l targcdaro-und . z'ooo'

6n",l i*,, years, hi ' irnnrigratiorr olicc raiscd he fees or stayingan d

lrru,on*ni residency p.r-it, eightfold and fourfold, respectively (Table

it,r1. For some migrãnts, this iost is equivalent to their monthly in-



Neighbourhood Amsterdam

o Schoolparty

o Church/associat iondonations

. Foodshopping

r Liquor (íorcelebrations f r itesoí passage)

o Services child-care,te lephone al lcenÌres,moneytransfers, ravelagencies)

o House purchase(realestateagencies)

o Rent housingcorporations)

. Ca r purchase(second-handstores)

o Housingan dhousehold efusetaxes

. Personnelor ownbusiness

o Dutch wax cloth(Vlisco)'

o Business ndincome taxes

o Health care axes

c Lawyers

. Foreignpolice

c 'Conneclionmen'b

o Dutch embassy nÇhana

o International horr rca l ls

o Electron icappl ia ce s

o Air l ine ickets

o Shipments ia sc ufreight

c 'ConnecÍionmen't'

Source:Transaction study 2003-2004; able from Mazzucato (200g)Nofa: Entries n italics ndicatenon-productivenvestments." This is a type of high-quality.crothsed o make crothing,producedby a Dutch

companyan d much valued n manyAfr rcan ountr ies.b Refers o personswho facir itate btaining raveror residency apers n exchange orpaymenr.

zoo4). Fees^ harged by the Dutch embassy for legalisation of docu-ments and tor yisas can also ead to substantialspending. Legalisationrlone cost€ ph, ín zoo2 and. irre o hiohlv <rrinopnrn n.o,t,,-^- ^ ^^-

Non-remittance spending shows that Ghanaian migrants contribute tobusinesses and services that are offered at the neigúbourhood, city, na-tional and international levels. Not all spending-, however, leaás togronú in úe formal economy. Much money gets ãbsorbed nto the for-mal and informal economies of identity papers (see talicised items inTable rr.r). As mentioned, identity p"p"ri ábsorbed 5 per cent of totalÍemittances sent, but they also take up financial-rãro.rr.., in the

Netherlands. Substantial amounts of monìy are spent on lawyers' fees.some lawyers are of very low quarity, not having speciarised'in rnigra-tion law, and can cause delays and, ultimatery, úe-denial of a visa re-quest due to improper handling of the application procedure (personarcommunication, head of visa office, Dutch consulate, nccra, zÀ March

ments and foralone cost € ph' in zooz and, due to highry stringent proã"drr""s,

"p.r-

:on Tay fave,,,hado pay the fee several imes b;for; succeeding. hefactúat úe embassy erifies he detailed nformation t requiresãr

-i-rants leads the migrants to hire people to oversee he verification

Ëonics. One of the most substantial costs for undocumented migrants

la obtaining papers in the informal economy' ln zoo3 and zoo4' the

going rate-rui

su.h transactionswas between € ro'ooo and € r5'ooo'

ã1t. ãtir", signiÍìcant cost incurred is for using other people's papers in

order to *oiL. Th" unwritten rule is that úe papeÍs' of /ner keeps 3o

Dercentof thenetsalaryearnedbyúeundocumentedmigrant 'This

ã., "_á"", to almost €'4,5oo per year for the blue-collar iobs typicallyheld by undocumented migtanti' Another cost is the forgone income of

ü.n."p"yi"g jobs that are inaccessible to those without a working per-

r"ir fi"JUyíere is the cost of úe ill health likely to result frorn work-

ing itt i"At-al economy iobs. These- obs are usually physically stress-

fuí- fo, example, cleaning jobs, in which people lnha-lestrong cleaning

solvents all dáy o, ,"p""i ih" t"-" movement for large parts of the

day - and lead to ailments.th.r"

""p"tditure patterns on both sides of the migration process

- remittances to Girana and investments and spending in the

Netherlands - reflect úe double engagement of migrants in their home

countryand in the country where they reside' At the same time' some

.*p"nál*t.t reflect the hardening of Dutú migration policies that cre-

atË boú a formal economy (lawyers, embassies, immigration police)

and an informal economy ('connection men',e marriage parrners' use

of oúers' documents) of identity papers' Were these resouÍces not ta-

ken up by obtaining identity documents (visas, passports' work per-

*io;, *" â"dtr." froin migrants' current spending patters that these re-

,orrf", would be spent in ways.lhat contribute to the Dutch ecolÌomy

\_

Tab|elr .zCost( in€)of formalandinformaleconomyof ident i typapers,Netherlands001, 003

2oO1 2oO3

560

227

Residenceermit

Renewal f residencePermitResidence ermit or unl imited im e

Legalisation f birth certificate

'Help ' wi th legal isat ion rocedure

Marriagepartner

Us e of other Person'swork Permlt'Typìcal'mmigration lawYeree

Prisonstay or two months

43028 58901222,00010,000 I s,000307o í salary arne1,0004,000

Souce'. able from Mazzucato (2005)

' , , |4 V^l I N NA M^771r :\ r ,

at thc ncighbottr l r<xrd,i ty or rur l i r l r ralt ,vt . ls,o t Ì ì l t l l inal iol Ì i r l or ; r , ,1,1t ionsand o the ocaleconomies í 'ciLies nd vi l lagcsn Clhanl .

Ou r analysis inks migrant spending n the receivingcouutr.ywrtlrspending n the home country and highlights how migration polir lr; rl

f lpFlt^t ' toNAI l l i l N( i l rAN:;NA oNAI N4irl i^N I l '11'Wl t l l l i i ,

pol i r t , s gr t , ; r l t . r .l rurr l r l r l 0l l l r | wl t0lc ol l l r t ' tJNl l (11ì Vtr t :nl<arr

ã"rr t l . ,y ir - hrorr Í ì r , , rool) ) , t0 l l rc rr t iglurr l i .c. r t :duccd_esources,ll

healt lr ln d an unsatisí ' lctoryií i ') lrrd tt l thc migrant's home country

Fr ,r tot Ì ìyi .c. 'orgoncemit tances).



a receiving country can have development consequences or st'rr,r,,,11countries.An SMS methodologyalso brings these effects o light or r tlrrindividual level. |oy, a Ghanaian nurse living in úe Netherlands, w,r,,never able to have her nursing diploma validated n the Netht'r ;rrr,l,and worked in the lowest ranks of elderly care for nine years. Joy r,r,lgrown increasingly dissatisfied with the repercussions for herr sr.ll

esteem and, during our fieldwork, her patience reached a limit. Slr,decided o move to úe United Kingdom, where she had a better clì;rrrr.of getting her diploma recognised. This move had Íìnancial corr,,quences,as she needed o pay for her trip and housing in the Ul(, ;rrr,lwould not have income for the time it would take her to obtain a rrrrrsing job. Her husband in the Netherlandshad to use all his savings r,,support her and took on an additional night job. The consequenccs ,lthis additional spending for foy's immediate household and her rrt'lwork in Ghana were documented in the transaction study. foy and lr,.rhusband were supporting a nephew through school in Ghana and, as ,rconsequenceof foy's move, were unable to pay úe school fees for tlr,.remainder

of the academic year. By the end of our fieldwork, no on(' irlGhana had been able to compensate the lost money and the child w;r:rtaken out of the school.

Observing úis eÍlect was made possible by collecting transaction dut;rsimultaneously in different locations. foy and her husband had rrormentioned their inability to pay school fees for the nephew; perhaps h,cause they had not úought to do so, or because they were ashamcrl.Questioning respondents n Ghana long after úe boy had been tak<'rrout of school may not have turned up this information as the link bctween the remittances and the boy's schooling may have been forgotte rror was not clear in people's minds. This effect might not have emergctrhad the research relied solely on informants on one side - instead oÍ

both sides - of the migraüon process simultaneously.Having transnational lives means that factors affecting migrants' rt'-

souÍces will have repercussions in more than just one counüy.Economic studies of úe benefits and costs of migration for receivingcountries t1pically focus on migrants' participation in üe labour markeland their use of social services such as education, health and pensiorrs(Roodenburg zoo3). The analysespresented here show úat a more ac-curate estimation/of the costs and benefits of migration involves widen-ing úe scopeof /nese studies. A broader view as such would include es-timated costsd excluding migrants from participating in an economyto úe state of the receiving country (the budget of the Dutch migration

It,4.t Two-waYlows

Sltrclieson migration and development often focus on one-way flows

ar1 what migãnts do for úe home country. There are also flows that

go irr the oth-erdirection, from home country to receiúng country but

iir,.*" flo*, have usually been ignored. A recent overview of interna-li()rral migration and economic development shows one exception

(l,ur:aszoã5): studies of brain drain analysing flows from developing

ç.rrntries tá migrant-receiving countÍies (Mensah, Mackintosh & Henry

ioo5;. Transrrailonal studies á3o t"nd to focus on what migrants do for

tlrcii home countries, for example, through hometown associations and

í'estivalsn which contributioni are colÌected or community develop-

Íncìnt projects or through entrepreneurial activities (Guarnizo et al'

2oo3; ievitt zoor). Sorne transnational studies mention services that

p"upi" at home provide to migrants abroad, such as cal-ing or children'

nranaging housing constructún (Levitt zoor) or sending local goods

(WiltsïiÍã rggz),-butno detailed analysis of these flows has been

conducted.In what follows, I present a study of how insurance agreements be-

tween migrants and iheir network members back home bind üe coun-

try of resiãence wiú the home country. One of the possible uses of re-

Ínittances is for insurance. The new economics of migration (NEM) the-

ory aÍgues that migration is a household-level strategy for dealing with

risk lS"tark& Levhãri r98z; Lucas & Stark 1985; Stark & Bloom 1985;

Taylor 1999). Remittarrces are explained as úe outcome of selflenfor-

.i"g .oíúí.t"al arrangements between-migrants and úeir families in

whi"chboth parties expèct o be better off. The fa'''ily helps the migrant

to move to where he ãr she expects o have better ìncome opportunities.

The migrant then sends remittances either as delayed payment for theinitial investment the famrly made in the migration oÍ as insurance to

the family in times of need (Stark & Lucas 1988)' Wh* T"\9the mi-

grant abiâe with the contract are altruistic feelings towards his or her

i"mtly andlor the desire to be eligible for the family inheritance, usually

land or cattle (De a Brière zooz\.

No study to date has explored the possibility that migrants and home

country dwellers may be involved in a mutual insurance contract in

which a migrant may provide for the family because she is in need of

theirhelp.usingSMSmethodology,weinvest igatedthispossibi l i ty.Migration histoiies of our respondents revealed úat migration

t rai t :ckrr icsí ( i l r l r r l r i l r r tÌ ì igurnls rr l r r ,Nt ' l l r r , r ' lurrclsurvt , l t r t ' t ,pl r ,1;r , , :f i rst , the preparat ion hasc rr cl rarra clr r r i r rg rr icrr r rc, , r , , , , , ,y, , , , ,1documentsnecessaryor th e trip ar e obtaincd;secorrcl,hc irrst;r l l ;rrr,,rrphase in the Netherlandsduring which migrants regurarisetht'ir r;r.rrby obtaining the necessary ocuments;and third, the iettled phrsr.

t t i l r tgt . r r towl t t t ls t t igr l t t t ls.)ol t ' t t l i l t lt t i l ; , r ' l r l t lsr r ; rytrvt 'ac:clui r t ldníor-

ÊlAl ional lotr t l r t ' ( ' i ts( 'oÍ l l l l ; r i r r i r lgloct t t t t t ' t t tsn thc Nether landshat

lvãr r Ìo ongcrval ic. lÍ Ìer l rci rarr ival n thc Nether lands.

lrrsuranceeventscan impose a large Íìnancial cost on migrants. Our

data show that although migrants use their own Íìnancial resources oI



they succeededn obtaining their documents and are able tã t.rvt,l r itensivelyback and forth to Ghana. During the r98os and first lr;rlÍ ,,1the r99os, úe secondphase of undocumented stay n the Neth.r'l;rr,r,,typically lasted from two to five years. Subsequentry, ith increasirrlllrstringent visa policies in the Netherlands and the rest of Euroot,. rlrr,,phase has become longer. Some respondents n our sample hacl lrt.,.rrwaiting ten yeaÍs.

while a migrant is in the process of obtaining needed docurrrt.rr,.,the probability of unforeseen events having a large income shot K r,,high. An insurance event must involve a degree of unpredictability; rlone could know exactly f and when the event were to occur, one c..rrlrlplan aheadand not rely on mutual insurance.An insurance event rÌÌlrrilalso involve costs that migrants are unable to pay on their own. lllrh.rr.3 shows the kinds of shocks that migrants experience during the s.tond stageof the migration process.

Different aspects of the unpredictability of the events outlineo rrrTâble rr.3 createa need for insurance. First, one does not have the tr.r

tainty that the events will occur. For example, some people without srrrying permits are lucky to never be caught by police. Second,migrati.rrpolicy in the Netherlands and Europe has changed quite dramãticallyand frequently over the past fifteen years, becoming increasingly

Tableni lnsuranceventsor migrantsn the Netherlandsuringphasel

Insuronceevent Service Unpredìctabilìty lJrgency' Fromwhom

Gettinga residencepermit egal lyCetting a resÍdencepermit

n th e blackmarketMarr iage ea lgonewrong

Gett ingpu Ì inpr ison

Paperworkn Chana

Findinga candidate

CandidatepaperworkArbitration

Cettingout ofpr ison

Family nd f r iendsin ChanaFamily nd f r iends

in Ghanaand TheNether landsFamily nd r íendsin Ghanaan d heNether landsFamily nd r iendsin Chanaand heNether lands

+++

+++

Source:Adapted rom Mazzucato í2009)"urgency s used as a proxy or inanciaícost as the help that is needed rom the migrant susual ly serv ice, uc has obtaining orrect ocumentat ion, rbi t rat ion r obtaining . . r r . t "iníormation. Theseservicesar.e ot alwaysquantif iablen terms of f inancialcosts.-

borr,rw from their migrant netwoÍks in the country of residence, they

ãlro need the services of family and friends in Ghana. In what follows I

dencribe he nature ofthese services or eachkind ofinsurance event.

Rgspondentswithout papers first try the cheapest Íoute of obtaining

pap..r via oÍÍìcial channels. This entails a lot of work in Ghana, collect-

ing the necessarydocumentation and informing all those who might be

lnit,rviewed by the embassy contÍolleÍs what answers to give. This sys-tem is necessary as the Dutch embassy employs strict documentation

VeriÍìcation that is virrually impossible for Ghanaians older than z5 to

ÉatisÍybecause he consistent documentation needed to satisfy embassy

$cìuirements did not exist 25 yeaÍs ago. This means migrants need to

have documents made, school Íecords changed, hospital birth records

forged and extended family members informed about úe 'official' an-

Fwers o controllers who come to villages to verify all information given

on the application form. One friend or trusted family member in

Ghana will be charged with collecting forms at úe embassy, which en-

teils many hours of waiting in lines at the different agencies, ravelling

tnd coordinating efforts to ensuÍe information will be consistent on allfecords. These services Íequire a substantial input from family or

friends in Ghana, which can be documented with the SMS

methodologY.To obtain documents on úe black market, in most casesmigrants

need to find a 'marriage partner'with legal documents. Here again, mi-

grants make use of friends or family in the Netherlands or in Ghana to

put them in contact with a trustworthy candidate. Migrants are in exlre-

mely vulnerable positions vis-à-vis úeir prospective partners becaus

costs must be made up front. Many are the occasions in which a mi

grant loses his or her money on a deal gone wïong. Thus, finding

trustworthy candidateis essential.

In the caseof a rnarciagedeal gone wïong, a migrant must try to ob

tain reimbursement by asking his or her own network members in

Ghana to pressuÍe úe candidate - in tum, through his or her own so

cial network - to repay the costs. In one case n our study, úe marriage

candidateof a migrant who had paid € z,ooo for the arrangement dis

appeared.The migrant was able to Íecuperate the money after his par

ents in Ghana went to speak with the parents of the partner.

In the event of having been caught and put in prison, again the mi-

grant may rely on friends and family in Ghana. One respondent who

i", i-prironed in the Netherlands asked/is family in Ghana to help

VAI I Nl INA M^./. / l rr . \ l r l

by goir rg Ì) a l ) r ' ly( ' r ' ì l Ì ì l ) wi t l ì l )aslorswlr , w<,r t , x, l i t 'v. r r , n,r ' r :powers o resolvcdclcurncnt r:oblcrrrs.lhcr rcsp<lndr.ntslro w(,r{, .\periencingproblems n obtaining heir residence ermits alsoaslir,t l .rmily in Ghana to attend prayer camps (seeVan Dijk 1997). l'lris rl

ÉPli l lA t )NAl ! l i lN( l , lAN:;NA ilNAl Nl!r l lAN I Nl i wl r l l l i r i

fegerrrcl r t . lr r At t r ; r lo; rsl< r r tot t . r l t ' l r r i l t ' t ll t tcsl iot ts r td t>[ t tain nor€otrr l l lct t ' iní ì r r r r r l t iorrl rorr l lusi r tcss r : t ivi t ic s. nother elevant xample r<'sultcd iom an intcrvicw with a migrant who had a tense relation-

rhip with one of her network members in Ghana. By asking both her

Jt()



volvescosts or the family back home, such as funds for tiavel arrd rrr,rl,ing donations at the prayer camp, as well as time, since a pray('f (;rrtllusually involves an extendedstay of one or two weeks foi prayr.,, ,,,,1fasting.

These nsurance servicesare difficult for a researcherbased n ir rrrrgranl's home country to notice as they blend in with everyday l:r:r1,,,

Furthermore, some diÍficulties migrants experience, uch as impr.is.rrment, aÍe shameful, and the family back home may nor wânt t. tr.llpeople about them. An sMS methodology can help make such servr( .:,more visible. when an unexpected insurance event occurs to the rrugrant, the researcher in the migrant-receiving country can alert th. r.searchers n the home country to observe attentively and ask how rr,,lwork members deal with the crisis.

There are many additional services hat migrants receive rom pe.PL.at home, such as help with housing construction,business nvestmt'rrr,and child-care in their home country. These services have been rl,.scribed by transnational studies (De la cruz ryg5; Matthei & Snrirlr1998; Marques, Santos& Araujo zoor). An SMS

methodologycan hr,l;rresearchers go beyond the description of reciprocal relations and to r,xplain how these relations work by observing boú sidesof úe reciproc;rlrelation simultaneously. Moreover, by following peopreover an extãndt.rlperiod of time, it is possible to quantify úese services, or examprt,,through a time-budgeting study that collects data on how much time i:rspent on these services.

tt.4.j Triangulation,racking hangeand gettingbeyondmigrationdiscoursesnd alse dichotomies

So far, this chapter has focused on what type of information can b.

found by using an SMS methodology. This section focuseson úe qual-ity of data obtained, centring on úree characteristics: triangulatìon,tracking change and getting beyond migration discourses n bãth practice and academia.collecting similar data in different localities .otì"--poraneously can enhance the quality ofdata because esearcherscan tri-angulate information with each other about their research locations.This enablesresearchers o complete and correct information by askinsfor more relevant or detailed responses and topics that they woulãotherwise not consider. For example, a respondent in Accra had notmentioned owning a business, but úe fact came to light in Amsterdamwhen a migrant mentioned helping her to start one. This alerted the

êrrcl he network member in Ghana about this relationship, it was possi-

blc to obtain both versions of the story add detail and gain insight into

thr, relationship and how it became strained over time.Interviewing people repeatedly on a monthly basis over a one-yea

period made it possible Io observe hanging attitudes or social relation-rhips. In the course of our study, a mother in Ghana and a daughter in

Amsterdam became closer after a period of estrangement. We were ableto ask about the reasons for the estrangement and also to observe howthe relationship evolved. Quantitative data showed how the closenesbetween mother and daughter resulted in a series of two-way flows be-tween Ghana and úe Netherlands that had not existed previously.

In another case we witnessed a respondent's growing religiosity.While at the beginning of the research the respondent was cluite criticalof Ghanaian pastors operating in Amsterdam, she later began to fre-quent one of the Pentecostal churches in her neighbourhood. We wereable to trace the events leading to her increasing religiosity and the effects on her exchanges with people in Ghana. 'We were able to docu-

mentfactors that lead to strong membership in Ghanaian Pentecosta

churches in the Netherlands and úe flows úey generate. Although notunique to the SMS meúodology, another benefit is that it is possible totrack changes by following those respondents who move from one re-search ocation to another (Smith 1998; Sorensen1998).

One year ofdata collection cannot captuÍe all changes, but it does en-able researchers o observehe evolution of some attitudes and social re-lationships, rather than rely only on interviews. The latter are subject tothe pitfalls of human recollection and reflect discourses about the waypeople want to remember the past rather than the actual eventsthemselves.

Collecting information from more than one site and following what

people do over an extended period of time also facilitates getting beyonddominant discourses. Various discourses exist around migration amongboth migrants and academics.An examp le is migrants' compl aining oftheir family's constant requests for help. Often, researchers who basúeir findings on one-off interviews with migrants report this discourseas a finding, and thus propagateüe image of the migrant as a helplessvictim of extended family systems prevalent in developing countries.Observing what migrants do - i.e. their practices - revealed in ourstudy the various strategies migrants employ in order to continue sup-porting people back home while, at the same time, giving space o theirown personal objectives (Mazzrrcato, Kabki & Smith zoo6). In reality,

V^l lrN' l ' lN^ MA77lir^ lr l

r r l i [ i r i l l l ts l i tvt ' t tot t ' root l í i r t t tutr ror , r rvl ing,t, r 'orr r ' l t r t l t ' r l ,l r ; r r r l r i=rportray.Furtherrnorc, c obscrvcd ow sornt ' r r igrar ì ls o l ìol r . ( , (nvtsso many requests, nd others that d<l sornetirnes xplicit lydt.rry lrr ',rr.requests.Finally, as stressed n section 4.2, migrants also dt'Pr,rrrl ,rr

eFli l {A l ' l ( NAl : i l N( l ' l {ANl. iNA i lNAI t\ ' l t l l^N I Nl1 'W r l l l ( Í

íétwor l< l t ' l txul t 'd. ' l ' l r lst ' r tor l t 's t t ; ry l t 'k l t l t l t 'd xr t l rwi t l r i r r l tc sarnc

Coul l l ry ncl /or r t 'yr l r rclounl ly lxrr r l t ' rs. ' l ' l rc hanaTransNet esearchprogri.uÌlrn(' lrrdics, i lr t 'xarrrplc, rot only the linkages Amsterdam-

burrt'd nigrants have with people in their hometowns or in Accra, but



their relations in the home country particularly in certain phrrsr.r;rltheir migration trajectory.This can partially explain why they c.rrrrrrrt.to send remittancesdespite he fact that they say hey feel opprcsst,rl1,1requests.This conclusion could be reached only by observing urrl ,,,1lecting quantitative data from the diÍïerent sides of the migrãti,rr 1,r,,cess.Migrants' relianceon home did not emerge n interviews wirlr rrrr

grants hemselvesbecausemigrants often view this reliancewith slr;lrr,,as it is associatedwith a 'failed' migration story.Another dominant discourse s that migrants show off their rr,rrrl

earned ncome in their country of origin, leading to the misconc(,I)rrí|rlúat 'money grows on trees' overseas.This misconceptio,

"rao,r,.,,11,,,n youth a desire to migrate and compels extended family membt'rr; r,make constant requests for money and goods. Having researchc'r:;rrdifíerent locations allowed us to observe migrants' behaviour drrrrrrlqtheir home úsits and ask migrants what they tell their network rrr,.rrrbers in Ghana about life overseas.we could cross-checkhis inÍb'rrr,rtion by asking the network members in Ghana what they knew oÍ lrr,'overseas.This inquiry led to úe finding that people in Ghana, t,s;,,.cially in cities, had a very realistic picture of life in developed couÍìrr(.,iand were aware úat their compatriots were often working and livinli rrrdiflìcult conditions. we found that migrants usually did not make t,x1,rrcit to their network members their own personal circumstances, rrrlthey explained how living conditions were difïìcult, in generar, ;rrr,lsometimes gave details about people they knew. That some of ,,rrryoung respondents who were able to secuÍe a decent job in urrr;rrrGhana did not expressany desire to migrate showed that, while rlu,'money growing on trees' discourse may have reflected reality at the rx.ginning of Ghanaian emigration overseas n the r98os, it is now .rrldated. Many migrants have since returned temporarily or permanerrrly

with realistic stories about their experiences oÍ, woÍse, with littlc r,,show from their stay abroad. The exaggerateddiscourse may, howevt.r,still be relevant in rural or other areas (IGbki, Mazzucato & Appi;rlrzoo4) where úere is little overseasemigration (De Lange zoq).

Finally, an SMS methodology is usefirl for researching migratr,,rracross the academic diüde between international and internal migr;rtion. As Skeldon (1997) argues, often the two are related - migrart:;first migrating internally and then overseas - and involve similár dynamics and ties with úe home area.An sMS methodologydoesnot crt.part from national boundaries as defining the relevant research fit'Llbut, rather, works from úe network and where the nodes of rrr,,

alrro lhe linÌ<ages internal migrants have within Ghana between the

hutttctowns and Accra. In the latter case, we were able to document the

lnterrnediary function of Accra-basednetwork members who disbursed

lenrittances to members located in hometowns and to show that Accra-

ba$cd network members were often used to check on how recipients

ìvere using remittances. These dynamics demonstrate úat internal mi-

grution and international migration aÍe parts of one pÍocess, fulÍìllingeliíïbrent functions in a transnational network.

l ì ,5 Conclusions

T[vo general implications result from this review of SMS methodology

snd its contributions to our knowledge about the migration and devel-

opment nexus. First, more studies using SMS methodology are needed.

SMS meúodology allows the operationalisation of two concepts that

make transnationalism a unique area of study the embeddedness of

migrants in networks hat span sending and receiving areas,both within

ând across national boundaries, and the simultaneity of flows betweenthese areas.Two-country transnational studies are multi-sited and focus

on both migrants' communities at home as well as their place of resi-

dence. To our knowledge, however, data have never been collected si-

multaneously, and rarely across a matched sample of network mem-

bers. One way to do this is through an SMS methodology. This chapterhas reviewed the main added advantagesof using such an SMS meúo-

dology. First, such a methodology allows migration policies in a receiv-ing country to be directly linked to effects at the local level in develop-ing countries. Second, t highlights úe principle that flows engenderedby migration are tvvo-way they involve not only remittances from mi-

grant recipient countries to their home countries, but also flows, espe-cially of services, from developing to developed countries. Both flowsshould be taken into account when studying úe beneÍìts and costs ofmigration for developing countries. Third, an SMS meúodology allowsthe triangulation of results, provides supplemental information withwhich to improve the reliability of data and allows researchers o go be-yond dominant migration discourses. Finally, an SMS methodologytranscends the dichotomy of internal versus international migration

and demonstrates how the two forms of migration are linked through

transnational networks. Our findings regarding the simultaneity of migrant networks have implications for úe conceptualisation of migrants

VAI rN' l ' lNA N4AZZI { Â r I

ir r xl t l r ncudt 'r r r icr r t l xr l i ty i r t l t ,s. Mipl l r iorr s rrsrr ; r l lyt ' t , r r ' i t l r t ' r r, ,an issueof-devcloprncrrt tudir:dby clcvt'lopirrg-lrt 'apcr:iLrl istsr,.1.i.k,velopmenteconomics, eveÌopment tudies),or as an issuc oí irrtr.; ir,rtion and socialexclusionshrdied by scholarsof diÍïèrent disciplirrt., r,,

ÕPll l(Atl( ,NAl l t i lN(; l l ìANliNAllr ìNAl Nll t i l lÂNI Nl i IWoll l ( f i

l ía1l i r r r í i t rstnl ( lnt( ' r r r t l r r r r rurr rl rpi l l r l o ul l t ' l t t ' l t t igr l t t r I r tvt :st t r t t :

or Í ì ls lct i r rg l t t . t t t ' l t l iot t ol t r t ' t l i l t t t t iot ts tt r r t igrant-scndingreas o

providt'nrult i ;r l t 'st 'rvict 's ìrt ' tr iglarrl-suc h as money transferservice

ar wcll as arranging hcalth and Íuneral insurance for migrants' family



l

cusing on the developedworld where migrants usually ive (Íoi ir rr.vr(.\\.see Portes& Dewind zoo4). Policies ollow a similar separation.wlrrlr.developmentoften falls under the mandate of the Ministry oÍ'lrorr.rlirrAffairs, integration is an issue dealt with by ministries concernt'dwrrlrthe national territory such as the Ministry of the Interior, the Mirrnrrrof Educationand the Ministry of fustice.This dichotomy obfuscatr,s rr,.

relationship between migration policies in developedcountries wrr.rr,migrants live and developmentprocesses n migrants' countries .Í'rrgin. The bifocal ens used n transnationalstudies and specifically,'r

SMS methodology - is usefi-rl or highlighting the linkages that exist lr'tween migration policies in developedcountries and the lives of pr,rpr.in the developingworld. Migratìon researchers hould be familiar w'rrrrthe economy and society of the countries from which migrants t,rrrrgrate as well as with the policy and economic circumstancesmigr.rrrrr',face in receiving countries. Working in interdisciplinary teams, rr,searcherscan combine úe knowledge of developing-areaspeciulir;rr,with that of urban anthropologists,sociologists,egal expertsand ec.rr,,mists specialising in developedcountries (Stoller 1997; Hannerz t9<fi1For policirnakers, the transnational lives of migrants linking devel.P.,and developing countries mean that receiúng-country governments ;rlfect development in migrants' home countries through their migrari.rras well as their development policies. Migration policies should Íìx r*;on reducing - if not eliminating - the unintended consequences llrt.yhave produced, such as the formal and informal economiesof iderrritvpapers. Our SMS methodology has shown that migration is related todevelopment, not only through flows (i.e. remittances) from the rect,iving country to úe home country, but also through reverse flows of st.rvices that home country residents must conduct for migrants in orclt,rto bring security to migrants'vulnerable lives in the receiving country

This has the consequenceof absorbing productive resources of netw.r'I.members back home, which, in the absenceof migration, could havr,been employed elsewhere.Designing policies that recognisemigranls'double engagement in their home country and in úe receiving-counllyeconomies can help avoid the unintended negative consequencesof nrigration policies. Such policies should aim at creating space or migrant:;to invest in their home country while facilitating their more active parrcipation and offering them secure living in the receiving-countryeconomy.

At the same time, development policies should aim at making nrigrant remittances as productive as possible. This means investing rrr

ül('rÍìbers,similar to what has been done in some rural communities in(lcrrtral America (Orozco zoqb). Credit unions have mandates in

wltich they must reinvest their profits in úe community, úus leading

to greater multiplier effects from migrant remittances than are cur-

rently being realised in countries such as Ghana, where most profits

from remittances accumulate with large multinationals such as Western

Union with no obligation to reinvest in migrant-sending areas.This mixrure of migration and development policies needs to be coor-

dinated and implemented simultaneously in order to avoid possibly

counterproductive eííects of one policy on another. This can only be

achieved through closer collaboration - than is currently the case in

most developed countries - between ministries that deal with migrant

integration and the ministry that deals with development cooperation.

Appendix fibb rra.z Two-counlryrunsnationuludies y scopc nd tYPe f respondenconNact

Respondents ': zo Respondents > zoper countryercounrry

ontactwith Levitt (2001 Costant inides1977)2



Tabfe rA,r Two-countryransnational tudies y simultaneity 4d matched sunrlút

Sample Simultaneous Step-wise

Matched

Partlymatched

Unmatched

De la Cruz ì995)osi l i (19e8)Massey ì 987)SaifullahKhan (1977)Basch t al . (1994)Constant inidesI977)Coldr ing ì 998)Klaver ì 997)Landolt (2001)Levitt (2001Sorensen ì998)!íiltshire (ì 992)Feldman-Biancoì 992)

Cardner ì 999)Cl ickSchi l ler Fouron ì998)Cuarnizo et al. (2003)Hinojosa Ojeda (2003)Mat thei& Smith (1998)Marques t al. (2001)Portes& Cuarnizo ì99ì)Riccio 2002)Rouse ì992)Watson (1977)

Source:Author's iterature evrew

lãtansivefìËtpondents

9ne-off contactwith

Éatpondents

rMatthei& Smith (1998) '?

Saiíul lah ha n 1977)

Sorensen ì998)2

De a Cruz ( ì995)

Klaver ì 997)r

Rouse ì 992)2!íatson (ì977)2

Massey 1987)Baschet al. (l 99a)

Feldman-Bianco1 92)2

Cardner 1 99)

GlickSchi l ler Fouron ì 998)2

Coldr ing 1998)2Guarnizo t al . (2003)

Landolt 2001)Marques t al . (2001)

Osi l i (1998)Portes Guarnizo 199ì)

Riccio 2002)2riíiltshire (1992)1

HinojosaOjeda (2003)

lgurce: Author's iterature eviewi Th.r. ,orr."t inctudesurveysby way of background nformation but the materialon

t í lgrants ' l ives omes rom a part lymatched ampleof respondents. hesestudies re

lttcgorised according o their methods with the partly matched sample'

I Thesesorr..r are ethnographies n which it is not clear how many people are studied

Notes

zI

An earlier version of this chapter was presented at the conference Migration and

Development within and Across Borders organised by the social Science Research

Council of the United States and the Ìntemational Organization for Migration in

New York, r7-r9 November 2oo5. This chapter was originally published in DeWind

and Holdaway (zoo8). It reports on results of a collaborative research pÍogramme en-

titled 'Transnational networks and the creation of 1ocal economies: Economic princi-

ples and institutions of Ghanaian migrants at home and abroad' (Netherlands

Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) grant number 4ro-r3-oroP). Programme

prrìtr"r. weÍe the University of Amsterdam (AGIDS), Vriie UniversiteitAmsterdam

ilOE;, .l,msterdam Institute for International Development (AIID) and Africar

àtudies Centre Leiden - all of which are in the Netherlands - and the Institute of

Statistical Social and Economic Research (ISSER) in Ghana. I would like to thank

Luca Bertolini and the members of the 'Transnational links and livelihoods' group

for insightful comments and Magali Chelpi for excellent research assistance.

All itelics in this paragraph indicate úe authols own emphasis.

Based on a literature search of 33 articles, book sections and books, only one study

(Georges rggz) siruated research in one geographical location and in a migrant-send-

lng aÍea.Portes, Guarnizo and Haller (zooz) is the exception.

Seewwwz.fmg.uva.nl/ghanatransnet.4,

6

7

8

I t ts l i l t t t io tts t t t ' l l t t ' r r t t t t t tor r ly l r r ' l t l u lcr ;r r r r l r ror r ru lur l gr r i t l t .srxi ;r l x, l r ;rvr , ,1r'r .'d tt í ìr r inghc inct ' t t l ivt 's l lu( lur ' ( ,o Í rxi r . l i t 's;r r r r llxr i í ìr ;r l ly ror rorn i t .s ' (Nor l l r r ; ,1 .1j6o) .An addi tíonal ixteen espondents crc í ìr l lowcd rr r Í ìr r r r l l r x l r l ion ( l ( r r r r r i rsi )r r ' r rsix-month period.Consumption expenditures efer to all expendituresused Íòr obtâining Íìxxl lor ,l,r i l i

ChapterzTrans ational esearchollaboration:

An approacho the studyof co'publications



consumption. Al1 else is considered a non-consumption expenditure.'Connection meÍÍ are personswho facilitate obtaining travel or residerrcy ):rpr'ì' i tlexchange or payment.

between verseas hinese cientists nd heirmainland olleagues

Koen onkers'

l l . t Introduction

Õver the last two decades, he mobility of students and scientists has

dramatically increased worldwide. Initially a triclde, the outbound flow

of Chinese students increased during úe r98os and, after a dip follow-

Ing restrictive measures in úe wake of úe Tiananmen incident, the

outbound flow continued its exponenüal rise during the r99os. The re-

fltrn rate of students and scientists to China in the r98os and r99os

Was ow (Zhang& Li zooz). Many students decided to remain and workln their host system - or to move on to another. In many cases, his re-

tulted in permanent migration and the adoption of a foreign nationality.

this happened especially in North America, for a long time the most

popular destination region, and to a lesser extent in'l7estern Europe.

Às-a result, úe number and visibility of overseaschinese scientists has

grown considerably over the yeaÍs, as will be shown in üis chapter's

tection on findings and results.Some of úese overseasscientists return to úeir home country on a

temporary oÍ a peïÍnanent basis. But even when they remain abroad,

Overseas cientists can be important SouÍcesof new knowledge, technol-

ogy, business links, policy advice and collaborative ties. The Chinesegóvernment has therefore not only set up programmes to promote úe

ietu* ofoverseas Chinese scientists, but also engaged n a range ofac-

tivities to strengthen its ties with growing communities of oveÍseagcientists. Networks of Chinese scientists had begun to emerge organi-

cally in the United States, and the formation of similar networks has

been actively supported in various other host countries. Examples ofguch networks include úe society of chinese Bioscientists in America,

the Chinese Life Scientists SocieÇ in the UK and the Chinese Network

of Life-sciences n the Netherlands (fonkers zoro). Through the support

oÍ sl lcl l t ( ' lwor l (s,l - lov( ' l l t t Ì r ( ' l l lsn l l r t , rorr r t ' ( ( ) l l t l t .y. l r r rr l l r , rpl r l, rr ,main in corì ta( : r i t l r t l r t ' i r .xpulr i l r t . torr r rnrr r r i r i t ,s.ry s l9 cl . s, , rr rclude he organisation Í-conf'crerrrccsirrrc.clt this gr.up ancl lrt, ,r , lrtation_ofnetworking and information-sharing betwàe.rexpatriar. sr rr,rrtists' Internet portals proúde another *ny ú actively oV(,riir,,r,

ï , l lANSN^ltí)NAl t{tr i l i^k|l l ( ol I Al l i l l iAl l l rN

lz.z Definition of concePts

,Scit 'ntiÍìccoopt'ral iott ' t 'í i 'r 's o t l tt ' cunscious an dvoluntary)exchange

oÍ'private valueclresourccsbctween scientists.The resourcescan in-

materiaÌs, unpublished information, cognitiveresources



Iilt;rilitiriÌliflIIr

"ng"g.communiües of scientistsand studentsby providing".."J,

ïo irrÍ,,rr,,,rtion on opporhrnities and events n home and hoú countries. yt.r ,rrrother type of measure encouragingcontactwith expatriatescientisrr; rrcludes programmes to pÍomote temporary and permanent retrrr.rr r,,well as cooperationbetweenoverseas hinese scientistsand their r,rrrrterparts in mainland china. chinese intermediary organisations.í,,rsome designated esearch unding for overseas hinese-scientists.',

The last decadehas seena rapidly emerging presenceof china irr rrrrglobal sciencesystem.This development"hasmade china an inc.r,t,,r:,ingly important collaborativeparrner for science systems in N,rrrrAmerica, Western Europe and Asia_pacific. The gro*irrg numbt,r. r,lchina's international co-publications has almost t ept pacã with its .rrhanced share of pubÌications in international journals'(fonkers zoo,11one would expect overseaschinese scientists to be involved in a ..r;rtively large share of international co-publications with china. This t,xpectation is based n part on an assumpüon that the scientistsw.rrrtl]rav9 a relatively strong interest in coopeàting with úeir peers in ma r

land China. A secondpossible,""ron is thai they are "itlu"iy."r..o,,,ged to do so by governmental and intermediary ârganis"tion, in th,,i,home country' Yet another reason to expect a major rore for oveÍs(.i*;chinese scientists s úat úese actors

"à "rrrr-"áto possesscultur;rl

capital - including language skills - as werl as existing àrrt".t, witn rt,searchers n mainland china. These factors are thougËt to give th"* .,,advantageover their non-chinese peers in forging tiãs witli researchersin mainland China.

This chapter contributes- o the study of migrant transnationalism bye1a1t1ing the specific field of scientific coilaboration across inter'u.tional borders that uses ethnic origin and migration experience as a r(,-source. There are several possible reasons to treat thrs type of interar:-tion as a speciÍìc subset of international collaboratio". thà motivationsfor the formation of such ties, the barriers and stimuri

"rr..tirrftrr"i,ormation and intensity - as welr as úe distribution of the fo-tentialcognitive, material and reputational investments, outcomes and spilr-overs at the individual and systemic revels - may differ from otherforms of international scientific cooperation. The study of such ties canalso shed

liglÌt 9n the posirive eÍíecti of migrant communities on deveÌ-opment of úe home system. This chaptei will focus on discussing ameúodologìcal approach úat can be used to study transnational re_search collaboration.

cludc researchIrr the form of advice, criticism and other inputs, the provision of train-

ing both to each other and each other's staff and students, etc. The

rtiongest form of scientific cooperation is deÍìned as 'research colla-

boration', in which researcherswork together on a speciÍìc joint project

with the aim of a joint publication (fonkers zoro). It is this phenomen-

0n that is of interest ln ihis chapter. Whenconsidering collaboration be-

tween researchers working in different countries, it is common usage

to speak of international research collaboration.

úe term 'international research collaboration' is problematic from

both a semantic and a conceptual viewpoint. To start wiú the semantic

issue:'international collaboration' means collaboration between nations

rather than between individual actors in diÍlerent nations. The terms,cross-border' or 'transnational collaboration' used by Crawford, Shinn

and sõrlin $gy) rnay be more appropriate for this latter type of inter-

action, but ttrey-have not come into common use. As will be discussed

later in this section, the concept of'transnational research collaboration'

will be defined as having a different meaning, following theoretical

work outside úe realm of the social studies of science.The term 'inter-national collaboration' may also be conceptually problematic. It could be

understood to refer to interactions between actors at all four levels that

van der Meulen and Rip (tgg8) identify in the research system - in-

cluding the governmentãl level of policymakers, the intermediary level

of funáing agencies and the organisational level of research institutes

and universities. Finally, international research collaboration can be -

and generally is understood to refer to - the interaction between scien-

ti.tr ãt the operational level ofthe research system supported, or not, by

agreements made at higher levels of úe research system. It is the inter-

aãtion at úis operational level of the research system to which interna-

tional research collaboration refers in this chapter'As indicated in úe introduction, the focus of úis paper is on a speci-

fic subset of cross-border or international collaboration, namely the in-

teraction between expatriate scientists and researchers in their home

country. The concepi of transnational research collaboration will be

used to refer to this specific phenomenon. T?ansnationalism is a con-

cept that originated in the international relations literature (Keohane &

Nye r97z), bãfore it was taken up in the early r99os by anthropologists

and sá.iologists studying international migration. It refers to ties be-

tween actorJ, at sub-political levels other than the governmental, which

are important in shaping relations between nations' Crane (r97r) wa

li t t l tN ;, ,*, .' "

t l t t ' í ìrst t<l pply t l t is conct ' ; l l o lr s lrr t ly í l l r r st i t ' rr t t 'syslt ' rrr . l r t ' r l ,r ,nit to refèr to the cross-lt<lrdcrit 's oí n()ng()v( ' r 'nrìrur l lr lrgurr is ir lr . trrsuch as scienti f ic ssociat ionsnd intcrrr ir l iorr:r lrganisationsrr wlrrr rindividual scientists from different countrics ar(' Ínembers, as wt'll .r-the cross-border nteractionsof individual scientistsengaging rr st r.rrti

' ! 'HANSNAll( NAl l ì l l ; l Al{ { ll | | )l Al l t l l iAl lorl

ir r t l r is lr irp lr ,r , .ìy l irrrrs irr l , ir r l t r t r i t t ; t l i r t t t t t lt 's t ' l t t t l t :o l la lxrrat i t l rrhi s

elu,1rt, , , .l tx 'snO l Ir ' lc I it r rh ' l l r i l o ol lr t ' t í i rr t trsoÍ scienti f ìcmigrant

t l :r trsrrat iorral isrn,uclr rs lr t ' i rr Í lut ' i lcc xcrtedby prominent overseas

un d r:irculatirrg hincscrscicÌìtistson chinese sciencean d technology

the"past

three decades, the active involvement of overseas



fi c cooperation.All three tlpes of actors may influence national scir.rr,,policies, which could lead to truly international science policics;rt tlrrlevel of national goveÍnmentsand inteÍmediary agencies,oÍ to llrt. r;r'lup of joint research programmes and joint laboratories.With sorrrr. ..ceptions, he concept of transnationalism has not been used freclrrlrrtlr.in studies of scientific collaboration.

The concept has been -r-noreopular in other areas of social scit'rr,,.such as migration studies. In this literature, authors began usirrg tlr,,concept to refer to cross-border inkages beyond the political realrrr rrrcluding, fo r example, he role of migrants in the formation of coÍÌrnr'lcial, cultural and religious ties (Basch, Glick Schiller & Szanton lÌl,rrrr1994; Portes r99il.Compared to international relations iteratun', rrrrgration studies literature has put greater stress on the shared ethnit ,,rcultural background of the individual actors or members of orgurrr,,rtions who engage n these cross-border nteractions. In recent yr';rrr.,seveÍal authors have begun to explore the formation of 'transnationlrl rrrnovation networks' in which expatriate, returning and circulating ('nttr

preneurs play an important role in connecting innovative regions irr tlrlferent national innovation systems (Saxenianzoo2, 2oo11,;oe zoolyThis chapter discussesa simple extensionof such iterature by consitl,,ring the emeígence of cross-border scientific networks in which overs(.,r,:Chinese researchers engage with researchers n their former homc syr,tem or, in the case of second-, hird- or nth-generation migrants, tlrr.rrancestral home system. The deÍìnition of a transnational scientific cooperation in this chapter is thus narÍower than that adopted by Crrrrrr,(r97tl and is restricted to the interaction between individuals witÌr tlr,'same ethnic or cultural background living in diÍferent countries. A r ;r;sification of transnational activities according to degree of institutiorr;rrrsation in the manner introduced by Portes, Guarnizo and Larrtlrlt(rgqq) is diflìcult to make using the meúodology introduced in tlr,next section. n general, nternational researchcollaboration of wlri, lrtransnationalresearchcollaboration s a subset is thought to be <lr;rracterised mainly by bottom-up investigator-driven interactions. Sornr.degree of institutionalisation, however, such as framework agreerÌì('utr,which allow researchers to engage in cross-border collaboration, is ;rlways required. The importance of intermediary agencies n promr,tirrliand potentially funding these interactions will diÍïer from one instiurr ('of transnational researchcollaboration o another. How large this irrílrrence is on average s an empirical question, which will not be addrcsst',1

l,,,ii.yijl,i,r"r" scienústs n peer-revie\MtÍuctuÍes and advisory functions in

rrriri'land China or thá role of circulating migrants in directing interna-

tfunal joint labs or entire research institutes (see' among otheÍs'

f'ttl<erszoro)'

ho reside and work abroad'l'his chapter refers to Chinese scientists \M

- whether is Íìrst- oÍnth-generation migrants - as overseasChinese re-

Ëearchers.The expectaúon that overseaschinese scientists engage to a

rehtively high extãnt with their former or ancestral homeland is shared

with th; diápora literature. However, a choice was made not to make

explicit ,rr" ôf the concept of 'scientific diasporas' (Meyer t.B.to*

1999; Meyer zoor). Unlike the members of many oúer so-calleddia-

tpáíu, mást, though not all, overseasscientists are expected o be first-

gcneration migrants. Compared to other types of migrants' scientists

Ind highly stiÍea expatriatãs, n general, continue to display a relatively

Sigh leïeíof international mobility after arrival in their first home coun-

iiï t" , Koser & Salt rggT). Scienüsts.and other highly skilled profes-

riânalJ tend to include ãigíats as well as non-migrants in their profes-

sional networks (Meyer ioor;. In comparison to other tlpes of mi-l{rants, they are therefore expected o have a relatively low positive bias

t, prof"rrional interaction with members of üeir eúnic/cultural com-

munity in the host country.

3".árrs" of the highly specialised nature of scientific research, actors

cngaged n transnati'onal research collaboration are assumed to do so in

,.ütiï" isolation from other expatriate scienüsts working ouÌside their

.wn relatively narrow subÍìeld ãf research. The formation of instit'tio-

nalised student and scientific migrant networks or associations, which

were briefly mentioned in the introduction, appears to be an argument

againstthelatterexpectation,lrut i t isunclearwhatroletheseassocia

tiãr,pt"y in facilitaúng transnational research collaboration. The choice

not to refer to .scientiãc diasporas, in úis chapter, but to use the con-

cept 'oveÍseas Chinese scienüsts' instead, is úus mainly motivated by

arr'"tt"-pt to make clear that the level of analysis consists of individual

overseas Chinese scientists and their interactions wiú mainland

Chinese scientists, raúer than associations of Chinese scientists that

have ormed in variouscounffies'

t( ( tr N ll tNt, lr ' .) l)

12.3 Methodology an d data sources

As discussedn the previous ect ion, ci t ' r r t i í ì t rxrpcrat ion5; 1 lr ;o,r r l

concept,which refers to a wide range of activitics.This mal<es lt'v,'1,'l'

' ' 11{ANcNAll( )NAl lt l : l l i^ l{ ( ll ( ( ) l I A l loi lA l l i lN

err l l ror t , t l y sci t . r r l is ls l ( l l r i r r t 'st ' t l t 'srct t l .rr ( l l r inl , ícwcr that t 5 pcr

(:f1l ol srtnìlÌrÌt( 's lc lrclcl ry ovt't ' ì5 lc r ct:rtIoÍ 't]rc population Yuan,

zlutrrg& Yangzooo). lìr 'c:urrst 'ht:rt: s so itt le variation n chinese sur-

,r*,,r,ì*, his approach s particularly suitablefor assessing he visibility

approaches, owever,have been



ment of a proxy/indicatorthat could be used for its measuremcttl rlrlli

cult. Gaining detailed nsight into the intensity of the various íìrt ttrr ,1

interactions between scientists would require data gathered lÌrrorrlilr

surveys or in-depú clualitative interviews. As such, co-publicatiotrs wrll

be used as an imperfect proxy for researchcollaboration,which ìs :rrr n

tense form of scientiÍìc cooperation.The databasesmost comtttottll

used for bibliometric shrdies contain information on the authotr; ,,1publicationsand their addÌesses,which allows or co-publication lttrlr,",

ãt the individual, organisational, national and international levels. li,,r ,r

ïevie\Mof the literature on the use of this proxy, see Glãnzt'l ,rrr,l

schubert (zoo4). Exclusiveuse (in absolutecounts) of co-publiclrti,'rr''

as a pÍoxy for researchcollaborationhas receivedconsiderable rilit rr'trr

oveï the years,but it goes beyond he purpose of this chapter o dist rt',',

these limitations in detail. For a more extensivediscussion,s('('llrr'

aforementioned review as well as Katz and Martin (rggZ).

Reliable arge-scaledata about úe nationality and/or ethnic/crrltrrr.rl

backgroundof scientists n North American and WesternEuropt'lttt rr'

search systems aÍe not publicly available. It is believedthat somc or;i,r

nisations,most notably the US National ScienceFoundation NSlr), "llect these data in their suweys and it may prove valuable n futurt' rrlrr

dies to gain access o these records. Other potential sources,stttlt ,t',

national census data gathered by governmental organisations antl t ol

lected in comparativedatabases y international organisationsikt' tlr''

OECD and UNESCO, ack the level of detail required to conductslttr t|r'

of úe activitiesof overseas cientists, et alone heir role n specifit :rrrl'

Íìelds of science.Studying specificscientific subfields s consider<'tl rrr

portant because he dynamics of various types of interactionb('lw|r'tt

scientists, ncluding the levels of international researchcollabor;rlr,,rr

varies acrossscientific Íìelds (seee.g.Wagner 2oo5). Forthis reas()rr. r

proxy was developed to measuÍe the visibility or the contributiorr 0loverseasChinese scientists n different host countries. t makes tlsr' ,,1

an approach that was initially developed for human population bioh,1lt'

(for a review see Colantonio,Lasker,Kaplan & Fusterzoo3)' In rt'tt'rrl

years, bibliometricians have started to adopt a similar apptr':r' r

(Websterzoo4; Basu & Lewison zoo6; lin, Rousseau,Suttmeier& ( 'r"

zooT; Lewison& I(undra zooS). In short, it involves he collectiorrol ,r

country's scientific publications co-authoredby researcherswillr rrrtr

names that are geographically, thnicallyand culturally distinct. l.isls 'r

ist of typical Chinese (a s well as Indian, T(orean,ranian, 'l t ') :rttt

names, and a surname searchclr r ryi t ' l t l l r t . l l t l l i t ln ol t ar l i t l t ' r ,, '

oÍ ovt:rseasChinese scientists.

eppliccl o measure the contribution and visibility of other ethnic/cultur-

ui'grorrp,

in the output of Western research systems as well (e'g'

W"ìirt"r zoo'i Basu & L"*irotr zoo1). A recent report used a similar

epproach to study the contribution of migrants and their descendants

trr'titing world Intellectual Property organization (WIPO) patents in

tlrc US (Wadhwa, |asso, Rissing, GereÍïì & Freeman 2oo7)' For this:tu4y, a Èst of z7o surnames was used, consisting of variations of.those

rr,,,si fr"q,r"ntly occurring in the Chinese population. What motivated

taking these common spelling variations into account was an attempt to

..ptr'ï" üe descendants of pievious generations of migrants as well as

fecent migrants. To control whether the surnames yield a suÍlìcient pro-

prrtion oichinese-boÍn scientists, a searchwas performed applying the

ilxt to publications produced by authors based in mainland China. The

rearch yielded over 95 per cent of the total number of chinese publica-

tions. Áfter inventorising the articles in which these surnames did not

occur, fifteen other surnames \Mere ncluded in the list. Several addi-

tional surnames will be considered in future studies. Some surnames

that were also common in other countries were deleted from the list.To assess he relative contribution of overseasChinese scientists in a

nation's publication output using this simple approach, it is necessar

to exclude international co-publications with the horne country' In the

caseof overseaschinese scientists, this involves excluding co-publica-

tions with researchers based in china, chinese Tâipei (Republic of

china, Tâiwan) and singapore, since their inclusion would lead to a

cubstantial overestimatión of the contribution of scientists wiü a

Chinese suïname. Their exclusion potentially leads to slight underesti-

mation of the contribution of researchers with a chinese surname in

each country's output. At least úis would be true if there is indeed

rignificant influenie of Chinese ethnic/cultural background on the like-lilïood of co-publishing with scientists in mainland China. For the spe

ciÍìc aim of tire analysãsdiscussed n úis chapter, nclusion of these in-

ternational co-publications would also have led to a methodological pro-

blem of endogeneity because the number of international co

publications wiú china is used as a dependent variable. For, apart from

using these data to show the contribution ofoverseas Chinese scientist

ln th-e esearch output of the western research system, they can also b

used to explore whãther the size of the community of overseasChines

scientists in various host countries is related to the number of interna-

tional co-publications between China and these countries. The data on

K( llrN lr tNl. I lr ' .

which thcsc pr<lxics r t ' lxrst , r lwr ,r ' t , t r lkr ' r r , t l i ' r 'ucl r yr ' : r r .r r , rwr.r , r rr99o and zooT Í'or weÍltyc<>untrit 's.

on th e basisof available tatistical ata, ncithcr transracial rt loprr 'rr(stolley1993)no r transracialmarriage(uS census Bureauzoo(r) w.rr.considered to have a large influence

ï ' l t^NSNAll{)NAl l l l r l l r^ l l r ll ( ol l^ l l () l iAl l l ÌN

lei l l)orìs( 'r ' r r lc kx 's r t r l t t i t r ' t l t t t l io t t il t l l l l r c i r tg rx l l r igh u l t lvc l oÍ ' t rust ln

t l te t .x l t ' t t t o w lr ich l l t t ' t t t t l tont t 'o í ' l l t t 's t t rvt ty can be generalised.

2l \



(less than o.j per cent) .. rlrr,number of articles published by researcherswith a chinese surnirrÍ,The unavailability of suÍficiently detailed data, howeveç makes ir rrrrpossible to give an exact assessmentof the error introduced by rlrr,:rrfactors. Another issue open to question is whether second- oi tlrir,lgenerationmigrants do indeed retain suÍficient cultural caoital to rrrrrr

fy a distinction from other individuals in the host/partner systerrr.'li,address this and similar concerns, a small-scale rnru"y was carricrl .'lamong researcherswith a chinese suÍname. This suwey limits <lrrr,,,lthe benefits of this methodological approach, namery its ,orlintrusiveness.Forfunately, t only has to be carried out once in.rtl,.rto test whether the assumptions hold for the specific group urrrl,,rstudy.

The sample for this survey was collected from among the corresp.rrrling authors of scientific publications in the intemational scientific rrrr.r;:,in the year zoo7. To identify thesecorrespondingauthors, an apprr:rr rsimilar to that described in úe previous sections was followed. Thar

'r,e corresponding authors had to have 'chinese suÍnames' ancl lrr.based outside china, chinese Taipei (Republic of china, Tâiwan) ,rsingapore. Respondents were asked only a few questions relating r.their place of birth, their nationality, the country in which they starrt,rltheir university training, the country in which úey did úeir phD :rrrrllanguage skills. Answers to the first and the last questions weÍe esl)(.cially of interest. Answers to the first question were expected o provitl.insight into the relative distribution of first- and second-generatìon (r,rnth-generation)migrants. Responseso the last question were expecrt,tlto provide us with insight into the extent to which surna*", àn ,,,.used as a pÍoxy for cultural capital or úe cultural background of scrt,rrtists. Emajl surveys end to have a low response ate, especially as w;r:;

the case for this survey - when they are sent out in summer. In dert'rmining sample size, a Íesponse rate of 32 per cent was expect<rl.Setting the confidence interval at ro and the confidence lever at 95 pr.rcent, the esümated required sample size was therefore 3oo. The áorrÍìdence interval was set relatively high in order to limit thá number of r.r,spondents involved. As úe response rate was initially lower than cxpected, a second round of email messages was sent out after twr,months. A response rate low as the one expected for this email surv.yindicates that a response bias could influence úe Íìndings. The distrbution of responses to the follow-up part of the survey, ,"hi.h were slmilar to the first round, does not add to úis doubt. Still, the low

17.4 Findings

1'lrt' Íìnal response rate of the survey was 33peÍ cent. Around 8 per cent

oÍ'non-response was due to faulty or expired email addresses.The sur-

vey yielded the following results. Firsl, 7 per cent of úe respondents in-

dicated that their surname was not exclusively 'Chinese', Ìrut Korean,

Victnamese or Indian as well. These responsescould be used further toreíìne the query in future studies. Of all suÍvey respondents, 75 peÍ cent

wrrreborn in China and 46 per cent still had Chinese nationality. A to-

lal of 74 per cent started university education in China, but only Í2 pet

cent did their PhD there. Of the latter, 2 peÍ cent of respondents had

completed a second PhD degree n the US. Of the group as a whole, 93pcr cent of respondents reported being able to speak andlor read and

write Chinese. If úe newly identiÍìed names in which the surname was

also a popular Korean or Indian suÍname are excluded, the respectivepercentages re 8o, 5c, 79,r3 and roo. V/hile all these respondents n-

dicated having Chinese-language abilities, 2 per cent stated that the

skills were limited.Basedon Íesponses to the last question, this approach appears suita-

ble for identifying researchers with a Chinese cultural background ac-

cording to their surnames. Other interesting findings aÍe the high

number of Íìrst-generation migrants in the sample, being 75-8o per

cent. This share would have been slightly higher had 'China' been de-

fined in this survey as including Hong Kong and Chinese Taipei

(Republic of China, Taiwan). As one respondent indicated, respondents

who originate in either of the two places likely consider themselves as

not having been born in China. Since this chapter discusses a transna-

tional phenomenon in a migration-study context, it is also interesting

that almost half the respondents still had Chinese nationality at the

time of the suwey. Finally, the relatively high share of Chinese-bom Íe-spondents who started university training in China (99 per cent) com-

bined with the relatively low share of respondents who did their PhD in

China (16 per cent) provides us with some additional insight into the

mobility dynamic of overseas Chinese scientists. Most of the respon-

dents were likely to have left China for postgraduate/PhD studies, and

only a relatively small share of oveÍseasChinese scientists left China at

a later stageoftheir scientiÍìc caÍeeÍ.Over the past decade and a half, the output of úe Chinese research

system in terms of publishing in international journals listed in úe

Science Citation Index (SCI) has increased rapidly. The relative impact

2 (t l (( | l rN l(,Nt, tr ì

an d visibi l i ty lxr t l t l t tcr t t rs Í ' l l r rbl icut iorrsrr doÍ t l r<,ci t r t igls l rçr : i 'publications eceive show strongvariatir>nscross ìclds. n l lrt,rrr;rrrrmolecular if e sciences, or example,one in ten SC I journals is.rrrently published by mainland chinese authors, and these publicrrri.rr,,receive a similar number of citations as the

ïhANSN^t' t í)NAl t{trslr^ l l ( ' l l { () t t^ i l t} t{4i l i lN

tljuro rz.z Sharr' Jplunt rtolar:ulurilr st,itntr' ublicationso-authoredy

researchersitha Chinese,urnameín%)'

,\ I



fl

-Hililirilllffi

article publislrr,lworldwide (fonkers & Tijssen zoo8). other molecular life sciãnct,srl,fields score ar lower on these ndicators. For all subfields, he nurrrlrcrof international co-publications ncreasedrapidly over time as wt.ll. lrrrelaüve terms, the importance of North American research systerrrs rrcollaboraüvepartners (measured n terms of the share of cirina's ,,,

publications) has increased at the expense of western European sy:rtems. This trend is expected o be related n part to the increãsing ir'portance of transnational research collaboration (fonkers zoog).

The data presented n Figure rz.r give an indication of the size oÍ'tlr,,number of highly skilled individuals born in china in various countr.rt,:rin North America and Northern Europe basedon 2ooo-zoor natiorr;rlcensus data collectedby the OECD (zoo4).'Highly skilled' refers r,anyone with a tertiary education and is úus not restricted to acrrvr.scientists. what is more, it is not possible to make a distinction nt,tween researchers working in diÍíerent scientific Íìerds on the basis ,lthis type of general data. For this reason, a proxy was developed rogauge the contribution of scientists with a chinese background in v;rrious research systems in speciÍìc fields of science. Figure rz.z showshow the shareof uS and EU-r7 SCI publications publiúed by researclrers with a chinese suÍname has evolved over time in the field of thr.plant molecular life sciences.3worldwide, the share of the total numb.r,of publications in the plant molecular life science subÍìeld co-authorerd

Figure z.r Chinese-bornith ertiary ducationn the US,Eu andJapan'

45o,ooo

4OO,OOO35o,Ooo

3OO,OOO

25O,OOO

2OO,OOO

ì5O,OOO

'roo,ooo

5O,OOO

o

US EU-r4* Japan

by a researcher with a Chinese surname has increased from less than

Io per cent in r99o to more than 25 per cent in zoo6.

Il one excludes articles of which one author is based in China, Hong

Kong, Chinese Taipei (Republic of China, Taiwan) or Singapore, the

share increased from around 8 per cent to a litúe below 15per cent. As

Figure rz.z shows, more than 30 peÍ cent of American SCI publications

in this subÍìeld are currently co-authored by a researcher with a

Chinese surname, while úis share was around 15 per cent in r99o

(|onkers zoog). This relative measure proúdes a strong indication that

ìhe contribution of overseasChinese scientists in the US research out-

put has increased considerably. To a far lesser extent, this increasing

contribution holds for the EU-r7 region as well. Within the EU-r7, the

share of publications co-authored by researchers wiú a Chinese sur-

name is úigh"t in some countries, such as the United Kingdom, thanin others, zuch as France. The share is even l0wer in the caseof coun-

tries like Italy, Spain, Portugal or Greece.It úus appeaÍs justified to de-

duce, on úe basis of this figure, that in this subfield the relative size -

or at least the contribution of úe overseasChinese community - in the

EU-r7 is much lower than in the US.Figure r2.3 presents a similar figure, albeit for all scientific fields ta

ken iogether. These data on English-language articles, leüers, notes and

reúewi was sourced from the online version of Elsevier's Scopus.aAs

the Íìgure shows, the trend towards increasing contribution by research

.tr *ith a Chinese suÍname is visible for all scientiÍìc fields collectivel

I JI J l i ( ) l ;N l( )Nl. l l i ' i

Figure z.3 Share f English- languaguhlitut iom o tuthoradhy researchrrs'r t lt

a Chinese urname in V")

TR^NSN^ilr tNAl RtrSt;Atr(: i l 'o I lAlìr , t tAl l( ìN

proxyX, t l t . r rol i t tgt tot t r t l ty 'sslut t t 'oÍ l l r t 'gl t l l lul t t t t t r t l lcr Í . i r t t t : rna' t lu, , , i l, . i , ' r t r i í ìc prr l l l ic. t iot ìswl ls t tst ' t l would bc correlated o th e

ll lrrrr lrt,rÍ 'co-puìrl icati.nswir6 Cllr i 'a is {a r Íiom surprising:a highly

vlsiblc researchsystemcontains a large number of potential collabora-

tlvc partners or researchersn China. All oúer things being eqrral' t is



as well. The observed shares aÍe lower than was the case or the pl;rrrl

molecular ife sciences.Tâble rz.r pÍesents he results of a se ries of simp le partial correhliorr

analyses that aim to show the correlation betvveen úe annual nunrlrcrof international co-publications between China and twenty countrjcs rnEurope, North America and Asia-Pacific and úree factors that wert' r'xpected to be potential explanatory factors for observed geographical v;rriations. The data underpinning the proxies for these potential explrrrr,rtory factors were all collected on an annual basis for each year betwt','rrr99o and zoo6. That the size of the research system- for which tlrr'

Table z.r Partial orrelationofficientsor annualndicatorsf scientificulltrtt,population f overseas hinese nd internationalo-publicationsilltChina

X1 .National hareoíin ternational ub l icat ionsX2 .Share ía nation 'spubl icat ions y authorswith Chinese urnamesT. Year

PIantmolecularlife science

Al l l ì r l rh

0.49Ì -

0.246"'

0 .4t

0.535**0.362rr*

0.3ogrnr

'r*Correlations significantat the 0.001 evel (two-tailed).

Source: dapted romJonkers 20ì0)

tlrus'likely that there be more co-publications wiú this potential parlneÍ

country úan with smaller and less visible reseaÏchsystems'Over.time'

tht. number of international co-publications increases, so the signifi-

cantly positive correlation between the year variable T and the depen-

dent'vaìiable was also expected. Of greater interest to the discussion in

ihis .h"pt", is the signìÍìcantlypositive independent corÍelation be-

tween the proxy used tá gauge visibility of the overseasChinese scienti-

fìc community in respeúvJpartner countries (X,) and the number of

lnternational co-publications (fonkers 2oro)'

The relationships between these indicators aÍe explored in more

depth in a recent paper using cross-panel time series ana\ses (|onkers

toog). These anJysËs provide an indication of the relative increase in

lmpárt"rr." of transnatiãnal research collaboration between the Chinese

ia*"r.tt system and its main parlner systems' The outcomes of these

cnalyses ráveal, among other things, úat the explanatory poweÍ of the

independent variables-incÍeases over time' Simple ÍegÍession-analyses

of annual data indicate úat the relative contribution of variable X, be-

comes consistently significant only in the years after the. turn of thecentury. A different pãper by fin, Rousseau, Suttmeier and Cao (zoo7)

uses a'similar methodoiogy to explore in detail the role researcherswith

Chinese surnames in various partner countries play in co-authoring in-

ternaüonal co-publications wiú china. with úe aid of a large team of

students, this research actually studied the authors of each individual

prp"r, tho-ing that 72 per cent of the- nternational co-ryblications be-

iwãe' the Us-and Chinã in the period 2,oor-zoo' had at'least one US-

based author wiú a Chinese suÍname. For Europe, this percentag

prou"t considerably lower albeit still quite high (4o per cent for

b"r*"rry, 48 per cent for England and 3o peÍ cent for France)' Another

highly ,ól"u"ttt Íìnding of thii study is thatan increasing share of inter-

naïiorr"l co-publicatioãs between the US and China is made exclusivel

by researchàrs with a Chinese suÍname based in the two countÍies' In

zoor, co-publicationsof this sort were 30 peÍ cent US-China' 12 pe

cent Sino-English, 14.6 peÍ cent Sino-German and tz per cent Sino-

French. tn zoo5, úe respective shares weÍe 35 per cent' tp"t cent' 1

per cent and ró p"r .",.-i'. This growth in the number of international

co-publications written exclusively by researchers with a Chinese sur

naàe provides an especially strong indication that transnational re

search collaboration is becoming an increasingly important characteris

tic of scientific interaction with China (fin eI al' zooTl'

) 4t l l( ( ) lrN loI l l t r

r2.5 Conclusion an d discussion

This chapterdiscussed methoclologicalpPr<xrcrrìr r r ;uanr i r r r r ivr ,;rrrdies of the visibi l i tyof ethnic groups of scicrrt istsn [uropt' urrt l NrrrlrAmerica an d of transnational esearchcollaboration,whiclr is rrrr, l , .r

ïRANliNAll()NAl l l l ' : ; l 'Al i l ll | í r l lAl l( ì ! lAl lrr l l

li r , ,vt ' r 's1l tsr crr l ists l t ; l t t ol l t t ' t t t t ; t iotst ' l t t l i r tg or t t l l t i t 's 'Wl l i l t ' t l rc

l l t r l l rot lokrgyl t 'st l i l r t ' t l r r l r is p; tpcl s pl r r l icr r lar ' lyui tcd o the cas-eÍ'

el r i r r t r ,t t i Ì i ty lso l r t ' r rsr ,clìr r st .vr . ral t l rcrscndingcountr ies, uc has

l(ort. ir, nclia, ra n an d Turkcy.whcthcr scientists rom thesecountries

Or, irr cxample, EasternEuropeancountries and Russiacan be identi



stoodas researchcollaborationbetweenoverseas expatriate r nrilI,rrrrlscientistsand their counterparts n their home country5.The valitìrtr ,,íthe approachhas been provisionally tested by

-""niof a sr.rril :r,,rr,

survey providing a first indication that chinese surnames carr irrrrr.,,lbe used to identify this particulaÍ group of scientistsand malcr, :r,rrrments about publications co-auúored

by them. This approach lrr*, ;,,.rmits quantitativestudiesof specificgÍoups of scientisti, somethirrli rrr,rlis not possible with available survey and statistical data.

_This chapter proúdes a quantitative example to show that lrrlllrlr

skilled expatriatesnteract to a relativelyhigh á"gr"" with their íirrrrr,home system. It offers a further indication thaitransnational i.rt.r.r,tions can involve the transfer of cognitive as well as material Íesorrr(Í,,,Scientistsare expected o be distinct from other migrants becausr,rlr,,rareÌhought: r) to be very mobile internationally, z) io engage n rr r,.l,rtively high degree of professional nteraction with non-mig=rant rrrrr'rduals and 3) to be of potentially high importance for the ãeveloprrr,,rriof their home country. Furthermore, 4) in the caseof China, trar,,,,,,,

tional interaction is activelypromoted'úy úe government of the lr.rrr,.country.

This and related studies show an absolute and relative increasr,,,ltransnational esearchcollaborationbetweenoverseas hinese scierrrr:rr,,and researchers n mainland china. This finding compels a qualirrr,rtion of the notion of 'brain drain', insofar as sending countries ian | , ,,efit from their expatriate scientists. This effect is likely to occuÍ only ,,rmainly for those countries úat have succeeded in building up ir r(,search system wiú the absorptive capacity to gain from interãatiónrrl r,.search collaboration.overseas scientists

-"yfottr a bridge betwr.,.rr

scientists n their home country and their coneaguesn theiihost c,rrrrtries. In addition,

provided they have attained independent positi,rr,,and a critical mass in their host country, they may engage in èxclusrv,,transnational collaboration wiú researchers n their home country.

The observed ncrease n, and dimensions of, transnationalcoliab,,,.,tion could be specific to the chinese case.There are at least three rt,,rsons why this may be. First, the number of overseas hinese scienrrsr:.is high in absolute and relative teÍms. Second, he chinese resear.rrrsystemhas experienceda rapid improvement in terms of infrastructrrrt.,manpower and visibility in the last decade,whereby it has outpatt.rlother major sending countries.Third, the Chinesegovernment ha, i,,,plementeda broader and more intense range of prolgrammes o engrrlir.

fletl tlrrough this approachdependson whether most of the surnames

Ust.rl n these countries are unique to them. For this Íeason, the ap-

proach is less suited for studies of expatriate scientists from classic m-

inigration countries in Latin America and South Africa, as the sur-

llgrÌros of the inhabitants and migrants from these countries are ex-

pectrxl to be less easily distinguishable. The sameis true for studies of

i{,,r,,p."r, expatriatesn the US. It may be possible to apply a similar

nretliodologiãal approach to Íìelds outside the social studies of science.

It is clear ih"t it .ãn be used for patent studies for which similar data-

trascsare available. Whether transnational collaboration also occurs fre-

qrrcntly in this field remains an open empirical question. other fields

lir whiú data on contributions or companies is linked to the names of

guthors, owners or directors could potentially be amenable to a similar

epproach.An interesting question asks to what extent the increase in transna-

tional scientific-collaboration leads to a change in the distributìon of

both costs and potential gains ofresearch collaboration between the par-

ticipating research systems. Scientific cooperation is not a zero-sumÍame - all partners may gain but, then again, some may gain more

iÍru' oú.tr. The Chinese government's active promotion of transna-

tional collaboration and other forms of interaction with overseasscien-

tists suggests hat the goveÍnment believes there are beneÍìts of interac-

tion wiiÈ its expatriatei that extend beyond the benefits associatedwith

lnternational reiearch collaboration in general. The first of these Poten-

tial benefits is that the promotion of research collaboration, like the pro-

tnotion of short-term return and other forms of interaction, may lead to

ân increase in permanent Íeturn migration of its overseas scientists.

sccond, but only hypothetically, transnational collaboration may yield

higher benefits to thè Chinese research system than other forms ofin-

teinational collaboration in terms of the transfer of knowledge, informa-

tion and other resources. This expectation could be based on suppo-

redly better understanding by overseasChinese scientists of the poten-

tial, problems and needs of researchers in mainland China. Their

cultuial and linguistic skills may also lead to higher-quality collabora

tion. Finally, compared to non-chinese scientists, overseas chinese

scientists may have a relatively strong desire to contribute to the devel

opment of the Chinese research system. They may also be more willing

to do research on subjects that are of strategic importance to China's

development. whether such qualitative differences betwee

)4) hi )l N lDt l l . l F'ì

tranSnationalnd itt lcrrr l t t iorr lr lo l l ; r l ro t ; t l i t t t l'x is lot l i lv( ' l l l Í -1,( ' () ll ( ) l r=

mainsan emPir ical uestioÌt.

Th e potentia l ise of transnatiott l t l t t ' r r l i í ìc t l lh l loral ior l Ì ì i ryw,r t

rant Someattention ro m a EuropeanatrclN<lrthAmcricarl politv l'r '1partncr (otlltlttr' ' :

ï iaN:; l , l t loNAl l l l rl ; l rAl ì t l ( l ( r l lAl ìol tAl loN

f l t l l ì r t . r r l ly; i l1+,s;rt i l1 l l t 'st t t t l o sl l t 'ss l t l t l ,w l r i l t ' l t t ' t l t t t t l l r t ' t í sc it ' r t-

t i f ic' rr lr l ic lr t i ' r rs

st,t ,rrrsrr r rt t r ' r l t , t Ì ì ( ' .s . f ( ' ì lr t :st ir 'at inggroupv is i -

Ëiii,y, , is rrot ustiÍìt,cl o rrül<t,strtt,rncnts bout he ethnicityor cultur-

ii lí,kgr,,utcl oÍ'speciÍìc inclividuals n th e basis of their surnames



spective s well. First of all, one may wonder

túat hck a large Chinese scientific community havefewer oppotlttt.rtlrr'r,

in developing ies wiü the emerging Chinese sciencesystenì' Will tlr''

potential"-.rg"tr."

of a transnational scientific community lx'lwr'''i!

mainland China and North America put the EU at a relativc clir;rrlr',rrr

tage in the development of süong scientific ties with Chinaì lÌ y r'rlrrr

siõn, similar dynamics could play a role in the formatiol of ollt|r lt.=,including commeïcial ones. If so, should this have mplications lo r rrrr

migratioá pohcies with respect o the highly skilledì Or are'lltt't

,r1'

proãches tã investing in the establishment of cross-boïder li.rr l, "; ,costly, more effective andlot sustainablel

As prior discussed n this chapter, ransnationalscientific coll;tlrilt,r

tion mãy differ from other forms of international scientific colhlxrt,tlt,'tr

in terms of the motivationsúat drive this type of interaction. 11 ;1111lr:rr

diÍfer in the distribution of the potential gains from this illl('t;rr rr'rt

with respect to intellectual property rights or non-protectedspill "v 'r"

that couid include human capital development, echnological lt'vr'L'1'

ment or policy insights.The increasing economic,political and st t'ttll

Íì c prowessof major sending countries such as China may or ttr;tv trrl

leaá to greateÍ sensitivity concerning the desirability of knowlcclgt' lL,tr'',

and the role that scientific mobility and transnationalcooperaliotr 1,11

in theseprocesses. risk of the emergenceof scientific natiotlltlisrrr rI

pears low; over time, úe resistance o cross-borderscientific totll'tr ;'

iras been overcomeby considerationsof úeir beneÍìts.Overall, r' ,r r ;'

contribution of foreign-born scientists n the researchefforts oÍ rrlltte

countriesand úe positive ight in whìch international collaboralit,rr i' r

erally tends to be seen are likely to off set these potential conct'rtrs

Pondering these potential, possibly far-fetchedpolicy concltrr:r. rlF

gered by

"n

it.r""r" in transnational researchcollaborationdtx'r I't IË

io úe fore some ethical considerations egarding the use of th s r ,'l ,'dology.The classificationof researchersor their contributiorrs ott litr

basis of eúnicity or cultural background is a potentìallysensilivt' i:;'.rr,'

Individuals may obiect to being classified as members of a gt'rtt1' "t 'th e basisof a simple inguistic signifier - a surname alont'.' l lr,",ttt

vey results suggest hat, in this case,surnamesdo constitute a tt'l,tltv' t

,.ii"bl" indicatór of cultural background (i.e. inguistic skills). l'lrt' |'rrlr

lished material, on which such assessments re based, s íìttlltt ' trrr"rt

in üe public domain. using th e methodology o assess rottP r;izr','r

gto,tp uiribiliry as demonstratedn this thllptt'r, s thcrcforc Ìo l tott"ll

ãred verv problemrtic. Curt 'sÌrorr l t l lx ' l t t l<t ' t t , httwt 'vt ' t , o r r ' ! t

I,

II

Il

I

Notes, l ' | r ischapter isbasedonpar toftheauthor 'sPhDthesisenti t led.Scienti f icmobi l i ty

arrrl lhc internationalisation of the Chinese research systern' defended at the

lirrlrpcan University trrrtit.,t" and funded through a PhD grant provided-by.the

l) r r l r ' l rMin istry of Education fonkers zooSb) A. book on the basisof th is thesis s

,,rr..:ntly in pr.s, (Jonkerszoro). Th,e chaql:t- l ltrb"""fited fiom comments plo-

virlt'd by reviewers and participants of the tit'ttSCOS conference on which this book

lr based. Parts of tftis ttt"piËt have been published in a diÍIerent form (|onkers

,l,r:o9).i;;'i-."g others, jonkers (zoo8a) for examples of return migration programmes

rtttl network actiúties set up by úe Chinese goveÍnment'

l)ltta sourced from the online'uersion ofThãmson Scientific @ ISI Science Citation

i,tJt,""*p"rrd"d

zooT.For a discussion of üe ioumal-based demarcation of this scien-

tilìc subfieiitsee onkers and Tiissen (zoo8)'

'l'lrc EU-r4 figure for *,e èhi"t'"-born population with secondary education consists

oí the EU-r5 member states, Norway"t'd

S*it""t1"ttd' specific statistics on Chinese-

lxrrn residentsln C.t-""y, ft"b aná Switzerland are unavailable' hence the abbrevia-

tion EU-r4 raúer than Eú-'7' úo'" than half of Chinese-born with tertiary education

lrr the US, Canada and Australia have been naturalised' To a lesser extent' the same

ir true for France (38 per cent)' The figure is adapted from |onkers (zoro)'

| 't'he ÉU-r7 includes the Eü-r1 membe"r states' Switzeriand and Norway' The figure is

ldapted from Jonkers zoo9)'

í,l,homson Scientific @ ISI rÉiently changed,úe interface of the SCI in such a way that

';,;;;úr."rches, such

""úot"'dt"Jbed in this chapter' are' at least r-o1 tt5 mo-

lncnt, no longer possible' Thi' th"t'g" hindered further elaboration of this chapter

lnd may hinder future'toai"'

tt'ittg ïl'is methodological approach' lortuiitetalter-

natives o this databaseao""itt "t'di

i' possible to do a similar study in Elseúer's @

i.àp,r, a"t"t"re.

The data for 'a11 cience fieids' in Fígttte n3 and Table r r were

based on a collection or:Ji f"gtitl'-tanguage articles' notes' letters and reúews in

Scopus. This search may i"a"aL p"f'fit*"tions-in iournals not included in the SCi'

,l,hesudden decrease"bJ";"til

ú" share of Canada and the US around 1995-1996

is thought to be related to úe structure of úe database'

7 ïi;;-:;;"try is.used in this text to refer to the country (china) in which the indiú-

dual researcherr nuu" o""" born themselves or in which theiÍ ancestors were born'

Chapter 3

The nternet s a means f studYing



transnationalismnddiaspora

Kathnn Kissa.und UweHunger

tt.l Introduction

Present-day challenges in conceptualising diaspora and transnational

illgrant activities have proliferated difïerent ways for defining the úeo-

tetical characteristics of a prototype group. These definitions, however,

heve come without means for analysing diÍferences and commonalities

ln detail. The various typologies created ("'g. by Cohen 1997) have been

mch that most gÍoups can be assigned to moÍe úan one type or that

9lte group can develop from one tlpe to anoúer over time (e.g. the

Greekdiaspora in the United States transforming from one of trade

iüto one oflabour) (seeKokot zooz:351.The diaspora concept itselfhas evolvedover the years, from the origi-

ürl 'old diaspora' conception (fewish, Armenian) deÍìned by groups'

€oncentÍaüon on return to the (imagined) homeland (Safran zoo4), to

€ncompassing characteristics such as a transnational relationship wiú

both country of origin and host country, now conceptualised broadly astnew diaspora' (Grassmuck zooo). Such a Íleúble, open definition

ltresses úe particularity of each migrant group and its widely varying

€haracteristics. n this case,almost all migrant groups could be defined

lt a transnational or new diaspora, thus making the concept itself quite

theaningless. A narrower definition, however, highlights structures and

petterns of migrant contacts and networks more accurately' In this re-ipect, disassociating ideas of diaspora from ideas of transnationalism

could yield more lucid results (see Cohen 1997; Faist r99il.

Another challenge to date is úe classic triadic model (Sheffer 1986)

ürat porrrays úe relationship between host and home country and the

migrant community. The model is criticised for its simplicity, as it im-

plies a migrant community homogenous in its activities and interests.

ihis úeoretical approach is central to most analyses,as internal differ-

tntiations of migrants' contacts and goals are a methodological problem

(Adamson zoor: r58). @stergaard-Nielsenconcludes úat migrant activ

ities in relation to host and home country 'must be measured with

) ll t l .^ l l l l l lN l i lS l iA l i ANI) l iWlr l l l r f l ' . i i i

nìor( Ì ì t ì ( ì ly l l ( 's l l ( 'doo l lur t r s r rsrr i r l lyl r t , r ' l rsr ,r r l r t 'urr r r lysisl l r l l rt icalchange t dorrrcst ic nd rr l t ' r rnt iorur lt ,vr . ls,zooz: zoo1.

In ou r chapter , e suggestha t hc rr tcrnct orr lcllc t rstsrrcl r r i r r r . l1.meshed ool, constitutingan appropriate esearch it e 'o radvarrr ' irr1ilr i=study and comprehension of migrant networks and influerrt:r' rlrr,,,r,l

THfl tNtl ; l tNl i i Ari A Ì\4lr^Nli ol r Sl i l l ) \ ' lN(, l l lANliNAll l )N^l lr ;M ANI) l) lAl i l ' ( l l {A }4 1

' l ' l r t , r r lcr r r t , l r ; rs r l lowt, t l t tosl ol ' l l t t 'st ' tot t t t t t t t t t i l i t ls <l discovcr

;r r r r l t , t l isç9vr .rl r is sÌ t l r r t 'c lt t t l tgi r t l r t i t t r tt tc[ :orr t r t tonal iqlt has ta -

l<r'n ,vt:rr irrtht,r hc potcntials br dcvclopingdiasporicculturesof

rrrccjiatcd, ransnationalanclpartly free from statecontrol communi-

ci r t i<rn.zooz:3)



an d adding o more ferti leconceptions f diaspora nd ransnatiorr;r lr:,rrrDiscussionof these conceptsbegan (anew)simultaneousrywith rlrr.1i1,,balisationdebate,which suggests he ideas are closely ntertwirrt,tl. tlr,globalisaüonpÍocess s driven by, among other things, new inf<rrrrr;rrr,,rrand communication technologies ICT), which indicates hat ong.irrlirl,

velopmentsof ICT, globalisationand migrant acüvitiesare nterúir,,,lAdditionally,a new rise in diasporaactivitiesand changing dyrr;rrrrr,,in the role in politics playedby migrant groups abroadsincã thr' ,1,,v,,1opment of the internet show that processesand contactsbetwcor rlr,,persedgïoups (in diÍïerent countries)are now enabled o a degrt'r, rr,lpreviously possible. In fact, as Scherer and Behmer assume, .u,,,,,,,,nity structures destroyedby migration are often rebuilt only wirlr rlrr,help of the internet, therebyalsoengenderingnew forms of comÍÌrrrrì,abroad (Adamson zooz: 297).

when studying diasporasor migrants' transnationalactiúties, íìrt ,,rtsuch as social networks, identity construction, the local dimensi'rr ,,1day-to'dayife, migrants' role in bridging naüonal and cultural boarrl,.r,,their position in the public sphereand their migration history are ,Írr.rrthe focus ofresearch (Kokot zooz:34). The internet can be an ass('r lexploring many of these aspects.Note how it has become central t, rl*following life dimensions:t) 'Diasporic communities have always relied on networks, whiclr .r

panded from the immediate local to the transnaüonal and skrlr,rl'(Georgiouzooz: 3). The internet is now the central framewolk 1,,,such networks, so that observing online structures can provid. rrrsights nto diasporiccommunity characteristics.vhen thè influ,,,,,,,of migrant groups is investigated, it becomes obúous that main ;rv.nues are found in úeir cooperationwith NGOs and third politrr,rl

parties, the construction of new (alternative) political identities, tlr,coursewithin transnationalspaceand fundraising and campaigrrirrpfor action (Adamson zoor: 16o). For all these influentiar áctiviti,,,.,the intemet is a significant instrument - if nor the central insrrrrment - used by diaspora groups.

z) The construction of a shared magination is also crucial to sustuirring migrant communities. central herein is inter-group communr(,1tion behaviour, which promotes identification and goal attainm.rrlToday, nternet platforms play a key role in this pro."r, as tlrr,yfurther the retention or reawakening of id.entíties ni ímagínedhottt,Iands.As Georgiou put it:

1) l,trouglL CTs alone do not create a community, they enable the com-

rrtunication hat is essentialbetween ts members'

4) Mcanwhile, the internet has also taken up a central function in

ÍÌìany migrants' d'ay-to'day íves fotums' email, online chat, weblogs'

private hómepages, ethno-portals, etc.). The implicitness of ICT in

inigrants' lives is ecluivalent to the use of the technologyby non-mi-

grant citizens. It can be stated that, in general, most migrants use

ihe internet as often as everyone else does and for the same reasons

(information, communication and recreation). Newer studies show

ihat the percentage of internet use by migrants is increasing steadily,

as is their competence of úe internet itself (see (N)Onliner Atlas

zooS).

5) Diaspora and transnational communities form brtdges etween host

and home countries. In analysing these bridges, the internet can be

used as a device, as these connections mainly consist of communica-

tive relationships sustained, to a large degree, with the help of ICT.

The internet's iigniÍìcance for this puÍpose can be understood when

we keep in mind that the situation of exile and dispersal is constituted by a specific communication problem (Scherer & Behmer

zooo: 283).úit ittn" has, to a large degree,been resolvedwith the

rise of féT's lttre internet, mobile phones, etc.). Therefore, analysis

of internet sites, their uses and thus emerging communication paths

can add to the understanding of migrants' bridging behaviour, as

well as the differences and similarities within and between transna-

tional communities and diasPora.

6) Apart from this, the internet as a meeting point - for_private and'

plrtrti. as well as personal and communal - reflects different levels

ãf

-igt"ttt

interaction. Online platforms are used for personal dis-

cussions between friends, the organisation of community activitiesor the publication of alternative information about the home coun-

try,s oi diaspora's situation. Through this information about the

gáneral public as well as about other migrant community members';dirp"rrËd Diasporas gain political and community visibílity'

(Geãrgiou zooz: z\. By obtaining access o the public sphere as t ex-

ìsts online, topics can be kept on the public agenda n the host coun-

try or beyona. rnis might well be úe most relevant possible influ-

errceof diaspoÍa gïoups. Again, this aspectcan be analysedby moni-

toring the internet, as it is increasingly becoming central for the

public sphere. while the offline public sphere is dominated by mass

) 4l]' I 'Al l l l l lN l . l l i : iAlr ANI) l lWl l l l r l l ' . i l t

media, t l tc i t t tcr r tct r igl r l igl r tspt tv; t l t ' , l ( , l l ' l . lov( ' ll l Ì t t ' t l l ; l l tr lt r,

suchas migrant groupsartdot 'gl t t t is l t l iot ls.

7) Last ut not east , vastnumber oÍ r t 'sot t t t t 'sr t 'avai lal l lc t t l l t , ' tr

ternet about Ihe hístory of individual migrant movemcrtls ir:r lrt rthemselves,their host country and country of origin stt il. ilrr

?li l i lNlt ' tNtìt At i A N4trAN:; t ' i l l l i r \ ' l l ' .1í, l l lAN\t lAl ioNAll : 'M ANI) lr lA:i l ' ( ' l lA

11,2,1ErnpiricalartulysisJLhe nlcrntl

Tlre irrtcrnctop(:rìs p rrt 'wopliotts ìrr asst:ssing ocialactivit ies- nti l

Rir*, Itn*.u"r, there have only bccn a Íèw studiesusing socio-scientific

ôellr<rcls n coniunction with analysingthe internet (Luzar zoo1l' and



study of theseresources s basic and central o understarlt l irr l i rr tgrant gÍoups'behaviour an d their orientation towaltls lr, ' l lr

countries.

All in all, using the internet as a reseaÍch site to decipher the clt;tt.r, r r

istics of diÍÏerent migrant orientations and relationships seems o vr, ,linsights into institutions; behavioursand novel developmentsottlttt,' r',

well as oÍfline (Wellman & Gulia r99q.One should not make lltt' trrr',

take,however, of studying all these activities solelyby analysing lr,' rrr

teïnet. Though online spheres are the extensionof ofïline worlds, llr,

alone do not suffice for a thorough analysis.Field shrdies oÍ olllrrr,

realms cannot be replaced,but the internet can add to an ovetvit'n','ldiÍïerent migrant communities' characteristics.Online and olllrrr''

worlds interact and are not independent of one another, so that ;rrr,rlt',

ing online behaviour allowsus to draw conclusionsabout overall, Ì('tr,al interests (alsooÍÏline) (seeMatei & Ball-Rokeach ooz: 4o91.

At the same time, the analysis ofinternet phenomena aids itr ovn

coming problems of 'methodologicalnationalism' and 'groupisrrr'. ,r',

internet sites and their users do not respect national or group lxrttrr'laries. Online networks are instead grouped around topics and ittlt'tt",l',

raúer than geographic background or neighbourhood proximity.

13.2 Method

This section will illustrate methodological possibilities associatctln'rllr

the internet for exploring diasporaand transnationalcommunitit's wrllr

the help of empirical data and eq)eÍiences collected as part ol llr''

authors' researchproject at the University of Münster in Germltry A' ,the political interest and involvement of migrants in úeir host cottrrlrtandfor home country are significant aspectsof diaspora and lrlttrrrtt't

tional communities and experience Morawska zoql, we focus otl /rrr/ttical actívities arried out on the internet by migrants from the Íitttrr,'t

SovietUnion, Türkey and Kurdish areas n the Middle East.Cotrrlrirr,',t,the three gÍoups repÍesent roughly 25 pet cent of all migrlrrrlrr rrr

Germanv íDestatiszoo8ì.

l iúnr" ,r" many challenges to face' One of the biggest obstacles!.t "--Flri,,rl ."r""r.i, o.r the internet is that it is up to now-impossible to

iJ.'i,ify enough websites o - in no uncertain terms - deÍìne the uni-

wrn,, of caseslwhich would be necessary o satisfy one of the criteria of

leitrntific research (fanetzko 1999: r45)' This means that it is proble-

ãrti. to make general statements aboutthe characteristics of úe inter-

net (Theobaldzooo: r8z)- The use ofparticular searchengines' such as

Çrngle and AltaVista, gives only pgtial insight into the total universe of

woUíit"r. For lack of itemativér, ho*.u"t, these search engines are of

ten used in internet research lWelker, Werner & Scholz zoo5" 5z\ on

ihc grorrnd* that internet useÍs úemselves make use of these same

aet.ãh engines to access he World.Wide Web'

A furth"er challenge for website analysis is the fact that the internet

lt a dynamic construct. The content of websites' user proÍìles and ac-

eef,s o the content of websites can change daily (Meier & Pentzold

ioãql. Moreover,websites often contain audio.and.vldeo conte1t,.,l1-

;;íí"g the scope of data that need ro be taken into account (van

;;wá zoo5). W"brit", with multilingual options 1s ryell as-links toOther similar íebsites augment the research object further (Welker et

li roo5, r33). Finally, ano"nyrnity s another element that makes it diÊ

âc,lt tá üíú'web phenomena to social groups or individuals: it is com-

monforwebsi teusersandproviderstowithholdtheirnamesolusefake identities.

Onthebasisoftheselimitations,scientif icresearchoninternetphe-nomena must dÍa\Mon a variety of diÍíerent research methods in order

in g"i ift" most differentiated picture of online reality possible' The

**r"ftoa, of our study consist oi a content analysis of websites-created

tnd used by migrants for political activities (focusing on their thematic

ãrientation, seFãescription and group boundaries)' an analysis ofthe

llnk structures of thesé websites (using a hyperlink analysis program to

uncover virrual networks) as well as"itt*"y

of the sites'users and ad-

ministrators (detecting individual interests beyond groupism)'.--

úsirrg a structureiwebsite search wiú the help of search engines

tnd the snowball sampling method (Hawe' Webster & Shiell zoo4)' we

Btudied websites created and used by migrants from the former Sovie

Üniorr, Türkey and Kurdish areas n the Middle Eastwho are now living

io õ"r-"nn Switzerland and Austria' In úis analysis' we vjewed ove

8oo sites. ôf th"-, 99 German-post-Soviet,o8 German-Turkishan

toz G"r-"rr-Kurdisti-websites' turned out to be relevant for ou

I 'A l l l l l iN l i l l l l i^ t l ANlr l lWlr l l l Ì Ì l t ' l l i25 o

t l

researchquest ion about pol i t i r ' l t l ol t l t ' t l l . l l r t 's( . i l t 's wt ' t t ' t ' lPl r ' t ''l

wi th respect o their year of establ isl r r r r t ' r r l ,l r t ' c l t 'gr t ' t 'o wlr i t l l l r r r

couldbe considered p to date, heir polit icrl ir l íbrrrratiotì,oÌÌì lrt l lrrrrl

features,as well as existing references tt |tr'lttr.

l l l l r tNllr l lNl l l

^i i

A MlANl, r ) l i

" l lr lr i l l i r '

l i lÂ l/ ! l ìA l ir r l i^ l l" f" l ANI) l) lA i i l ' i ' l ' lA

4) i t r t t . r i r t . l i t l rrwi | | r i r r l r l l r , lsr l r|yt t t l r . t . i t ; t l i r r t t; t I l r r r l l l i r . (diuspor l )spl tcÍwor l t lwi t l t ' is i l r i lty t tl t l t t' t t ' )'

It t cornplianccwiLÌl (rt l<tt lzooz)' wc.arguc ha t rather ha n developing

trrcrr' ì'tling migrant groups to fit the.definjtions'



l1{i

{

i

I

i

i

ii iII'

iïil4I

Ill Ll lt ïI

i

tion and participationandlorhoìt country politics' In addition' 3o websiteswete chost'tt "t 't

moreintensivecontentanalysisandasurveyofthesi tes,oper l t l t r t l ; . r t r r |users.

Since our interest lay in uncovering organisational structurcs ;tttrl "r

ientationsof migrants'political online activities'we made usc ol 't tt' i

work visualisati; tool (called Issue Crawler").This server-sidt'rtl.rtr'lnetworklocat ionsoftwareperformedaco- l inkanalysisof thc. , l .1,r . , l1and roz relevant URLs entered from the úree groups (set' lt,1ii t"

Á"e,"1.The

results of the inquiries are,geographical sualisrrtiorr', rl

the networks (seeFigures 4Al-,4A: and r3A'3)'This method,t'tt'rlrL'l

us to reveal reìationúips, displayed online through hyperlinks' lx'lw" tt

ãlff"r"ttt political websites, úus enhancing our understanding ol ttrl

;t"*t' poiitl."l spheres that were úe focus of this research'"

W" iro conducted an online user survey'which was postecl lr llrr

30mostrelevantGerman-post-Soúet,German.Turkishand( i t . t t t t . t t tí(urdish we'sites,, and explõred he political online and offline .t lrvtlit'ir

of the three migrant groüpt' In all iases'the questionnaire.wrtr; rr"ril

able in two languag.r"lc"i-"" or Russian/Geíman and Turkislr) llrr

for* *"*.o*ft"tãd by 13 6 migrants from th e former Sovi( ' l I lrr i 'r i i

(Russia, Ukraine, r"rákh,t"tt, árc'1, t77 Turkish migrants rtttrl ilt'

i#ã;ie;ú of úe first group, 37.6 per cent identified rlrt'ir ' rlr

nic backgroirndas Russian-fewish,zr'8 pet cent as German (Átts:'rrll+1

and zo.l pet cent as Russian,which showshow heterogeneotls ll(' rrrl

gr"", gio"pt are.The sample s not representative ue to the st'lÍ r:''l'''

t ion of th e participants Dil lman zooo" zo9\'.Nevertheless'ittt,t ' ' l t ' t"

ing a representative ampleof internet.users s' to date' mpossilrh" llrl"

prã."drrì" ailows us to generate preliminary explorativecoiltlilr;r,rFr

ãbout the political use of the internet by migrants in Germany'

-_ny"""ry' ingthepol i t icalact ivi t iesofmigrantsinthisway,w( ' l ; r r t tp' l t ito view th! following dimensions of migrants' orientations:

r) internal interactún of migrants *i1ii one online contttttttrtlv rrll

úthin one country (inforÃation and data exchange'distttssiorr rtr'l

political mobilis ation)

z; interactionwi ú the residentsan d organisationsn tlrt 't , l t t t l t t "l

or igin( inputofal ternat iveinformat ion'ar t iculat ionol( ' l ) lx) i ; r l i ! r l imobilising resistance)

3) interact ioã " i t t th e iesidcrr tst t t t lotg: t t t is; r l iot tstt l l r t ' tosl ( ot l l r l i i '

''l inror-r t ion a|or t t l r t ' si t t t t r l i , t t rt l l r . t ol l l l l ly .Í . t ' i11i r l 'r l r l r i rr e

fo r suPPort);

diÍïi,r.nt conceprs

trre rcverse approach ;'-;.h-;;e sãnsibrã. Rnalysing migrant activ-

lties online, *" .ott"tt ã"i"-tã'"u""t

the characteristics of each group in

ordcr to compaÍe them and ultimately conceptualise our findings'

U.3 Results

11,3.t Website nalYsis

Tht' website analysis was conducted mainly in order to address the fol-

lowing questions: which target,C'::p: -,11Ï "ttott"ted

with the sitesì

Wlrich political topics are treated úth what kind of priority? What lan-

ü-,tï'tíït"ãia"ar't"*

"*irtt websites linked to each other?

Tapir 't r:r:. r lr.' i{ . '

' , ' , ,1,,r i tyoí ' wt'lrsi l t 's lt 'rr lswith polit ical issues concerntng

€€l l l l t Iyoí 'or i1l i r r"n ,

t ] i t " "" ì i " ' t t " " t t 'y of residence' ut clcl r r l ist t'

pdt t ( tesx' tol l t ' ' r 'vt . r l r ' l l ll' i " l r l r r r ipi t : r t r lr< l t rps considcr t ' t l r 'P:r t ; t l '

| |o t r l t . | . r i Is: i r . t ' ' | . t I r l r . t l r) M.,r r ' | | t , t tr | ì( ) |x. | . t . t ' t l l t l Í . Ih t ' t .v l t l t t : t Ir ' t I l r r r ' i I

'{:i',:tË":r':ïrüe enmost1":"."iïlt*^* ï:'iï ïlffitïï"u';ig;;,* from the former Soviet

union aÍe not úe primary target

;;ï;?;rh"::'r.rï::':f;tffi ïï:-ffilJï'lïi:l"ïá'{HÏlï:,ïïïffi1ï;""pre interestea,, nïr,m culture ndpolitics

{for cletailssee Sevekerzoo7)'By contrast'nine out of ten surveyed

ãtrkish administratorsndicáied hat their primary taÏget group com-

iiil j;'Ë;^;i t1"kt';';'ìgi"*r''" owive" 9ï*-11I:i]:,1u-t"-Iltrut,,r* stated that trtty lf*ïaa'"ss *"b.us"rs of German origin' one

ldtttirtistrator explaineá that his site was intended to serve as 'a forum

for t'xchang" of"*p"'i"t""' ""d

opinions of al1 German-speaking

?rrks,alltheirfriends;'{th":l;h":"'-:,'Ï:.',:::*j"r*:*r1lfii-

;iïil',lirii:il *"rr.ìï", ,rrà*edhat hesites eÍe otdesignedrima

9y lìrr l(urds n c"'-"t|,ï"t fo',r<t"as everywheren the world oÍ peo-pie rrtcrestedn Kurdish ssues'Sincemany of the websites reblocked

bt tlr.' government "'it""' ïvna or Turkey' it can be assumed hat

turrlish websites"r" ";i;;;;only

used-for communicationbetwee

ãgìt,',,t and nhabitantsn the countryof origin'

I tAi l tHtN t i l t ' i t i^ i l^Nt)

twtr i l tJtI . l iF

Tabfe 3.r CeographicaleJertnu:so politicul opicson thc unulysedwt:hsitrt(in %)

Total(N:tog)

Post-Sovìet Turkísh krtrrilltcase tudy case tudy í r1r trf,rl(N:5i l (N:ro8) íN r, ' : l

tNl ' l l {Nl l l 'As A Mll^Nli ( l11 i t l l lYlNrl l l lANliNiì l loNA!lsM ANI) l) lAslrol{A

ïlbfc r3,e L.unyltu11t:sr,ort ltc ttnulytrdwrh:itel. in'/,)

Tohl Post-Soviet Turkish Kurdish

(N=loS) case tudy case tudy case tudy(N:gg) (N:to8) (N:1o2)

lolclyGerman 31.4 22.2 47.2 23.5



i

Both countryof origin andcountryof residenceSolelyGermany/Switzerland/AustriaDifferentcountries(international,beyond ountr ies for igin an d

residence)Solelyhe countryof or igin(former SovietUnion, ïurkey,Kurdish reas)

41.7

24.9

17.2

16.2

32.41. 1

19.0

50.5

Source: PPI dataNotes:Chi-squarees t s ignif icant x2: ì75.66i;p < 0.001)Cramer 's :0.533

Sovietwebsitesconcentrateon international topics. In contrast, polilrt,rltopics with refeÍence o Germany count for 19 peÍ cent, and 9 per.((,t!lof úe websitesconcentratesolely on post-soviet opics. The emplr;r;rr,

of the Turkish websites s on German politics: 50 peÍ cent have a clorrrinant political reference o the migrants'host country,while roughly r',peÍ cent of úe websites Íefer to political developments in ïtr'licyPolitical information from both countries is oÍïered by 3z per Cenl ,lthe webpages.Kurdish sites show a stÍong focus on the Kurdish ,citurr.'

z8 per cent focus exclusively on this topic, highlighting a str()rrll'Kurdish nationalism'. They also deal with political events n their irr,:;lcountry (7o per cent of the websites), but only when linked to Kurtlirlrinterests or incidents in Kurdish areas n the Middle East.

Language

German is most often used on the analysedwebsites,although thcr,,are differences between the three migrant groups (see Table ry. zl.'l'lrt.Russian anguage servesmoïe often úan German as úe communi(,1üon basis of post-Sovietmigrants on the web: 70 per cent of the postSoviet websites use Russian, while on more than 30 per cent of tlrrsites it is the only language. AbouI zz peÍ cent of the sites aÍe ex(lrlsively in German, while z3 per cent are multilingual. In contnrst,Turkish websites are mostly maintained in German, while more thrrrr47 per cent are in the language of only the host country. Of the Turkislrsites, 26 per cent are offered in both German and Turkish, whereas r.rpeÍ cent use Túrkish as the only language. Again, Kurdish sites diíÌi,r,

ll

ilil

Multil inguale.g. urdish,urkish, erman,lnglish, wedish)Ìurkish/Russian/KurdÌshndCermanSolely ussian,urkish, urdish

24.9

23.919.7

lource: PPI daïa

Nolas: hi-squareest s ignif icant x2:35.859; < 0.001)

Cnmer's V:0.485

Rr they are predominantly multilingual. This means the user can

choose between at least two languages such as German, Turkish,

Ënglish, French or Arabic; 20 per cent of the sites aÍe in German ând

Kurdish, while z3 per cent use solely German.

LinksLinks to oúer websites are the foundation and central idea of the inter-

ilet. However, post-Soviet as well as Ïïrrkish migrant websites aÍe rarely

linked to each other (possibly due to competition). The sites of post-

Sovietmigrants basically Íefer to Russian websites, particularly weblogs(for details see Figures ryAt, rlA.z and 134.3).Only rarely do they show a

connection to Germany by linking to German websites' A major contrast,

Tirrkish sites are linked primarily wiú host country websites,particularly

with German media sites and naüonal institutions such as Germany's

parliament, the federal government, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and

the Goethe Institute. Another group of links refer to Turkish self,help or-

ganisations n Germany, such as he Federation of Türkish Entrepreneurs(Bteu.de), he Turkish Student Federation (BTSonline.de)and the Turkish

Community in Germany (TGD.de). Links to Turkish websites without re-

ference to Germany are very rare. Websites of Kurdish migrants, how-

ever,are strongly interlinked: many sites have a list of links to a numberof other Kurdish websites maintained from Germany or other European

countries. There are also generally moÍe websites n the Kurdish network

than in the post-Soviet and Turkish ones.

13.3.2Usersurueys

The user survey addressedthe following questions: what are the inter-

viewees' political interestsl Which form of political activity (informa-

tion, discussion, participation) do they prefer online and oÍflineì And

who are úeir preferred communication partners online and offlinel

z5. l

1^ 1

30.3

1 .9

10-v

12.0

38.2

20.617.6

KA'l l l iN t( ist iAt ANt) lrw|l i l t i t t í : f i l

PoliticalnterestsFor the rnajor i tyoí ' t l rc intcrvi t 'wt 'cl r r i13r ' l r r r ts,r r l t . r r ral ionlr lr Í l ; r r r : rawel l as pol i t icaldevelopmentsn thcir (or l r ì l ryoÍ 'or igi r r wt, r t ,o l l l r rmost interest.Of the post-soviet nterviewees, 6 pc r cr:rr lsl;r lcrl lr j ltheir main political conceÍns lie with 'international relatirlrrs' ,lh,nr rl

'rr i i

li tNl ' t l l iNti t A5 A MliANt' i ìl r r i l l l l l t lNí. l l {AN:iNAlloNAll l ;M ANlr l) lA5l '( l l {A

?aliticalactivity

1n gr.r r t ' r l l , l t t ,sr r rvt ,y l rows lr l r l l ì l ' l< isJrrrclKurdishusersare more

pÕlit ici l l ly ìrìgagcd rÌl i t ì( ' lrarrPost-Sovi(Ìtsers.Turkish an d Kurdish

UËefs norc oÍÌcn scarch 'or nÍ'ormation on websitesof parties or public

:ullx)rities, online newspapers as well as associations han do post-



by the topics'education'and'labour an d socialaffairs'.Thc loprrgration and integration' was less mportant for this group oí us{.r, (,11,6Table 3.3). n general,56 pe r cent of the post-soviet sers wt,rr, r l :. iestedmoÍe in the politics of their country of origin than in Cr.r.nr;rrr ,,,1itics (seeTablery.4; for detailssee Kissau 2oo7).The main topit oÍ 1r,,lltical interest to Turkish interviewees,by contrast,was 'migrati<ln rrrrl rrtegration' (zg per cent). International politics rank in secorrrl '1,r,,.ahead of themes such as elections and democracy. (urdish rrrill.lit;,show a dominant concern for'international relations' (55 per t.r,rrt), lrvelopments n Kurdish areas n the Middle East (9r per cent) ;rrrrl lrrtopic of migration.

Tabfe r3.3 Interest n political topicson the internet (in %o)

51.7

48.3

65.3

34.7

i

It li

j

II1l

lotal

(N:rlt)l \ rn tzlr

(.u\Í ,,lhJl

(N rrr, l

'r " Ã

lÌ 4

lÌFr

IF

tl

l' J

' ì , ' |

Posl-Soviet Turkíshcasestudy casesludy(N:tlì N:tt+)

Internat ionalelat ionsMigrationand integrationElections, emocracy, articipationEd cationLabourand socialaffairsEconomy nd inanceReligion

39.2r8. 311.7r0. 88. 96. 744

46.69. 89. 0

r2. 5l l .36. 83. 8

21.329.313.8l1.sl l .58. 64. 0

Source: PIdataNoÍes: hi-squareest significantx2:57.258;< 0.001)Cramer's :0.257

Tabfe r3. 4 Main political interest/orientation (in %o)

Total Post-Sovìet Turkish(N:Clt) casestudy casestudy

(N=tl+) g:t7z)

Krtrh: l t

ca * \ lr t t l

íN ri t l

Country f or igin ( formerSovietUnion,ïurkey, Kurdishareas)Countryof residence Germany,Switzerland, ustria)

56.7

43.3

Source:PPI dataNoÍes:Chi-square est significant x2=58.003; < 0.001)Cramer'sV=0.363

ãovict users. Forums and weblogs, however,are used more frequently

$ post-Soviet users. These Íìndings correspond to the political ofÍline

tctivities of the three groups: Turkish and Kurdish migrants aÍe more

fiequently members of political parties, trade unions or migrant selÊ

help groups than post-soviet migrants. They also discuss politics oÍÍline

tlore often. ïirrkish andIturdish useÍs also indicated that their political

êetivities (information retrieval, political discussions and participation)

bave increased considerably since they began using the internet, while

post-soviet users' political activity has increased only slightly.

Communication artnersUring the internet to enable - and simplify - contact with their country

Of origin is a central motive for many of the cluestioned users, suggest

lng that their individual online sphere and online activities are influ-

€nced by their migratory experience. Their prirr,ary communication

Pgrtners online are migrants from the same country of origin who also

llve in their country of residence (seeTable r3.5)'

lfble r3.5 Communicationartnersn he nternet in%")

Total Post-Sovíet Turkish Kurdish

(N:+ll) casestudy casestudy casestudy

(N:tls) fl:t65) N:ttt)

f

Mlgrants rom the former

SovietUnion,Turkey nd

Kurdish reasno w iv ing n

Germany, witzer land, ust r ia

Gcrmans, wiss, ust r ians

without a migraïory

backgroundiosidentsof statesof the

former Soviet Union,Turkey,

Kurdish reas

Mlgrants rom the countryof

or iginnow l iv ing n countr iesgpart rom Cermany,

Switzerland, ustria

6t.3

44.2

44.1

12.9

57. 0

33.4

55.6

19.5

55 .

40.6

5. 7

59.1 67.9 No tsignifican

44.2 16.9080.031

36.0 16.7360.001

12.9

lource: PPI data

Noias:umoí responseategoriesvery ften'and often'0crmans: ramer's:0.1 0Rcsidents:ramer's :0.1 9

Mort ' s; t t ' tÍ ì t : l r l ly,xrsl -Sovi t ' ltst ' r 's onrrr r r r r r ict r l ( ,ì tor( , í i t , r rwr l r r rrhabi tants Í ' thc íbrmcr S<lvicl .Jniorrl rurrwi l l r ( i t ' r r rurr rsut l< in11r rr r lgration background.Turkish and l(urdish uscrs crrcl o hrvr,r lr ir; ,ltact with German useÍs more frequently.Th c rnajorityoÍ' 'r ïr ' l<islr l' lpost-sovietmigrants alsobelonged o a permanentgroup oÍ crrrrrrrrrrr lcation parlners on the internet, with whom they discuss politit:r (,,.r r

f lde rr l r lysr .clik 's t t , Í r ' r ' lo l ì r rsr i ; t t t ' l ; l l lH, l l i lg( 'si l t 'sr t ld orr ly a Ícw t t lGerrrurrrnt 's st . r ' l i igr r | r , r1A.r) . ' l ' l r lorrgl rrypt ' r l inks, cbsi teadminis-

Hgtorsartcl rst 'rs 'xpr( 'ss ltt ' ir t lr i t 't l lr t ions an d interestsby referring

€ther rrscrs o thcse pagcs. n this rcspcct, inks to webpageshavebeen

çonrpared o referencei in academic documents (Thelwall,zoor).The

nunilr", and quality of links on one page also add to úe relevance and



and 53.8per cent, respectively).(urdish users were lessoften intt,,Ìr,rt, lin such an online community (46.6 per cent).

13.4 Discussion

The political online activiües hat we identified throughout our lr,:;,,,rr,rcan be used to characterisedif[erencesand similarities in the oli.rrr;rtions and organisationalstructures of migrant groups. Our study Ír,rrrr,lvariations between migrant groups in terms of their online lirrr.,r;i,.structures,predominant online languageuse, purpose for using rrrtr,rnet sites, integration status oÍïline as reflected online, as well ;r:; tlr,.central function of the internet. All in all, we think that oüÍ sarrurh',,fmigrant internet users represents úree different online spheres ,r rrrgrants (seeKissau& Hunger zoog). Thesecan be categorisedas tr,r!r,:national (online) communities, (ürtual) diasporasand ethnic (orrlrrrr,lpublic spheres, all of which have become evident through analysis ol rrrteÍnet usagecharacteristics for an overviewofthe disünguishing t r t,,ria, seeThbler3A.r).

13.4.1Transnationalnlinecommunities

We consider migrants from the former Soviet Union an exampk, r,l ,rtransnational (online) community that is politically involved, albcir rrr'lvery actively,both in the home country and the host country througlr rlri.internet. This group communicates predominantly with other post-Sovrr.lmigrants and nhabitantsof their country of origin online, therebypr,r,Í,.rring to use the Russian language and frequently reverüng to their rorrr

mon Russian culture. With respect to the general communication slr rr,ture of post-Sovietmigrants on the internet, the network of üeir poÌitr,,rlsites s stable. n contrast o the Kurdish group, for example, he airrr r.,not to facilitate Íeturn to their home country but to sustain intt.rr.:,tamongusers n political topicsrelevant o host and home countries.'l'lr,,rexchangepolitical views and information about their political activiti<.s rrboth countries,such asonline petitions or fundraising campaigns,wlri, lrare supported by many of the post-Sovietmigrant internet users.

The political internet sites used by post-Soüetmigrants in Gernr;rrrlare part of a larger Russia-based nternet network. Most hlperlinl<s ,,1

f{tillility of aninternet site. Hlperlink structures of websites, therefore,

;eveal power structures, communication paths and relationships and in-

tsrt.sts between different sites within úe network (see Kim zooo). In

€ur example, relevant political sites of migrants in Germany thus show

the groupi' central thematic focus on their Russian heritage'

TÈe sãcial spaces inhabited by transnationalcommunities are not

üniÍbrm, but sirould rather be viewed as constituting what Appadurai

frÍbrs to as a'diasporic public sphere' (1996: 4fl.Thís is in fact visible

When studying thã odine interests and interactions of post-Soviet mi-

:rants. Wiifriã their online public sphere, _whichs dominated by úe

üse of Russian, inner differentiations can be detected between indiú-

dual and sub-sphere orientations - some are moÍe host country-or-

lented, while oúers aÍe more home country-oriented. Many of the mi-

3rênts also explicitly stated that they prefer not to choose between home

ind host .onntry but, rather, to sustain a parallel interest in the politics

Of both countries. As to the relationship between oÍfline and online ac-

üvities, it became evident that users are politically active in German or-

lenisations offline while, online, their orientation is focused moÍe ontheir home countrY.

Transnational communities maintain lasting relationships across bor-

ders, through the agency not of states oÍ nations, but individual actors

Or associatiãns (seeKokot, Tôlôyan & Alfonso zoo4: 41.This individua-

llstic character is also noticeable online. The majority of post-Soviet mi-

gfants interviewed keep themselves informed about political topics

frrrorrgh online journals, forums or weblogs, while the sites of political

parties or goveïnmental organisations are seldom úsited' While most

ãf th" qn"úoned migrants had posted in a forum or blog, only r3'5 per

cent usèd emails to contact politicians in home or host country'

8.4.2 Virtual/onlinediasPoros

A contrast to úis transnational focus, our analysis of Kurdish migrants'

Usesof the internet reveals that online actiüties serve to enhance their

diaspora dentity. This migrant group is centrally focused on the_Kurdish,ca.rs"'.While tirey communicate with other Kurdish migrants dispersed

Worldwide, the entire sffucture of their online interaction and their resi-

dence abroad appearsunstable, as their ÍetuIn to 'Kurdistan' is a predo-

minant goal. at the same time, the network of these diaspora websites

l (Al l lRlN l( lSSAl ANl) l lWlr l l l l l l r : l rË

ha ssott t t ' t I t i t tgí it ( i t t Ì ì l ) t t i1-1t tlurnr t t r , r ' , l r t , r ' t , l rsl r r ly; r i 'w oÍ l l r r ol l rerTurkishor post-Sovicti tcshrvc su(: l ìu r ; r ral i ty. any <l Í l l ( 's( ,$r t r . : r!! Fevenblocked y the governmentsn l ran, Syr iaor ' Í ì r r l<cy, l r i t l r . r l i , r r r runderscores heir central ocuson political changeand inÍìur,rrt ..

Their political involvement in the host country as it becorrrt,s rirl,l-online, is, in contrast, only peripheral,

, ll l tN' i l i t {Ntl t As^

MtiANli ( l t i r ; i l r | |\ tN(, iRAN.iNAll0N^l l lM ANI) l ì lAt i l 'o l l^

ptt l r l i tsl l l r t ' r ' t 's 'l l t l rgt ' r ' , t t t t4. \ . ig, r ' ; r r t lsìorr t ' l i r r l<t 'ytt ( i t l r rnar ty ro -

Vicl t .an xlr r r l l l t , .Wlt i l t . torr l l r r wi l l r l l r t ' i rCot l Í l t ry f 'or igin s essent ial lpassivc, heir polit icul rr l t 'r t 'sl trtcl tctionsare focused on their host

eoulrtry,Germany.Thcsc migrants preÍèr, however, o discuss poliücal

tollicswithin their differentiated ethnic' sphere.take place frequenúy (in contrast



rlr.;r.rtlOften, úe host country's government is lobbied into tal<inu ,r, r,,rrSchwalgin points out that:

a positive redefinition of diaspora offers úe possibility of a por;rtive identification with locality becausea diasporacan only s(,rv{.as a mediator if it is successfirllyntegrated n its country oÍ rt.:rrdence. zoo4: 88)

Kurdish websites reflect - much more than post-Sovietand 'lirrl,rr:lr

websites - an ethnic group consciousness common homeland, rrrr,llrorigin, tradition, history),which is used to distinguish Kurds frorrr ,tlrr rgroups in the host society(seeWonneberger2oo4: rr8). In contr.,nt rrpost-Soviet nd Turkish sites, opics such as ife in Germany, ntt'p1r;rtr,rror political developments n Germany are almost never discuss('(|. |rrKurdish sites, Kurdish nationalism is eüdent in many cases,anrl r:; rlleastsubliminal to the political online discussionsof Kurdish mig,r.;rtr

Another difference between Kurdish sites and their post-sovir'r rrrrrTurkish counteÍparts is the network factor. Among the Kurdish sitt,s. rrrterlinkage s strong and reciprocal.while it seems úat competitirrr rrr.tween sites is no obstacle, this is not the case for many of thr, pu.,lSovietand Turkish sites.Kurdish internet sites have an internatiorr;rl ,,cus group of Kurds worldwide, since quite often the sites are mrrltrtrrrgual (French, German, Kurdish, Turkish, English), thus showing lrorr.analysis of úe internet goes beyond national frameworks.

Other research data suggest hat Aleüs in Germany have a sinrrl,rrdiasporic online orientation. They have also established a close flcrw,rIof action in order to improve the living conditions and rights of Alt,vr,.in

Turkey. However, they are much more rooted in German life arrtl :,,,ciety than Kurdish migrants in general (see Sôkefeld zoozl. This ;r1i,rrnshows the value of assessing ifferencesbetweendiasporas hrouglr rrrternet analysis.

tj.4.j Ethniconlinepublicspheres

Evaluating political information, communication and participatiorr .lmigrants online has disclosed hat additional forms of political migr;rrrlinstitutions and structures beyond diaspora and transnationalism lr;rv,,developed.We have come to conceptualise hem as 'ethnic (onlirrr,l

Contact with Germanto post-soviet migrants), but Turkish migrants' chosen political commu-

nication space s one of Turkish heritage. Online and oÍÏline worlds are,

in this case, very close and interwoven because he local dimension of

users wiúin one countíy makes it theoretically and practically possible

firr users to meet oÍÏline (whereas online and oÍÍline contact is much

more unrealistic in diaspora and transnational contexts). Such internetuse as shown by the Turkish group indicates üe creation of a public

rphere in a twofold sense. The contents are, on the one hand, publicly

accessible, often even in German (this is much more often üe cas

than on post-Soüet or Kurdish websites), and topics are tailored for an

'ethnic' user group of Turkish migrants. On the other hand, the internet

as a platform enables the creation of an ethnic public, independent

Íiom the general German public and journalistic selection mechanisms.

This concept of an ethnic online public sphere describes a public

sphere that is predominantly open to a subgroup within society- in our

case,Turkish migrants. This sphere enables ts members to develop dis-

cursive abilities under conditions shielded from úe pressures of thedominant group's public sphere and simultaneously allows members to

maintain or develop úeir cultural identif apart from the dominant cul-

ture (see also Fraser ry92: n6l. Such a sphere is not to be mistaken

with an eúnic enclave hat seversall connections with the general pub-

lic sphere (Fraser r99z: rz4l. In contrast, our survey of úe websites'

link structure (see Figure i3A.z) uncovered a tight network and inter-

linkage of Turkish migrant and German websites. The study also re-

vealed that web users of Turkish origin communicate more frecluently

with German web users than do users of post-Soviet or Kurdish origin.

This example illustrates how globalisation has not influenced all mi-

grant gïoups to act as a diaspora or transnational community. Other re-search has also shown úat Indian migrants in Germany, for example,

may well also be understood as maintaining such an ethnic public

sphere (see Goel zooT). Characteristics of sites such as theinder.net

seem to indicate that differentiations viewed in our analysis may also

apply to other migrant groups.

FAl l l l l lN (l l i l ' iAlr ANlr l rWlr l l l l t l r 'l F; / ( ) ( )

r3.5 Outlook

These hree communicationstructurt.s lisr'ttsst'tlt lx tvt: tt'attstlltltolr'rl

(online) communities. (virtual) diasporasaild t'thtric (orrlirrt')Prrl' lI

àph"t"s - are probably not implicitly stabÌe.Rather, heir rnoclil'it,rlr,,rr

a l l [rxtt l . ìU l l l r is r lor,s lol t t te; l t t l t ; t l rrr igt;t t l ls ' i r t l t ' r<'sts) r orgaÍì lsa-

t i .rra l s lrrrctrrr t .sl i t l rro l .x ist1r r. r' ro l lrcsc cclrt to logícalossibi l i t ies '

Rrr r l r . r ,ht . d<lr ' i r*rr t Í i , .rrr ' r ,s,Í t l i Í ï i , re . t rr igrarrtsett lements broad

wcrc rciníbrced and strctrgtlrt'nc<lby new media. d*tl:p3"il;-li

Ì ' l l l r lNl lr l lNl l l Ali A MIIAN: ' ( l l ' f i l l l l r Ï lN( ; ls^NãNiì l lUN^r t irv l

il;iì. ;*t iàeì,h;t"-ean Tatars;' oreoveï'he nternet ashelped. r , - !

-^*1.^- .1^ into co,ltac'



is dependenton the political, social,economic or even religiotls rh'vr'l

oomËnts of home, host and third countries, he status oÍ'ttti11t,tttl ' :

túemseluesand the duration of their presenceabroad. n this cottl.rl, il

seemspossible o imagine a phasemodel basedon time, in wlr i t r t lr ' '

first generationof migrants could be called a diasporaand thc s('(()trrl

a tralnsnationalcommunity (see also Faistr99g:

44;Emattttt'lrr:'"tr

zoo5:521.The results of our researchalso suggest hat a third iil;t1l' t, ,

DossibÍe n the form of an establishedeúnic public sphere that i" r1rr''

ãominantly nationally oriented and displays only a secondary t;trt:;tr't

tional dimension. For úis reason, \Me ather could call it a'rtltltotr'rl

public sphere with an ethnic imprint'. Given this typology,oÍìt't,ttl'l

speculatã whether the transnational post-Soviet online corÌìlìrlllrll\

might develop n this direction oveÍ time'

Thir q,r"rtion of course cannot be resolvedat this stage,but rttttr;l rr

obse.vedclosely n úe years o come' It is to be expected at tht' y'rrrrrg

generationaccustomed o internet use in day-to-day ife_will espt't ,rllt

áetermine migrants' networks and orientations in the future. Sr',,,tt,|

and third-geneÍation migrants in host countries will have to decitlt' l,'rthemselves how to use the internet to fit their political interests antl rtr tv

ities. By evaluating ongoing changes n communication practict's ,rrr'l

characteristics of internet sites, however, úe fluidity and malleabilitv "lthese structuresand relationscan be taken into account.Using nt'lw,'rf

analysis of linkage structures within and between difíerent comm t ' '

on the internet, we can trace contact with other actors and monitol s r

in activism and orientation. Stable inkages betweenwebsitesaÍìtl tt:.''t

groups provide evidenceof the existenceof durable transnationlll rotrr

munities in contrast to mere transnational practices of individuals.

In úis context, t appearsnecessaryo point out that though rtltliotr,rl

borders are not úsible online,they are often artificially drawn llt|orrlilr

the behaviour of users - in our case of migrants. Where ne 5Ll1r lrilt

ders exist, anguageand ethnic belonging enable he creation of ttt'w tt r

group-outgroup structures. It úerefore becomes evident norì<'lltt'|t",,,

that ihe nation-state s dominant for online interacúon. Especiallywrtlr

respect o political topics, he migrants in our researchacted n rt'l;tlt"tt

to srr.h national patteÍns despite he internet enabling activities rt'y',rr'l

the nation-state.Furthermore, the internet is of growing importancefor numt't,,ttrr r"

pectsof society e.g. he internetan d clt 'vr ' loPrnctrt) ,nd i t w i l l l rrrvr ' ,rrr

èrror-ogr impact on th e strtt t ' l t tr l t l l t ; t t tg r 'oÍ t t l igrarl ls 's i l t t ; t l iorr ' ,

Ïil;#ilã""ìrt* "'-iu" then -Y1',ti'l:.ï"::""i'"Ï:ïìlïhï#ffi;b"o or individualsoodispersed.n suchcases,he

.. - --^l ^^+:. ,

Intcrnet has not only intensified diasporic óommunication and activ-

itics, but has been essential for suwival as a group'

In another respect, the internet allows for diversification and demo-

t:ratisation of migrant ãppo*"iti"t' NoI it is not only opposition lea-

tl,*, á".iaitg whãt the aìá'po'" should do'.but alsoother' evenmargina-lised, individuals can gain a voice wiÌhin úese communities' An exam-

pf" ï"r. ,t the Kurdis'h ai*poo, *ftich was originally a tightly linked

and politicised community' úow the open and moÍe democratic design

of online interaction""ábl"'

alternative actions' beyond established

;,;;i;ãres. The minority within the minority is no longer voice-

lcssor invisible, as Georgiou súmmarises (zooz: ro)' Since-communica-

tion ottirr. is non-hierar"úical, or almost nearly so' it lets diaspoÏa cen-

tres become more grounded, strengthening pluralism beyond úe focus

on a homeland, imagined or not. Í*po*"r-"nt of the periphery can

thus add to the advancement of diaspora gÍo11ps owards transnational'

eúi. p.rlrli. spheres andlor other forms.ofmisrant orientations'

Nonetheless,"u

*ïgtìïtt ã not online' ihere is a digital divide

within migÍant commirnities abroad' and social boundaries aÍe repÍo-

ducedonline,whichhindersanall-embracing.internet-aidedevaluationãirnigo* actions. Further problems-with' and restrictions on' the ana-

lysis of migrant";;;kt

ïnclude the deficits of technological infra-

structure in home countries, control or censorship by govgrnments' in-

adequate knowledge oi-i"*""t use and the necessity of English-lan-

g""g" ,kiilt for cÃputer and internet activities' Normally' the internet

cannot reach a large or even world public by itself with"": tl"ttt:-t::

*"ãì" .ou"t"g", ,'ihi.h also constricts the role of the internet tor ml-

grant actiüties and emPowerment'

The internet constiótes a new realm and new possibilities for communication, ,"pr",""t"tion and imagination' as migrants are- oftt'r

otherwise excluded nã* ,fr" public r!h"t" or mainstream media (st''

Georgiou zooz:5\.This alternative spaceonline is only a solutiotr l

some extent, torva*',"'

th " t""t'"l problem of exclusive prrlrl

spheres n the host countries still exists'

)6 2

Appendix

K A ' l lì l N l i lssÂ|^Nt)

t ,wt i i l l rNr, r rn ì l l l , lNl lr l {Nlf l As^

MlrANS ol i l i l lJ l l ï lNl, l l lANtrNAll{ }NAl lM ANI) l) lASl 'oRA 2() j



Figure 3A.r Network nalysisfpost-Sovietebsites

6r.,.,,.

Onasalt , - , '

Oordonttner

'"er.a"

ì"0'a"

'renralr*djuden.de

Q,.0,,.n"-",,r.-",n" o"

q.,.",,,,,,

huon.hd-ru db .rphPbb rÜr '

a, _ ", - Oprpnu".s

0,*.**-r-

8g".-"ny.,u

ì".tin.a"

O"n-

'."*,',.".Qv*or.a"

Obelarus-botschaft.de

'krii.liv6joural..M .rbirda ltuéjournól..om

ar.-'dj. tlv .jo!rnat..oh

O0l".'.,.,""Çt.tr ,a*-t.--

@1".,",,

3aiÍ ru

O,'.,".,.,"-

?,"".,'".'.{p.,_,,

o"-.,.,rt"r.,..",..-Vt.j- ,.t.- . aaft.lna.rrqou,nar..o-

o"",0.., *,o*"r."-- fneu'aua.ltuqournalron

qndÌh€ rox.rüèjound.@m

Olnrensio livejoumat.corÌ| eÈhenèrà1.1tuejournal..oí

.nr.ttâsmlrr*w.journur .om

Flgure3A.z Network nalYsisf Turkish ebsites

.dw mild.de Omnmtscnrn.ae

qr,,".,"o?*:ïw!'d bs4mOs,*au".- ur

q*."

Q**

o""''""" o.",.",,"".1Oo,.o**n*-*.*

O".",r".."

q0.."

Or,rn *

íì\ - /u too.o-

". Q""-*

ìãurêndreeoí.r í *n d.

Oq,,.,","Onotzpottlt.ors

l**-,'-.e",.",

Oor..o"

O*0""*0"

Ooo-*.oo-n"n.-n

,O,"no"

.s9.ofdnêt.nw.lch.de

ìildhlos.d.

.d..wikipêdiã.org

Q),,

On.n"n o"

||,"n.o.

FAll l l l lN Klss^tr ANI) lrwl i l l l rNt ' l l !

26 4 ^S

A Mli^Nf, Ír l ' ' , l l l l , Ï lNt, l t l^N5NAlt l lNAl l l tM /\Nl ' l ' lASl '() l ' lA ?6 5' t ' l li lNl ' l i l {Nl i l

Trble 1A.t Mígranl Pol ì t i lul o t í t t tü ' i ( 'n \

I tun 'nution i l

(online) omrnunit'Y

(Virtual) diasPora Ethnic online)

publìcsphere

Pol i t ica lnvolvement Par t lynvolvedn

homecounÌry

Centrallyocusedon Observant,not

home country directlY nvolved



ê

Figure 3A.3 Network nalysisf Kurdishebsites

8*"."o.,,

O*..*.0"

O"t,o..*

o*"?,**,,o-Lì**'-'

Oo,ooo"*,',.--

^

'**tO'"'"O*o*'o*"-

Or.n-n-o V*"''nO-o*,"--

o..,.*""-_:.,._.,".".,**,--- On*o'"

'-. Oo*-*o.""Pn.oro.""

O*,t,,--

In home

Pol i t ica lnvolvement

In host countrY

Stabi l i ty f

communication

Itructure

Centra lr ientat ion

Anchorage

Integrationeveln

host/homeountryPoliticalbjectives/

3oals

Rcasonor/emotionbchind eveloPment

ExrmPlesf migrantÍoups

Srmplewebsites

Partly nvolved n host

counrryHigh

Transnational

Lory only with resPectCentrallyocusedon

to home countrY host country

Medium Medium

www.eursa.orgwww.sem40.ru

National home

country)

www.palPalo.dewww.atameken'de

National host

country)Migrantswith in on e

host country

High

Keep nformed,

particiPation ot

centralRational

Turkishmigrants n

GermanY,ndianmigrants n CermanY

www.turkcom.orgwww.theinder.net

Mierantswor ldwide Migrantswor ldwide

fro-mone home from one home

countryand country (disPersal)

inhabitantsof that

home country

High - medium Medium

lmprove relations Have Political

betweenboth influence

countriesEmotional Emotional

Misrants from Russia,Kurdishmigrants'

Jerish migrants ro m Ukrainianmigrants'

Russia,migrants rom Kazakhmigrants

Mexico

Notes\

I In this section,when \peaking :f 11" Tigi""ts'host country only Germany s re'

Í'crred o for the sake&-tit"piin"a legibúry even though our study also include

wcbsitesndmigrantsn

{ustriaand Switzerlancl'

r ln this section,website;À"i;; referred o as Turkishwebsites' r 'Kurdish site

lìrr the sakeof simpìifying egqbility'However'asexplained bove' h^ey lso<ompris

websitesused or t'""t"i bi rqigrants from Turkey' the former Soriet Union o

Kurdishareasn trr. ruriãà.''E"rt-io* ri"i"g in Germany,Austriaand switzerland'

Chapter4Transnationalinksandpracticesf migrants'

organisationsn Spain



Laura Mora.les nd Laia Jorba

t4.t Introduction

Recent scholarship on transnationalism has focused primarily on prac-

tlces of individuals, to the extent that some argue that the individual is

- or should be - the proper unit of analysis (see Portes, Guarnizo &

lendolt 1999). Yet, the literature is vastly populated with research onwhole communities and migrant groups. In particular, a number of

lcholars place migrants' organisations and organisational networks at

the core of their definiüons of transnationalism. For example, Fais(loooa: r89) broadly deÍìnes transnationalism as the 'sustained ties ofpersons, networks and organizations across he borders acrossmultiplettation-states, ranging from litúe to highly institutionalized forms';

meanwhile Portes (zoor: 186) emphasises how the notion of transna-

donal activities should be restricted to initiatives by members of civil so-

ciety,be they'organized groups or networks of individuals'.From these perspectives, migrants' organisations and their networks

Ée not just priüleged actors in the web of transnational practices and

flelds, but they also crucially shape acce\o social capital and patterns

0f network embeddedness that allow us \o understand individuals'

üansnational practices more clearly (Vertovec oo3; Portes zoo3). Most

notably, migrants' organisations are afforded a $ecial role in the pro-

eesses hat structure transnational political practi\; to the extent úattheir transnational actiúties are often equated wiú p\itical transnation-

dism per se (Portes et al. 1999; Itzigsohn zooo; Ôslergaard-Nielse

looSc).In contrast to this core placement of migrants' associations in the

ttudy of transnationalism, úere are still only a limited number of em-pirical studies that systematically address the transnational engagemen

Ëf a wide range of organisations in several contexts.' This chapter is a

lbodest attempt to contribute to filling this gap in the literature. Our

Study aims to provide a systematic analysis of the transnational prac-

üces of migrants' organisaüons in three Spanish cities, wiú

2 rll l^l l l r^ Nlot{Al l \ ANtt tAtA l i l tJtrl

i t r í ì r r r r lat iorrt ì t t ìol( ' l tar tzo o usso<lr l ions Í rrr iglunls Í ' r r rul l ipl t , ,rtional and regionalorigins. In doirrgso , wc Ílv'ur l rnt' thockll.plit;r lr; rproach ha t combines he advantages Í'studying scvcral rorrPs' rr tl ' .same contextan d 'one group in several'contexts ostergaard-Nit,lr;r,rrzooSb: 7721, ,,h1Ie lso avoiding the severe imitation of sar'rrlirrr, ,,rrúe dependent ariable in this case, ransnational ngageme,rì r,,,,,,,,

' tHANriN^i l ()N^t i lNKs ANt) t ' i l4{ i l í t l ri í ri 'Mlr; l rANls' r} l t (i^Nl} iAl l ()Nt\ i lN 5l 'AlN )(t t l

t rattstral i< l tut lrucl i tcs t i ts l t ' t ' t r ot t l t 's l t ' t l i t 'c;r r trnt ly,s i t prcvcnts e-

Fearc:hcrsiorn íìlr:rrsirrgrr ck' luly dt' Íìnt'd roundaries f th e phenom-

en<lnunderr crutiny. n tlr is scnst', )ortesand his colleagues Portes t

al . r999; Porteszoor; Guarnizo,Portes& Haller zoo3) have proposed

to limit the notion of transnationalism and transnational practices to

those organised by non-institutional actors and across national borders,



II

il

lil

il

zoor).In this regard,we have chosen o study multiple locationswitlrirr rlrr.

same country becausewe sharewith other scholarsan intuition lh;rl llrrplaceof settlement s of primary importance (seee.g. Bloemraa<.I,,, ,,,Martiniello & Lafleur zoo8). And, though the primary focus in tht, l,,r,,rhas been on national contexts, esearch n this fie1d s pointing irrrrr.;r,ingly to the critical role of subnational politics in moulding-soci,,,,,,,nomic and political opportunities for transnationalpractices o errrt,r;i'and be shaped (Baubôck zoq).

our research ocuseson migrant associationsn úree Spanishcitir.:.Barcelona,Madrid and Murcia. This study'is part of a rarger Europt,,rrproject called LOCALMULTIDEM. It has been designed n such a w;rvthat all activeassociationsof migrant groups are listãd (and includr.rr ,r,the target population) and later contacted for interviewirrl'Furthermore, becauseour information was gathered through structrr'r,rlinterviews with the leaders of these organisations,we can addressrlrr,issue of how widespread ransnationalpracticesare within the migrrrrrlassociationaÌ ield and what factors are associatedwith transnatiorr;rlism. Hence, our chapter addresses ome of the main questions har rt.main unanswered when studying the transnational practices of rrrrgrants' associations:how many organisations actually engage in tmrr;national Íìeldsl what kinds of practices prevaill which organisati<,rr,are moÍe likely to become 'transnational'l How does the settlenrr,rrlcontext impinge on migrants' transnationalisml

14.2 Transnationalpracticesof migrants,organisations:Conceptual nd methodological onsiderations

studying transnational activities of migrants has sewed to emphasrsr,th_emultiplicity of identities and roles that shape úe daily experienct,,of immigrants and their descendants.Transnatiònahsm - in some of ir,,early definitions - encompassesa wide range of activities, and has be.rrdefined broadly as 'the processesby which immigrants forge and sustain multi-stranded social relations that link together their societies .íorigin and settlement' (Basch,Glick-Schiller& SzantonBlanc ry94:71.

Even beyond the debate on the overall scope and extensionãl tt"ntnational actiüties (for a summary see portes zoor), this initial notion .l

which take place outside the realms of state regulation and control.Thus, more recent conceptualisations of transnationalism have focused

on civil society actors and individual migrants as the main units of ana-

lysis, and some scholars are stÍongly advocating a focus on transna-tional 'practices' as a more restricted and usefirl notion for empirical re-

search Martiniello & Lafleur zooS: 65r).Civil society actors - and, in particular, migrants' organisations -

should thus be priúleged agents in transnational practicesbecause heyprovide the networks and the infrastructure to facilitate and sustain var-ious forms of transnational engagement by individuals and commu-nities (Faist ry98 zr4), most notably ciüc and political transnational-ism. Thus far, however, úe systematic and quantiÍìed analysis of organi-

sational transnational practices has been limited to very few studies(Orozco 2oo3a; Portes et al. zooT), which is not to say that scholarshave in úe past ignored the organisational dimension of transnationalpractices altogether (see Rex, foly & Wilpert 1987; Soysal 1994;

@stergaard-Nielsenzoo3c; Cano zoo4i Bloemraad 2oo5, zoo6;

Koopmans,Statham,Giugni & Passyzoo5; Dumont zoo8; Itzigsohn &VillacrészooS).

Still, in most cases,organisational studies present a number of short-

comings that limit their usefulness in producing generalisations to go

beyond the casestudies analysed.Frequently, these studies are based on

ethnographic methods that - while exrremely useful for generating hy-poúeses and providing 'thick descriptions' * are ill-equipped to evaluatethe scope and extension of transnational practices. In other cases,stu-

dies suf[er from a serious selection bias, as they 'sample on the depen-

dent variable' if the selection of the organisations has been made on=üu--

basis of their actual involvement in transnational practices "ftyí^t"t

problem is very common, for example, in studies úat restrijíattentionto hometown or international cooperation and developtíent associa-tions. Hence, the results of these works can hardly provide insights

about the extent and nature of organisational transnational activities.Overall, there are extremely few studies that attempt to overcome theselimitations by casüng the net wider through including all reachable or-ganisations of a number of eúnic or migrant communities (a notable

exception s Cordero-Guzrnân zoo5).Similarly, past studies have tended to study only specific ethnic

groups or communities (e.g. Turks, Italians or Dominicans), thus

2 (, lAlr l l^ l\41)l{All is ANI} lAlA lrr tr tr t

placi r rg spcci i l l t r ( 'ss rr ' thrr ic i ty s l rc rrur i r r a l ( , Í4oryt l r " l r t ' srx arorganisation f migrant communitics. wc art: urrtnnvinct:d lr:r l l rrr; qan adequatemethodological pproach.while acl<nowleclginglr:rr r vrrlproportion of transnational practices s structured along ethnit. lrrr,.r,.transnationalalliancesand practicesúat transcend he most irnnrt.rlr.rti,and restrictedethnic identities shouid be affordeddue consideralirrr, rr

ï ,RANsN^n()NAr NKl. iANr) ' l tAr ï l ( l is r r l ' M lt : t rANt 's ' ( ) t t ( i^NlsAl ' l { )NsN TIAlN 2J l

prat: t i t t .st t td tt : l iv ist t tt t r t l t t i l . l r l t t t ls ' t ' ; t l l l te i lyrr d r lc l inat iono bccomc

:rcl ivcly ngagcd n poli ti t:l r l tt<l l l i l isl ttiortn the receiving ountry'

14.2.1The contert

Spain has experienced a sudden immigration flow that has resulted in a



particular,we are interestedas well in exploring the transnationirlPr,r,tices that revolvearound broader dentities: regional, religious or 'l)or,ltional'. Hence, when studying migrants' organisationswe shoukl rr,rrestrict our attention to those of co-ethnics, but broaden the scopr' t. ,rllassociations ormed primarily by migrants and their immediate clt,st.rrdants, regardlessof whether they idenüfy themselves

around a spt,t lirethnic identity or choose to rally around religious, regional or pr.,lr':,sional identities.

These meúodological consideraüonsare relevantbecause, ven ir r,rrgaging in transnational practices s often regarded as a 'naturaf inrrrrr-rtion of migrants and their communities (Sayad rg1;j;, a number oí strrdies have shown úat kansnationalism is far from generalised and srrlrstantially decreaseswith second generations (see e.g. portes zool).rHence,when studying the transnationalpracticesof migrants' orgarris,rtions, one of our first goalsshould also be to determine the scope:'rrlextensionof úese practicesas well as their correlates. ndeed, portt,s ,lal. (zoo7l suggest that a number of factors are relevant to underst'rtling the different types of transnational practices by organisations: rrr

particular, national origin and type of membership.A final conceptual consideration before proceeding to describt' rrr

greater detail the methodological aspects of our own research is rlrr.connection between our study and the analysis of political transnatiorurlism. some scholars would regard all or most transnational practices rrymigrants' organisations as expressions of political transnationalsr'evenwhen these associations re not prima facie'political'in their arrrr;- as with hometown associations nd committees (seee.g. portes et rrl.1999; Qslereaard-Nielsen oo3b). Though migrants, organisational rrtivities almost by definition belong to the public realm, not all of th.iractivities either at the receiving or sending country are politically .riented, nor should úey be considered expressions of political transrr:r

tionalism peÍ se. otheru.ise, we risk stretching unnecessarily and exccssively the notion of 'political' transnationalism. Equally, and unlil<r,Martiniello and Lafleur (zoo8), we favour a notion of political transnrrtionalism that does not automatically include every form of political ar,tivity in the country of residence but, rather, one that only considersthose truly linking migrants with úe political realm of úeir count'r'sof origin. This conceptual clarity is important if we want eventually r.assess he analytical and empirical connection between transnationrrl

ripid change in the social outlook and composition of its major urban

centres. The strong and sustained growth of úe Spanish economy dur-

ing the first half of the 2ooos, together with its ageing population struc-

tuie, has favoured the inflow of migrant workers mostly from Eastern

Europe, Latin America and the Maghreb. This has resulted in a steep

surge,from litúe more than z per cent of a foreign populationìn,Tooo

to more úan ro peÍ cent in zoo7.5 The longitudinal trends and the mi-

gration structures in úe cities of Barcelona, Madrid and Murcia lesem-

ú1", fot úe most part, those of the whole country The crucial difference

is that úe proportion of migrants in these three cities is somewhat

higher than the national average- a pattern common to the major ur-

ba-nareas n Spain.6 Some diÍíerences exist, though, between the three

cities in termsãf the national composition of their rnigrantpopulations.

First, Romanian and Bulgarian citizens are setúing down in Madrid

much more úan in Barcelona and Murcia; Argentineans aÍe moïe nu-

merous in Barcelona than in Madrid or Murcia; the proporlion of

Ecuadorians living in Madrid and Murcia is double the size of that

same gÍoup in Barcelona; and, while the most numerous national com-

munity in Barcelona and Madrid is úe Ecuadorian, Moroccan citizensoutnumber them in Murcia; finally, non-Chinese Asians - primarily

Pakistani - are a much more sizeable community in Barcelona. Second,

the cultural - and in particular, religious - diversity of the migrant po-

pulation is higher in Murcia than in the oúer two cities, as the propor-

iion of migrants from countries where the majority of the population is

of Islamic religion is higher in the former (3o per cent) than in boú

Barcelona (r4 per cent) and Madrid (9 per cent).7

Similarities in úe overall structure and trends of immigration should

not lead us to conclude that the local context for migrants is the same,

or very similar in the three cities. First, úe patterns of urban segteTí-

tion diÍÏer in important ways. Migrants are much more spatially/on-

centrated in Barcelona than in Madrid and Murcia. A second importantdifference in the local context that migrants encounteÍ in úe three ci-

ties is related to the policies towards immigration and immigrants de-

signed by the respective municipal and regional goveïnments. Even if

the major elements of immigration policy - entry permits, nationality,

voting rights8, conditions for family reuniÍìcation and socioeconomic

rights - are deÍìned by the national government, regional and local gov-

ernments can have a substantial impact on migrants' daily lives through

tA l rR A M()l{Alli i i ANI) lA lA l r t l i l l4

their pol ìcyrnal<ing.pair r s l r t l t r l rs i - l i ' t [ ' t ' lt ll l r l t ' , t t td t t l<ls loÍ l l r r ,

po*"tr related to th e irnplc:rttt.ttt ltt ir lt ll í wclÍhrt '-rt ' latt ' t l xr l itrc,healthcare,education, ousing,socialst 'rvit:t 's,' tc. ar c assigttt ' r l0 t, '

gional governments. Frequently,moreover, local governmcrlts t otttIrh'

ment this policymaking with their own budgetary ard rt'gtll,rlritl

authority. This means that local governments can leave an ittt;xrtl,rtrl

' lH^NlìNAll0NAlllNKtANl)lr l lA(1"1'1rrl 'Mlrl l lANlfl l l l l(;ANli ' iAll{ lN:ilNli l 'AlNtIl

f lg l ) lx) r l r r i t iu t ivr ,s i t l r i r r l t t 'g , t ' r r l t ; r l t r t t t ' l r l t t '< l í ll c lOt:a l <lc ia l cr -

v i t r rs.Ncvc| t l r t ' l t ' ss,l r t 'krc l r l ,< 'vt ' tt t r l t ' t r t í Murciaha sbeenmuch less

a.tivc t6arr 6a t oí' Madricl rì 'acc<lrr lrno4atingny specialneedsof th e

i nrni rant PoPulation.,ruri, airrËr""tial approach to migrants' integration is- also clearly re-

íìccted in local governments' approãch to calls. The local government ofmigrants' or-



imprint on the natuÍe and direction of the welfare policies tlt:tl ;rllr',1

migrants' integration into the host society. n Barcelona, eÍì-wirrli |'ilties and coalitions have been governing the city since the Íìrsl th'rtr"

cratic local elections oí ry7g whereas, in Madrid and Murt i;r, llrr

centre-right Partido Popular (PP) has been in control of the l<xrrl1i,'r'

ernmenisince úe early r99os. And, as we shall see, his has rt'sttll|rlin very diÍïerent approaches o migrants' integration and migranls' 1r'rrticipation. Specifically, Barcelonahas a much more developedantl slt rr,

turãd policy of citizen participation and consultation than Milcllirl ilr

Murcia, as well as a more open and tÍanspalent practice of seleclirrli rr,

sociational repïesentatives o the participation bodies'

If we turn ouÍ attention to the speciÍìc policies towards migrattls' rrr

tegration and participation, important differences emeÍge betwt't'rr tlrr

thiee cities. A first crucial difference relates o the overall appr<xrtlr1,,

migrants' integration. The policy orientation in Barcelonastarts ltottt

thJassumption th"t migrants'integration should be approached ìr,rrr r

generalperspecüveof combating social exclusionand promoting t't1rr'rl

Ity of treãtment, ust as t is for the mainstream population. Otht'r' lr,rrrspecific actionsúat must be undertaken for assuring he adequatt' rrrli

i setúement of newcomers to the city, migrants' integration is vit'wr',|

as a'natural'process that wil l emeÍge from migrants'equal ac(( 'r";rrl

all social welfire and services provided by the city, which are bast'tl ,,tt

úe same principles and requirements than for pre-existing_rc'sitk'rrl:,In sharp contrast, he local and regional policies in Madrid havt" ttr 'tvery short period of time, been explicitly designed o addressmiÍlt ;tttl','

integrationthrough sewices speciÍìcally catering to migrants at tltt' rlr

triciand neighbourhood levels. And an important feature oí' lÌrt' ,r1'

proach to integration policies, especiallyby the regional governÌÌì('rrl, ì,

ihe emphasis on national origin as one of the main axesaroun<.Iwlrt, r

some integration servicesare oÍganised. This is evident in the ctt'lrlt,'rrof .national centres' or'houses', on the basis of national origirr:r

Bolivian,Ecuadorian,colombian, Dominican, African, Moroccart, 'lr,

that are conceivedas Spaces here migrants of speciÍìcnational ol f ttr''

can gaúer for social actiúties as well as to obtain vocational tr;rirrrrrll

and general counselling and orientation. Finally, n the city oí'Mtttrt,r,

the municipality embraces openly the concept of social nteÍlraliorr ilr

immigrants, bu t rather than scttinpi rp parallclnetworksoí- ssisl;rtrr

an d súpport or migrants, Ì r r '< ' i lyrrrs r r r 'orpot ' l r lcdll i t l í ì r t ' t l t l t t ior r , r r r , l

b"

Madrid has set up sepaÍate ."lli fot granting subsidies

frrrir"tiorrr, and has created spaces for participation exclusively-con-

cerned with representing migránts - the Madrid Forum (Foro Madrid

de Diálogo y Cãnvivencii;""ã

ihe disrrict boards for dialogue and,coex-

;;.;iruas de Diálogo y Convivencia Distritales). Meanwhile, the lo-

;;i;;;r"*ent of Barlelona intentionallyfunds migrants' oÍganisa-

tions within the general call for subsidies to all local associations, and

hasavoidedseüinguppart ic ipat ionmechanismsthatarespeci Í ìcal lyaddressed o migrants.e The local government of Murcia does not have

.rry ,"p"r"," nrtialng for migrantsi associations eiúeÍ' but this is cluite

consistent with its lack of wãll-developed policies towards migrants and

towards participation more generally'

In suàmary the contextãf settlement in Madrid is much more wel-

coming for migrants to organise ar9u1d ethnic and national identities

than in Barcelona and Murïia, if only because here is explicit policy by

the regional goveÍnment to pÍomote the selÊorganisation-of mmigrants

along"those l"ines. FurtheÍmore, úe accommodation and promotion of

migrants' separate organisations throughspecific calls for n1{i1S in

úaãrid snoúd result in moÍe economic resouÍces being available for

engaging in sustained transnational practices'

t4.z.z The studY nd the data

The data employed in this chapter were collected by a joint team of re-

searchers at úe University of Murcia and the Autonomous University

of Barcelona following the same methodology between zoo3 and zooS'

The final dataset .orãbirr., informaúon gaúered through a pilot-study

done in Madrid and Murcia in zoo3-zoo4 - which was upüate*dnring

)oo7-roo8 in both cities'o -^"ã

a full new study in the city of

Barcelonaalso done n zooT-zoo8'-ì,"u"ry

city, the data collection was organised in two different stages.

First, we"l"bor"t"d

a census or list of all existing migrant organisations

- as no reliable single list was available' At a second stage'we organised

intewiews with organisational leaders and administered a face-to-face

structured cluestionnaire of approximately one hour and Íìfteen minutes

in duration. For the pilot stuàies in Madrid and Murcia' interviews took

ft"." t"*".n

October zoo1 and September 2oo4'rÍ while the updates

ànd the new study in BarcelánawerJconducted between May zooT and

) 4 lA l l l {A M(,l lAl l ls^Nlr

lAtA l(ìt i t l1

Julyzool l . Âl l stagcs lí l rc prot t 'ss rr r t l l r t ' l l r l r , t , r ' i r ics orrr l l i r r t , r l ,rinterviewed rl Jdistinc t associations.

t4.z.j The defnition, Iocationand selection f migrants,associatiorts

As Moya (zoo5),Vermeulen(zoo5,zoo6) and Recchi zoo(>) ìrrvr,,,,r

, l ,RANtl iN^i l()NAt i lNl(: i^Nl)

I ' l tA(t l l ( l i l ; o i 'Mll , l l^Nl5 () l{( ;ANiSAll{)Ni i lN Sl 'AlN 2l \

' l i r rning o l l tc tnr t i l r l ssrr r , l 'c l t ' l t ' t l l t l r i l i ly ' ,l t r r r l lapping cnsusoÍ '

trr igrants; ssot:i l l iorrs Í :r l lorigins wa scrcatedby combining the avail-

ablìr inf'ornrati<ln irlrn various oÍÍìcial registers, embassies,privileged

inÍbrmants (NGOs, trade unions, etc.) and systematic searches9nthe

internet.'r We then sifted these initial lists by considering ineligible

those organisations not formed by migrants themselves - e'g' pro-mi-



rectly pointed out, there are a number of significant diÍficulties tlr;rr *,t.are confronted with when studying migrants' organisations. Arrr'rrp1úem, those of deÍìnition, location and selection of the orsarìis:rrr,,rr,,stand out as being most critical for the research process.

Two definitions weÍe thus crucial in our selectionof organisuri,r.,First, we consider an asqociation o be 'a formally organized lrirrrr,,,lgroup most of whose members - whether persons or organizalirrrra1e no,t inancially recompensed for their participation' (IfuoÌ<e 9g(r: -,;This deÍìnition allows us to distinguish associations from other srxr,rland political institutions such as the family, groups of friends and .rrrr.iorganisations requently encompassedn notions of the 'third sect.r' ,r'civil society'. n this regard, associationsare considered o be disrirrrfrom other organisations,such as foundations or govemment ageÍì.r.:.,in that very few individuals receive payment for their activities irr ttr'former (Knoke & Prensky r984). Additionally, associations re diÍ1i'rr.rrrfrom economic organisationssuch as companies n that úey are irrsrr

tutions seeking solutions for individual or collectiveproblems distirrrfrom those of the market (Knoke r99o:5). And Knokã's deÍìnition rrrr,,excludeskinship gïoups that are not open to outsiders,while includirrpigroups or clubs of migrants úat are not fully institutionalised, as r,,rr;1as they have a name and some minimal visibility to outgr..rlrindividuals.

Second,we defined an associationas a migrants' organisation wlr.rrat least nearly half of its members or half of its board members (i.c. irr:leadership) were of migrant origin (either foreign-born themselves ,rhaving at least one foreign-born parent), thus including first and sec.rr,lgenerations.we thus used a relativelywide definition of the term'rrrrgrant' - in order to include oúer EU citizens', - though we did not irrclude associationsmainly devoted to work with or for migrants lrrrt,rather, those mostly composedof spanish natives.However, we did irrclude associations - whether founded by natives or by migrants - ,lmixed memberships as long as approximately half of the members ,,rthe leadership were of migrant origin.

other important aspectsof our case'sdefinition of 'migrant assot.irrtion' contrastwith that of vermeulen (zoo5, zoo6). we included orrlyúose organisations úat are, directly or indirectly, membership-basr,tl,though we did not require the organisations to signal in any speciíìtway that they were 'ethnic-based'.

grant organisations - as well as by excluding those that had disappeared

ì1 pteviã.tr years.Table r4.r summarises this multistage field process.

An important point to make is related to mortality and response

rates. Unfortunately, oÍÏìcial registers and directories in Spain are not

rcgularlyupdated; that is, associationsmust register in o,rder o gain le-

gaí status, but they are not obligated to update their information regu-

iarly, trot do public administrations set any registration 'expiry' date so

as io keep information up to date. This means that initial lists are al-

*"yt ptoúI"-atic, as they include many associations that no longer ex-

ist, but also fail to capture a substantial portion of úe real associational

,^*rO" tr^*", ú*rfr,

Barcelona Madrid Madrid Murcio Murcia

(zoo7-zoo8) (pilot study (zoo7-zoo8 (pilot, (zoo7-zoo8

zooj-zoo4) uPdate) zooQ uqdate)

Associat ionsn the in i t ia l is t

Sifted ist without known

inel ig ib lesi .e .nativeand/or no t

me mbershp-based)

Sifted ist with only confirmed

activeassociations

Confirmednot active

Mortality ate'k

lnterviewedassociations

Response ates

Registeredl ig ib ìe ssociat ions

Sifted ist only with confirmed

activeassocÌations

70 7 2] 5465 172

54 0 3341 7 3l

11 474

r9 94723 16 17

1348% 43.3%12 l8

3+8 +7)75% 76.5%

4713

34 2413.2Yo 14'5% 10.8Yo10 0 67 96

20+43+33)44.8% 4s.6% 40.7%38 8 31 218 6 13 9

Confirmednot active 26 15 3

Mortality rate 12.3/" \\9'7/" 18'87"

source:suweyof lmmigrants'Associationsn Madrid and Murcia (2003-2004); urveyot

lmmigrants'Associat ionsn Barcelona, adr idan d Murcia 200\2008)

* Mor ta l i ty at e s computed o include nly hose ul lyconfi rmed'qsnactive. or Madr id

and Murcia, he first figureoíthe intervìewed ssociationsn6;.31gs',1hee-interviewÌngf

those hat responded n 2004; he second igure s for organisations nterviewedor the first

time in 2008; he last igure s that of associations nterviewed nly in \003-2004.For he

Madr idan d Murciaupdate igures, esponse atesare computedby ìnc\d ing in the calcu-

lation only those associationsntervìewedn 2003-2004hat are stil l activb:eighteen or

Madr idan d wo fo r Murcia .

) J( t lAtrIA tvtot,tAl j \ A\l) t^ lA l i l tr tr ì

í ìcld that s n<l t ct :<l rdtdrt oÍ í ìcial ' ( . Í . l is l ( . fsx.r 'urrsr . i ls k 'ss rrst i t r r t r ,nal ised see ower sect ionoÍ 'Tablc r4.r ) . Wc could, howcv(, t , ,st i r r . r t . ,ho w many associations er e no Ìongeractivewhen attempting , [*,rr:.them for an interview: betweenro and 15per cent of migrants' :rss.( ,!tions have disappeared n Barcelonaand Madrid, while the rÌrorr,rrrrvrate is much higher for Murcia. Nevertheless,we should note tlrrrr rri,,

. |,1{^NsN^|' l ( lN^| ||N|( i i AN|) |, | l^( | i l |. . | | | ' Ml{. | lANii , ' l | | l t ;ANli . i^ |, |( ,Nl i IN :i |.AlN 21 1

rcst , l t t ' t l t <l t t t .s l iot ts l t t 'or t t t t l l l t t ' t 'x l t ' t tS iot t , t t l t l r l t t ' ;rttd tovar i l t t 's r l í -<lrga-

i l isut ional rurrsrr r l i0rr t r l isr t r ,s wt ' l l rs o l tdcl r r :ssom e rnportantmeth-

odological hortcorningsrt past 't 'st 'arclt n transnationaÌ ractices.

r4.j The scope and nature of transactional practices among



mortality rate includes only organisations or which we have ck'ru ,,,,rfirmation of being no longer active. For a large number, we c..ltl 1i,,1no confirmation though we suspected nactivity. In fact, out oÍ'tlrt. (,,associationsnterviewed n Madrid in zoo3-zoo4, ten (r5 per cerrl) wr.rr,no longer active n

zoo7. For an additional six we could get no lìrr,rlconfirmation, though they.werealso suspectedof being inactive.wlrr,rrthese aspectsare taken into account,our response ates thus resrrlr rrrmuch wider coverageof truly active associations n the three cities.'.r

t4.2.4Overalldescription f the associationsargeted nd interuiewed

The organisations targeted vary substantially in terms of their selÍ-rlt'Írnition and country or areaof origin. some of úem will primarily ìdt,rrrrfy as associationshat defend mmigrants -or a specificsubsetof inrrrrrgrants,e.g. Latin Americans - while others gather around úeir spertiÍirnational origins oï some functional status (e.g. professionals,artisrr,

doctors). our data collection pÍocess allows us to record at least rrrr,country and regional origin even for those organisations not irrrr,rviewed and to draw a comparisonwith the results.The subsetof orgarrrsationswe were able to interview indicates that there is no substanri;rlbias by origin in our dataset.

The distributions very much reflect the stocks of migrant groups rleach city. Latin American organisations are more abundant due to rlrr.relative size of the groups of migrants from this region. Across natiorrrrlorigins, however, associational formation is not necessarily strictly pr.portional to the relative size:'5 there is a clear over-reDresentation .ÍPeruvian associations as compared to their population sizes both rrr

Barcelona and in Madrid. This is probably due to their longer period .Ísetúement n Spain (sinceúe l98os), as comparedto Ecuadoreannrigrants (who mostly arrived in the zooos). Similarly, non-MoroccarrAfrican organisations are also much more numerous than would be ex.pected from the size of the populations in all three cities. Thus, then,seem to be relevant differences in organisational capacity depending orrthe regional and national origin of migrants.

In the remaining part of this chapter we will focus on the transna-tional activities and engagement of the organisations we interviewecl.Our study of immigrants' organisations in three Spanish cities -Barcelona, Madrid, and Murcia - is ideallv suited to address tht,

I

I

migrants' associations

Towhatextentaremigrants'associat ionsintheseSpanishci t iesen-gaged in transnationiactivities? What is the nature and variety of

iiásnational practices?What factors account for the fact úat some or-

ganisations dó eng"ge in such practices and others do notl In this sec-

iiãr, *" approach há" qn"stions in a fundamentally descriptive fashion

and leavá ìh"-or"

sysiematic account of correlates for the following

section.Most üeoretical accounts of migrants' transnationalism reflect on the

multidimensionality of transnational practices and fields (e'g' Portes et

al. rggg; Faist zoooa). while this mrrltidimensionality is usually re-

ferrea-rcas different aÍenas of the public space economic, socio-cultur-

alandpol i t ical_i t isundoubtedlyalsorelatedtothemult ipleformstransnaiional exchangescan take. We focus our analysis first on the sev-

eral ways in which Ãigr"ntr' associations can engage in transnational

practicá, paying specii atention to 'how' they act transnationally' withÇhorrr' and for-.what'. Consequently, we differentiate between: r) diÍfer-

ent forms of ordinary transnational activity - the 'how'; z) the various

other organisations with which úey establish transnational alliances -

the ,witË whom,; and 3) a specific aÍea to which transnational engage-

ment by migrants' assóciations s commonly oriented' the political are-

na - the 'what for'.In all these instances, we are looking for sustained and recurrent pat-

terns oftransnational exchange and linkage, rather than sporadic or cir-

cumstantial activiúes across riational borders. For this puÍpose, most of

our questionnaire items are phrased to uncover regular' as opposed to

,por"di., exchangesand links' We are thus tappingboú--information

"*.h"rrg.,and reiiprocity patterns' Overall, these items will allow us to

provide"a more or less complete picture of úe nature of úe ffansna-

tonal practices of migrants' ãrganisations, n these three Spanish cities.

Table 4.2 presentJ the general outlook of the extension and natuÍe

of the transnãtiorral practiJes of migrants' associations. The results of

ouï survey in Barcelãna, Madrid anã Murcia indicate that - although

transnational activities are cluite common - a substantial number of mi

grant organisaüons (betweËn 20 and o.per cent' depending on th

ãltyl ao ãot engage in transnational practices at all' By a wide margin'

poíiti."t transiaiionalism is the least common of cross-borde

) /11

Tabfe 4.z Transnatiortulngugefttenttions n eachcity

lAl i l ÌA t\4()f iAlt i : ; ANI) t^tA ltr lr l l . l

by rnigrunts' ssoúaLions,n ,/o ol rill r.t,t, ,t

Ty e of rransnati no activ ty Barcelona(zoo7-zoo8)

Madrid Mttrr tr t

(2oo4 oI 2oo8) (2or)4 t ., , t , ,J|

Ordinary ransnat ional ct ivrryUndertakes ctivit ies n other countries

f RANSNAII()N^l l lNKfi ANt) l , l lA( l l ( l r l ; nl Ì \4l t ; l lANll ; ' { Ì l l ( iANlsA!' l ()Nl i lN l ' i l 'AlN )lt)

( ,xi t Í Ì ìpl ( ' ,I r t ' l ro;ror l iorr l ot 'pl l t t t is i t l iol Ì t il l l ( l ( ' l ' t l l< i r rgct ivi t i ( ìsn othcr

CouÍÌ t r i ( ìss rcl r t ivt ' ly ( , (1i l ( ( , (1,x, lwr, t , t to ür ìd25 per cent,an d this is

largcly imitccl t. aciivit i t 's . t lrt. 6.rnc country.Similarly, ewer than

on; úird have frequent contact with public administrations in their

(:ountries of origin, and only a tiny minority gets any funding from the

scnding-countr{ authorities' More common, though, is the less de-



(other ha n Spain)oí whìchare. . .in homeland ountryelsewhere verseasboth homeland nd elsewhere

Regular ontactwith an y publ icadminist rat ion f the countryoíor igin,past wo yearsCetsany undìngfrom countryof or igin,lastyearHavearrangedmeet ingswith homelandTV journalist,past wo yeârsHavearrangedmeet ingswith homelandnewspaper ournalist, past two yearsOrganisat ionalransnat ional l l iancesAssociat ions a memberof aninternat ional rganisat ion,ederat ion/confederationRegular ontactwith an yorganisat ionn

homeland country past wo yearsRegular ontactwith any organisat ionnany other overseas ountry past wo yearsPol i t icalransnat ional ismRegular ontactwith pol i t ic ians r pol i t icalpart ies f the countryofor igin, past woyearsAn y member ha s beena candidatenhomeland ountryelect ionsSummary ndicatorsAn y ransnat ional ct iv i ty an yoí theabove)Ordinary ransnat ional ct iv i tyOrganisat ionalransnat ional l l iancesPol i t icalransnat ional ismNumberoí aases

IJ

53

2

23

1q

l6

42

l5

0

71

56

55l510 0

25

20o4

35

6

30

38

12

38

32

l9

82

JY

2796

tl

('ll

0

tÌ

(r

ll

?)

28

33

11

6

0

ol

39

566l8

source: urvey f lmmigrants 'Associat ionsn Barcelona, adr idan d Murcia(2007-200rí )

exchanges hat migrants' associations ngage n, thus contradicting rlrrcommon view that most transnationalism of migrants' oÍganisations rrjpolitical in nature.'6

In general erms, migrants' associations o not commonly engaÍl(, rtransnational practices that require their continued attention. l;r r

rnandiig exchangeof information with homeland TV and pÍess jouïnal-

ists. In Lost oithese cases,we notice a substantial gap in levels of

transnational engagement among the three cities, especially between

Madrid and Murcia.

ThesegapsaremuchSmallerwhenwefocusonoÍganisationaltÍans.national alliances. Around half of all migrant organisations in the three

cities are connected to organisations overseas, and around one fifth

have stabilised these links by joining international federations or con-

federations. Yet, in sharp contrast, explicitly poliiical transnational prac-

tices are much less frequent' Typically, fewer than 20 per cent of the or-

ganisations have regular contacts with politicians or political parties in

ihe countries of origin, and only in Madrid can we find any oÍganisa-

tion whose members have recently Íun as candidates in homeland

elections.'7A more detailed analysis of the paüerns of transnational organisa-

tional alliance of migrants' associations n our three cities reveals very

interesting Íìndings lflg'tt" r4.r).'8 The use of formal social networkanalysis 1ÉNA; is usefii because it presewes the original information

on interactions and exchanges,and is a methodological approach mostly

absent from analyses of transnationalism (seevertovec zoq). Because

of how the information is ÍetÍieved, these aÍe, by necessity' ego net-

works with asynmetrical connections, thus reducing the overall connec-

tivity. yet, SNÀ depictions allow us to analyse several actors that condi

tioí transnaüonal practices in a single snapshot. On the one hand, our

Íesults indicate thãt Latin American associations accumulate a larger

numbeÍ of transnational links with organisations in their homelands

and elsewhere oveïseas.On the other hand, the results in Figure r4'r

show that - even if usually more associations have contact with atleast

one homeland organisation than with at least one such olganisation

elsewhere overseas - the extension of non-homeland-based tÍansna-

tional links is quite wide. Indeed, ÍnaÍry Latin American association

have contact, otrty with transnational organisations úat are not based

in their homelands, especially in Madrid. In this sense, there is an in-

teresting contrast betwãen the configuration of transnational networks

of LatirrAmeÍican associations n Barcelona and Madrid, as the former

are much more likely to restrict transnational contacts to homeland or

ganisations. And it is interesting to see that even Latin American asso

ciations in Murcia aÍe very pooi in transnational contacts as compared

Figure 4.r structure J'the rganisaNionalransnationolllianccsJ nisyunlz,organtsotrcns

Barcelona

-ì fncus\f+t\ \ /cna t rlaü pbbírr---"{aoìFrÀr

..-írr\\ 'L t I

fl3urc r4.t

Murcia

Continur.d

FASSO.TONt

tI

' l ' 'ït-



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\ 'r aL-.( IL]

I . . , r t ** ,t *

í

YTÌ_\A^JtJ lJ lJrJt Ì t

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I* , , I 1 / r, I

,r .\' ì ' / r l ! . , \

FI

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r rJ iJ tJ l , r r

T I IT [ , ,I I I I I I i I I I I II I I I I I

ooon!nmEooovAAAÀAAAAÀAAÀAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA,ÂA/\AAAAÀ

Madr id

\ n ,/ruo, Ï f . if --- --\ ,^./*oo,, \4y'rea-pnar,icanisu*---f "a- r.

_ -rumrrYal"u' ,/t '"""'"" " '

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:

tt

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ttI

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lr

\/ \,t' \"1 \Ë7ï^-/' \ J t Í , . \ . ***. *

' \ .u. ,

Í I I ÏTJ- Zl- * l-\- * 7\- *lF *7"\- *-{-)-

J t Jt J r J t J r J r J lJ r j r jÊ

ï +f +t ì t+????TTTT1i i i 1 l I i i i i I i j I I I l , lA AÂAÀAA ri B O O VaâÀâaÀa E o oAAAAAAAAA E

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Legend

I Named homeland rganisat ion

! Namedotheroverseas rganisat ion

! Sub-saharanAfr icaninterv iewed)

A LatinAmerican (interviewed)

E Mixedorigins (interviewed)

O Maghrebian interv iewed)

ç7EasternEuroPean

v (interviewed)

Çl Rri.n (interviewed)

to their counterparts in Barcelona and Madrid. Finally, although ego

networks aÍe not particularly suited for the study of overlapping links

within networks, we do find úat some homeland organisations sponta-

neously 'connect' several local associations through common transna-

tlonal alliances. For example, Argentinean workers central (central de

lOs Trabajadores Argentinos, CTA) is a common transnational contact

for üree diflerent l0cal associations in Barcel0na, two of which com-

prise Argentineans, but a third is composed of people of mixed Latin

Àmericaã origins. Equally, in Madrid, four organisations - two sub-saharan African and two Latin American - are linked in their transna-

tional alliances úrough the European Network Against Racism (ENAR).

Hence, the sNA of the transnational alliances of migrants' organisa-

üons provides us wiú valuable additional information on the patteÍns

Of transnational interaction of migrants' associations in our three

$panish cities. The contribution that formal SNA can make to the study

Oi transnationalism should thus not be underestimated, and it is

methodological innovation in this field úat we feel should b

embraced.

orr t ' í ì r r ; r l s; rcr wol l l r t ,xplol i r rg r , l ; r r r 'so l l r r . l is l i r r t . t iorrx' twr.r , i r'comprehensivc'and'sclccl ivc' t r r r rsr t r l iorur l1l r ' ; r t t iccsl , r 'v i i l , ) t ,wurr l& ver tovec oql . comprehcnsivc rarrsnl t iorralrac: l i r : t 's' r r lur . r 'or ; r ;lr íferent arenasor domains,while selective racticcs re rcsrriclcrl1r,,,,,,.or only a few. Figure r4.z shows he distrìbution tr r eachoí'.rrr r lrrr,r.cities of the number of types of transnational activity - as cllssilit.,l rrr

l .AlrRA N4r)l tAl l is ANI) tAlA lr rt ì t i .1 TnANËNAt.t()NAt i lNtci ANt, t , lA( |. I{ i l i r) l i Ml( t ìANl 'r ' r rr l tr ;ANi:tA't {}NS tN l i t 'AtN /l{ l

I t ' is wr. l lcorrr r r , t ' l t , t li t l r pl l r l Íorr r rsrr r t l rclwor l<sí l t t t< lcl t t l t t ) Í ìousr-

gêl l is l l iol rs, t 'st . r ' i l l t 'stsr ' l í s r r r t t t t t t igratr ts 'ssociat ionrather ha n a

Mor'occarrssor:iation),s prirrtrr i ly activc n issues elated o Moroccan

ïnignrrrts n Catalortia, ut does not oÍten engage n protests elated o

lntt'rnational or homeland politics. It is also one of the largest

Moroccan associations n Barcelona, wiü a signiÍìcant number of staff



TabTe4.z - in which migrants' associations ecomeengagecl.Wlrr.rr r,associationengages n ordinary transnationalactivity, n orgarrislrtr,ir,rltransnationalalliancesand in political transnationalism, t gcts :r rrr,rrof 3. Clearly, the majority of migrants' associationsare ,seìt.ttivr.' rrrtheir transnationalpractices,but a substantialproportion is engrrlir.,l rrtwo or three domains simultaneously, especially in Ma<.lr.itl rirrlBarcelona. f we apply an even more stringent notion of 'conrp't,ir,.rrsive' transnationalism- and require that an associationundertal<r'rr rrities abroad,have regular contactwith a public administration arrrl r,rr,,.regular contactwith any organisation n úeir homeland or ov(,r.ri(,.r.,then only a tiny proportion of migrants'associationscan be regar.tlr,rlr,,practicing comprehensive ransnationalism: g per cent in Madricl, (, g,,cent in Murciaãnd z per cent in Barcelona.

Two illustrative examplescan provide further insight on this. orrr,,,íthe associationsn Barcelona hat qualifies as comprehensively r';rrr:,rr,rtional is a large Moroccan associationcreatedmore than ten year.s.rg,,

Figure 4.z Comprehensives.selectiveransnationalism:umberof ty1tt,,,1transnationalctivities f migrants, ssociations

4oY" 5oY" 6o%"

Eotrì r2I3

8o%"

I

il3oY" lo%i" goYo

end volunteers and a large budget. Another of the comprehensive trans-

ttslional organisations úis time based n Madrid - is an Ecuadorian

ê:rsociation hat is also more than ten years old, has multiple connec-

tklns with Latin American and autochthonous organisations, is active in

lll of Spain in addition to Ecuador, also defines itself as mainly an im-

Erigrants' organisation (raúer than solely an Ecuadorian association), sprirnarily active in issues related to politics, but also does not often en-gage n protests related to homeland poliücs and is, again, one of the

lcrgest Latin American associations in Madrid, though its budget is

ü1uch more modest. These are only two examples, but they are illustra-

tlve of the resources recluired to be 'comprehensively' transnational, in

I context where migrants' associationshave fairly limited technical, eco-

nomic and human resources.ln summary systematic differences in the transnational inclinations

of migrants' associations are apparent between organisations based in

Barcelonaand Murcia and organisations based in Madrid. Almost every

lndicator points in the direction of the organisations in Madrid as beingmuch more transnationally focused than those in either of the two

other cities. Furthermore, ordinary transnational acüvities and organisa-

tlonal transnational alliances are much more common úan political

transnationalism regardless of the context. And Latin American associa-

tions are particulaÍly inclined to accumulate many transnational organi-

cational contacts and, for the case of Madrid, quite often with organisa-

tlons that are not based n their homelands. In the next section, we ana-

lyse in greater detail what causes might be driving transnational

practicesas well as the cross-cityvariations.

14J.1 What drives ransnational ractìces? he organisational orrelates ftransnati ona sm among m grants' asso iati ons

Some scholars have past reflected on factors that drive migrants' trans-

national practices, both at the individual level and the systemic or

macro level. For example, Faist (zoooa) discusses the systemic or con-

textual elements that are linked to transnationalism and mentions the

raliency of ethnicity as a factor that could contribute to the development

ênd extension of transnational practices. He also discusses how obsta-

eles to migrants' integration or the denial of acculturation can foster

transnationalism. Portes (zoq) agreesúat hostile contexts of reception

l^ l l l lA l l l ()HAll ls ANl, tAtA ti ln[4

l r lso i rslcr t ' l t t tst t l t t i t l t t t t lrur ' l i t t 's,l r r l r t , r lso rr t ' r r t iorrsl l r t . r , , r . [ .v. r i i lpropert ies Í ' the scrrdingarrcl t r t 'pl ion <:orr tcxts:ir r cxrrr r r ; l l t , ,r r l l l r l !concentrated ommunit iesarc l ikely o show rrror .crr l t :nst ' r r l l t . r r r r irltransnationalism.

At the individual evel,Porteset al. (1999)point to aclcl i t iorurl;rr , i , ,related to transnational practices:access o technology, ht. t.r'rr.rrrir

TItANSNAil( )NAt I tNt(: i ANt) t ' IA1 i l ( t ' : i I ) t i Ml(;t{AN l: i ol t( ;ANll iAl ' loNs lN l i l 'AlN , l{ ',

ÌIble r4.3 Irunsrrulíonul ng4lcnrnl hy origin and identity of organisation

Mudrid und Bun;elortu'/ " with any transnational ctivity)

Barcelono

Ìotllf,agktn f oríginLrtlnAmerican

71

71

8l

8l



and human capital stocks as well as the distance to the lrrrrrr.r,'r,lHence, more resouÍcesand longer times of settlementare mor.(, 'irr lrcive to engaging in transnationalism (portes 1999; Guarnizo r,t ,rlzoo3; Portes & Rumbaut zooí).

There is , however,much less scholarshipon what factors wr.slr,,rrl,lexpect o be related o transnationalismwhãn we focus on misnrrrrr;' r,,sociations. evertheless,n on e of the few systematic tudies'ul r11,rrr lsational transnationalism, Portes er a7. zoo7l show that transrr;rtr.rrirlengagement s determined by the country of origin and relatccl rr tlrcdegreeof formalisation and form of creation.Furthermore, f wt,t,rr.irrlthe hypotheses put forward at the macro and indiüduar lcvt,rr, nrshould alsoexpect he following typesof organisations o be mort. lrl,t,llto engage n transnationalpractices: ) those formed by migrant llr.rr.!that facegreaterhosülity in spain - e.g. Maghrebisand Africans, 1i,.rr,,rally z) úose that define themselvesalong more restrictiveethrrir r,rr;-gories - thus making ethnicity more salient; 3) those with greatcr. rt r,,,e

to technological, economic and human capital; and 4) those bast'tl rr , rties with gÍeateÍ spatial concentration of the migrant populati.rr, reBarcelona.

In Table r43, we explore he relationshipbetween ransnationrrl rr irity and the origin and identity of the organisations, while in Tãbrt, r.11we analyse he covariation between certain organisational attribul.r .rrrrltransnationalism.'e

Although estimatesare unstable, and statisticalsignificance is r,rrrdue to úe number of cases,some patterns emerge, especiallywitlr r,,gard to selÊidentityof the organisations.There is mixed evidenrr,n.rrlrregard to the impact of 'hostility'towards the group in the seillt,rrrr,rricountry African and Muslim organisations

are somewhatmore lil<.r.rr,,engage in transnational activity, but more so in Madrid tlrrrrr rrrBarcelona, and the difference is not staüstically sigrrrÍìt,rrilFurthermore,associationshat define their primary identity arãn1i r.rrrtorial lines and a single country of origin are more likely to rìirirr,rr!transnationalactivitiesor links, but associationswhose primary itL.rrtitlrevolvesaround functional or ascriptivesocial categories e.g.worrr'rtimmigrants' or professionalgroups) are equally oriented towards rr,r,,,naüonal contacts.These results contrastwith Koopmans et al.,s (.r, ,,*,rz9-ryfl finding that groups that organise around status-related rllrrrit ies (such as'immigrants'and'foreigners') ar e less likely t. rrr,r l ,;-

AfrlcanEtstern uropeOther egionsMlxedegionalrìgins

RellgiousEthnic non-terr itorialÌotalnumber f cases

Muslim (100)

Typc fprímary elf-identiíyf the organisationNone 54-*Functionalnd/or scriptive 87Ïgrritorial regional 40*ïerritorial single ountry 84'!

70(1 0)(63)(71)

(67)(r00)(r00)

10 0(r 00)(67)60

(r00)

8483

(86)80

(r00)

(e6)

Noies:Valuesare row percentages or each column. The asterisk signalsa percentage hat

lr statistically ifferent rom the total value or all organisat ions or p < 0.05, as indicated by

rdJusted esiduals.Chi-square ests confirm the existence fa statisticalassociationbe-

tween primary selÊidentìty nd transnationalengagementonly for Barcelona. n brackets

lve signal hose percentages hat are computed from a row categorywith fewer han ten

Ctses.The - sign indicates hat there are no cases n this category.

lfbfe t4.4 Transnationalengagementby organisationalcharacteristics

Barcelona

Any Value or alltransnational organisationsactívity (number of

cases)

Any Value or alltransnalional organísationsactivity (number of

cases)

|ó of female members

f6 of income derived rom

publ ic ubsidiesro mSpanishnst i tut ions

Total nnualbudget in € )Total umberof members

9cgree of organisationalformalìsat ion0-ì scale)

5l.ì5.9*

28,838*9570.55'k

s0 8ì)r .8 86)

22,2s4e0)70e 87)0.sr 100)

7.3 r00)

4920.9'k

54,657*1,401'k0.s8

9. 4

4e 8rr8.8 e3)

48,8s387 )1,227 88)0.58 e6)

o ? Íoa\Numberoíyears s ince ts 7.5

creatron

Noles:Valuesare average igures or each row attribute or e ach column. The asterisk

l lgnalsa value hat is s tat is t icaì lyi f ferent ro m the value or organisat ions i th no transna

t lonalact iv i ty / l inksor p < 0. ì0.

l ransnat ionul l l r i r r rsl r l r r grorr l ls l r r r lolgrr t t ist 'utot t t t t l' l l t t t i t ; t t t r l t , it ional dent i t ics.-" 'Wc avt ' Í ì r t rncl ,t t lwt 'vt ' r ,lur l l t t ' Í ì r l r r rct ' l - Ì , t ' ( ) t t l f r ;ì t tsas l ikely to become engaged n trat tst tat iorralract ict 's s l l tost ' l t , r l

identify alongmore restrictive national) thnic catcg<lrics.' l ' l r t 'ì t tr l trrg,.aÍe not necessarihcontradictorybut they indicate hat trrrrsrt lr l tort,r l l toriented 'claims-making' is just a particular form of transrtltliott;rl tr

gagement,possiblywith dynamics different from other transttltliott.tl t,

Trbfe r4.5 lrunsnulianul n4ügcmenl y primury seu-descr'llt'onJassociation(% with any ransnutionalctivity)

Barcelona Madrid

lmmigrants ' rganisat ionCultural,musical, ancing, tc . ,societyl lumanitar ianaid or human r ightsorganisat ionFthnic rganisat ion

80659057

7882889l



tivities. Hence, different types of transnationalpracticesare likt'ly lr, I'cdiÍlerently related o identity construction processes, nd we sltottLl tr,,lconclude hat only ethno-national dentities are conducive o ltt'i1,,lrllrr,'rltransnationalism.

In general, differences 4 the inclination to act transnationally t, ,',,,,identity-based categoriesare more pronounced in Barcelona llt,ttt tuMadrid. This is probably related o the fact that the context n fÌrttt 'L,tt,t

is generallymore hostile than in Madrid towards the acceptanct'oÍ r'llr

nicity as a valid category or public engagement.Thus, migrartls' ,r;'i.ciations hat avoid any clear dentity as'immigrants'or that t 't t t lrr,t,t 'wider regional dentities - e.g. Latin American - refrain more Íiottr , trgaging n practices that link úem to narïow ethnic identities.

The findings úat economic and human resourcescontribute to lt,ttt..naüonalism are valid not only for individual transnationalpracti<t':r rtilalso for organisationalones. Again, in spite of the limited nutttlx't ',1cases,we can safelysay that larger organisations in terms of tht' rrurrr

ber of members) with more formalised structures, arger budgt'ls .ttrllarger proportions of public funding are invariably more likely lo 'rrgage n transnational activities. In contrast with other hypotheses tlt'vr'loped with individuallevel data, eminisation and the time passcd rttt,,'settlement,which is of coursehighly correlatedwith the 'age' oÍ' lrt' ,' r

ganisation, aÍe not related to transnational practices.In recent times, increasing attention s being paid to the link bt'lwlt'tt

transnational practices and development promotion in the st'rrtlrrrgcountries. Hence, we should expectúat migrants' associations lt;rl rlr'

scribe themselves as organisationsprimarily devoted to humartil;rtt.rtraid, human rights or cooperation, or úat are active in úese areas rr.

gardless of wheúer they prefer to describe themselves as a more fi('ur'lally oriented association will be more inclined to engage n tnttt:;tr,rtionalism. Tâbles t4.5 and 14.6 explore this connection.

Our evidencegenerally supports these expectations.Migrants' ;r;',r,

ciations hat define úemselves as humanitarian aid or human rigltl:; rrt

ganisationsor that are active n these areas, n community developrrr,'nlor in international cooperationare indeed more likely to be engagt'rl rrtransnational activities. This is more úe case in Barcelona tluttt ttrMadrid, however, where generally higher levels of transnatiott;tltr.trrmake these distinctions less relevant.

Charity r socialwelfare rganisat ionAl l organisat ionsNumberof cases

8671t1

ì0 08293

Noües:alues reaverageiguresor each owattributeor each olumn.No difference ithth eaverageor al lorganisationssstatisticallyignificantor p < 0.ì0.

Tabfe 14.6 Transnational engagement by sectorsfareasof activity (/o with any

transnational ctivity)

Barcelona Madrid

Activen...? Noo

Culture 72Humanitar ian id 80Human rights 78

Community evelopment 83lssues elated o immigrat ion 80International ooperation 83All organisat ionsNumberof cases

CharityEthnic roup oncernsSports

7110 0

Notes:Valuesare average igures or each row attribute or each column. The left right

ârrowê signalsa difference n the percentage ftransnational activitybetweenorganisations ctiveand inactive n a give sector/area hat is statist ically ignif icant orp<0.10. When no arrow s present ,he dif ferences not stat is t ical lyignif icant .

To conclude the analysis of the correlates of transnationa lism among

migrants' organisations, we assess he concurrent impact of the variousfactors explored in previous tables. Table 4.7 shows the results of threebinary logistic reg ressions on the separate indicators of transnationalpractices: ordinary activity, organisational alliances and political transna-tionalism. Our goal is to examine whether different factors are relevantfor the diÍlerent forms of transnational activity úat we have identifiedin the initial sections of this chapter.

Indeed, our results are noteworthy to the extent that they point to theexistenceof commonalities and differences in the correlates of transna-tionalism. Latino organisations are only more likely to engage in

828371

8r7778707881

768l75

838889868983

948390

5847a1

6859)/624857

ól

96

r llll I Al l l lA l \4() l lAl i l i ANIì l . \ lA lr l lg1

Table 4.7 Thu correlales J Lransnuliortulrurlit"t:turnonSlnigrunls'orguttirtlrrrtt

logistic inary egressions

Ordinorytransnatrcnalactpity

Orgunìsalionul l'olili lrt lt ransnat ìonal hun\ ì r l t \ t l t i I

alliances

Intercept -0.s80.24) -o.49 0.47]' -2.91 o l)

' I ' l lANSNAll( |NAl l lNl(s ANIì l ' l lA(: ' l l ( l l i : ; t)1, N.l i t ; l iANlS- rì l l { ;ANls^l ' l ()Nl IN 5l 'AlN 2ar()

a[( , t lso rrol r , ikt . ly o l l t . t r r ' l ivt , i r r ol i l i r l r l t ' l t t tst t l t l i t l t tal isrn.hcn as-

t i ( .ssinl llr c rol t 'oí r ( ,sot l I ( ( ' r r rol r i l is l t l iot t ,1ì ly ÌcoÍ ìOnì icapi talSeems

kr l t rvc al ìy si Í l l l i Í ìcal t t t Ì ìpi tcl : l t t ' t t r t r t tbcroÍ 'members or th e degree

oí'Íìlrmalisation is not clecisive, urely due to its important correlation

with budgetarycapacity.trinally, once we control for all these organisational attributes, the 1o-

impact.



Lat inoorgenisat ionAfrican organisationSelf-identity territorial-singlecountrySelf -descr ipt ion Humanitar ian

aid or human r ightsorganisat ionActive n communitydevelopmentActive n internat ionalcooperationDer ives ny ncome ro m Spanishpubl icsubsìdiesAnnual budget in 100s€ )Number of membersDegreeof formalisation (0-ì)

City (ref Barcelona)Madr idMurcia

n, .n. .0.e (0.32)

' r .6(0.6)

n.s.n. .

n. .

0.001 0.000)n.s.n.s.

n.5.

n.s.

n. .n. .n. .

n. .

0.5i (0.33)0.7s 0.33)

n.s.

n.s.n,s,n.s.

n.s.n.s.

0.1I0.088.63 8)

"0.76 04t , )n. .n .5.

n. .

n. .0.8r 04r)

n. .

0.001 0o( n)n. .n. .

0.63 0. li)n. .

19 3

19.48741

0.150. re.62 8)

Number ofcases ì93 193

Chi-square í model (degrees f 29.158 3) 16.173 7)freedom)Nagelkerke -squareCo x& Snel lR-squareHosmer& Lemeshow est Chi-square (degrees f freedom)

0. ì90.144.38 8)

Notes:Betacoeffìcientswith standarderrors are ìn brackets.All coeffìcients re stali\ lríálly

s ignif icantor p<0. ì0, an d n.s.marks hose hat were nit ia l ly s t imated ut removr ' ,1r , , r r r

the model becausehey were not stat is t ical lyignif icant nd he numberof cases ; r l l ' , ,, r

oars imoniousmodels.Al l Hosmer and Lemeshowtests how a sood it of the modr ' | ,, ,

the data.

transnationalpracticeswhen theserefeÍ to the political domain. ltt ,,'trtrast, African organisations - which represent the migrant groul)ri l,lcing greaterhostility and discrimination in Spain - aÍe not morc lriur'lnationally oriented than the other organisations, irrespective of tht' lotrrrof transnationalism we scrutinise. Narrowly defined ethnic identilicr rhrpromote greater engagement in ordinary transnational activities, ltrrl ,rrrnot crucial for the establishment of transnational links with org;rrrr,,rtions abroad or for political transnationalism. Associations that atr' .ltive in community development or in international coopeÍation ,rtr'more inclined, by the nature of their own activities, o establishor'1i,rrrrsational alliances that are transnational but, interestingly enouglì, llr' \'

(.ilI context in itself seems to have a very

Migrants, organisations in Madrid aÍe moÍe likely to engage n political

transnationalism. This is probably due to úe fact that Madrid is the ca-

pitaÌ of the country, and thus is more often the focus of political mobili-

sation from homeland institutions and actoÍs - such as the embassies

rnd the political parties - but it could also reflect an endogenous pro-ccss: migÍants who were politically active in their countries of origin

rnight be more likely to choose the capital city due to migration chains

among political Íefugees. In any case, this should not lead us to con-

clude thãt the local context of settlement has little oI no impacq rather,

its impact is indirect: migrants' oÍganisations in Madrid more fre-

quentlt define themselves along narrow (national or local) ethnic lines,

receive substantially more public subsidies, have an avelage budget that

is roughly double that of associations n Barcelona and Murcia and have

larger membeÍships. In sharp contrast, migrants' associations in

Baicelona are moÍe likely to be active in the areas of humanitarian aid,

community development, human rights and international coopeÍation,hence partially offsetting their resource disadvantage. In other words,

local oãhcies and local contexts aÍe Íelevant not so much becauseúey

direcúy promote (or fail to do so) transnational practices - which they

do sometimes through subsidising policies - but primarily because hey

have a substantial impact on the type of migÍants' olganisations that

consolidate and on úe resources úey accumulate.

14.4 Discussion

Transnational engagement is by no means universal among migrant or-

gânisations in Spanish cities, but it is very common that a large maior-

ity of ú"- will at least practice some form of transnationalism. Our

chapter makes the point that úe type and nature of transnational prac-

ticei migrants' associations engage in is cluite varied, and thus we

should analysedifferent forms of organisational transnationalism sepa-

rately. Migrants' associations n spain are more often involved in ordin-

ary transnational activity and frequently they establish alliances wiú or-

ganisations abroad, yet they more rarely engage n political transnation-

àlism. Consequently, we reject the common üew that migrants'

Organisational transnational practices aÍe primarily expÍessions of

lAlr l{A M(|ftAl trs ANIì lAlA l( |I tr ,1

pol i t i t r l r lrat tst t l t l i t l t t l t l ist t t .t 'wot tkl t ' t r t r l r lul . ; t , r rr .ss r l l - r 'ntorr rp;u;r ; r r rg1view oÍ 'pol i t ical ransnar ionul rar ' l i r ' t ,s,ll ' lsc wt ' r isl< 'r r rPlyi r r l , ir rr lreal meaning.

on üe other hand, ransnational ractices re certainìy ìo r'r,slrrr

.r lto l inks with homeland actorsan d social ields. we have Íìrrrrrt lr ,,,,,siderablenumber of exchangeswith overseas ountries othcr llr;rrr lrt.countriesof origin of the migrant groups. In particular, here js rr srlirrrl

IRANSNAI' l( lNAl l lNKl. ANll I ' l lA ( l l l( l l rS Ml l ; l l ^N l l t r r rr r rr

i t t l r , r t l t l iot t l t loopt ' t l t l i< l t tr t t t l l t 'vt ' lol r t t t t ' t t l ,t t t t l t t ' t t t : t 'wt ' ì r rd ha t rnr-

grants'orgl r r ist r t iorrsr ivi l t ,gt ,l t r ,sc tr t ' l ts r í ' lct ivi t iesn this ci ty;an d

ìír isoÍïscü th ç lirnitutions lr;r lsrtnlk'r budgets mpose on th e transna-

tionalisation of migrants' organisations.A lack of both cash and active

international develópment póhci"r in Murcia largely results in a much

more limited engagement in transnational activity.

In conclusion, the local context powerfully shapes through direct and



icant connectionwith the united States or the Latino groups, urrrl wrrlrEuropeancountries and organisations or migrants' associations

'l,rll

regional origins.Yet, the picture that emerges from our study is one of ,sr.lt,rtrr,r,

raúer than'comprehensive' transnationalism. comprehensive l r.;r ; ,rtional practicesare rather limited to a few organisaúonsâfld an, rrr'ri.frequent in Madrid than in üe other cities. In general erms, wrrir. n.,,also find smaller and more informal associations hat are compr(.rr,rtsively transnational, when it comes to engaging in transnatio.rl 1,,,,,tices in multiple domains and forms simultaneously another pr,lrl,dominates. That is, the profile of large, resourcefirl and well-conrrt'r .rlassociations,which often also dentify with the broader identity oí 'rrrrmigrants' and are not necessaÍilyexplicitly concernedwith homr,l;rrrrlpolitics, but more with improving úe situation of their co-ethnirs rrrSpain.

In this sense, ransnationalism soften driven bv the identitv.í tlri'organisation - when narrowly deÍìned along ethnii lines - the arr';r ,,1

activity - especially if it is active in community development and irrrr.rnational cooperation- and the economic resourcesat its disposal. lrrthis regard, he local contextof settlementand the policies mplemr.rrrr,,lby local and regional governments are especially relevant to the c'xr.rrrthat úey fundamentally shapeúe migrants' associationalecology. l'lrr.impact of the local contextand of local policies s thus both dirãct rrrr,lindirect. Directly, they can incentiüse transnationalpractices throrrlilrtheir promotion of international cooperationand deveiopmentactivirir.r.of migrants'associations.Indirectly they can do so úrough their eÍlr.ron the resourcesassociationshey accumulate and the collective dt.rrtr

ties they geneÍate.Yet, ocal policies do not alwaysoperate n consisrr,rrldirections to pÍomote or hinder transnationalism, and ouÍ three crs.r,illustrate the variety of effects we can find in real-life situations. on rlr,,one hand, the local policies and approach in Madrid foster the enrt,rgenceand consolidationof associations at coalesce long narrow t'llrnic identities, whereas policies in Barcelonadiscourageúe emphus,',on ethnicity. Furthermore, in Madrid, migrants' associations ."r ã.,..,,,,,a larger net amount of economic resources from different funding instrtutions, while in Barcelona and Murcia they grow cash-poor. yei l<x,rland regional policies in Barcelona are very active in promotrrll

indirect paths the opportunities that migrants' associations face in tak-

ing on transnationai practices. Further comparative studies of multiple

etÀnic groups across m'ltiple cities should shed more light on the ex-

tent to úhi.h ont findings may be more generally applicable'

Notes

r some exceptions are Bloemraad (zoo5) and Portes, Escobar and walton Radford

(zoo7\., ìh. 3panish proiect was funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Ëducation

(grant SElzoo5 'o773lCPOL) and by the SénecaFoundation of úe Region of Murcia

iit^"t "3o"i1lHcs7o5;.More information can be found at wwwum'es/

capsocinmig.

3 Vfulticulturãl Democracy and Immigrants Social Capital in Europe: Participation,'

Organisational Networks, and public Policies at the Local Level, also known as the

LOCALMULTIDEM project, was funded by the Sixth Framework Programme of the

Ëuropean Commission (contract CIT5-CT-zoo5-oz88oz)' Comptising a team,of se-u"r, Ërrrop.r' universities and research institutes, it studied the cases of Budapest,

London, Lyon, Madrid, Milan and Zurich. For more information see www.um.es/

localmultidem.

4 portes also argues that the concept is only of some use if this is not an omnipÍesent

phenomenon, i.e. ifthere is variation across ndiúduals and organisations.

5 Nevertheless, there are sizeable migrant populations from sub-Saharan Africa and,

most recently, flom China. .Retirement' migration from Western Europe is also

substantial.6 Some rural municipalities, however, have even higher proportions of migrants than

the larger cities, especially in úe Mediterranean regions and in Andalusia'.-

7 The siie of the úsüm population is roughiy estimated by adding all individuals

born in countries that the ClAworld. Faclbook ists as haúng populations that are 5o

per cent oÍ more Muslim in zoo5.

8 ilon-EU nationals cannot vote in any elections in Spain. Voting rights, even at the Ìo-caì level, can only be granted by the national level and' in most cases' hey requìre

modifying the Constiúion. Although the issue of allowing a1l residents to vote in ìo-

cal eiectiãns has been raised on various occasions, he necessary political agreements

between the tvvo major parties (PSOE and PP) have never materialised into legal

amendments in this direction.

o This does not mean that in Barcelona there are no consultation bodies dealing with

migration issues. Though there is a municipal sectolial council for immiglation, it is

not"specifically designeá to address migrant or immigration issues in particular but,

,"th"r, a. an additional sectorial poiicy atongside many other issues - youú' gender'

soorts, homosexuals and transsexuals, housing, etc'

?9 2 lAt l l {A M{)HAl l(S r\NIt lAlA i( l t t IA

' l ' l t t ' t tpdlt l t ' t ' l r l l r i ls;xrr l i ; r l ly t , - i t r lc lv i t 'wir r1,1rg;ur is ; r l iorrr il r t l r r t ln l i r r t l r t 'p ihr t r , l r r r l lto analyst 'c l t l t tgcs t t t l r t ' i l otgl t t t isr t l iot t ;r lr t iv i t i t ,s rr r t l orrr lxrs i l iorrr r r r l r r l r , rvrr .wtrrporganisat ions eìwer( 'unablc to inlcrv i t 'w lr ìoo4. rrswt ' l l l rs olgt rr r is lr l ionsolr t . r lafter the pilot was completed.A more detai leddescr ipt ionof the quest ionnaireaÌìd o{- the pi lot st r r r l i r ,s . l r l* .found in Ortega and Morales (zoo6).EU-r5 citizens'associatíons e.g.French, Italian, BÌitish), as well as thosr'íìorrr rr, rlOECD countries (e.g. US, Canada,Australia), have been excluded rom tlrt, rrr,rlv,,,,,

to

II

I2

'r ' [ANSNAII(]N^t i lNKli ANlr l ' l tA( ' l l { |i i lr | Ml(;RANl5'()R(;ANISA'l l t)NS lN SITAIN ?(.) i

r( ) ' l ' l r r ,sr . l r l t . t r l l ,p io relworkr , ' l ' l t r ' rel , r l ive iz l oÍ l l r t ' i t t l t ' rv i t 'wt' r lorgi t r r isal iot tsir r

wlr i t l s lr ; r1x,s)rr t l i r i r l r ,slr r , r r r r r r r lx . r Í l r ' ; r r rsrrr l iot t; t lrgart is l t i<l t tshc y narrrcd, .c ,

lht ' i r out t l t 'gr t r ' .l r r subsct lu<,rr ll l lcs wt 'do not i t tc l t tc l t ,l tc cascof Murc ia becausehe l imited num-

bcr of cases enders t unsuitabltt br bivariateanalyses.

These are self-defined identities that need not overlap fully with úe 'legal status of

members of these groups. Koopmans et al' (zoo5: n6-n7l identify úree tlpes of

transnational claims-making: transplanted homeland politics (e.g. claims against the

)l



and tables n this chapter to restrict our focus to the natìonal origins thrl prorlrr,the bulk of 'economic'migrants in our three cities. The needs and activitics ol tlrr,,.t=two subpopulations differ too much to make their joint analysis meanìngÍìrl Íor tlrr.purposes of úis chapter.Our searching methods in oÍficiaÌ registers and on úe internet were systern:rlt( ,rr,l

thorough, and included a iong list of word stri ngs with various variants of tht' w,rr,l,,'ìmmigrant' and'foreigne/ and..the multiple countries and naÌional qualifiers.One might wonder wheúer, given this relative fluidity of associations, our rt'srrlt,, ,,rrtransnational pÍactices are likely to be stable over time. Of course, this can orrly l,;.Íirlly assessedby a proper longitudinal study, but if üe over-time evolution oÍ tlrr. lr.nassociations (22l that we were able to interview boú in 2oo3-2oo4 and zooT.ro,i{in Madrid is of any indication, the inclination to engage in transnational purttr,,.,,seems quite stable. For example, only five associations úat mentioned transnlrti,,rr,rlÌinks with associationsoveÍseas n zoo3-zoo4 did not mention any in 2oo7-.tltrt,\\and only two associations that mentioned any links in zooT-zoo8 had not mentiorrr...any in the previous round of intewiews.See Schrover and Vermeulen (zoo5) for a discussion of this frequent mismatch.lnrhe zooT-zoo8 questionnaires,we included an item that enquired into tht, rrr,rrrispecific protest or demonstÍation events associations had participated in over tht, prr

vious two years. However, because úis item was not posed to the associations irrtr.rúewed only in zool-zoo4, we decided not to include it in these anulyr,,.,,Nevertheless, close nspection ofthem leadsus to conclude hat'transnational' Irr.test is the exception raúer than the norm, as barely fifteen associations out oí ov(.lroo that had participated in protests mentioned a'transnationaL cause being at st.rl.rIn fact,'intemationaL issues,such as úe Iracl War, were much more common; rrrr,l.by far, exclusively national or local issues dominate the scene. Among the few tr;rrrr,national protests, the most abundant were those related to violence in Colombia, rrrlrtical turmoil in Pakistan and support for victims of national disasters in tllhomeland.Unfortunately, given the diÍficulty in tracking such a detail, ouÍ ability to establirlrwheúer úese members ran for oÍfice once already in Spain is limited. However, lr;rving included an item úat enquiÍed into the date when these members ran as carrrlrdates, we found that all were in the zooos, thus strongly suggesting that respondr.rrrreport on only recent electoral contests and úat this is indeed a valid indicator oí rr,,litical transnationalism.Although úe total number of cases nterviewed in Murcia is too sma1l for frequo,, ystatistical analyses to be meaningfirl, we have preferred to report them as an acllrtional piece of information. Parallel to úe study in the city of Murcia, we underlrxrl.an identical study in the whole region/province ofMurcia, which resulted in z5 acLlrtional interviews (a total of 41. ln terms of the transnational practices, the results ;rrr.very similar for úe whole region and, if anything, would indicate that úe organis.rtions in the city of Murcia are more transnationally oriented than those of üe rest olúe region.

T3

r4

r6

17

Tò

homeland regime), homeland-directed transnationaÌ claims (e.9. claims requesting

the settlement country goveÍnment to intervene in homeland politics) and country of

residence-directed transnationalism (e.g. homeland ÍesouÍces mobilised to intervene

in host country aÌenas).

Chapter5Coldconstellationsnd hot identities:

Politicalheoryquestions bout



transnationalismnddiaspora

RaínerBaubõck

The initial question from which we started when inviting the contribu-tions assembled n this book was wheúer the concepts of transnational-ism and diaspora can still be anaiytically distinguished, or if they hav

become so overstretched and blurred that úey no longer refer to dis-tinct phenomena. If we find that the two concepts are still useful, then

a second question follows: how do úey relate to each other in differentacademic disciplines and theoretical perspectives, and can they be inte-grated into broader theories of boundary-crossing and boundary

changel Finally, does úe study of empirical phenomena that are called'transnaüonal' or 'diasporic' also require replenishing úe methodologi-cal toolboxesused in social research with new instrumentsl

Predictably, our authors have not agreed on answers to these threquestions. Some have responded indirectly by demonstrating úe heur-istic validity of a certain approach to transnationalism and diasporaothers have done so by highlighting in a critical vein what has been

missing or overlooked in their respective disciplines. The appropriatconclusion to be drawn from this exercise s úat this is neither the timeto jettison the two concepts nor the moment to integrate them intogrand theoretical synthesis. Instead, this is a time for 'talking acros

disciplines' (Bretell & Hollifield zoo6) in order to explore how differentperspectives may cross-fertilise each oúer and move úe debates for-ward. We may even hope, rather optimistically, úat such transdisciplin-ary encounters have a transformative effect on academic boundaries similar to the effect of transnational migration on the boundaries onaüon-states.

This concluding chapter will not Íepeat the task of úe introductionin summarising the debate or drawing conclusions from the contribu-tions assembled in this book. Instead, I want to consider what my owndiscipline of political theory could learn from engaging with úe find-

ings of oúer disciplines and what it could contribute in return. For this

Jr)í) l lAlNl l{ l lAir i l r r' l.

purpos( ' , wi l l r t ' Í i ' r 'sckr l ivr ' ly o ot l r t , r ' r l r ryr l r , r 'sr r t l r is volr rnr t , , ' l ' l r rweakness f pol i t ical hcory s that t tal<t ,srkrr rg iur t ' to digt 'st r rsr l l l r t rof other discipl inesabout changing structrrrt.s Í rnodt'r 'rr ocir, l i t 'r ;,rrcluding those changes ha t we associatewith transnati<lnrl isrrr.r, rstrength ies in the striving for analyticalconsistency n conct'prrr;rlrr.rlysis and normative judgements. I will therefore want t{l t.xprori,whether poliücal theory can help clarify the relation

( t{ l l) ( ií )N} i I l i l I A l l( }N1l ANI) | l( )l l l t l iN | | | i l r : , ' ) t ) /

Wlr i l r , l t t , i r r t r . r r r ; r l iorr i r lr , l i r l iorrsrnclsocial t tovct t tcntsi tcrature

Iravc ìlr:ust'd lt tbourrdary-t 'rossittgolit ical ssucs,uc h as environmen

tl l r isl<s r ccononticglobalisation, nd responses y institutionalise

<lr inÍbrmal political actors,migration raises more complex questions

rlrcut political membership.Tine underlying problem is how to resolve

the mismatch between states as territorially bounded iurisdictions and



conceptsand to address he normative challenges or democrlty rlr.rlarise from a transnaüonal blurring of political boundariesand llrr. rrr,,bilisation of diasporic identities.

r5.Ì Transnational cit izenship from above an d below

As discussed n Faist's introduction to this volume, transnatiorurlirrrrhas had a strong caïeeÍ as a concept in quite disparate ields oÍ ;r,.rdemic study.Probably he three most important ones are the foll.wrrrlifirst, international relations, where the concept began to be us.,.t ,r.,early as the r97os to refer to the growing importance of non-statr, rrtors, such as multinational corporationsand international NGos, irr tlrr,international arena (e.g. Keohane & Nye r97z); second,social rrr,,v,,ment studies,which were interested n poliücal mobilisation across rr,l

ders (e.g.Smith, Chatfield & Pagnucco 99); and hird, migratiorr strrdies (e.g. Basch,Glick Schiller & Szanton Blanc 1994). Although rlr,r;r,are quite diÍlerent fields, there was a common underlying perc(.1)rr.,rlthat transnationalism was about 'globalisation from below' (Guarniz, rulSmiú 1998; Della Porta, Andreüa, Mosca & Reiter 2oo(,)Tiansnational relations were accordingÌy distinguished from ink'r rr,rtional onesby insisting that at leastone of the actors nvolved n tht, l,,rmer be a non-state entity (Risse-Kappen1995; portes, Guarniz liLandolt r99il.Much of the empirical researchon transnationalisnr r,r,,accordingly ocusedon individual and group agencyacross nternati,rr,rlborders.

From a political theory perspective, ere is something missinglrt,r,,a focus on political institutions and how they not only provide ,opportrr

nity structures' for individual or collective transnational Dractices, rrrrrare themselves transformed through transnational relatiãns. polirr,.rlphilosophyhas for some time been divided betweenapproacheshrrt 1,,cus on the eúics of individual action or on justice as the first virtrrr. .lpolitical institutions (Rawls r97r: r). The latter approachhas been cl.rrrrnant since the r97os, and has led to a stronger engagementbelwr,,,rrnormative political theory and empirical researchon democraüc rrsrrr,tions (BaubõckzooSa). The notion of transnational citizenship rcíÌt.t risuch an institutionalist perspective (Baubôck rg94l.

citizenship as an intergenerational status of membership in a political

community. Democratic citizenship has a sticky quality it clings to indi-

viduals, and they cling to it as well when moving across international

l:orders. But democratic states are organised as non-overlapping territor-

ial jurisdictions. Migration between states úerefore produces citizens

abroad and foreign citizens in the territory. The term 'transnational citi-

zenship' was coined to refer to a pluralisation of citizenship statuse

and the differentiation of rights in response to this problem. This re-

sponse can be partially derived from the evolution of democratic stat

practices, but the term also contains a normative surplus in the sens

of providing guidelines as to how liberal democracies ought to trans'form their conceptions of membership when faced with transnational

migration.In the post-World War II era, democratic immigration countries had

gradually and unevenly liberalised their conceptions of citizenship by

granting quasi-citizenship status to long-term resident foreign na-

tionals. They did this by turning naturalisation from a discretionary de-cision of authorities into an individual entitlement and by tolerating

dual citizenship acquired at birth or through naturalisation. Som

authors explained this move towards gÍeater inclusion as the impact of

global human rights discourses (Soysal ry94) and international legal

constraints on state sovereignty (facobson r9g6\,while oúers empha-

sised domestic sourcesof liberalisation (foppke 1999; Hansen & Weil

eoor). Only a few scholars noted that towards the end of the twentieth

century analogous changes occurred among an increasing number of

sending countries. These started to consider external citizenship as apersistent link with their expatriates abroad that could be activated for

economic, political and cultural policy goals. The move towards tolera-tion of dual citizenship has been even more dramatic in sending than

in receiving countries (Faist & Kivisto zooT; Blatter, Erdmann &

Schwanke zoog). Sincenearly all receiving countries also have substan

tial numbers of expatriates, mixed motives of both kinds have dnvenpolicy change in most'Western democracies.

The core citizenship rights of democratic participation and represen

tation have undergone a similar expansive development. 'Westernliberal

democracies have generally abolished previous restrictions on political

activity by foreign nationals, and fourteen European states currentlygrant local voting rights to all long-term residents (Shaw zooT). At the

,q 8 nAlNIr l{ l t^ lr l t írr I

same inÌc: , nruch argcrnurnbt 'roí 'sl r tcs ha s rrr : t , r r l lyr r l r .ot l r rccr lrl rsenteevoting in national electiorrs br tht'ir cit izens rcsidirrgrrlrr.orrl( IDEA & IFE zooT).

Thesereforms have made citizenship not only internally m<l*, trt ,r;sible and inclusive for immigrants, but also less clearlybouncrccl ,xl.rnally. The legal statusesand rights of denizens and dual nati<>rnls;rrrjointly produced by receiving

(:() l . l ) ( :()Nsl l i l lAl ' l ()Ns ANI) l l { l l l l } l ìNl l l l l is

analysis, rxicl ics ut ' rgt ' i r t to r globrr l t t t t t l ln soci t l ty. 'h egeographi

scopc<l í ' rarrsr tal i< l t tal: i t izt ' t rsl t ipics sotncwhere etween not ion of

societyas a rcsident popttlation inside a state erritory and societyas a

global network oÍ human communication and interaction. Several

authors in our volume therefore use terms such as 'transnational social

Íìelds' or 'networks'. But fields and networks are not political enüties

?9 9



sending states. Responcìirr1,i,Hammar's (tggo) influential discussion of denizenship and dual r rrrzenship as alternativesolutions for the legal and political integratiorr limmigrant, I have suggested hat what these two statuseshad in r,rrrmon was their transnationalcharacter Baubôck 1994).while Harrrrrr;rrhad analysed them primarily.. from an immigrant integration perslx,(tive, they should be seen nstead as a legal expressionand recógrriri,,rrof overlappingcirclesof membership between wo states.Transnali,rr.rlcitizenship in this sense refers to an institutional transformatiorr .lmembership and legal rights.' This transformation is not the resull ,linternational migration itselí but of changing normative conceptions .lpolitical community that respond to perceived challenges and opp.r'rrrnities created by migration.

Such an institutionalist perspective contributes also to the dispurr.over whether migrant transnationalism is really a historically novel urrtlnumerically signiÍìcant phenomenon. T?ansnationalism has often ut'r,rr

associated wiú migration patterns involving frequent movement lx,tween two states (see Dúinden in this volume) or with homelarrrlrelated attachments and activities among settled immigrants. Tht,st.phenomena have been facilitatedby new technologiesof transportari.rrand communication, but úey were also strongly present in earlier rrugration waves, including the great transatlantic exodus from Europc r,,America around rgoo (Morawskazoor). By contrast, the proriferãti.rrof local voting rights for denizens,'of externalvoting rights for exparriates and of tolerated dual citizenship constitute, by any standards, b.rlra historically novel and quantitatively signiÍìcant trend (Baubôck zoo3).

Describing and explaining this trend does not yet answer the norrrrrrtive question of how citizenship

status and rights ought to be allocat.rlin contexts of overlapping affiliations. In response to this question, I rt.cently proposed a stakeholder principle (Baubôck zooTb). This idea ck,úates to a certain extent from Carens' (rg8g, zooz) earlier suggestiorrthat citizenship ought to be derived from societal membership. If we n'gard societies as bounded by the territories of nation-states, then it b.comes natural to associate societal membership with long-term residence, ignoring thereby the transnational aspects of migiants' rivcs.once we accept, however, critique of this perspective as methodologicrrlnationalism (\x/immer & Glick Schiller zooz), then there seems ró b,,no way of determining stable boundaries of societies. At some level ,Í

that can serve as addresseesof claims to membership status and rights.

Societal membership is then too vague a criterion for determining not

only the claims immigrants have towards a host state, but also those of

emigrants towards countries of origins. In contrast with societies, net-

works andÍìelds, political jurisdictions and political communities are

demarcated by territorial and membership boundaries, even when these

overlap. I propose úerefore individual stakeholding in the future of a

political community as an explicitly political criterion for membership

claims. Such a reference to bounded political units is indispensable for

a normative criticlue of exclusionary as well as over-inclusive citizenship

regimes.Citizenship is a multifaceted concept whose many meanings are not

exhausted by legal status, rights and duties allocated to individuals by

states. The institutional perspective on kansnational citizenship 'from

above' must úerefore be matched by studying the same set of phenom-

ena 'from below'. Tiansnational citizenship should then also be re-

garded as a poliücal opportunity structure that enables or constrains in-dividual choices about membership status and identities as well as col-

lective claims about rights. This perspective on transnational citizenship

from below opens up a broad research agenda ranging from naturalisa-

tion motives to diaspora involvement in homeland conflicts'Finally, a third aspect should be added to the study of institutions

and practices: discourses. As pointed out by Rogers Smith (zoo3)' poli-

tical legitimacy in every polity is generated úrough 'stories of people-

hood' that include not only narratives about economic advantage and

political power, but also 'ethically constitutive stories' about collective

identities and belonging. This is true not only for independent states

but also for various types of non-state polities.r We therefore need totrace as well üe public discourses that construct transnational citizen-

ship not merely as legal statuses and rights, but also as a significant

way of belonging to a political community.Bringing pracüce and discourse dimensions into the analysis of

transnational citizenship creates a bridge to the study of diaspora. As I

suggest n the fourth section of this chapter, diaspora should be under-

stood as a politically mobilised claim about transnational citizenship,

which can be pursued either by governmental actors from above or by

non-governmental actors from below In either case, diaspoïas ar

l lAlNlr l l l lAl r l lO(' l \

creaLedhroughdist : t lurst 'st l lot r l nrr rsrr i r l iorur lr t .krr rgi r rgo u pol i t i r ; r lcommunity.

Before urtherelaboratinghis nterpretation Í'diaspora, wil l skt' l<r rbroader ramework for studyingcitizenshipconstellationshat avoicls,rr*re one hand, the statistbiases o have plaguedmost politicar heory ;r1rproachesand allows,on the otherhand, o fill the normative gaps eÍi wirlt,open by sociologicaland anthropological accounts

( {) t l) ( i{)Nst ' t l t t^ i l í)Ns ANl, l l ( | l l l r l iNl l l l l l : i

lundsupr;r r r l l iorur li l izt ' r rsl r ipsl r t ts r í l i ' t ' t hc opportuni t ics í ' indivi -

duals rr rclation o st'vott l stlt l t 's, ttclalso rnpact hese states hrough

the associated obil i ty privi lcges hesestatuses ntail.Alongside the study of individual choices of citizenship status and of

collective effects of citizenship arrangements, citizenship policy forma-

tion is a third object of research for which a constellation perspectiveneed to take into ac-



tS.2 Citizenshiponstellations

citizenship has generally been interpreted as a relation between an irrdividual and a single polity. But, as discussion in the previous secti,rrhas shown, this is clearly inadequate in contexts of migration. In ordr,rto understand the motives that migrants have for choosing a particul;rrlegal status or exercising a particular citizenship right, we need to krrliat the citizenship opportunity structure that is jointly produced by tht,rrcountries of origin and settlement. The same broader framework is rr,quired for studying the impact of a change in citizenship status on nìlgrants' socioeconomic position or political participation (fones-corn.;r2oor, 2oo1i DeVoretz zoo8; DeVorelz & Bevelanderzoog). InsteadoÍconsidering, as usual, only the effect naturalisation has in a country ol

settlement, we need to take into account also how it impacts migrants'opporrunities in relation to countries of origin or even úird countri.s.And these eÍïects are sometimes not what one would expect namely,that citizenship acquisition consolidates settlement in ã destinauorrcountry. consider, for example, immigrants of chinese origin naturalis-ing in the united states and canada in order to facilitate return to theircountry of origin with what they consider a privileged status (o'gr999).

we need to understand more clearly that citizenship is not only a stu-tus of internal equality and entitlements within a polity, but also enablcsmobility across nternational borders (Baubôck zoog). The core of exrer.nal citizenship is an unconditional right to be readmitted to one's courr-try of nationality. This is not only the main Íeason why most migrantsare reluctant to Íenounce their citizenship of origin when they apply ftr'naturalisation; it is also a reason why indiúduals may be interésìed ìrractivating an inherited external citizenship or in becoming citizens of rrcountry that oÍíers them easy naturalisation on grounds of ancestry orethnic aÍfinity. Dual citizens enjoy free movement rights between tw'countries and, for European union citizens, this priülege extends to lrmuch larger geographic area. In the EU, states that provide easy accessto their citizenship for co-ethnic populations living abroad create EU ci-tizens with admission rights in all oúer member states. T?ansnationar

geneÍates new research cluestionsandcount how states linked to each other through large-scale migration

flows react to policy changes in the other country. The sequence of re-

forms of citizenship policies in Turkey and Germany since úe r99osproúdes a good illustration of what I suggest calling 'interactive citizen-

ship regimes' (Baubôck zoo6l. In the early r99os, arson attacks n theGerman towns of Môlln and Solingen killed eight Turkish women and

girls. Convinced that Turks in Germany would be fully protected only if

they had German citizenship, the Turkish government reacted by chan-ging its preúous policy of discouraging naturalisation in Germany. But

at the same time, Turkey wanted to strengúen its links to its largest ex-

patriate community. In :1995a 'pink card' was introduced that facilitated

renunciation of Turkish ciüzenship by guaranteeing former Ïurkish citi-

zens most of úe rights they had prior enjoyed apart from the franchise.

Yet, ïirrkish migrants apparently did not trust the value of this external

quasi-citizenship and bided their time waiüng for reforms that would

allow for dual citizenship (Caglar zoo4).In 1999, the red-greencoalition government promised to introduce such reforms, but had to retract

this crucial element of its ciüzenship reform proposal when the conser-

vative Christian Democratic Union (CDU) mobilised against it in a re-

ferendum in the province of Hesse. Turkish authorities reacted to úis

setback by exploiting a legal loophole that, prior to 2ooo, had not per-

mitted German auúorities to deprive German citizens of their national-

ity while they resided in úe German state terÍitory' A substantial num-

ber of Turkish migrants therefore renounced their citizenship of origin

only temporarily in order to naturalise, but then reacquired it through

úe Turkish consulates.The new citizenship law úat came into force in

zooo closed off this oppofunity. Shortly before regional and federal

elections in zoo5, German authorities became active and deprived

about zo,ooo immigrants of Turkish origin of their German citizenship

and franchise. This episode illustrates how states whose citizenship re-

gimes have become entangled wiú each other through large-scalemi-

gration may act independently of each other to pursue their own politi-

cal goals, but still become exposed to the other state's policy choice

and may respond in kind.Empirical research on citizenship should therefore move beyond

single-country case studies and even beyond comparative approaches o-

wards an analysis of citizenship constellations that involve severa

)(12lr^ lNlr l{ l lAlr l l ()r l,

states. constel lat ionratncw<l lks lso r r ' l t 'v l t t t ti l r adt l r t 'ssi t tg,lot t t ; t

t ive questions oncerningho w statcs ltt l ; , l t lo lt l lr tt: lrtcÌl( 'Í Ì ì l)crs[Ì i l)' i lr

tus, rights and duties, how they should cooÍdirìatc thcir polit rc:;

amongst one anotheÍ and how they may legitirnately constrairì ilr(lrvl

dual choicesand practices. n the previous section, briefly intr<xlttt rl

a stakeholder principle for answering the basic question of who lr:rri r

(t() t t) ( t( lNsl ' l i l . l Al l{)Ns ANI) l l ( i l l l } l rNl l ' l ' l l5

r5.3 Normative uzzlesn complex onstellations

The Íìrst normatrvc clucsti<lrl aiscclaboveconcernedprinciples for-coor-

dìnat ingmembershipdecisionsandtheal locat ionofr ightsanddut iesbetweeã pohties entangled in a common citizenship constellation. In a

hãrirontaÏy overlappiãg constellation formed by independent states'

this need for coordinatiãn is obúously less pressing than in a federally



moral claim to membership status n which polity. Introducing a ltittl;

national constellationperspectivemeans that we need to go beyon<l llt:;

initial question. First, we have to develop principles for citizenship polr

cies that do not only respond to moral claims of indiúduals, but llr,rt

can also guide poliücal decisionsof diÍíerent polities in such a wayllr;rl

úey do not conÍlict wiú each other or produce unjustifiable bultlt'trr,

for another country. Second,we must not only reconcile he indivitlrr;rl

equality of citizens with the recognition of relevant group differt'rrtt'ri

inside a single polity, but we also need to consider how a principlt' ol

ecluality applies between individuals who are positioned difíbrt'rrtly

within a citizenship constellation.Before addressing these normative cluestions,we need to furtht'r rlrl

ferentiate citizenship constellations. There aÍe two basic types that lr;rv,'

very different structural properties but are often connected to each ollrt'r

in ways that complicate both their empirical and normative analyst's. i, r

far, I have focused on transnational constellations formed by indt'P|rr

dent states with non-overlapping territories but partially overlaPltirrpimemberships. The secondbasic ype is a federal shrctuÍe in whiclr tlr|

territories and members of severalpolities are nestedwithin a largt'r'r'rr

compassing polity so that, in principle, every citizen of a lower levt'l prr

lity ii also a citizen of the higher level one and vice versa. Both conslt'l

lations produce mulüple citizenship relations; in the first one, thcy ;rrr

horizontalb overlapping, while in the second, they are vertically nt'slrrl

(Baubõckzoor). Within nested constellations,we no longer cottsitlct

only independent statesbut, rather, polities of different kinds. Thcst' rrr

clude selÊgoverningmunicipalities, federal provinces or autonotttttttri

territories within unitary states and at least one supranational grlily,

which is the EU. Not all úese polities have a formally establishedsl;rlril;

of citizenship that is calledby this name and, in úose that have t, srrr r

as the ËU, there may be doubts about its substance (Wiener t'.;';fi,

Weiler 1999). Yet, these are not justiÍìcations for the statistbias irr t rlr

zenship studies that simply ignores the structure of rights, dutit's ;rrrrl

membership in sellgoverning polities below or above he state'

nested one. We can, howeveÍ, assume that úe need will become stron-

ler the gÍeater úe extent of overlap'a In a horizontal constellation' each

ãt"t" *ií have equal poweÍs to determine its own citizens. The question

iswhetherStatescandosounilaterallywiúouttakingintoaccountthe

other states' concerns' In its landmark 1955decision in the Nottebohmcase, he International Court of fustice endorsed a principle of 'genuine

and eÍïective links', in the absenceof which statesmay not confer their

nationality to another state's nationals.5This negative version of the sta-

i.ãfrofa"t principle does not yet imply a positive duty to accept dual citi-

,."tftip in ."rË, of dual stakeholding' As pointed out in the first sec-

t ionofthischapter ,al thoughthenumberofstatesthatdosohasshar-pïy lrr.r""r"a, áost do noúecognise- the transnational character of this

,tátrr. Some maintain instead ihat úeir own citizenship takes priority

wherever their citizens reside, which is obviously a principle that cannot

ü" g"""r4ir.d without creating conflicts between states nvolved in a ci-

tizeïship constellation. The alt-ernativesolution is to regard external citi-

zenshipsasdormantandonlytheresident ialci t izenshipasact ive.Buthis so'lution fails to take into account justiÍìed claims of external stake-

tota"rrtip, which may include voting rights and diplomatic protection.

This problem is even more obúous fãr denizens whose only formal ciú-

,"rrrËip status is an extrateritorial one' The upshot of these considera-

tions is that there is a case for stronger noÍms in international law in

order to coordinate citizenship policies between states'o

In contrast wiú horizorràily overl"pping constellations, vertically

nested ones need not only coordination between levels of government'

but a constituúonal setdement that regulates their decision-making

po\Mers.Asmentionedabove,thebasicprincipleregulating.multi leve

ãitizenship is that each citizen of a nesteã pohty is also a citizen of theencompassing one and vice versa' This two-way linkage between level

of citizenshii is characteristic of all federal arrangements. The linkage

does not yet tell us which level of goveÍnment has the po\Mer o deter

mine citizenship for all other levels of the federation. In contemporary

federal states this is now nearly always the federal level. Switzerland is

úe only curent exception, since its federal law regulates only Swis

citizenúip acquired ily birth and certain minimum conditions fo

naturalisation, Lut leaves o úe cantons and municipalities the power tc

determine under úeir own laws who will become a Swiss citizen

l?/ \ l l ! l l l l l^ l r l l i r r I

I l isto| i t l r l ly,w( '( i t l t r r lso ì r r r l r si rni l ; r r rpw;rr t ll r . r ivr r l iorrrorr r l r l t , , r rst i tut ivcurr i t to l l rc Í i 'c l t ' r 'ult 'vt ' l r r l l r t . t ' ; r r ly . lS rrr r t l i t , r ' r rurr rt , t r r . r , rt ions (schônberger o05). l ' l r t .sanrr 'Pr i r r tPl t ' s r rpPl i t 'do t i r izt ' r rsl r r1,in the EU, with the important diÍïèrcncc bcing that tlrc lìu tkrt,s rrr, leven have the competencies o provide a regulatory Íiamcwork í.r rr:,member states'nationalityaws. t wouid be tempting to go irrt. rrr,r,.detail here and discusswhether the present lack of even purcly ..,,,,,r,

r ol lr ( lr l l : , l l I l / \ l l r r Ì l ' , , \ Ì l l ' l l ' r l l l ' l l l l l l l l

s( , tv( ' l ( ) r r , r i r r l ; r i r r : l , r l r r l r lyr r , r r r t ' r ; l l r l t ' t l t ' t ; t l iot tl l torrgl l t l t t t l l l t ' t t t t ' t t

l l r ly r t r r l r r r r l r r : r l lyot t lp; t l t l r l t ' r r r r pl t 's ir l ci t izt ' r lsl r ip ctcrrni r rat ion

l í úot l rst l r l t 'st t t t l r r r r r t i rpl r l i l i t 'sl l rcl l r t 'capaci tyo determine ocaÌ i t i -

zt 'nship ancl votirrg riglr ls tlrrough independentnaturalisationproce-

clures, his could Ìead o cleprivingmembers of the national d'emosesid-

ing in the territory of any local political representation. It is only with

immigration from other countries thal ius domicílíi and naturalisation



nating powers at the supranational evel s appropriateand sustainalrh,since our main concern here is transnationalism, want to corrsitlr.r

instead how principles applying to nested and overlapping consrr'll,rtions respectively nterfere with each other where such constellaLr.rrr,

are combined. In úe first sectionof this chapter, describedhow st;rr.r,react to the growing incongruence between territorial residence rrrrtlmembership status by strengthening citizenship relations with . rrrgrants and by granting denizenship to long-term resident immigrarrr:;In a nested constellation, his horizontal differentiation of citizenslri;,has the effect of creating an additional incongruence between citiz.rrships at diíïerent levels by partially breaking the linkage between the.r

The first break is that external citizens will generalry not simull:rneously be citizens of a province or municipality in their country of oligin. This is so not only du e to a monopolyof stategovernmenís n i'ternational relations, but also because, n democratic states, ocal anrlprovincial citizenship

is determinedby ius domícílií nsteadof the conr.bination of íus sanguinís, us solíand naturalisation that regulates accessto state-level itizenship. After some time of residence,citizens wh,have migrated inside the national territory automatically lose their iocurcitizenship status and rights in their preüous place of residence and ac-quire that of the place where they have settled without haúne to naturr-1ise.7The same principle of automatic íus dornícilii impheã that emr-grants who have eft the state territory will no longer be counted as localcitizens, but only as citizens of the state. Even this implication is. how-eveÍ, nol without exceptions.A minority of states wiú externalvotinrrights also extend them to sub-stateeleciions, sometimes, as in Norwayand Finland, with more restrictive absentee clauses for these compared

to national elections IDEA & IFE zooT: 4, 17,234-245).while external citizenship is generally disconnected from member-

ship in sub-statepolities, the latter can also expand their own residentialcitizenships beyond the membership criteria used at the state evel. Thelocal (and, in a few cases,also regional) franchise for third-country na-tionals can be interpreted as an assertionofa distinct conceptionoiciti-zenship at a sub-state evel. This is, once again, the outcome of an inter-action between the transnational and nested features ofcitizenshiD con-stellations. n the absenceof international migration, ius d.omiciliiatrhelocal level would apply only to native citizens of the larger state and

can bã seen as alternative, rather than complementary principles for ci-

tizenship attribution. Many local goveÍnments realise then that their

conception of citizenship as automatically derived from residence is not

compãtible with excluding foreign residents who have not obtained citi-

,"rrúip at the state evel. By turning them into fully enfranchised ciú-

""n, "ithe local level, they partially break the link between local and

state-level citizenship. Not all European constitutions, however, allow

for this inclusive solution to the tension between transnational and fed-

eral constellations. The German and Austrian Constitutional Courts

have struck down provincial legislation in Hamburg, Schleswig-

Holstein and vienna that would have introduced a franchise for third-

country nationals at the local level (Shaw zooT\. The two courts argued

that the federal demos must be homogenous so that the electorate is

the same at all levels of government.ó This interpretation of the

German and Austrian constitutions rejects the accommodation of trans-

national citizenship and asserts a conception ofthe federal demos that

is more unitary thãn the one we find in unitary states such as lreland,

Denmark, the Neúerlands and Sweden.e

As these two illustrations have shown, the partial delinking of citizen-

ship between levels is not an automatic consequence of international

migration. Some stateshave opted for extending extraterritorial citrzen-

ship to provincial and local levels, while others have rejected applying

the íus d.omiçílííprinciple of local citizenship to úird-country nationals'

In liberal polities exposed o immigration and emigration, we seeneveí-

theless a significant trend towards the double incongruence between ci-

tizenships ãt rtut" and sub-state evels. This trend emerges as a largely

unintenãed by-product of applying pre-existing principles of member-

ship to the new migratory challenges. It adds another layer of complex-ity ìo the transnational expansion of state-level citizenship that gener-

ates increasing overlaps with the membership boundaries of other

states.The question of how to determine citizenship stahrses in compÌex

constellations is connected with a second normative problem of equal-

ity. In contrast with the subjects of empires, who had been divided into

multiple ascriptive categories that were assigned different group-privi-

leges or duties, democratic citizenship is normatively understood as a

stãtus of equal membership in a self-governing polity. Certainly, even

H^tNli l{ l tA l l l l | . ) t lJ( (r

for a tracl i t ionaltakr-ccntrccli t 'w, igl r ls r t r r l l t t l ics r t t ' l t lso to l t 'x; t tlv

the same or everyci t izen.Ci t izt l t rs cl<lw lr t ' rgc oí t t lai<l r i ly i l l l t l t ' l

vote,women ar e rarelydrafted or mil i tary sclrvicc, <xrr : i t izt 't tsttt 't 't i

empted from paying income tax, social nsurance beneÍìts attcl wr'll;rr,'

rigúts aÍe diÍïerentiated according to contributions and rtt't'rlrr

Moreover,women, disabledpersons, acial,ethnic and religious tttittotagainst discrimination and soltt,'

(t() l t) ( :()NTtl{ l lAt l()Nl l i ANi) l l {r l l l i l 'Nl i l l l r t :

gcrrcral ly<l wclr ,ç, l0r . t r lr r r ' t rorr lí r ,xpl t l l ' i l t t t 's,ut : l ran i t t l .crpr t l tat iontf

l lurl i ty'w.uld lclrt l . lt l t t tgt ' ov('lar(Ì 'r.scntation f absentee oters'

This Ís oncì casolì lÌÌosl stal(Ìsdo not createsepaÍateconstituenciesor

external voters, but count their votes in the domestic constituency

*tr"r" ,fr.y resided last." I have argued thatsuch a merging of external

and domestic votes is also better fusti{ìed than special representation,

,in." should be seen as external stakeholders in the com-



ties have obtained specialexemptions from general legislation that applies to other citizt'rrs. Âll

these and oúer forms of differentiated citizenship can still be s('('rr r',

emerging from a principle of equal espect and concernfor all w|.;rr,'

citizens of a single polity (Dworkinrg77).By taking into account trtlrvr

dual aÍïìliations to a plurality of polities, a constellation persp('( rvl

transcends,however, the single state as úe basic reference urlil Íor

equality. And it does so without replacing state-based itizenship witlr 'r

similaily homogeneousconceptionof universalhuman rights grottrrth',1

in the moral equality of human beings.While there is a broad feminist and multiculturalist literature orr rlil

ferentiated citizenship, political theorists have so far hardly ev('r' ,rl

tempted to specifyand contextualise ow norïns of equal citizenslrip:rl

ply üeyond i single polity framework. I will illustrate this problcrrr lrv

ãutlining merely two of its many diÍïerent applications: one that lt'Ír'r',

only to transnational constellations and a second that pertains also ln

multilevel citizenship.Consider,Íìrst, external voting rights exercisedby citizens rcsitlirrpi

permanently abroad. I have proposed elsewhere úat a stakeholder pr rr

.ipl"-"y

provide justification for such a transnational franchist', lrrrt

thãt it also generally imits its applicationto a first generationoÍ't'rrrr

grants (BaubockzooTb). In some countriesthat have ntroduced alrst'rr

tee ballots, this was done with explicit reference o a noÍm of p<tlitir,rl

equality among all citizens independenúy of their country oÍ tt'rrt

dence.'" In Belgium, external voting has even been made mandltlot\'

since it is also mandatory for citizens residing in Belgium (lall'rrr

zooS). But such an interpretation of equal citizenship is diffit:rrlt l',

maintain since statescannotpÍotect their citizens' ciül rights orrtsitl''

their own territory nor provide úem with social citizenship riglrls lo

public education, health caÍe or poveÍty relief. Why should thcy llrt'rr

ir"u""n

obligation to secuÍe exactly he same rights to vote for e:xlcttt;tl

citizens as for those who live in the territoryl Moreover, equality oí t't|r

toral representation between domestic and external citizens is ttt';tllt

impossible to achieve. n most systems, he electorates subdividt'tl itrlo

territorial constituencieson the basis ofenfranchised voters (nol oÍ rt'

gistered voters oÍ actualvotescast).Do expatriates hen have a clltittt l,'

ã number of representativesn a national egislatureha t s propotl iotr,t l

to their numer icalstrcngthì Civcn th c often very argc ntt t t t l lcts rtt l

"*p"tiates

-ongooa of úe polity to which they are linked through biographic ties'

rather than as an extemal minority with special nterests that need to be

,"fr"r."t"a in the t.gist"tiu" gft".t; (Baubõck 2oo7b: z43z-2435\'"

External stakeholders íil

"l*o

úe selÊselected.Not all persons who re-

iain a citizenship of origin can be expected o engage actively with thedomestic politics in úeïr country of origin' Mandatory voting' which

-"yt

"justifìed in order to enhance equalrty of representation among

differeni classes of citizens (Lijphart 1997\' cleatly should not be im-

posed on expatriates. We could-add further considerations about gov-

ernments' duty to provide citizens with equal access o voting rights'

which, again, áo not apply in the same way to domestic and external vo-

ters. The conclusion k th"t even if one accepts he basic argument for

introducing voting rights for expatriates,-t!e

lrinciples of equal repre-

sentation will have tà be relaxed and differentiated in transnational

elections.

The second illustration for problemsof citizenship equality concerns

localvotingrightsintheEU.Th","",.threedifferentrationalesforex-;;di"g tnï nãrr.hire to non-citizen residents' The first iustiÍìcation is

úatmembeÍstateshaveagreedtogranteachoúer 'sci t izensalocalfranchise as a matteÍ of recÌprocity' The underlying idea here is n3t an

individual claim of EU citizËns to local political participation- Raüer it

ir, nrrt, a general commitment of liberal states to secuÍe their citizens'

rights whÃ they reside in oúer states and to be willing to grant the

saïe rights to citizens of other states in their own territory' And' sec-

ond,it isaspecifìccommitmenttopÍomotethepolit icalintegrationofthe EU through special privileges attached o EU citizenship'---Th.

,".orrãpriin."uãn is ãerived from freedom of movement as the

core right of ÉU citizenship. The EU is committed to preventing thediscrimination on grounds ãf nationality of EU citizens who make use

"irfr"r,right to taÈeup residence in other member states.The institu-

tions of ttt-" fU, and speciÍìcally úe European Court of fustice' have in-

terpreted this commiànent very broadly as entailing general equality

boú in comparison with úe rights of citizens of the member state

where an EU migÍant takes up iesidence and with the rights EU mi-

gárrtt lt"* enloyãd previouslyin their.membeÍ statesof origin' This ar

Ë"*"", has also'been invoked for iustifying úe privilege of EU. citizen

to vote in local elections in oúer memter-states' The dual rationale i

1o H l {A lNllì lrÂr lor I

t l l l t r r r l l l< i r rgls( 'oÍ l l r t ' i l r r rol r i l i lyt Í i l r ls l rorr l t l rot ' r r l : r i los soí t l r t . l ,cal reprcscntat iorrl r t 'y ) t ' ( 'v iously'r ì joy( . ( lr r ( l l l ì i l l l l rcy sl rorr l t l ol l r ldiscr iminated ompared o ci t izr : r rs í ' tht ' i r rosr . .urr l rv Slr : rwro, , r l

A third justif icationbuilds on the ideas of ' stakcholck,r : i l izt.rrsrrr l,and differentiatedmembership criteria Íbr local and statepolitics tlr;rrhave outlined above. n this view, ocal citizenship is derived íi.rn rr.:rrdence,and municipalities should thereforegive access o political

I i , l l r i ol ' .1: , l l l l^ l l" l . l ' , A l. l l ' l lo l l l ' l l i l l l l l

' l ' l r t ,l l r r t r l r rsl i Í i t i t l t { )nt l , l ) ( . . lni( ) nì( ' t t t r t t ' t 'ot tsisl t ' t t t t t t t l t t t l t tstvt

l lurr r l r t 'ol l r t ' r ' lwo. l ptol toscslr ; r t ' t1rr ; r l i lyÍ Ì ìoÍ ì11,r tcmbers Í' a local

pol i tysh<lr r lcll t , i r r l t ' r 'prr ' l t ' t lrr t ' lul i< l t to local sl f -government,nstead

of'bcing dcrivcd fiorn I principle oÍ'reciprocity that pertains to interna-

tional rèlations between states, or from a privilege of free movement

granted to the citizens of a supranational union. In this view, local poli

iical communities should include all long-term residents, without dis-



cipation and representation to all migrants who settle within rlr.rrboundaries, ndependently of whether they are citizens of the enr.rrrpassingstate.

All three justifications converge in supporting the introduction .Í 1,,cal voting rights for EU citizens by the r99z Maastricht Treaty. l'lrt.1,lead to quite different conclusions, however, regardinghow the un<Ìt,rlying norm of equality applies to third-country nationars.The Íìrst i'rt,rpretation does not provide any reason for a general nclusion ofthirrlcountry nationals, but would justify extending local voting rights to r:irizens of certainnon-EU states hat have ntroduced a resiãenã-based 1.,cal franchise. For example, Portugal and Spain, whose constitutions errrphasise a principle of reciprocity in internationar relations, have grantt,rlthe local franchise to Norwegian ciüzens. The problem with thil norrrris that its consistent applicationwould create proliferation of specirrlrights for immigrants depending on what rights their country of árigi,

grants to citizens of the host state. Moreover, this diÍíerentiation of orrüleges would not be related in any plausible way to questions of immigrant integration and citizenship in the context of the receiving polity.Is it really plausible that úe very few Norwegians in Lisbon and-üadridhave a strongeÍ claim to local representation than the many mor(.Moroccanswho live therel In the second nterpretation,EU citizenshipis primarily a bundle of transnational rights attached to free movemenr.Third-country nationals could then be included if they also enjoyed ex-tensive free-movement rights and were covered by a principle of non-discrimination on grounds of nationality. In the EU, however, this isclearly still a utopian idea. Third-country nationals are subjected. o ex-tensive immigration control

when entering the EU. The zoo3 EU direc-tive o1 long-term resident úird-country nationals (EC zoojlrog) hasintroduced limited mobility rights across nternal EU bordeis foi deni-zens, and the European commission had for a while promoted the ideaof a 'civic citizenship' for these third-country nationals that would haveincluded local voting rights.'l so this second rationale for local votinsrights could, in principle, be extended to third-country nationalslDeriving such rights from the exercise of free movement, however, cre-ates distinct justifications for the political representation of mobile andsedentarypopulations and raises the hurdles for the inclusion of third-country nationals.

tinction between native-born residents, citizens of the member state

who have moved there from other parts of the country EU citizens

from other member states and third-country immigrants. Local citizen-

ship would then have to be disconnected from both state citizenship

".ráfU citizenship for the sake of ensuring equality in the local polity.

Note that this argument for residential citizenship need not apply to

state and EU levels, if we accept that citizenship acquisition in states

should be derived from birth or consent and that in the EU, as in all

federal polities wiú multilevel citizenship, ciúzenship at the federal le-

ve l is not independent ofcitizenship in one ofthe provincesor states.

15.4 Where is the nationalism in transnationalismì

The theoretical questions that I addressed in úe previous section

emeÍge from an institutional perspective on transnationalism. Politicalinstitutions are ensembles of entrenched norms that structure the activ-

ities of goveÍnments and other political actors. Political theorists consid-

er how these norms change, or ought to change, in response to trans-

formations of contemporary societies. This perspective attributes agenc

to individuals as bearers ofrights and duties allocated to them by politi-

cal institutions, and it takes into account individuals' interests and iden-

tities ìn relation to the political institutions that constrain or enabl

their actions. But this view does not focus on collective action by non-

institutionalised actors, which has been a core element in definitions of

transnationalism in other disciplines. So how can we bring in the prac-

tice and discourse dimensions without neglectinginstitutional change?

A fresh look at the terminology can serve as a point of deparbure.The

word 'transnationalism' ends wiü '-ism', suggesting thus that it refers

to an ideology. The question is whether this ideology is to be under-

stood as"

u"ii"ty of nationalism proiected across borders or, rather, a

transcending nationalism by widenìng úe reference framework for poli

tical membership to the constellations described above''a

Reflecting in this way on the terminological appropriateness of th

concept could lead to abandoning it altogether. There aíe two Íeason

for regarding transnationalism as a misnomer. First, the '-ism' sends

wrong signai. Inferring the meaning of transnationalism from its actua

l lA lNl l l l l^ l Ì l l ' tr t

us( ' ,w( 'wi l l Í ì r r t l l r ; r l l is nrosl ly . rnployr . t lrs r r r r r r ; r lyl i (( ) l r ( ( ,1) lracadcrnic isct l t t rst 'st td orr ly 'r t t t ' ly ornr ,s r ; l n pol i l i t r r l l istorr l r r . : , ' ,Tiansnat ional isms, as lr iaistxplr i r rs r r l r t ' i r r l rodrr t lory l r rpl r ' r ' , ;ur,l lt ic, but i t needno t be associated it h any part icular dcology. ' l ' l r t ., r , , ; ,er answer to the posed question s that, as an analyticalpt'r.sgrr,rrr,,transnationalism as to account or both trans-border ationalisnr rrr, lnation-transcendingconceptionsof political community with'rrt lrt.rrrli

r { r l lr r ol. l : , t l l lA l lol. l : ' A l. l l ' l l r ì l l l r l l l l i l l l '

r l i í Ír ' r t ' r r l to t t l t 'x ls ir r w l l i r l r t l;rppltt ' : l , t t t t l lo i t r l to t l t t t t ' t t t 'w l t ' t t t ts ot t ly

:rs tt ' t ' t l t 'cl ìr r ' i r r ' l l l t ' r ' l l ' t i l i t ; t l io t ts.

Irrstt,ucl í ' t ls l i lg l rs i t l r ' l l r t ts tn t i ( ) t la l isnt Ít,r reasons of terminologi-

ca l prrrity, wc c<lulcl rnukc ttt<lrc procluctive use of its ambiguities by tak-

ing seriously this question: whóre is the nationalism in transnational-

lrál ïris is now.tã lottg"t a conceptual question but an empirical one'

Although transnationilism does not conceptualb gntait nationalism,



committed to either of the two. If transnationalism refers to corrsrr.ll.rtions composedof a plurality of polities, then it must imply a rcjt,t r'rrof methodological and normative nationalism. But this does n.t rrr,',r,that it is necessarilyallied to an alternativenormative vision, srtrr ,r',cosmopolitanism or multiculturalism.

A secondobjectionapplies o the adjective transnational',which tr,,,.,,not suggestan ideological stancebut a structural quality. The prolrr.rrrhere is that in most uses of the term, the political unit üat is rr';rr:,cended by institutions, actions, discoursesor flows is not the nurr()r,but the state. t is certainlyvery common to regard nation and stalt. r,,synonyÍns,but this stancereflects, again, a statist bias that privilt.1i,,,claims to nationhood by entities established as sovereign states .v.rthose of statelessnations and national minorities, and it ignores rlr,.nested constellationsof pluri-national democracies,such as Belgirrrrr.Canada, ndia, Spain and the United Kingdom (Keating zoor; Gàgrr,,,,

& Tully zoor). If we want to avoid this implication, we could use tlr,,term 'trans-state' ather than 'trans-national'(Fox zoo5: r7z). This s.lrrtion would create some additional confusion, however, n India or rrr,.uS where the constituentunits of the federation are called'states' arrrlthe encompassing one is referred to as 'country' or ,nation,.

At úe most abstract evel of analysis,we might need a term referrirrligenerally to institutions, actions and processes that transcend rlrr.boundaries of political units while, at úe same time, linking speciÍìrunits togeüer into a bounded constellation.one could then introoutt.an entirely new term by calling these 'trans-polity, phenomena.'6 Thr..ywould not only include constellations of independent states, but als,horizontal ones between the constituent units of pluri-national demotracies as well as relations between statelessnations and their diasporas.

Refining the vocabulary of academic research in these ways can be :ruseful exercise when it becomes necessary o highlight distinctions bt'tlveen the various kinds of trans-polity relations. one should also avoicl,however, introducing too many new terms into a well-established fieìtlof study, especially f referring to phenomena commonly described by rrwidely accepted terminology. Terminological baüles tend to be tediousand unproductive, and an attempt to purge the literature on transna-tionalism of its core concept would be a waste of energy. A more pro-mising strategy is to enrich its meanings through analysing thc

nationalist claims are frequently articulated and mobilised wiúin trans-

national constellations. Cãnffary to a widespread assumption' national-

ism is not always aiming for congruence betlveen national-cultural

boundaries and siate bordãrs. Nation-building may be confined to sub-

state territories (without ever crossing the threshold to secessionism),and it may extend beyond state borders by attempting to bind together

populations in a homeland territory and abroad (without trying- to re-

máve the borders between them or to bring external kin populations

back into the homeland).v/e also need to consider how transnatìonal citizenship is not merely

a bundle of rights, but may be invoked and involved in nation-building

projects. In this respect, the early literature on migrant transnational-

ism has often assumed that any process that transcends state borders

will thereby also promote transition towards an age of post-nationalism

(e.g. Basch el a7' rg94; Soysal rg94)'As a focus on sending-countr

goï"rrr-"rr,, makeá immediately clear, from their perspective,he pro-

ãotion of transnational ties is rather linked to an ideology of nation-

building beyond borders. The terminological problem becomes then

quite oËúous since, in this view, emigrants have crossed the state bor-

der but remain inside the national community'

What has been largely missing so far is an effort to synthesise he lit-

erailrÍe on migrant political transnationalism with that on territorial na-

tionalism"rrd

th" relations of homeland minorities with external kin

states (see waterbury in this volume). Brubaker's pioneering work in

this fieìd has described a triangular constellation involving nationalising

states, national minoriúes and their external homelands, which is fre-

quently found in Central and Eastern Europe (Brubaker 1996)''7 This

iriangle is structurally isomorphic with the one between host countries,immïgrants and senáing statei that characterisesmigrant transnational-

ism. it should then noi be diÍïìcult to compare úe two constellation

and to consider also possible interferences and combinations between

[hem.The first lesson to be learned from bringing together two sepaÍat

fields of study is that migration is not a necessarycondition for transna

tional political ties, which can be generated in both constellations' Yet

it is alio important to distinguish them, since it makes a big difïerenc

wheúer the relation to an external homeland has come about through

l l A . l l l l ìA l r l tor I

l l t t ' t t t t lvt ' t t t t ' t t l lÍ 1l t 'o1l l r ' ; r ( r ' ( )ssrot t l t ' tsot oÍ lxr t r l t , t ,s; r ( t ( )sst ,1,r r l , .ar Ìd wl ìclhcl - t l r t ' i rsi lLr t t l iot rrr l l r t " l rosl l l rnt l ' is orrr ,oÍ r ' t r r . r r t ' r r r rv,r l , ,and,terr i tor ial ly isperscd rrr r r r igrurrr tsr oÍ u st ' l l l t 'c l r r i r ror . i tyl r : r t r , r . ,l ived continuously n a particular errikrryov(Ìr Ìì l lry 14t.rrt, lr l iorrs.l.rrrelevant are these distinctions for explaining phenornenologir.s Í rr.rt ionalism in both contextsan d fo r normativély evaluatingcl;r irrr:; ,,transnational citizenship I

i r , | lr { r r l . l : , l l l lA l lr t t l ' ,^ l1l '

l l0l l i r l l l l l l l l ' .

sir r r i l l r r ' lo l tost 'ol t t tovi t t l i r , , t t l t ' t :1. ot t ' l l l l t t t Joo,ooo ct l r r r ic ' l ï r r l<

wlro wt 'r ' t 'prrsl r t . r lrr l ol l l r r l l l ; r l i : rrt r . ,1139r l rvt 'cstal l l ishedhemselve

ir r wcst t ' r r rl i r r l<t .y.Í t t , r r t , t rni r rg,l i r r l< ish i t izens,argenumbershave

reclaimed heir IÌrr lgi lr irrr : i t izc:nshipnd today, ro m outside he coun-

try, provide electoral support for the political party representing the

turliish minority in their former homeland (Ozgür-Baklacioglu zoo6).

Here the Brubakerian trìangle is expanded into a quadrangle' The



In both constellations,governments and poritical parties in .xrt.r r.rlkin statesor countries of origin have frequently used-nationalist .lrt.r,,ric, but host country goveÍnments have reacted.o these cuite cl il,.rently.The crucial question s whether trans-state ationalisrncan Dorr,,tially raiseclaims úat could threaten he territoriar ntegrity of the sr:rr,.which is much more likely in the caseof homeland mìnorities thurr r,lterritorially dispersed mmigrants.'8

This makes the normative question of legitimacy of claims raisecl rr,.or on behalf of, homeland minorities with external kin states rrr.rr.complex than that about analogousdemands by migrants. I have srrligestedelsewhere hat there is a normative trade-offbetween territoli;rlautonomy and transnationalcitizenship (Baubõck zooTa).If a natiorr:rlising state ransforms itself into a pluri-national democrarythat grarrr:;its homeland minorities territorial autonomy and power-sharing ìn i,stitutions of central government, then such arrangemenrs pÍe-empt ()l

weaken simultaneousclaims by nationalist minoriw elites to reorèscrrra diaspora n need of protection by a neighbouring kin state..eyer, ;rspolitical debates within the Hungarian minority in Romania illustrart,(Brubaker,Feischmidt,Fox & Granceazoo6), it is not alwaysa foregorr,,conclusion that territorial autonomy is the solution prefeired by mosrmembers of such minorities. There are several possible orientatiáns Í.rminorities separated rom a homeland state through a new oÍ restore(linternational border. They can opt for short-term emigration to the kirrstate, they can decide to stay but conceive of úemseúes as a diasporrrlinked to that state, hey may abandon their extemar ties and re-imagint.themselves as a domestic ethnolinguistic minority or they may firìailydecide that their best option is to assimilate into a d"ominant nationalidentity of their country of residence. Ideally, alternative projects of cul-tural identiry and political affiliation should be able to compete witheach other for democratic support under the condition that thËv ÍesDectthe rules of the game, including legitimate concerns about terriiori"i in-tegrity of,,and friendly relations, between states.

Analytical distinctions between the two transnational political constel_lations are thus important for explanatory and normative purposes, butthey are frequently blurred in real world cases. Moving boiders maytrigger migration flows of those who do not want to end up as minori-ties in a nationalising state. And ethnic cleansing

-"yh"u" effects

fourth corner is a migrant origin group settling in the previously exter-

nal kin state, but still using its transnational citizenship in order to sus-

tain links with the co-eúnic minority in their previous homeland'

Mexican migration into the border regions of the US illustrates yet

another mixed casewhere Íecent flows of labour migrants replenish orrecreate an originally autochthonous native minority. Mexican rhetoric

about building a global nation through emigration (Smith zoo3) has in-

voked úe annexation of Mexican territory by the US in the mid-nine-

teenth century and the pÍesence of a native Chicano population in úe

American south-west. Tâking such rhetoric all too seriously,

Huntington conjures up a scenario in which Hispanic immigration ìnto

this area could eventua\ transform it into a US Quebec (Huntington

zoo4), which, for him, seems to be a quite horrible prospect. This prog-

nosis can be easily dismissed since there appears o be a persistent lan-

guage shift towards English-only among third-generation descendants

óf Èispanic immigrants, and there is little credibility or political sup-port for territorial claims that would revise the 1848 Treaty of Hidalgo.

Èut there are harder cases,too, such as úe Russian-speaking popula-

tions in Estonia and Lawia. Should they be seen as immigrants, as colo-

nial settlers or as national minorities separated from their homeland

through secession (I(ymlicka zoor:76-79)l Such different ways of con-

structing minorities cÍeate or undermine legitimacy for claims to-exter-

nal as well as domestic citizenship raised by representatives of these

minorities.

r5.5 Theproliferationf 'diasporas'

Bringing back nationalism into the expanding academic field of trans-

nationalism studies cÍeates a bridge between an institutionalist ap-

proach to transnationalism and a focus on practices, movements and

àir.orrrr.r. This move makes it also possible to cÍeate an analltical

space or the notoriously vague and overstretched concept of'diaspora'.

classic definitions of diaspora discussed in this book by Faist

Bruneau, Paerregaard,Weinar, Waterbury l(oinova, King and Christou

and others include several elements that apply just as much to transna

tional migrant communities (Vertovec,Van Hear & Pieke zoo4: 3)' S

I t ' t t t tc tot tsi r l t ' twl t i r ' l t t t t rotr l , ,l r t ,st ' t . l r . rnt ' r r lsruryplovi t l t ' t l i l t , r i ; r l r , r tcould dist inguisl r lr c tw o l l l r t 'nornt ' l r l r .srrggt 'sl l l r l r l l l r t ' r ' t , r r t .orr l rfour , and that hreeaÍÌ ìonÍ l l rcrn i r i l r r t l r t ' t . r rclo dl l rw u r ' l t ' l r l ' r r ' r r ; i l rdistinction.

First, diasporaha s been associated also etymologically)witlr tr,rrrmatic dispersal of a group from a common territorial origin low;rrrlmultiple destinations.Second,diasporic communities resist Íull rssrnllation into the host society and maintain collective group idortitrr.:,

i t l t ' r r l i l i t 's t t t ' l l t t ' t t l t l t t ' t t t t t t t t ' t t , r l r ) l ' t (l l ly t l ist i r rpi r r isl l t ' t lì r r r r l t r i l l ìs l l l ll iot t : r lot t t 's l r rorr l i l l l tc i t t l tp; t t ly lo l r t ' p: rsst 'd l t to sul lsclclueÍ ì ten-

t ' rat iotrsn l l r t ' r r l rscnrt 'oÍ t t 'w rrr r r r igr l t iorriom the sameor igin (se

l( ing & Christou rr t lr is volurrtt:). 'ì 'hiss, however,merely a descriptio

that begs the question oÍ'how to explain such intergenerationalresis-

tance o full assimilation.A similar point applies to the third criterion of lateral links across

multiple placesof diaspora settlement. Migrant transnationalism is gen-



across multiple generations.Third, diasporic communities crealt. ;rrr,lmaintain Ìateral ties across political borders between the various Lr,,rtions of settlement. Fourth, diaspora gÍoups strongly orient themsr'tvr':,towards an external homeland and can be mobilised

for oolitical nr,,jects relating to the future of úis homeland.The first criterion is clearly not a sufficient one, since many reÍìr1i,.,

populations whose origin lies in coercedmigration and who have lrt.,,rrdispersed across various receiving states have blended into úeir lro:;lsocietiesand no longer conceiveof themselvesas diasporas.The trr::toric fact of traumatic dispersalwill certainly shape personal identili,.:.among all Íìrst generationsof coercedmigrants, but úis does not mr.;rrrthat they will always regard it as a public and collective identity ass,ciated with political claims. For their descendants,who have not exp('rlenced hese events n their own lives, t all dependson the parentalslories they grow up with and on their identification as a distinct group ol

origin in the society where they have been born. The first criteriorr i:;not even strictly necessarysince groups whose migration was not trlrrmatic and coerced may eventually mobilise as diasporas in response totrouble in the homeland. During the Kosovo War of 1998-1999, manymigrants who had left the country as Yugoslav guest workers in tlrr,r96os and r97os raised funds for financing resistance against tlrt,Serbian forces, and quite a number of their sons volunteered to fight irrthis conflict. Finally, the criterion of territorial dispersal does not applyat all to 'diasporas' that live in their traditional regional homeland brrrhave been separated rom an external kin state through shifting international borders.

The second criterion, the persistenceof diasporic identity across mul.tiple generations, is therefore the most obvious candidate for distin-guishing diasporic identity gÍoups from the more ephemeral phenonr-enon of migrant transnationalism. For the latter, in order to remairralive over multiple generations, the groups involved in transnationalnetworlcs need to be constantly replenished through new first-genera-tion migrants. V'/hen source countries aÍe no longer souÍces of newflows, or when these flows are cut off by immigration control in the re-ceiving country, then migrant transnationalism is likely to fade away, asit did in the US between World War I and the r96os. Diasporir

erally structured as a relation between singular countries of origin and

of destination. Even if migrants from the same origin settle in many

different destinations, their transnational activities are primarily direc-

ted towards a country of origin where they have family ties, where they

send remittances, in whose politics they take an interest and to whichthey may plan to return for retirement. Except n caseswhere their fa-

mily networks are spÍead over several host countries, lateral ties to co-

nationals in other countries of destination aÍe of little interest to ordin-

ary migrants. It is members of political, economic and religious elites

claiming to Íepresent these groups who may have interests in, and the

necessaryresouÍces for, forging such links (see Paerregaard n this vo-

lume). As research on transnational claims-making and mobilisation of

migrants in Europe has shown, their networks acrossborders aÍe usual-

ly quite weak even in the politically integrated EU, and the primary ad-

dressees of claims remain membeÍ state governments (Guiraudon

2oor; Koopmans, Statham,Giugni & Passy2oo5). So the question is ,again, why do diasporic efforts to forge strong Ìateral ties succeed in

certain cases?What explains their emergence and peÍsistence against

background conditions for migrant transnationalism in liberal demo-

cratic societies that are not conducive to the stabilisation of diasporic

identities?The fourth criterion does not provide an answer, but raises the right

kind of questions that could provide one. If we consider diaspora as a

political project, then we have to explain it not so much in terms of his-

toric origins of the group, but of elite interests and ideologies' An expla

natory theory of diaspora will, in this respect, be no different from the-

ories of nationalism. Diasporashave to be invented and mobilised in or-der to come into existence. What we need to look for are current

conditions that provide incentives for elites to mobilise a constituency

around a diasporic identity and that explain success n terms of inde-

pendent motives of these constituencies to support such projects.

In analytic teÍms, the second and third criteria are explanandaralher

Ihan explanantia..We can use them to identify diasporas in a descriptiv

manner, but they need to be explained, and the Íìrst criterion of trau-

matic dispersal is insufficient as an explanation. The second and third

criteria will once again come up within the fourth as goals rather than

l lA INl l l l lA l r l lr"

l,

( ( ) i l ( l i l i ( ) i ls.) i : rspor ' ; rrs r pol i l i r ; r ll r loj t , t nrrsl sl r ivt . or i r r l t , r ,11.r r r , r , rt ional cont i r rui tyrnd l r r r i l t l r r t r . r ' r r linl<s. ' l ' l rcsr , rwolxr l i l i r ' : r lr lxr ls r , r r ,to be achieved o nrakr :good orr t l r t .clui r r roÍ tol r t ' ror l grr l rp i t l r . r r r r r rand to mobi l isegroup membc'rs 'o ra t rarrsí i r r rnut ioní l l r t ' l ronr t ' l . r r r , lthrough external nfluence or return. Explanations br th c sccorrtl rrr, lthird featureswill have to combine external causes,such as nt,r.sisrr.rrrsegregation n the country of settlement,with internal charactcristit ; ,1

r rrÌ lr I r r l l ' . l l l l^ l lr ' l l ' . \ l Ì l ' l l" Ì l l , l Ì l l l ì l l ' .

( - roo5: - r ) s r igl l : 'W r l l rorr l r l l r r r r l< l t l i r rs; lol r ttol i t t st t l rslurr t i r l iI t ' r ' r r rs: rsr rorr r r r l t ' t l'nl i ly, ) l r l r ; r l l r t ' r ' r rs r t idiorn,a star Ìce, claim. 'Corrrpunr l ivt 'lol i l iur l st t ' r r l is ls r rrdp<l l i t icalÌ reor ists i l l , however, ernorc intcrcstcd rr corrdit ions or mobil isation and the impact of s uc-cessful claims than merely deconstructing the discursive uses of'diaspora'.

While the other three criteria highlight empirical contÍasts between



the group, ncludingeconomic esources r an ethno-rel igiousr . ; r t l i t r , , r rthat supports endogamyand a strong senseof shared dentity arrrl ;,r,,vides elites with symbolic resources for mobilisation. The fourth íi':rrof diaspora adds to these structural explanationsa crucial elemt.rrr ,1

agency.The emergenceof diaspora s merely facilitated,but not rlt,t,.rmined, by any of the structural factors isted above,and is thus a corrtrlgent outcome of collective agency.Analysing diaspora from an ag(.rrrperspective equires examining not only the group's elitesand their.pr,,jects, but also their opporhrnity structures shaped by other agents, rlcluding governments in the country of setúement and the extt,r.rr.rlhomeland.

These externalhomelands not only provide a referencepoint for trr,rsporic projects pursued abroad,but also often host the primary ag,(,ntr,supporring such projects. Diasporasare not merely createdby minoriryelites in countries of settlement but also by homeland country gov(,rl

ments.'o The latter may, as Israel does, promote the ingathering oí ,rpre-existing diaspora and strengthen a sense of diasporic condirit,rramong those who decide o stayas a means of mobilising political srrl,port abroad. Other homeland countries also use the language of di,rspora o extracteconomic resources rom a referencepopulation of errrrgrant origin establishedabroad,as many Souú and East Asian statr,:;do (Skrennty,Chan, Fox & Kim zooT). For homeland governmentsarrtlpolitical parties, the building of diaspora abroad is often instrume.r;rlfor mobilising domestic political support through posing as defenck'r:rof a larger national community (seeWaterbury n this volume). Wht,rr.external gïoups are granted citizenship and voting rights, these conslrtuencies outside the homeland may even determine the outcome of cr.mestic elections BaubÕck ooTb; KovácszooS).

Next to ethnic entrepreneurs in emigration contexts and homelarrtlpolitical actors, international organisations and EU institutions hav,.emerged as a third, and most unlikely, type of collective actor using tlrr.terminology of diaspora for instrumental purposes. In their case, lrt,goal is to promote contributions by groups of migrant background rothe economic development of countries of origin, often with a view t,reducing emigration pÍessure there (see Weinar in this volume).

This proliferation of actors promoting different meanings attributt'tlto the concept show úat, from a sociological perspective, Brubakt,r

transnational and diasporic phenomena that can often be blurred, thefourth one shows that the two concepts also work in qualitatively differ-ent ways. Diaspora is an evocativepolitical term, whereas transnational-ism is primarily an academic concept that refers to a set of empirical

phenomena and a perspective hat groups them together and suggests aframework for studying them.

With all these caveats,we may interpret the four criteria consideredhere as d.ffirentía specíf.ca hat distinguish the phenomenology of dia-spora from that of migrant transnationalism. From this perspective, dia-spora emerges as a special case of transnationalism whose deviationfrom the more common patterns of migrant transnationalism and incor-poration is in need ofexplanation. Yet, as I have argued, ifthe fourth criterion provides the crucial key for an explanatory account, then diasporacan also be used as a much broader concept that encompassesnot onlymigrant transnationalism, but applies to many other phenomena, too.

Let me explain. Under some conditions a claim that is made usingthe language of diaspora may succeed even in the absence of one, twoor all three of the other criteria. If diaspora is essentially understood asa political project, then we cannot rule out in advance that political en-trepreneurs using the language of diaspora in a widely overstretchedand metaphoric way may eventually succeed n forging and mobilisinga coÍresponding collective identity among a sufficiently large group.And if they do succeed, hen their using the language of 'diaspora' willhave created a socially significant phenomenon that will be called bythat name (King 1998: 8-rr).

Understanding the performative quality of the term 'diaspora'(Ragazzi zooS) should lead neither to dismissing it as pure Íìction nor

to accepting at face value all claims made on behalf of diasporas.Instead, we should regard this necessary deconstruction as merely afirst step towards analysing conditions under which the image of dia-spora catches úe imagination of a taÍget audience and prompts indiü-duals to sacrifice many of their other interests in order to bring about asocial formation úat mirrors the image.

I have already mentioned conditions that may bring about a diasporictransformation of a group of migrant origin that does not share an ex-perience of traumatic dispersal. We need to relax the second criterion ofintergenerationa l continuity as well, since diasporas may recruit active

l t t t l lA lNl l t l lA l l l l t I l,

r Ì Ì ( ' r Ì l lx ' r 's l ro lnrvt 'n() ( ( ) l l ln() l r ;ur( ( 'sl l i r l rxr ls wi l l r l l r t , tol t '11orr ; r(e.g. hrougl t t t t t ' r t t tarr i r rgt 'l r t ' l igior tsrr t t lpol i l i t ; r l .or Ìv( ' r 's ior Ì ) .l ' l r ( ' r Í '

ma y evenbe corrdi t ìot ts r ìdcrwlr icl r l r t ' t ' Í i ' t ' t ' r rct 'o r crr i lor i r r l rorr r , 'land, which can be demarcated n a geographic nap, s repllct 't l wit lr ,rvirtual homeland that exists as a mythological realm in thc narnrlivlu r,lelites and in úeir adherents'minds. Consider the caseoÍ' politicu ly r ,'bi l ised orthodox Muslims, among whom there may be a subslrrrrtr.r l

rrr) l t) r :()Nl, |||Al lol 'J" AHlr I lo i l l r l t ì I I I l l " ,

rrrrrsl rrr l l t t l t t í i ts t , l l r t , i r ' l ; rs l i w i l l r l lr ;r l oÍ ;xr l i l i t ' ; r l ' l t l r t '1 l t t ' t t t ' t t t 's . ' l ' l l t ' y

slrorr lr l to l isst t r , t t ; t t l t ' t t t i t l i t t ' l t r ' t ' s o i t tv t ' t t l d i l rsporasby st rctch ing th e

coÍÌc( ' l) [ o t l tost ' l l l t t ' t to t t t t ' t t l t l l l l l l r l t ' i t l t t ' r rnatch th e descr ip t ive charac-

ter ist ics no r rcíL:r o suÍïìcicntly supported polit ical projects'

r5.6 Conclusion: Th e hot transnationalism of diaspora



number of converts, who develop a primary identity as meml)('rs ol ,lglobal Islamic community. In úeir minds, Ihis ummq is charactt'rst',|by horizontal solidarity among its members across many diíIi'rcrrtplaces of settlement, and membership entails an obligation to worl<. ,

wards creating a future 'House of Islam', an Islamic polity whosc t(.r ltorial borders are as yet unspecified (Mandavillezoor)." If all thest' Ír.,rtures resemble the selfdescription of oúer diasporic prol'ects,on wlr,rlgrounds could one reject using the term when analysing such clairrrr;,'There are good reasons or reluctance(or at least for putting'diaspor.r'in inverted commas) as long as such claims aÍe meÍely fantasy projct t:;without sufficient social and political support. But if and when they ;rrlsuccessfully mobilised, then it is perfectly appropriate to apply the crrtt,gory of diaspora also as an analytic one. Refusingto do so would inctrrectly strengthen an essentialistconception and the reification of ottrt.rgroups who are úen accepted as 'real' diasporas because of their his

toric origin and orientation towards a precisely deÍìned teÍïitory as corìtrasted with the merely 'imagined' diasporas.This leads me to a somewhat paradoxicalconclusion. We should, r,rr

the one hand, avoid overstretching he concept by sticking the'diaspolrr'label onto all transnational political or religious networks and acüvitit's.Doing so would single out one parLicular strategic project of collectivt'identity formation from a broad range of possible ones and woultlwrongly assume that all individuals involved in transnational fornrrrtions will naturally conceive of themselves as members of intergenerlrtional communiües whose pimary identity refers to origins in an extcrnal homeland. Only a small subset of transnational political formatiorrsfits this description of diaspora.On the other hand, diasporaas a politi

cal project may succeed in mobilising indiüduals in a variety of corrtexts and none of the three descriptive characteristics of traumatic dis-persal, lateral links across destinations and intergenerational continuityis a strictly necessary condition for such a project to succeed. The ternr'diaspora' should then also be used to analyse groups politically mobi-lised for a diasporic claim independently of whether any of the generaldescriptive characteristics are present.

This dual use of diaspora as a category of research still allows forreigning in conceptual overstretch. 'If everything is constructed, therranything goes' is a bad motto for serious academic research. Scholars

The political theory perspective on transnationalism that I have

sketched n this chapter emphasises úe structural transformation of po-

litical membership and boundaries often neglected n accounts of trans-

national citizenship that focus on political practices, mobilisations anddiscourses. The challenge of tÍansnationalism to the core instituüons

and boundaries of democratic polities has not yet been fully under-

stood. Abandoning methodological and noÍmative nationalism is only a

first step. The more difficult task ahead is to work out how democraüc

noÍms óf inclusion and equality apply within constellaüons with a plur-

ality of polities úat aÍe no longer fully separate.When doing so, we will

have to accept strongly differentiated citizenship stahlses and rights as

well as highly asymmetric relations between political units and levels.

This unfinished agenda for an institutionalist political theory of trans-

nationalism should not detract from the second task, which is to under-

stand transnationalconstellations not merely as an opportunity struc-

ture for individual choices, but also for collective action. This is where

the study of diasporas becomes important. Instead of artificially separat-

ing diasporas from transnational networks and communities through

dúnitions that reify particular group identities, we need to understand

diaspora as the contingent outcome of political mobilisations within

transnational constellations.The politìcal theory perspective on transnationalism may be called a

,cold vièw' for the two ïeasons spelled out in úe fourth section of this

chapter. It focuses on institutional change and üe top-down allocation

of status, rights and duties by established political authorities raúer

than on individual agency and social movements. And, moreover' it

uses the concept as an analytical tool for descrìbing a complex socialreality rather úan, in a normative sense,as a value or goal that ought to

guide political decisions and actions. Diaspora differs from transnation-

ãhr- õn boú counts. It is a 'hot' concept üat refers more often to col-

lective identities and actions of non-state actors than to established in-

stituúons (even when it is promoted by the latter), and it has prolifer-

ated through political mobilisation more than through academic

discourse. úithitt the broader academic field of transnationalism, dia-

spora adds thus a focus on the politics of passion (Walzet zoo4;

Mouffe zoo5).

Wt' r t t : . ryl rcrr ' Í i r l r , torr rut l t . l r : r l l r t 's l r t r ly l t l i ; tspol l rì l ls l r r , , i ; rpr . l topen by inst i tul ional isl t ' t 'spt ' tivt 's l r r r l i r i l lo t : rpl r r l t . l r r . l ist r lsrvr ,and pract ice imensions í ' t ransrrat iorral isnr .t . l , hr.sl r rcly Í r l i t rsl rol r ,mobilisationsalso akes us beyond he sociologyaÍÌd anthropokrg,y í ordinary ransnational racticeshat sustaineconomic, ulturalarrd lrrrr i lynetworks acrossboÍdeÍs. Moreover, hot diasporic politics diÍï'cr íìr,rrrthe 'banal transnationalisrn''" of migrant-sending states that n'g;rrrltheir expatriatesas an asset for úeir economic and political go;rl:r

I2

r. ;Ui lr r r r I r i r ; r r r1. i ly ,

, r ' r r r r , r r ry , r t r lAt t r ; l i l , r , r r r ' , r l : ; r rr t Ì ìo i l l l l ì ( ' Í t 'w t t t r r ; r i t r i t tl l l ; r l ( 's l ìWt 's l t r r r i r r ropr. l l r ; r l l r l r l l l r r ' l t l r r r l low,rrr l r io l t ' r ' r r l i r rglr r r r l i l iz t ' r ts lr ip r t r : l rscs í

t t : t l t t r t l is : r l iot t .ro ' l ' l r isw:rs l l r t 'pr ir rc iprr lr r r l l r r r r rc t t lrscr l y t l r tAustr ianConst i tut ionalCourt forst r ik ing

down a law that lrad rcrlrrilt'dordinary rcsidence n Austria as apreconditìon or voting

in federalparlìamcntaryand presidentialelections VfGH Gz18 /88, 16 March 1989).

rr External voters elect their own repÍesentatives in eleven out of rr5 countries that have

some provisions for external voting. The European cases aÍe Croatia, France, Italy

and Portugal (IDEA & IFE zooT: z8).

For a different úew see Spiro (zoo6).



Originally referring to victim groups of nation-building projects, tlrr.concept of diaspora is today often invoked in contestationsoÍ'slrrtr,based collective identities and existing political boundaries.

Understood in this way, the study of transnational citizenship arrtldiasporic identities can be seen as complementing each other, ratlrt'rthan as providing alternative interpretations for the same phenomor:r.Consensuson this point will be hard to achieve, but it would help avoitlconfusion in the conversation across disciplines.

Notes

r In a thoughtful review of the literature, Fox warns against stretching the concept oltransnational citizenship too far beyond this core towards thin and civil society bast.rtconceptions.

Only a high-intensíry rights-based definition of transnational citizenship holds

up weÌl. By this definition the term refers to dual or multiple citizenships thalare grounded both in enforceable rights and in clearly bounded membership(s).

\2oo5: r94)z One could obiect that, from úe iate nineteenth to the early twentieth centuries, rnarry

US states had even granted foreign nationals voting rights in federal electiorrs(Raskin 1993; Hayduk zoo5). As pointed out by Spiro (zoo8: 9z), however, thcsr.were generally not conceived as rights deríved from residence, but as privileges Íìrr'declarant aliens' who had formally declared their intention to become citizens.

3 Smith (zoo3: r9-3tl applies his notion of peoplehood to a wide variety of entities thl rincÌudes states, regional unions, provinces and even NGOs and religious communities, but does not explicitiy consider transnational formations.

4 Consider, for example, the Romanian-Moldovan constellation. According to a 2oo Ìestimate, about 4o peÍ cent of the Moldovan population also possess Romanian,Russian or Israeii nationality (lordachi zoo4'. 2571, with Ìhe lions share going toRomanian-Moldovan dual nationality.Liechtenstein v. Guatemala, ry95 LC.l. 4, t955 WL rt 315-324.The most comprehensive treaty so far is the 1997 Convention on Nationality of th('Council of Europe, which, as of 13 August zoo9, has been signed by z8 states and ra,tified by nineteen.Switzerland is again an exceptional case where even long-term settlement in anothercanton does not automatically lead to a change ofcantonal citizenship.For Germany see BVerfGE 63, 37 (Schleswig-Holstein) and BVerfGE 63, 6o(Hamburg), 3r October r99o; for Austria seeVfGH GzÂlq, )o IÍrre 2oo4.

56

r3

Í7

Communícation rom the Commíssíon o the Council and. he European Parliament on a

Communíty lmmigration Polícy, COM (zoool 757 final (zz November zooo);

Communícation from the Comm.íssion o lhe Councí\, the European Parliament, the

European Economíc and Socíal Committee and the Comrnittea of the Regions on

lmmigration, lntegration and Employmenr,COM (zoo3) 336 final (3 ]une zoo3).According to Waldinger and Fitzgerald (zoo4: rt77l:

what immigration scholars describe as trânsnationalism is usually its opposite:highly particularistic ettachments antithetical to those by-products of globaliza-

tion denoted by the concept of "transnational civii society" and its related manifestations.

I think úat this assessment s based on a superficial reading. The use ofthe concept

in migration studies diÍIers from that in social movement studies exactÌyby combin-ing universalistic and particularistic inteÍpretations without, however, always spelling

out the tension between them.This is broadly confirmed by Weinar's analysis in this volume of discursive uses oÍ''transnationalisrn and 'diaspora' in international organisation documents, with the

important exception of UN documents that use the former rather than the latter

terminology.

I have not found any prior use ofthe term 'trans-polity' in this broad sense, althoughit has been occasionally used by historians when referring to polities in eras before

the emergence of the modem state. Ìt seems that the political philosopher Daüd

Owen and Ì have developed this idea independently of each other (personal commu-

nication rz Februaryzoog).

The best-known examples are relations between Romania and Slovakia, their

Hungarian-speaking minorities and Hungary and between the Baltic states, theirRussian origin populations and úe Russian Federation.Even in the case of irredentist minority nationalism supported by an external kin

stete, the reaction of the state into which the minority is at present incorporated isnot always to defend territorial integrity at any price. As the British Northern Ireland

policy illustrates, the attitude of a centre's elite towards the spectre of territorial

shrinkage depends very much on the dominant conception of nationhood at the cen-

tre andthe degree of incorporation of úe minority's homeland into a hegemonic

conception of the political community (Lustick 1993; Lustick zoor).

r9 Laitin (r998) calls such groups'beacheddiasporas'.zo The relationship between diasporas and external homelands is not only often charac-

terised by political tensions, but may also undergo what Safran (zoo9) cal1s role re-

versals', with returnees sti11 erceiüng themselves as diasporas and extemal countriesof settlement assuming the roÌe of homelands where diasporic authenticity can be

better preserved.

zr This is one illustration of a broader phenomenon that Cohen (zoo9) aptly calls 'li

quid homelands'.zz 'Íhe reference is to Billig's (Ì995) conceptof'banal nationalisrn.

r4

r5

r6

r8

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