Appalachian Church Leaders: An IPA Study to Understand Their … · 2020. 3. 7. · healthcare...
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Appalachian Church Leaders: An IPA Study to Understand Their
Experiences with Substance Misuse
Michael Evan Thomas
Dissertation submitted to the faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute
and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree
of
Doctor of Philosophy
In
Human Development
Erika L. Grafsky, Chair
Nancy Brossoie
April L. Few-Demo
Pamela Teaster
February 13th, 2020
Blacksburg, VA
Keywords: Appalachia, Substance misuse, opioid use, church leaders, IPA,
qualitative research
Copyright
Appalachian Church Leaders: An IPA Study to Understand Their Experiences with
Substance Misuse
Michael Evan Thomas
Abstract
The region of Appalachia in the United States is a diverse region that is full of beauty,
mountains, art, and culture. Due to a history of abuse from large corporations, the impact
of the decline in coal mining and generational poverty, the region is currently on a road
toward recovery. Substance misuse rates are disproportionality high, and there are limited
resources available to address the issue. Literature suggests that church leaders may be a
potential resource. The goal of the study was to provide a better understanding on the
substance misuse epidemic through the eyes of church leaders. Interpretative
Phenomenological Analysis guided this qualitative study. Church leaders (n = 10) were
interviewed and four significant themes emerged: narratives used to describe their
experiences with substance misuse, the stigma associated with substance misuse, the
community impact that substance misuse has on Appalachia, and the lack of
understanding and need for training on substance misuse for church leaders and
healthcare practitioners. The results of the study are discussed and connected to
discussions of the implications for clinical practice, recommendations for further
research, and limitations of the study.
Appalachian Church Leaders: An IPA Study to Understand Their Experiences with
Substance Misuse
Michael Evan Thomas
General Audience Abstract
Appalachia is a mountain range located in the eastern portion of the United States. It is a
diverse region that is full of beauty, mountains, art, and culture. Due to a history of abuse
from large corporations, the impact of the decline in coal mining and generational
poverty, the region is currently on a road toward recovery. Substance misuse rates are
disproportionality high, and there are limited healthcare resources available to address the
issue. The goal of the presented study was to provide a better understanding of the
substance misuse epidemic through the experiences of church leaders, which are
abundant in the region. Church leaders, a sample of 10, were interviewed and four
significant topics emerged from their stories shared: narratives used to describe their
experiences with substance misuse, the stigma associated with substance misuse, the
community impact that substance misuse has on Appalachia, and the lack of
understanding and need for training on substance misuse for church leaders and
healthcare practitioners. The results of this study suggest that church leaders may be used
as a resource to help lower the impact of substance misuse. The experiences of the church
leaders gained from this study can help provide training to church leaders and healthcare
providers on ways to work together and lower substance misuse in Appalachia.
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Dedication
I dedicate my dissertation to my parents who worked 12-hour shifts daily so that
my brothers and I could focus on our education and not have to work half as hard as
them. I am forever thankful. Additionally, I dedicate this work to all of my Appalachian
family members who paved the way for me. I know that y’all have continuously guided
me throughout this process. From start, to finish, to future. Thank you.
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Acknowledgements
This research would not be possible without the support and help of my family,
close friends, and colleagues. I am grateful to have found a phenomenal support system
professionally and personally. Additionally, without the support of my Appalachian
community, I would not have been able to complete data collection as quickly as I did.
First, I would like to thank my chair, Dr. Grafsky. Without your qualitative
knowledge and guidance, I would have been lost. Thank you for supporting me and
providing phenomenal mentorship. I knew that you were always a phone call or text
away for support. Dr. Brossoie, I cannot thank you enough. You were constantly my
research mentor and were always there to support me as I navigated the academic
systems. The knowledge that you have shared with me will continue to help move me
forward in my career. Dr. Few-Demo, thank you for teaching me how to debate a theory
and how to hold my head high as I am impacted by the academic system. Dr. Teaster,
thank you for your policy guidance and for allowing me to see that I can keep my accent
in academia.
Second, I would like to thank my cohort at VT and at Purdue. Each of you have
helped provide me with an amazing academic experience. Wonder Twin, thank you for
being there. We both know that we would not have survived without the other. We also
know that we probably would have gotten into a lot less trouble without the other. Emily,
thank you for being weird never ignoring my calls. Aaron, frenemy. Best frenemy.
Jameson, thanks for always grabbing a beer and not needing to talk about the program.
To my Purdue cohort, thank you for constantly hearing me talk about Appalachia for 7
years now.
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Third, I would like to thank my family. The support that y’all have given me has
provided me more than I could ever imagine. To my parents, I don’t know how I will
ever be able to pay you back. To my brothers, you two have helped me in more ways than
you know. To Robert, thank you for understanding what it meant to be Appalachian and
being proud of that.
Last, I have to acknowledge my Appalachian community. Thank you. I always
knew that I could find support in my mentors from Appalachia. I am forever grateful.
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Table of Contents
Abstract ..................................................................................................................... ii
General Audience Abstract ........................................................................................ iii
Dedication ................................................................................................................ iv
Acknowledgements .................................................................................................... v
Chapter 1: Introduction .............................................................................................. 1
Rationale for the Study .....................................................................................................2
Rationale for Qualitative Methods ....................................................................................3
Purpose .............................................................................................................................4
Research Questions ...........................................................................................................4
Definition of Terms ...........................................................................................................5
My Role and Background .................................................................................................6
Outline of Dissertation ......................................................................................................8
Chapter 2: Literature Review ...................................................................................... 9
Overview of the Appalachian Context ..............................................................................9
Appalachian Culture ........................................................................................................9 History. ................................................................................................................................................. 10 Cultural Identity ................................................................................................................................... 12
Four Dominant Themes .................................................................................................. 14 Mental health ........................................................................................................................................ 14 Substance Misuse ................................................................................................................................. 16 Barriers ................................................................................................................................................. 17 Use of church leaders ........................................................................................................................... 18
Substance Misuse Treatments ......................................................................................... 20 Celebrate Recovery .............................................................................................................................. 21
Policy Implications ......................................................................................................... 23
Gaps in Literature .......................................................................................................... 23
Current Study ................................................................................................................. 24 Theoretical Framework ........................................................................................................................ 25
Chapter 3: Methods.................................................................................................. 29
Overview ........................................................................................................................ 29
Research Methods........................................................................................................... 30 IPA........................................................................................................................................................ 30 Case selection ....................................................................................................................................... 31 Data Collection ..................................................................................................................................... 33 Reflective journal ................................................................................................................................. 33 Data storing .......................................................................................................................................... 34
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Analysis .......................................................................................................................... 35
Trustworthiness and Rigor ............................................................................................. 36
Ethical Considerations .................................................................................................... 39
Chapter 4: Results .................................................................................................... 40
Participant Demographics .............................................................................................. 40
Interview Process ............................................................................................................ 40
Results ............................................................................................................................ 41 Stories ................................................................................................................................................... 41 Stigma ................................................................................................................................................... 44 Community impact ............................................................................................................................... 47 Understanding and Training ................................................................................................................. 50
Chapter 5: Discussion ............................................................................................... 54
Theory ............................................................................................................................ 54 Microsystem ......................................................................................................................................... 55 Mesosystem .......................................................................................................................................... 56 Exosystem ............................................................................................................................................ 59 Macrosystem ........................................................................................................................................ 61 Chronosystem ....................................................................................................................................... 64
Future Directions and Limitations .................................................................................. 65 Limitations............................................................................................................................................ 66
Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 66
References ............................................................................................................... 68
Appendix A: Email Protocol for Initial Contact ........................................................... 80
Appendix B: Email Protocol for Follow-up Contact..................................................... 81
Appendix C: Informed Consent .................................................................................. 82
Appendix D: Recruitment Flyer ................................................................................. 88
Appendix E: IRB Approval ......................................................................................... 90
Appendix F: Interview Script ..................................................................................... 91
Table 1: Participant Demographics ........................................................................... 98
Table 2: Emergent Theme Formation ...................................................................... 100
Table 3: Polarization Example ................................................................................ 104
Table 4: Ecological Model Examples ....................................................................... 105
Table 5: Denomination Doctrine Statements ........................................................... 106
Running head: IPA & APP CHURCH LEADERS
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Chapter 1: Introduction
The region of Appalachia in the United States is a diverse one that is full of beauty,
mountains, art, and culture. Due to a history of abuse from large corporations, the impact of the
decline in coal mining, and generational poverty, the region is also on a road toward recovery
(Keefe, 2005; Moody, Satterwhite, & Bickel, 2017; Williams, 2002). The region of Appalachia
in the United States is a diverse one full of beauty, mountains, art, and culture but one that also
has a history of abuse from large corporations, the impact of a decline in coal mining, and
generational poverty. A focus of recovery includes understanding and intervening in the high
rates of substance misuse that found in the Appalachian Region (Hirchak & Murphy, 2017;
Moody et al., 2017; Monnat & Rigg, 2016; Shannon, Perkins, & Neal, 2014). Substance misuse
across Appalachia has become part of a national conversation as awareness of the opioid
epidemic has grown (Dean & Kimmel, 2019; Macy, 2018).
Several common themes are evident in the literature exploring the high rates of substance
misuse across Appalachia. The first is the lack of healthcare resources (Goins et al., 2005;
Roberts et al., 2017). This includes barriers that residents face obtaining healthcare, such as
needing to travel longer distances to do what and high rates of residents who are uninsured
(Stamm, 2003). A second theme is the lack of trust that people from Appalachia tend to have
concerning outsiders and healthcare professionals (Keefe & Parsons, 2005; Stamm, 2003). The
history of outsiders coming into the community and taking advantage of them impacts residents’
willingness to seek out healthcare (Keefe et al., 2005). The last theme is a lack of mental health
service providers (Hendryx, 2008; Hill et al., 2016). A shortage of therapists in the region
impacts the residents who do try to seek mental health treatment (Talbot, Ziller, & Szlosek,
2017), though there have been recent efforts to increase the number of mental healthcare
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providers in the region to provide support, relief, and resources to combat the problem (Moody et
al., 2017).
When identifying potential resources to help lower the impact of substance misuse in
Appalachia, church organizations have emerged as very important . The use of the church,
religion, and spirituality is often cited in the literature as an important aspect of rural healthcare,
especially mental health care (Keefe, 2005). Many rural communities have an abundance of
church organizations, and church leaders may be a vital source of decreasing barriers associated
with access to mental health care, specifically substance misuse. Although they are not mental
health providers, a number of religious leaders have responded to unmet mental health needs in
rural communities (Hall & Gjesfjed, 2013). The goal of this study is to understand the
experiences of Appalachian church leaders discussing substance misuse with their community
members.
Rationale for the Study
A number of gaps in the literature on Appalachia are present. First, theory is rarely used
to inform research. Most research focuses on differences between rural and urban populations
(Hirchak & Murphy, 2017; Moody et al., 2017; Monnat & Rigg, 2016; Shannon et al., 2014).
Second, the existing research does not evince an understanding of the culture of Appalachia.
Instead, current research focuses on documenting disparities, such as higher rates of substance
misuse. Third, these studies do not provide adequate insight into interventions to benefit these
communities. Connecting theory and capitalizing on cultural resources is needed to impel
research and intervention that recognizes the unique culture of Appalachia.
The lack of collaboration between researchers and community members is particularly
evident pertaining to substance misuse. Most of the literature focuses on the lack of resources,
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the higher rates of mental illness, and other factors that negatively impact the culture (Hirchak &
Murphy, 2017; Moody et al., 2017; Monnat & Rigg, 2016; Shannon et al., 2014). While this is
necessary for research to inform readers and funders about why the current research topics are
relevant, it also furthers stigma and stereotypes that plague the Appalachian community
(Williams, 2002). It is important that future research include the voices of community members
as partners and for community stakeholders to be more involved with the data collection. Last,
collaboration between researcher and participants could generate a conversation rooted in
positive aspects of Appalachia rather than focus onn disadvantages that the communities face
(Hirchak & Murphy, 2017; Moody et al., 2017; Monnat & Rigg, 2016; Shannon et al., 2014).
Rationale for Qualitative Methods
Qualitative methods are particularly useful for this project, given the limited empirical
literature surrounding the use of the church as a way to discuss and intervene in substance
misuse. For instance, there may be unknown factors that affect how church leaders discuss
substance misuse with their community members. Further, church leaders may be an untapped
resource in Appalachia communities. Using qualitative methods is appropriate because
qualitative approaches are often employed to understand a phenomenon and explore the meaning
individuals make of a social problem (Daly, 2007).
Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) is a systematic qualitative approach that
seeks to understand how people make sense of major life experiences (Smith, Flowers, & Larkin,
2009). Since its development, IPA has been widely utilized in psychological studies related to
health. According to Smith et al. (2009), several benefits of the use of IPA align with the goals of
the proposed study. It is concerned with exploring experiences of participants, I am interested in
understanding in detail how participants make sense of cultural shifts (such as the opioid
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epidemic), and I am working hard to place myself in the shoes of the participant through the use
of double hermeneutics (explained further in Chapter Three).
This methodology helps me retain a sense of cultural mindfulness when approaching my
questions and the answers that the participants provide. Given the lack of trust in researchers
that is part of the history of Appalachia (Stephens, 2005), the use of IPA will allow for the
participants to be as centered in the research process as possible. Semi-structured interviews will
allow participants to share their perspectives on discussing substance misuse in their
communities. As I share the results of this study, I am conscious of how I represent the
participants and their experiences.
Purpose
Given the current state of research on substance misuse in Appalachia, the goal of this
study is to provide a better understanding substance misuse through the eyes of church leaders.
This study explored how church leaders discuss substance misuse with their community
members and resources that they use to address substance misuse. The project was informed by
Bronfenbrenner’s (1979; 2005) Ecological Systems Theory. Framing an exploration of how
church leaders address the problem of substance misuse is a proximal process that is embedded
within various interrelated systems. The qualitative approach of IPA guided the research design
and methodology.
Research Questions
This study aimed to answer the following questions:
• What are the experiences of church leaders when working with community
members impacted by substance misuse? (RQ1)
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• How do church leaders connect with mental health service providers when
substances such as opioids impact a community member? (RQ2)
• What do church leaders see as the solution to the current substance misuse
problem? (RQ3)
Definition of Terms
Below is a list of commonly used terms throughout this dissertation.
Appalachia. The states included in the region are West Virginia, Mississippi, Alabama,
Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Virginia, Maryland, Ohio,
Pennsylvania, and New York (ARC, 2019).
Culture. For this definition, Falicov (1995) will be used:
Culture contains shared world views, meanings, and adaptive behaviors derived from
simultaneous membership and participation in a multiplicity of contexts, such as rural,
urban or suburban setting; language, age, gender, cohort, family configuration, race,
ethnicity, religion, nationality, socioeconomic status, employment, education, occupation,
sexual orientation, political ideology; migration and stage of acculturation (p. 375).
Appalachian Culture. Keefe (2005) defines Appalachian culture as having strong family
ties, a sense of community, an explicit and implicit appear to independence, self-reliance, and
empowerment. While media portrays Appalachia as “rednecks,” it is important for the audience
to understand the diversity that is contained in the mountains of the region (Fletcher &
Schumann, 2016; Keefe, 2005).
Substance Misuse. The term substance misuse is used throughout this dissertation instead
of addiction or substance abuse. Substance misuse is a less stigmatizing term and is not seen as
harmful to those impacted by substances as the other two terms can be (SAMHSA, 2014).
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Substance misuse refers to the intake of any substance that negatively impacts the person’s well-
being and everyday function (SAMHSA, 2014).
Healthcare providers. The term healthcare provider is used throughout this study and
refers to any healthcare provider, for example primary healthcare, OBGYN, mental healthcare,
and nurse practitioner. Due to a low rate of mental healthcare providers in Appalachia (Thomas
et al., 2019), I use healthcare provider more frequently than mental healthcare provider.
Stigma. The term stigma is defined as a socially determined concept referring to the
devaluation of individuals due to distinguishing characteristics (Rao et al.,2019). Stigma heavily
affects the helping services field and is especially prevalent when working with people suffering
from substance misuses (Cutler et al.,2008; Avery et al., 2013).
Ecological Systems Theory. This dissertation utilizes Bronfenbrenner’s (1979, 2005)
Ecological Systems Theory to guide the research questions and purpose of the study.
Fundamental to understanding Bronfenbrenner’s theory is the notion that a person’s behavior is
influenced and influences multiple contexts within which one is embedded.
My Role and Background
Growing up in rural Appalachia was a unique experience. My life in Appalachia included
the mountains always being close by, hiking trails being abundant, and gardens constantly full of
fresh vegetables. The outdoors was embedded within my culture but so was substance misuse.
Each of my family members slowly became affected by substance misuse, which was heightened
in the late 1990s when opioids became popular. Throughout the early 2000s, I began to see a
shift in my community and family. My parents fought to save their siblings who would became
affected by substance misuse, which included many deaths over the past ten years. My love for
Appalachia and for my family has led me to my research interest and dissertation topic.
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My identity as an academic from Appalachia has influenced my work. This identity has
allowed for me to find my calling as a researcher. I have been able to understand the experiences
of families living in Appalachia on a personal level and use my passion for my community to
navigate the many new systems that I have encountered. Additionally, I have been fortunate
enough to leave Appalachia. I consider this fortunate not because it caused me to lose an
understanding of my identity, but because I now have a deeper understanding of my identity and
its influence on me. While growing up in Appalachia, I did not understand or notice its unique
culture. I simply understood my families’ values and the values of my community. Now that I
have lived outside the community, I can appreciate my family and Appalachia with a richer
understanding.
When I transitioned out of Appalachia to obtain my master’s degree, I was constantly
reminded that I was different. I was encouraged to lose my accent. I was told that my grammar
was not graduate level material. These were constant reminders that I was an outsider in
academia and that my Appalachian identity was the cause. During my time at Virginia Tech, a
university located in Appalachia, I was reminded of my Appalachian identity. My teaching
evaluations suggested that I used “y’all” too much. Ironically, I was praised for my research that
focused on Appalachia, and then told that I was no longer Appalachian. My identity became
important when it was relevant to the research, but then I was constantly asked to hide my
identity because it did not represent the identity that an academic at a research intensive
institution should have. I felt as though I was asked to let go of my Appalachian identity to blend
in with academia.
I am grateful for the opportunity to obtain my graduate degrees and the ability to work be
an Appalachian academic. I am more grateful than ever to return to Appalachia and my
IPA & APP CHURCH LEADERS
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community to provide support and train clinicians how to be sensitive and supportive of the
region and its uniqueness. This dissertation represents how I combine my multiple identities.
Outline of Dissertation
This dissertation is divided into five chapters. The first chapter is an introduction about
the Appalachian community and current problems that these communities are facing, the
rationale for the study, the rationale for using qualitative research methods and IPA, the purpose
of the study, the research questions, and my own role and background. Chapter Two presents a
review of the literature relevant to the purpose of this study. Chapter Three describes the research
methods, including choice of sample and sample size, participants selection, forms of data
collection, analyses of data, validation strategies used to increase validity and quality of the
study, and potential ethical issues. The fourth chapter presents the results. Each case is described
along with the themes, accompanied by exemplative quotes that emerged from analysis. Chapter
Five includes a discussion of the results and implications for clinical practice, policy
implications, limitations of the study, and recommendations for further research. An Appendix
includes copies of the Virginia Tech Internal Review Board approval, consent forms, and the
interview protocols. Last, four tables are provided: the participant demographics, how emergent
themes arose, an example of polarization, and an example of the role of stigma.
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Chapter 2: Literature Review
Overview of the Appalachian Context
The Appalachian community is a regional culture that may be unique or odd to those who
are not familiar with it (Keefe, 2005), and this may also contribute to stigma around the
population. Stigma exists within community members themselves, outsiders of the community,
and healthcare providers that serve the Appalachian communities (Keefe & Parsons, 2005;
Smalley & Warren, 2015; Stephens, 2005). In reviewing literature that discusses Appalachia,
four dominant themes are evident: mental health, substance misuse, barriers to healthcare, and
the use of church leaders as a potential resource. The most recent increase in publications around
Appalachia focus on the high rates of substance use, such as opioid addiction, and compare these
rates to urban and non-Appalachian populations (Hirchak & Murphy, 2017; Moody, Satterwhite,
& Bickel, 2017; Monnat & Rigg, 2016; Shannon, Perkins, & Neal, 2014). While substance
misuse rates are higher in Appalachia, there is a lack of research that focuses on efforts to
understand, identify, and leverage existing resources to reduce the impact of substance misuse.
Appalachian Culture
Defining the Appalachian territory is essential but not an easy task. Geographically, the
region is a vast, mountainous region along the eastern United States. The states included in the
region are West Virginia, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina,
Tennessee, Kentucky, Virginia, Maryland, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York (ARC, 2019).
Each part of the region has its unique qualities. Williams (2002) focuses on a “core Appalachian
region” spread over six states: Georgia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Virginia, and
West Virginia. Importantly, understanding the diversity that exists across Appalachian regions is
essential and may be something that is unknown to people outside of the region. To describe the
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Appalachian region and this culture that exists within it, it is important to understand the history.
Additionally, it is important to understand the cultural identity of the Appalachian people: how
they may view themselves but also how outsiders stigmatize and stereotype the culture.
History. The culture of Appalachia is a product of the mountains and its extensive
history of poverty (Keefe, 2005; Williams, 2002). More precisely, mountain living, the history of
large corporations taking advantage of residents and forcing many into poverty, and the
continued exploitation of natural resources shape the lives of Appalachian residents (Keefe,
2005; Williams, 2002). Moreover, core values embedded in Appalachian communities have
evolved with its history and remain pervasive. Such values include familism, a shared religious
world view, neighborliness, love of the land, and the avoidance of conflict (Beaver, 1986; Keefe,
2005;1988; Williams, 2002). This history is unique to the setting and is highly connected to the
culture of the region.
The decline of several important industries in Appalachia that have impacted its current
economic state and culture. The first industry that helped the region prosper was the tobacco
industry (Williams, 2002). Due to increased health awareness and federal legislation, as well as
competition from growers outside of the United States, a steady decline in tobacco production
occurred through the late 1990s (ARC, 1998). Many of the largest tobacco-producing regions of
Appalachia were considered “distressed” regions by 1998 (ARC, 1998). After the tobacco
production companies left, the land that was used to grow the product was abandoned and
vacant. This dramatically impacted local farmers and their communities economically.
Further down the road, another resource in the area, coal, would have a similar outcome
(ARC, 2019). The coal industry was unique compared to the tobacco industry because the large
coal-corporations would create a “coal town”, and the corporation would operate the town’s
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grocery store, medical centers, and other vital resources in the community (Macy, 2018). Once
the corporation would abandon the town, the resources would leave with them. This left even
more Appalachian communities devastated by poverty and a lack of resources.
Another important event in history that has shaped the Appalachian culture was the
introduction of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) (Dean & Kimmel, 2019).
NAFTA resulted in many factories in Appalachia shutting down, and this occurred as opioids
were being introduced into the medical field (Dean et al., 2019). More specifically, after the
formation of NAFTA, 70% - 80% of jobs in some rural Appalachian towns disappeared (Moore,
2012). Studies suggest that socioeconomic factors, specifically unemployment, low social
capital, economic or family distress, and high dependence on mining industries, suggest a higher
rate of opioid use compared to communities not impacted by these variables (Dean et al., 2019;
Hollingsworth, Ruhm, & Simon, 2017; Monnat, 2018; Rigg, Monnat, & Chavez, 2018).
Additionally, the region was a target for the opioid corporations (Macy, 2018). Doctors were
encouraged to overprescribe and were rewarded based off the amounts of opioids that they could
push into the region, creating the perfect storm. A region impacted by the decline in multiple
industries and a community in mental and physical pain was the perfect fit for the opioid industry
(Dean et al., 2019).
These three major waves of job loss in the region: tobacco, factory (mainly textiles), and
coal have had profound socioeconomic impacts on the area. Therefore it makes sense that the
shame and mental health difficulties that can result from job loss can be associated with an
increase of prescription drug use, particularly when they were so readily available as a result of
pharmaceutical company marketing tactics (Macy, 2018). While it is not the role of this research
to blame NAFTA or other legislation for the current opioid epidemic in Appalachia, it is
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important to understand how the connection between job loss and opioid use are connected to the
history and cultural identity of the region (Dean et al., 2019; Hollingsworth et al., 2017)
Cultural Identity. The cultural identity of Appalachia is complex and layered. There is
diversity found within the mountains and each community and region has its own unique
characteristics. Keefe (2005) defines Appalachian culture as one that has strong family ties, a
sense of community, an explicit and implicit desire for independence, self-reliance, and
empowerment. It important to note that while these characteristics are used to describe the region
as a whole, they may not represent all families or systems in Appalachia. Thomas and Brossoie
(2019) interviewed healthcare providers and asked them to identify what cultural characteristics
healthcare students should know about Appalachia. The results suggested that students need to
understand the Appalachian culture, which included a strong value of personal autonomy,
independence from individuals outside the family or region, and a basic understanding of unique
terminology that is included in the cultural dialect (i.e., Old Arthur, case of the nerves, sugar tit,
and in a delicate condition). The participants in this study suggested that the mountains have a
unique culture that is influenced by its history, and this culture cannot be replicated outside of
the region (Keefe, 2005; Thomas et al., 2019). Moreover, the discussion of generational poverty
and the region being disadvantaged is not lost within Appalachian studies research. These
disadvantages have the potential to spark a conversation concerning the region and its residents;
a conversation that that may suggest the culture to be a geographically disadvantaged culture
compared to other regions of the United States.
Examining the socio-cultural-political context unveils Appalachian communities as
members of a disadvantaged regional-minority group, despite the majority of the population
identifying racially as white (ARC, 2019). More specifically, the history of these communities
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having their power taken from them by outsiders, high rates of poverty, the social isolation of
many community members, the low rates of higher education, the unique language that exists in
the region, and the stigma of being Appalachian are all factors that fuel the concept of
Appalachians being a disadvantaged population (Terman, 2016) and provide justification of a
narrative of marginalization about the Appalachian region.
It is critical to discuss how media and popular culture view the region. It is rare for other
cultural groups to be freely stereotyped more than Appalachia (Smith, 2004). The term hillbilly
can still be used in the media to describe the region’s residents, and TV networks are still able to
exploit the culture through the creation of “reality tv,” such as the pilot of a television show that
would film a family as they move away from the Appalachian Mountains to Beverly Hills
(Smith, 2004). This pilot was humorously entitled, The Beverly Hillbillies, which is a reality tv
spinoff from the old sitcom. Most recently, the opioid epidemic has inevitably raised stigma
around the Appalachian culture by exposing the ability of large corporations to take advantage of
the communities. The region was a target of pharmaceutical companies due to the high amount
of blue-collar jobs, specifically manufacturing plants and coal mines, found in the region (Macy,
2018).
While the above descriptions are merely a snapshot of the culture of Appalachia, it is no
mystery that the culture is unique. For example, there is an organization that solely focuses on
this culture, the Appalachian Studies Association. Furthermore, the Appalachian Regional
Commission has called for the need of substance misuse work to be done in the region to provide
support to the many communities impacted by the opioid epidemic (ARC, 2019). The need to be
mindful of the culture in the region when working in Appalachia is necessary. Current
evidenced-based models for substance misuse treatment do not include the cultural context as an
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important focus, especially models that focus on the dominant themes that are found in current
literature discussing Appalachia. Lastly, it is important to discuss the growing amount of
diversity in the region. While popular culture would like to paint the region as all white, there is
still racial, ethnic, and sexual identity diversity found across the region (ARC, 2019). This tends
to be forgotten when the region is discussed.
Importance of church. The church community can be viewed as a significant cultural
organization in the Appalachian region (Keefe, 2005; Macy, 2018). The church can serve as a
place for the community to come together and celebrate holidays, major events, and create a
sense of fellowship for its church members. Two of the major denominations found in the region
include The Church of God (Pentecostal) and Southern Baptist (Williams, 2002; Zimmermann,
1990). For many residents, their church community may provide a place of belonging, but there
is a gap in the literature of how church communities support residents impacted by substance
misuse in Appalachia.
Four Dominant Themes
Mental health. The current state of mental health in rural communities and Appalachia
includes a higher prevalence of mental health symptoms than found in urban settings (Hendryx,
2008). Due to lower accessibility and availability, rural residents who finally seek out mental
health services tend to enter with more severe symptoms (Smalley, Warren, & Rainer, 2015).
These symptoms include higher levels of depression, domestic violence, anxiety, rates of suicide,
child abuse, and elder abuse (Stamm, 2003; Smalley & Warren, 2015). Furthermore, a
disproportionately high rate of substance misuse can be found in rural communities compared
with urban communities (Shannon, Perkins, & Neal, 2014).
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In a qualitative study of service providers and clients, Hill, Cantrell, Edwards, and Dalton
(2016) explored rural women's experiences with mental health and barriers to treatment. They
found a number of barriers, including stigma centered on mental health, a lack of support, and a
lack of education about mental health. This study has helped to advance the understanding of
mental health in Appalachia due to the discussion of stigma still being present in the service
providers and the clients. Unfortunately, the researchers did not identify potential actions to
lower stigma, increase support, and increase education centered on mental health in Appalachia.
Hastings and Cohn (2013) performed a mixed-methods study to understand the benefits
and challenges associated with rural mental health practice. Mental health care providers were
asked to complete a 40-item questionnaire that measured the domains of job satisfaction, areas of
care and practice, competence in areas of care from schooling, and strengths and challenges in
providing services in a rural area. In addition, the participants were asked four open-ended
questions on work setting and rural life. The authors suggest that training programs should
discuss the uniqueness of practicing in a rural setting and that a discussion on practicing in rural
areas may be necessary throughout training programs to increase the number of therapists in
rural communities.
These two articles provide examples of research published around the theme of
Appalachian mental health. The themes of high stigma, a lack of service providers, and a lack of
proper training for service providers to work in rural areas are dominant themes throughout the
literature (Hill, Cantrell, Edwards, & Dalton, 2016; McNichols, Witt, & Gatewood, 2016; Smith,
Peck, & McGovern, 2004; Talbot, Ziller, & Szlosek, 2017). The methods have included a
mixture of qualitative and quantitative measures, but there is a lack of theory guiding the
research. These articles have advanced the literature by providing a deeper understanding of the
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uniqueness of the community, but there is still a lack of implementation on what evidenced-
based programs or treatment modalities are working in these communities. Closing this gap in
the literature is a crucial area for the next steps in improving the mental health of Appalachian
communities.
Substance Misuse. The burden of substance misuse is heavily documented in the
empirical literature of Appalachian communities (Broffman et al., 2017). The majority of
substance misuse research compares the higher prevalence of substance misuse in urban
communities compared to Appalachian communities (Monnat & Rigg, 2016), yet there is limited
research on what has been effective for reducing substance misuse.
For example, Shannon, Perkins, and Neal (2014) examined the differences in substance
misuse among rural Appalachian and urban non-Appalachian individuals participating in drug
court. A series of logistic regression analyses identified individuals in the rural Appalachian area
were significantly more likely to report lifetime use of cocaine, illicit opiates, and illicit
benzodiazepines, but they were less likely to report methamphetamine use when compared with
individuals in the urban non-Appalachian area. Regarding past 30-day use, individuals in the
rural Appalachian area were significantly more likely to use marijuana, illicit opiates, and illicit
benzodiazepines, but they were less likely to report crack cocaine use when compared with
individuals in the urban non-Appalachian area.
Monnat and Rigg (2016) examined differences in prescription opioid misuse among
adolescents in rural, small urban, and large urban areas. A social-ecological framework guided
the study, and secondary data analysis was utilized to test the research questions. The results
indicated that rural adolescents were more likely to be impacted by opioid misuse than their
urban counterparts. This was the first study examining rural-urban differences to utilize the
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social-ecological framework to identify specific individual, social, and community
characteristics that influence opioid use.
It is evident that there are higher rates of substance misuse among rural and Appalachia
populations compared to others (Hirchak & Murphy, 2017; Moody et al., 2017; Monnat & Rigg,
2016; Shannon et al., 2014). In 2017, four states within the Appalachian Region (West Virginia,
Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Kentucky) had the highest rates of drug overdose deaths in the country,
and most Appalachian states experienced increases in drug overdose deaths between 2016 and
2017 (ARC, 2019).
Barriers. Related to mental health and substance misuse disparities, barriers to accessing
healthcare is another prevalent theme in the literature of Appalachian populations. These barriers
can include the ability to access healthcare, the amount of healthcare service providers available,
availability of insurance to help with the costs of healthcare, and cultural stigma on utilizing
services (Stamm, 2003).
Goins et al. (2005) examined barriers rural elders report when accessing healthcare,
including how they cope with the high costs of prescription medication. The research team held
90-minute focus groups in six rural West Virginia communities. The results concluded that five
categories of barriers to healthcare emerged: transportation difficulties, limited health care
supply, lack of quality healthcare, social isolation, and financial constraints. Furthermore, six
diverse coping strategies for dealing with the cost of prescription medication were identified.
They included: reducing dosage or doing without, limiting other expenses, relying on family
assistance, supplementing with alternative medicine, shopping around for lowest prices, and
using the Veteran's Administration. This study referenced the cultural importance of collecting
qualitative data rather than quantitative due to cultural characteristics of rural communities, for
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example, the need for “front porch talk” (Thomas & Brossoie, 2019) to gain trust with rural
participants.
Brems, Johnson, Warner, and Roberts (2006) examined barriers to healthcare as reported
by rural and urban interprofessional providers. The analysis found significant barriers to optimal
care that are common across rural communities, with the smaller rural communities having
higher barriers to treatment. Barriers reported included resource limitations, confidentiality
limitations, dual relationships between clients and providers, increase in provider travel, and a
lack of access to services by clients. Brems and colleagues (2006) provided practice and policy
implications for each of the barriers listed; a significant contribution to the literature.
These articles highlight the barriers and overall lack of resources prevalent in rural
healthcare. These disparities are magnified when focusing solely on mental health care (Talbot,
Ziller, & Szlosek, 2017), and impacted by the current model of substance misuse treatment as
mental health care rather than an integrative healthcare system that combines traditional
healthcare and mental health care (Moody et al., 2017). This understanding helps guide research
in terms of understanding that special training may be needed to prepare healthcare providers to
work more effectively in rural communities. Furthermore, these studies provide support for more
research to be conducted that works at overcoming these barriers and to work with the resources
within Appalachian communities, such as church leaders.
Use of church leaders. The use of the church, religion, and spirituality is often cited in
the literature as an essential aspect of rural and Appalachian healthcare, especially mental health
(Keefe, 2005). Many rural, Appalachian communities contain an abundance of church
organizations, and church leaders may be a vital source for decreasing barriers associated with
access to mental health. Although they are not mental health providers, religious leaders such as
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clergy have responded to unmet mental health needs in rural communities (Hall & Gjesfjed,
2013). Clergy have become increasingly popular and consistently identified as a more attractive
option when seeking out assistance for mental health-related issues: specifically, for individuals
wanting to incorporate religion and personal faith into the therapeutic process (McAuley,
Pecchioni, & Grant, 2000). Many clergy identify training and education on how to deliver
services such as various mental health therapies as minimal and often inadequate (Hall &
Gjesfjed, 2013). Church leaders consider mental health to be an area where their techniques and
ability are lacking in skill as well as confidence (Sullivan et al., 2014). Neither referrals nor
collaboration between church leaders and mental health professionals occurs at a consistent pace
despite the increased utilization of church leaders for mental health services (Hall et al., 2013;
McAuley et al., 2000).
McMinn et al. (2005) examined factors that affected referral patterns between church
leaders and mental health service providers. Two survey studies were conducted to explore the
characteristics that enhance or hinder collaboration. The first study used a sample that was solely
church leaders that were part of the Southern Baptist Convention. The results showed that church
leaders were more likely to refer to a therapist who was known to use prayer and identify as a
Christian. The second study focused on a sample of therapists, and the results showed that a
therapist is more likely to collaborate with a church leader if the client has spiritual questions, no
support network, and cannot afford a therapist. This study does an excellent job of creating a
deeper understanding of what may be affecting collaborations between church leaders and
therapists. The use of a mixed-methods research design proved beneficial in gaining a better
understanding of the lack of collaboration and suggestions on how to overcome this barrier, such
as encouraging more communication between church leaders and mental health service
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providers, training church leaders and mental health service providers on the benefits of
connecting with mental health, and creating a support network between church leaders and
mental health service providers.
Smith, Riding-Malon, Aspelmeier, and Leake (2018) utilized a qualitative research
design to investigate how to bridge the gap between religious leaders and helping professionals
to improve rural mental health. The study used a grounded theory methodology. The results
indicated that church leaders were more likely to collaborate if they had a better understanding of
mental health and a history of past collaborations. Barriers to collaboration included a perceived
distrust between therapists and church leaders, a lack of mental health service providers
encouraging collaboration, and a preference to collaborate with other church leaders over
therapists. This article utilized a few models to help guide their research: Clergy outreach and
professional engagement (COPE) and Clergy, academic, and mental health partnership (CAMP).
These models provide relevant insight into future research that could occur with church leaders.
Substance Misuse Treatments
When connecting current substance misuse treatment models and the role of the church,
two programs are frequently used: Celebrate Recovery and Alcoholics Anonymous (Brown et
al., 2013). Through these programs, religious organizations can offer free community services
outside of the typical health care system, and many groups are moderated by church leaders
(Smith et al., 2018). Thus far, there is limited research examining these programs from an
opioid-specific, longitudinal, or cultural lens perspective (Brown et al., 2013; Smith et al., 2018).
Furthermore, there is little research that has gained an understanding of these types of programs
through the eyes of church leaders, especially those in Appalachia. Consequently, these
programs follow an abstinence-only model, and this style of group therapy could further the
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stigma, pain, and impact of substance misuse at the individual, family, and community levels
(SBIRT, 2014; Smith et al., 2018).
Celebrate Recovery. The substance misuse treatment framework that is most commonly
followed in Appalachia is Celebrate Recovery (CR) (Brown et al., 2013; Smith et al., 2018). For
example, there are six celebrate recovery groups within 25 miles of Blacksburg, VA. There are
only two Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) groups within the same distance. According to the
program’s website, CR is a Christ-Centered 12-step program for community members impacted
by substance misuse. In addition to the 12-steps that closely follows the 12-steps of AA, CR has
eight guiding principles (CR, 2019).
The 12-steps are:
We admitted we are powerless over our addictions and compulsive behaviors, that our
lives had become unmanageable, we came to believe that a power higher than ourselves
could restore us to sanity, we made a decision to turn our lives and our wills over to the
care of God, we made a searching and fearless moral inventory of ourselves, we admitted
to God, to ourselves, and to another human being the exact nature of our wrongs, we
were entirely ready to have God remove all these defects of character, we humbly asked
Him to remove all our shortcomings, we made a list of all persons we had harmed and
became willing to make amends to them all, we made direct amends to such people
whenever possible, except when to do so would injure them or others, we continue to
take personal inventory and when we were wrong, promptly admitted it, we sought
through prayer and meditation to improve our conscious contact with God, praying only
for knowledge of His will for us, and power to carry that out, and Having had a spiritual
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experience as the result of these steps, we try to carry this message to others and practice
these principles in all our affairs (CR, 2019).
Additionally, the eight principles of CR are:
Realize I’m not God; I admit that I am powerless to control my tendency to do the wrong
thing and that my life is unmanageable (Step 1), earnestly believe that God exists, that I
matter to Him and that He has the power to help me recover (Step 2), Consciously choose
to commit all my life and will to Christ’s care and control (Step 3), openly examine and
confess my faults to myself, to God, and to someone I trust (Steps 4 and 5), Voluntarily
submit to any changes God wants to make in my life and humbly ask Him to remove my
character defects. (Steps 6 and 7), Evaluate all my relationships. Offer forgiveness to
those who have hurt me and make amends for harm I have done to others when possible,
except when to do so would harm them or others. (Steps 8 and 9), Reserve a daily time
with God for self-examination, Bible reading, and prayer in order to know God and His
will for my life and to gain the power to follow His will (steps 10 and 11), yield myself to
God to be used to bring this Good News to others, both by my example and my words
(step 12) (CR, 2019).
The 12-steps and eight principles of CR follow an abstinence-only approach to substance
misuse, and this approach may create more stigma due to the shame that is created from an
abstinence-only approach (SBIRT, 2014). Furthermore, the groups are not guided by licensed
healthcare providers, and this allows for CR to not follow any mental health ethical guidelines
for treatment. The advantage of CR is the availability of the groups and the assumption that
Appalachia community members may prefer to connect with their church for substance misuse
guidance compared to a mental health service provider (Smith et al., 2018).
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Policy Implications
Substance misuse is gaining national attention as the opioid epidemic has become part of
the American lexicon. Policy is being created to assist people impacted by the epidemic (Perez,
2018). Toward the end of 2018, a bill (HR6) was passed to transition the country towards
solutions that would lower the impact. This bill contained five main focuses: (a) the expansion of
recovery centers through government funding, (b) the requirement of the U.S. Postal Service and
other entities to track drug shipments, (c) the ability for clinical nurse specialists and others to
prescribe drugs (such as Buprenorphine) for five years that will help people lower their addiction
to opioids, (d) liberates the National Institutes of Health to more quickly pursue research projects
related to non-addictive drugs for pain, and (e) make changes to several Medicare and Medicaid
regulations, such as the expansion of Medicare to cover opioid treatment (Zezima and Kim,
2018). While this bill is a great start, there is more to be done concerning policy and the opioid
epidemic, such as providing better training and resources to practicing healthcare providers.
Gaps in Literature
As mentioned in chapter one, there are several gaps in the literature that guide the
development of the current study. With a few exceptions, there is a lack of application of theory,
a dearth of research on effective treatments for substance misuse in Appalachia, and an absence
of attention to how the culture of Appalachia can be leveraged to support the reduction of
substance misuse.
Of the research studies covered in this literature review, only two directly stated specific
theories that helped to guide the research and the research questions (Monnat & Rigg, 2016;
Smith et al., 2018). One reason for this gap could be that the majority of research documenting
health disparities of Appalachian populations is published in medical journals, and the use of
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theories may not be as common as in research from other disciplines. Regardless, the use of
theory could significantly increase the rigor of the research being conducted and could have
implications for future research, prevention, and intervention efforts.
The lack of implementation science guiding prevention and intervention efforts around
substance misuse in Appalachia is startling, particularly given the clear need that has been
documented. Coupled with the lack of discussion evidenced in the literature about the potential
strengths and resiliency of Appalachia communities, it would be beneficial for future research to
include discussions around the strength and resiliency of the communities and work directly with
individuals within these communities to capitalize on resources.
Current Study
The goal of this study is to contribute to the gap in the literature by gaining a better
understanding of substance misuse in Appalachia through the eyes of church leaders. The
proposed research study responds to suggestions of existing literature (Hall & Gjesfjeld, 2013;
Smith et al., 2018) to utilize church leaders, yet no existing studies examine the experiences of
church leaders discussing substance use or how church leaders in the Appalachian area are
working to reduce substance misuse. To that end, this research study aims to answer the
following questions:
• What are the experiences of church leaders when working with community members
impacted by substance misuse? (RQ1)
• How do church leaders connect with mental health service providers when substances
such as opioids impact a community member? (RQ2)
• What do church see as the solution to the current substance misuse problem? (RQ3)
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Theoretical Framework. This project was informed by Bronfenbrenner’s (1979, 2005)
ecological systems theory. This theory has been widely used across many disciplines, such as
family science, social work, psychology, and healthcare, but originates out of human
development. A fundamental understanding of Bronfenbrenner that has evolved over time is the
idea that a person's behavior is a function of the interaction of the person's traits and abilities
with their systems. Essentially, the core of this theory is an understanding that humans are
profoundly impacted by and impact the multiple systems within which they are embedded.
Bronfenbrenner’s framework has been to understand Appalachia and its healthcare crisis
(Stamm, 2003).
Bronfenbrenner's work is unique in that it challenged the idea that an individual's
behavior is solely explained by examining the individual's traits and abilities (White, Klein,
Martin, 2015). To understand this theory, it is essential to understand the key concepts of
microsystems, mesosystems, ecosystems, macrosystem, the chronosystem, and proximal
processes (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; 2005). Each key concept will be further discussed in the
context of the current study.
A microsystem is the smallest unit of relationships (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). It takes into
account the role that relationships have on the individual, the family, and the system. The
simplest example of a microsystem is the dyad between a child and parent (White, Klein, Martin,
2015). Furthermore, the microsystem includes any other forms of relationships, such as
friendships, work relationships, and community relationships. When connecting the microsystem
to the literature on Appalachia, it is essential to understand the importance of family within the
Appalachian culture (Keefe, 2005; Williams, 2002). The microsystem would take into
consideration the impact that family has on the individual and the impact that the individual has
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on the family. It is understood within the Appalachian culture that the individual is representative
of their family and relationships, or what Bronfenbrenner (1979) would consider a microsystem.
The microsystem is an important concept in the proposed research. As indicated in the
literature, it is evident that the church often plays an essential role in the individual's life, and it
can be a safe place for individuals to explore the meaning of their substance misuse. By focusing
on understanding church leaders’ experiences with the opioid epidemic rather than therapists,
this research demonstrates an understanding of the multiple microsystems for individuals in rural
Appalachia (Keefe, 2005; Williams, 2002).
The mesosystem is defined by the interactions of two or more microsystems
(Bronfenbrenner, 1979). An example of this could be the interaction between an individual's
family of origin and an individual's church family. The mesosystem is a crucial part of
researching in Appalachia because it positions the researcher to understand the relationship
between the different microsystems. For example, the relationship between family expectations
that the relationship the individual has with their substance misuse and their mental health.
Family expectations (a microsystem) impact the individual and the dyadic relationship with their
substance misuse (a microsystem) and their mental health (a microsystem). Under-utilized
avenues for prevention and intervention for substance misuse can be explored by examining the
interactions between various microsystems. Research questions two and three are guided by the
mesosystem.
The exosystem includes the interaction of systems that impact the individual that the
individual is not part of (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). As applied to this study, the opioid epidemic
represents an exosystem influence. The current rise in opioid use in Appalachia stems from over-
prescription by doctors who are the result of pharmaceutical companies dumping the medication
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on the doctors with inadequate training and poor understanding of the in addictive properties
(Moody et al., 2017). This interaction of systems has directly impacted the community members
of Appalachia due to doctors overprescribing the medication because of their understanding that
it was fast pain relief (Monnat & Rigg, 2016).
The macrosystem includes the culture that impacts the individual (Bronfenbrenner,
1979). The location of living in the mountains, the history of generational poverty, and the
resiliency of the people (Keefe, 2005; Williams, 2002) are important aspects of the Appalachian
culture. This study recognizes the importance of culture and values understanding its influence
on how church leaders have made sense of the opioid epidemic. Research question three is
guided by the macrosystem and the proposed study working to gain a deeper understanding of
the culture of the epidemic through the experiences of church leaders.
The chronosystem includes the idea of time and change (Bronfenbrenner, 2005). The
chronosystem was a later supplement to the theory, and it gives understanding to how a shift in a
system can impact an individual. For example, a shift in family structure such as divorce can
significantly impact family members involved in the event. There are four major shifts in the
recent time of Appalachia that may provide an understanding of the barriers and culture of
Appalachia. These four barriers were discussed above under the history of Appalachia. For this
section, the last two events will be focused on: the decline in coal mining and the introduction of
opioids (Keefe, 2005; Williams, 2002). While people from Appalachia have a unique
relationship with coal mining (Keefe, 2005; Williams, 2002), it is essential to discuss how the
decline in this type of labor has impacted the communities. The decline has increased the barriers
to healthcare due to a decline in jobs, a decline in healthcare insurance, and an increase in rates
of poverty (Roberts, Banyard, Grych, & Hamby, 2017). The use of church leaders, a resource
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that is relatively common in Appalachia (Smith et al., 2018) could help combat the impact of
healthcare by the decline in coal mining. It is essential to know the negative impact that coal
companies have also had on Appalachian communities (Williams, 2002), but the focus here is
how to move forward with substance misuse resources.
The second shift in the system was the introduction of opioids. This shift co-occurred
with the decline of coal mining and dramatically impacted the culture of Appalachia (Keefe,
2005). The most significant shift has been the increase in substance misuse connected with more
barriers to healthcare. This shift is helping to guide the proposed research study and its relevance
to the current time and change occurring in Appalachia instigated by the opioid epidemic.
Lastly, another important aspect to the bioecological theory includes the concept of
proximal process. As Bronfenbrenner developed his theory, he emphasized the aspects of
process, person, context, and time (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). Proximal processes can be
defined as enduring interactions between the person and people, objects, and symbols in their
immediate environments (Bronfenbrenner, 1999). These dynamic interactions are the mechanism
that facilitates development and understanding. Parenting behaviors between a parent and a child
can be considered a proximal process. Given that it is currently unclear how church leaders
discuss substance use with their community members and if these conversations influence
substance misuse, this study is exploring a potential proximal process between Appalachia
church leaders and individuals and families impacted by substance misuse.
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Chapter 3: Methods
Overview
A qualitative research design guided the data collection for this study and relied on
participant interviews and the collection of demographic characteristics. Interpretative
Phenomenological Analysis (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2012) guided the analysis of the data.
Utilizing a qualitative design enabled me to better understand the experiences of church leaders
addressing substance misuse in Appalachia.
In the present study, there were three guiding research questions:
• What are the experiences of church leaders when working with community members
impacted by substance misuse? (RQ1)
• How do church leaders connect with mental health service providers when substances
such as opioids impact a community member? (RQ2)
• What do church leaders see as the solution to the current substance misuse problem?
(RQ3)
As part of the semi-structured interview schedule, follow-up questions and probes incorporated
the use of ecological systems theory to explore each unique context that the church leaders are
involved with. For example, follow-up questions after RQ1 included:
• How has the opioid epidemic impacted your church community? (Macro System)
• How has the epidemic impacted your own family? (Micro System)
• How would you describe the epidemic, given your experiences with it? (Micro System)
For a full list of follow-up questions, please reference Appendix D.
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Research Methods
IPA. The goal of a phenomenological study is to uncover the lived experiences of
individuals and to interpret how these individuals make sense of their experiences (Smith,
Flowers, & Larkin, 2009). More specifically, Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) is
a form of phenomenology that draws upon the fundamental principles of phenomenology,
hermeneutics, and ideography (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2012). It is concerned with an in-depth
exploration of lived experience and with how people are making sense of that experience. The
focal point of an IPA study is therefore guided by open and exploratory research questions. It is a
dynamic process with the researcher taking an active role, and the participants are regarded as
co-researchers. This creates a collaborative process between the participant and I, and methods
of IPA include interviews and written accounts of participants’ experiences (Daly, 2007).
As stated above, there are three important aspects to IPA: phenomenology, hermeneutics,
and ideography (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2012; Smith et al., 2009). Phenomenology can be
described as the experiences of the participants. Hermeneutics can be described as the researcher
working to understand and interpret the participant’s experiences. Lastly, ideography can be
described as the emergent themes that arise from each of the participant’s experiences
(Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2012; Smith et al., 2009). My goal was to work with the participants to
uncover each of the three core philosophies of this type of analysis.
For this exploratory study, the use of IPA methodology (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2012) was
ideal because it provided understanding, meaning, and truth to the lived experiences of church
leaders concerning any discussions that they may have on substance misuse with their
community members. The overall goal of this study, to gain an understanding of the lived
experiences of church members concerning discussing substance misuse with their church
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congregations, is consistent with IPA methodology (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2012). Given the
limited literature surrounding the use of the church as a way to discuss and intervene in
substance misuse, there may be unknown factors that prevent church leaders from discussing
substance misuse with their church congregants. The role of stigma around substance misuse
may be one factor, primarily due to some religious beliefs that look down on any form of
substance misuse (Keefe, 2005). The hypothesis that these discussions may be occurring is based
on existing literature and understanding of the gaps in the literature. For example, the literature
suggests that church leaders are being utilized as a partner in mental health (Smith et al., 2018),
but there is not any direct literature that discusses church leaders being a partner in discussions
around substance misuse in Appalachia.
Another justification for using IPA methodology involves the need to understand the
language of church leaders if they discuss substance misuse with church congregants.
Understanding the ways in which church leaders discuss substance misuse could inform
prevention and intervention efforts with church leaders and healthcare providers who are
working in Appalachia. I collected first-person accounts of the experiences and phenomena of
church leaders discussing substance misuse with their church congregants (Pietkiewicz & Smith,
2012). Furthermore, by gaining an understanding of substance misuse within church community,
any dominant themes that began to emerge helped guided future research around substance
misuse in Appalachian communities.
Case selection. For this research study, the sample included 10 church leaders who
served in Appalachian communities. Recruitment occurred around rural towns in the central
Southeastern portion of Appalachia. This portion of Appalachia included Southwest Virginia,
East Tennessee, West Virginia, and Northeast Georgia. Sampling was intentional in that the
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church leaders recruited represented a variety of Christian church denominations, such as
Baptist, Pentecostal, Catholic, and Methodist. Not restricting the sample in terms of church
denomination allowed for variance in the experiences of church leaders and any differences that
emerged as a result of church policy, resources, and procedures could be accounted for as
needed. While IPA studies are typically homogenous due to the phenomenon under
investigation, there is a lack of existing information on the experiences of church leaders
discussing substance misuse in Appalachia that would suggest limiting the sample to a specific
denomination. The sample size of 10 church leaders is an appropriate sample size for an IPA
study (Pietkiewiez & Smith, 2012). There are a few reasons for a smaller sample size when
utilizing an IPA approach (Shinebourne & Smith, 2009). First, the detailed examination via a
case-by-case analysis involves a depth of analysis and is time consuming. Second is the need for
a fairly homogeneous sample in this study, Christian denominations in Southeastern Appalachia.
The sample size should provide a sample homogeneous enough to elicit detailed experiences
around a shared phenomenon. The goal is for these experiences to reach data saturation, which
occurs when the experiences of the participants begins to reflect similar experiences and themes
across the data (Pietkiewiez & Smith, 2012).
Recruitment was purposeful; in part for the need for a homogeneous sample, and also
guided by existing research experiences when working in Appalachia (Shinebourne & Smith,
2009; Thomas et al., 2019). Research has indicated that the best form of recruitment occurs via
word of mouth and snowball sampling (Shinebourne & Smith, 2009; Thomas et al., 2019). To
start the recruitment process, I contacted various leaders in Appalachia to see if they could
forward the research flyer to any possible church leaders that would be willing to participate in
the research. These leaders included Appalachian Studies professors, healthcare providers in
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Appalachia, and members of the Appalachian Studies Association. This resulted in the
recruitment of the majority of participants. The participants contacted me via email expressing
interest in participating in the study. Once a few church leaders agreed to interview, the
interviews were scheduled. At the end of the interview, participants were asked if they knew of
other church leaders whom they thought would be willing to participate in the study. These
methods of recruitment yielded the target sample size. Once data saturation was reached, I halted
recruitment. Data saturation was considered obtained once no new themes were discussed by
participants.
Data Collection. Initial contact with the participants occurred via email. The email
exchanged between the participant and me (see Appendix A) included information about the
study and the informed consent. After the participant reviewed the information provided and
agreed to participate, scheduled an interview.
The collection of data included interviews conducted via the phone. This method was
preferred by the ability to audio-record and to facilitate participation for individuals unable to
meet in person. I used an audio recorder during each phone interview. The interviews lasted
between 35- 60 minutes. The interviews that included participants 5-10 were shorter than the
beginning interviews (average length was 35 minutes) due to saturation of the. Church leaders
were able to participate in the interview in a setting that they felt most comfortable. I followed a
semi-structured interview guide (see Appendix D) but allowed for a natural flow of conversation
between the participant and I to ensure that the participant felt comfortable sharing their
experiences.
Reflective journal. I kept a reflective journal that included field notes throughout the
data collection and analysis process. The journal provided me with a space to reflect on my
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experience of emerging myself into the research and working to gain a deeper understanding of
the lived experiences of the church leaders. The use of a reflective journal adds rigor to
qualitative research through the process of recording my reactions, assumptions, biases, and
expectations about the research process (Rossman & Rallis, 2012). For example, I wrote down
my initial reactions at the end of each interview. These reactions included a sentence or simply a
word. For example, I have reflected that I wrote the word “stigma” after each interview. This
represented my feeling of the impact that stigma had on the church leaders and their work with
substance misuse.
Data storing. Data was kept in my secure office. All interviews were audio recorded, and
the audio files were stored on an encrypted external hard drive. Each interview was transcribed,
allowing thorough emersion into the data. During transcription, I kept notes through the
reflective journal.
Each transcription was located in a folder and each transcription was labeled in a way
that does not connect the transcript with the participant, for example “transcription 1.” A list of
participants and the label on their transcript was kept separate from the transcribed files,
increasing confidentiality. Additionally, per IRB guidance, consent forms were kept separately.
Thus, there are four separate electronic folders throughout the research process. The first folder
held the consent form. The second folder will hold the transcribed interviews which included
participant demographics. The third folder held the document that connects the transcribed
interview with the participant, and the fourth folder held the reflective journals that occurred
throughout the data and analysis process. All folders were kept in a secure location.
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Analysis
The analysis process followed the guidance of Smith, Flowers, and Larkin (2009). I
analyzed the data by first transcribing and reviewing each interview. Transcription aided the next
level of coding and this process included the transcriber diving into the data and fully emerging
themselves into the interviews. Next, initial exploratory coding was used to identify meanings
and use of language conducted in three discrete coding processes: (a) descriptive, (b) linguistic,
and (c) conceptual. Descriptive comments focused on describing the content of what the
participant said, linguistic comments focused on exploring the specific use of language by the
participant, and conceptual comments focused on engaging at a more curious and theoretical
level. Following initial coding, I looked for emerging themes and categorized them into
dominant and subdominant themes. An emergent theme was considered a dominant theme only
if more than half of the participants provide a quote regarding the theme. An emergent theme
was considered a sub-dominant theme if there are more than two quotes, but less than half of the
participants providing a quote regarding the theme. For an example of how emergent themes
were formed, see Table 2.
Once themes were identified, the analysis procedures of abstraction, subsumption, and
polarization were used to finalize the themes and capture the essence of the experience of church
leaders discussing substance misuse with their community members in rural Appalachia.
Abstraction was used to identify any patterns between emergent themes. This involved
connecting pieces that are found within themes and developing a new understanding for the
cluster, known as super-ordinate (Smith et al., 2009). For example, a group of emergent themes
around the impact of substance misuse in Appalachia: “people are afraid of strangers due to the
impact of substance in the community”, “meth has changed everything ”, and “systemic impacts”
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will be grouped together under the new theme “community impact.” Subsumption may also be
used if an emergent theme itself requires status of super-ordinate (Smith et al., 2009). For
example, “lack of community resources” became a super-ordinate theme that would bring
together closely related themes similar to “no therapist to refer to”, “providing substance misuse
counseling more than the church leader feels comfortable doing”, and “feeling overwhelmed
with discussing substance misuse with high numbers of community members.” Lastly,
polarization was used to examine transcripts for opposing relationships between emergent
themes by focusing on differences rather than similarities (Smith et al., 2009). For example, a
theme that was unique to only two participants included the understanding that the church may
not trust therapists who not have similar religious beliefs as the church leader. While this theme
is important to understand, it was not a theme expressed by all participants and it opposed other
participants’ understanding of therapy. Specifically, other participants conveyed that there did
not need to be a similar religious background between therapist, church leader, and community
members for therapy to be effective. These participants seemed to have an understanding that
therapists are trained to not use their personal, religious beliefs as therapeutic tools. For an
example of polarization, see Table 3.
Trustworthiness and Rigor
An essential piece of qualitative research is the use of trustworthiness and rigor (Barbour,
2001). Yardley (2000) presented four broad principles that offered a variety of ways to establish
a thorough qualitative study. These principles can be applied to multiple qualitative research
methodologies, and each principle has been implemented throughout this research design. The
four principles are sensitivity to context, commitment to rigor, transparency, and coherence, and
impact and importance.
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The first principle, sensitivity to context, was executed throughout the study. It began in
the structuring of the interview session, and this structure included time for me to join and build
rapport with the participants. This was done through what I refer to as "front-porch" talk, and it
included conversations that introduce me to the participant. During the interview, sensitivity to
context was shown through the appreciation of the experiences that the participant shared
through empathy and creating a relaxed interview experience. Lastly, sensitivity to context was
demonstrated through the findings and the discussion of the findings. This was done with the
goal of ensuring that the findings and discussion do not increase any stigma on Appalachia,
particularly from a reader who does not identify as Appalachian.
The use of reflexivity throughout the research process was essential to ensure trustworthy
and rigor. Reflexivity serves as a means for monitoring a researcher’s own subjectivity
throughout the research process (Daly, 2007). Specifically, my own social position as an
Appalachian community member may impact the degree to which aspects of my own identity are
included in the final products of the proposed research project. My identity had the potential to
create bias and shape how I interpret the data. For instance, it may influence the analysis process
and generate themes that may represent my own experiences rather than the experiences of the
participants.
To ensure that my own experiences did not impact the results of the proposed study, I
implemented a number of strategies. First, the use of a reflective journal provided me with the
ability to track my own experiences and themes that manifested from data collection. It became a
tool that could be referenced if I felt as though my own identity was impacting the proposed
study. Another measure included the honesty of my identity as both an “insider” and “outsider”
to the culture. This required me to fully reflect on my own Appalachian identity and to track the
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occasions where my identity created vulnerability, power, awkwardness, affirmation, conflict, or
an experience of clear self-awareness (Daly, 2007). Again, this honesty was present in the
reflective journals kept throughout the data process. Reflexivity was demonstrated with me
disclosing my Appalachian identity to participants. I did this to increase trustworthiness and it
helped to facilitate a welcoming environment for the participants when they became aware of my
personal ties to Appalachia.
The second principle, commitment and rigor, is demonstrated through the methodology
and methods of this study. The thoroughness of the study defines rigor, the appropriateness of
the sample used, the quality of the interview, and the completion of the analysis (Smith et al.,
2009; Yardley, 2000). Interviews were thorough and reflected a personal commitment to the
comfort and safety of the participants. Lastly, the data analysis was conducted in a systematic
manner that works to inform the reader of the importance of the participant's lived experiences.
The third principle, transparency and coherence, was evidenced in this description of the
research methods by documenting how participants were selected, how the interview was
planned to be structured and conducted, and the steps that were used in the analysis. To ensure
coherence, I read the drafts and write-up carefully and intentionally attempted to review the
write-up as an outsider to the Appalachian region (Smith et al., 2009). To create coherence, the
use of reflective journals created an opportunity for the me to separate from the experiences of
the church leaders. I drafted the write-up multiple times, with feedback from my advisor, who
was less connected to the data, to allow for the analysis to become more coherent, and the goal is
that the final write-up represented the process of IPA (Smith et al., 2009; Yardley, 2000).
The final principle of impact and importance was evident in the final write-up of the
qualitative research. The goal is that by following the above principles (Yardley, 2000), the
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research creates a valuable contribution to the literature and benefits the Appalachian population
through the understanding of the experiences of church leaders discussing substance misuse
within their communities.
Ethical Considerations
All of the participants were treated under the ethical guidelines of the Virginia Tech
Institutional Review Boards (IRB). There is minimal risk associated with this study. This was an
exploratory study that attempted to understand the experiences of the participants. All efforts to
maintain confidentiality were made. All data collection procedures focused on exploring the
research questions.
I maintained participant confidentiality. All data (informed consent, contact information,
interviewer notes, audio files, and transcripts) was collected and stored in a secure setting (my
locked office). Data remained in the same secure setting in which it is collected. Additionally,
the interview protocol included limited request of sensitive, personal information about the
participants. An example of sensitive information that was asked includes questions that focus on
the participant’s personal history with substance misuse. All questions asked were delivered in a
way that was safe, and the participants were given the option to not answer any questions that
they were not comfortable with answering.
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Chapter 4: Results
The purpose of this study was to understand the experiences of church leaders when
working with community members impacted by substance misuse. The results presented in this
chapter are organized in a way that represented the systemic impact that substance misuse has on
Appalachian communities and the church leaders working in the region.
Participant Demographics
The demographics for the participants (n = 10) was diverse in experience, denomination,
and Appalachian identity. The length of time practicing as a church leader ranged from 5 – 40
years, with the average length of time of 19.6 years. All participants identified as Caucasian.
Three of the participants identified as women and seven identified as men. The denominations
represented by the church leaders included Baptist (n = 2), Methodist (n = 2), Presbyterian (n =
1), Episcopal (n = 1), Pentecostal (n = 1), Mormon (n = 1), Catholic (n = 1), and
nondenominational (n = 1). All participants practiced in southcentral Appalachia. Half of the
participants (n = 5) reported the Appalachian identity as extremely important to them personally
and professionally. For more demographic information, see Table 1.
Interview Process
Interviews were conducted over the phone. The average length of each interview was 45
minutes. The church leaders were eager to participate in the interview, and the questions flowed
at a natural pace and represented that of conversational dialogue. I would consistently ask for
clarifying information and would occasionally ask the participant to provide insight into a theme
that a previous participant discussed. For example, the first participant interview addressed the
need for more community engagement from church leaders. In the interviews that followed,
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participants were asked to describe how they participate in community engagement and how they
believe the church should do so.
Results
Four themes were representative across participant interviews:
• The use of stories to describe their experiences working in their communities with
substance misuse
• The stigma associated with substance misuse
• The community impact that substance misuse has on Appalachia
• A lack of understanding and the need for training on substance misuse for church
leaders and healthcare practitioners
In this chapter, each theme will be further broken down and discussed in detail. Quotes will be
presented to represent the church leaders’ experiences and capture the essence of how they work
with their community members impacted by substance misuse.
Stories. An overarching theme that emerged across participant interviews included the
way church leaders would use stories or narrative accounts to describe how they interacted with
their members of their church community around substance misuse. The narratives could include
a story of someone in the community that was impacted by substance misuse or to describe their
personal and professional experiences with how substance misuse comes up in their work. These
stories provide powerful examples of how the church leaders were affected by substance misuse.
There are three avenues in which substance use is brought up to me. The first is when the
family or individual is in crisis and they are in the hospital. The second is when an
individual comes to me and talks about their relative’s substance use. The last is when
people turn to the church for help. This happens when they realize that substance use is a
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dependency that can’t always be overcome by itself. Sometimes the sermons on Sunday
may cause someone to come to the church to discuss their substance use. This probably
happens about twenty-percent of the time.
This participant described how they learned about the impact of substance misuse on their
community:
Within the main body of my church, there has not been very much substance misuse with
the immediate church members. There was one family who had a son who hurt their
back, became addicted, and then ended up back home. It ruined his marriage, career, etc.
My dad is also a pastor. He doesn’t talk about substance use. My mom works in a
retirement community and she has discussed medication abuse. I do remember my
parents talking about a doctor who lost his license because he became addicted to
prescription drugs.
Another church leader shared a powerful story of how an important family in their church
was impacted by substance misuse and that the community noticed the compassionate response
of the church leader:
Each church has a matriarch and a patriarch. The matriarch had a nephew with movie star
good looks. They had been in the church for at least 30 years. His picture from his high
school days showed that he could have been on the big screen. After two years of being at
the church as a pastor, I was asked to meet him in the hospital. When I saw his body, he
looked 70 years old before he was barely 40. He was hugely impacted by meth. I buried
him a few months after I met him. I was asked to do that, and I assume it was because I
was the only pastor that had a college degree in the area, and I did not follow the standard
objectives of a funeral. When I would lead funerals, my objectives at the funeral included
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these in this specific order: comfort the family, honor the dead, share the gospel.
Typically, in Appalachia, sharing the gospel tends to be the first thing that happens at a
funeral. This usually means the preacher would say something similar to ‘Don’t end up
like this guy.’ I wouldn’t do that. People noticed that, and they wanted me to bury their
family members.
Participant’s also shared stories of how they discussed the problem of substance misuse
with other local leaders in their denomination:
One of our clergy members said, ‘If people would find Jesus and be saved, then things
would turn around.’ Most of us are saying it’s a little more difficult than that. We know
there is a spiritual component to recovery, but it takes more. It’s a brain and body disease.
You can’t pray away your chronic disease. Other members said they didn’t have that
problem, and we asked him to ask his church community. He did, and he reported that
half the congregation has been impacted by substance use. I’m not sure if its stigma, not
knowing, or not being aware.
As you will see through the participant voices throughout the results, recognition of the impact of
stigma is a salient theme of the church leaders’ experiences with substance misuse in their
communities. Several of the church leaders were making efforts lower the stigma of substance
misuse within their church communities by simply discussing it.
Church leaders also described how stigma around substance misuse is shaped in some
ways by the particular drug:
In our church, opioids don’t have the illegal stigma that other drugs do. People have their
guard down because the drugs are prescribed by their doctors and then they become
addicted. We see a lot of that in our church community and it is hard to convince a person
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that a legal drug can become addictive. Then it transitions to a bigger problem with the
use of illegal drugs once their prescription runs out or they share their opioids with family
members who may become hurt. That is an issue in our community too. Since prescribed
opioids are legal, people are more likely to share with others.
While the above descriptions are a snapshot of how church leaders used stories and narrative
descriptions to are also used throughout the following three themes.
Stigma. All participants, directly and indirectly, discussed the understanding of stigma
connected to substance misuse. “Lepers” was a term used to describe community members
impacted by substance misuse. In the bible, this term represents someone who is impacted by sin.
One participant stated,
Someone asked me my thoughts on substance misuse, and I compared it to modern-day
leprosy. People were afraid of it. They didn't understand it. Jesus walked right in the
middle of it. Thousands of people are dying, but people are ignoring it. I think we are
called to act on this topic.
Additionally, another participant made the statement,
We basically turned our backs on the gay community when HIV hit. We treated them like
a bunch of lepers. Jesus loves everyone. You have to come to him still, but he expects us
to love everyone. We didn’t do a good job there. We can’t make that same mistake with
people impacted by substance misuse.
This powerful quote occurred with one of the first three interviews. This allowed the me to share
this quote in subsequent interviews and allow for the participants to reflect on it. All participants
agreed that the quote reflected the stigma that church leaders, community leaders, healthcare
providers, and community members may have of those impacted by substance misuse. For
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example, one participant stated, “Always air on the side of compassion. If you turned your back
on sinners, then you wouldn't help any, and we wouldn't get help ourselves."
Stigma impacted how church leaders learned of people who were impacted by substance
misuse. The majority of the participants stated that community members who were impacted by
substances did not come to talk to them directly. As one participant stated,
I usually hear about someone who is impacted by substances second hand. A parent
comes to me to discuss their child. Unfortunately, I may only learn about a church
member’s substance misuse when I visit them in the emergency room or when I am
called to prepare the eulogy.
Additionally, another participant made the statement, “They don’t start the conversation about
substance misuse, but then it might lead to it.” Another participant described how they noticed a
difference in how often church members would discuss substance misuse with them once they
became senior pastor,
Not so much as a senior pastor. That has been the change from a youth pastor to a senior
pastor. Young people have a more openness to talk about their brokenness, but not as
adults.
This understanding that church members were not comfortable directly discussing their
substance misuse seemed to be understood and acknowledged by all participants.
Each church leader involved in the study discussed how each of them have worked to
overcome their own feelings of stigma associated with substance misuse. Several participants
discussed working through their stigma related to their personal or familial experiences with
substance misuse. One participant stated, “I grew up with a father addicted to opioids. I
understand what it is like to be in that environment. I use this experience to gain a deeper
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understanding of what my church members are going through.” Another participant stated that
their understanding came from their sibling,
It is a huge problem in the church and my family. I deal with it in the church and then
also my brother. Time after time, I have dealt with people and tried to help them with
their addiction issues.
Additionally, many participants utilized substance misuse training to help them overcome their
stigma of substance misuse. Half of the participants had a background in mental health, and this
training has allowed them to work toward understanding the stigma that is associated with
substance misuse. For example,
I did an internship for my master's back in 2006 with a treatment center, and ever since
that time, I have been very interested in substance misuse. I have continued to worry
about it. I have encouraged my church to open up to recovery groups.
Another participant reflected, “Most helpful for me has been learning about the neurobiology of
addiction. For the community, it has been talking about substance misuse like you would any
other healthcare problem, such as diabetes.” Several participants understood how beneficial
trainings on substance misuse were for their own feelings of stigma and believed it would be
helpful for other church leaders and community members. Additionally, participants discussed
how they utilize their own experiences with mental health concerns to lower stigma,
I have my own anxiety and OCD, and once a month I will admit to my church about my
mental health, and this really connects with my church members. I let them know that
there are more people out there struggling with mental health.
Church leaders conveyed a clear understanding of the impact stigma surrounding
substance misuse had on their communities. One participant stated,
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Honestly, the thing that I have seen that is the biggest help is lowering the stigma is being
honest about it and talking about our own mental health problems. Once I see people be
open with others about their mental health and substance misuse, then others seek the
help that they need. It is a good start for the church to discuss it as not being a weakness,
and we need to talk about it.
This example provides insight into how impactful substance misuse has been at the community
level in Appalachia. It shows how powerful it can be for church leaders to lower the stigma by
merely being more honest about the impact that substance misuse has on themselves and their
community. This theme of community was discussed more throughout each interview.
Community impact. Throughout the interviews, the understanding of how much the
community is impacted by substance misuse was evident. One participant shared their perception
of the macrosystemic influences of substance misuse in the Appalachian community:
We work in the coal fields a lot. I think that because coal has shut down and people are
now in poverty that a lot of people are leaving these areas. The people that stay are
impacted by depression and they turn to drugs to lower the pain. In my opinion, if the
economy was better than that would lower the impact of substance use.
Another participant reflected on how the use of substances in the community is connected
to the need for financial resources, "It's not that they want to do drugs, it's that their friend sells
drugs and they know that their friend needs the money." It was common for participants to
understand the systemic impact that the introduction of certain drugs had on their community,
“Meth changed everything about 15 years ago. It made drugs so affordable. People couldn’t
afford cocaine. Now people are making it [meth] at home.” This statement highlights how the
introduction of meth into the community caused a tremendous shift in the community’s system.
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Further, one of the participants reflected on the financial impact of substance misuse on their
local Appalachian community:
[Town of participant} is such a fascinating place. I was surprised that it was part of
Appalachia, but then I wasn’t surprised due to the high level of poverty. The town has
five payday loan places. The community couldn’t keep Applebee’s in business, but we
can keep those five loan places busy. I think that speaks to the drug population.
Lastly, another participant described the cultural shift in the community that occurred,
The biggest issue and how it influences my work are that the breakdown in the
community that it creates, specifically the fear that someone who is on drugs is going to
break into the church. It creates a heightened fear and strangers of mistrust. It destroys
the community. I remember growing up in Appalachia, and people were still friendly to
strangers, as long as they looked like you. The epidemic has caused this cultural
breakdown.
Participants seemed to understand the systemic impact of substance misuse within their
communities and how a systemic approach to a solution would be the best fit. For instance one of
the church leaders recognized, “We did okay treating symptoms, but the root causes are too
systemic.” Furthermore, they consistently described how a community approach to healing
would be the most significant method. One participant described this through the means of
biblical scripture, “A key verse to me: “I was with you.” – Paul. We have got to minister in such
a way that people know we love them.” This scripture was used to capture the need for church
members to open their churches to the families impacted by substances and to not run people out
of their congregation. Additionally, “hope” and “compassion” were wording that participants
frequently used to describe solutions to the high rates of substance misuse in their community.
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These words reflected participants’ recognition of the need for community care and church
leaders to exemplify hope and compassion rather than condemnation. One participant stated, “It
is important for the church to understand and create a community of care.” It was consistent for
participants to discuss the need to break away from discussions on how the church can “save”
community members and shift toward the church creating a community of care. This idea was
emphasized with the comment, “Truth is truth, love is love, kindness is kindness. You don’t have
to stretch too far to find commonality among people.”
One participant described how their church fell into an outreach program around
substance misuse:
We have a substance misuse ministry in our church. We accidently became involved in it,
and our church community has really embraced the ministry. It is our primary outreach
program. It accidentally started because we are Appalachian and have poverty, our
church is typically middle class. We started doing meals for free, and the people who
would primarily come were children and adolescents. We found out that these were kids
that had parents impacted by substance use. We knew we needed to do something after
this.
Creating a community of care included connecting mental health service providers and
other healthcare providers in the region, if available. Unfortunately, several participants
discussed a lack of medical providers in their local communities, and more specifically a medical
provider who was willing to work with community members impacted by substance misuse. For
example,
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I work with a doctor, and they are the only doctor who will deal with those addicted.
Other doctors throw away patients once they become addicted to their prescription
medicine. The doctor that I use was able to get trained on addiction medicine.
When the church leaders were asked about how they collaborated with healthcare
providers, it became evident that church leaders recognized the need for collaboration:
For the most part, the church is open to helping people with substance misuse, but they
are not prepared and equipped with the longevity that is required to help. The church isn't
obtaining the proper picture of what that type of commitment requires. Prayer isn't going
to provide a quick fix.
However, a few participants raised a concern that healthcare providers may not be a good fit for
the church leader's community members: “There is a huge gap between therapist reaching out
too. We are Christians, and we want a therapist who isn't going to change our church member's
beliefs and values.” While this concern was not shared by all participants, it is an important point
to discuss, as it has implications for education and training for healthcare providers and church
leaders to build positive collaborations to tackle substance misuse. At the same time, some
participants also reflected a concern about the lack of substance misuse training that mental
healthcare providers in their communities may have: “We have very few [providers], especially
therapists. Often, clients will say that the therapist doesn't understand addiction." This expresses
the need for more training provided overall, not just for church leaders in these communities.
Understanding and Training. Participants reflected about how underprepared the
church is to work with community members impacted by substance misuse. Statements included,
“The church doesn’t know how to handle relapse, and this creates stigma. The church doesn’t
understand the long-term commitment that is needed” and “there aren’t any best practices for
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substance misuse. Unless a church buys a halfway house. Some really bold things– but small
things, I haven’t been able to find much.” One participant discussed their lack of knowledge on
medicated treatment for substance misuse and how it can be helpful:
We want to normalize discussion around substance use. I’ve been working with this one
family for a few years. Their son is off and on suboxone and I’m interested in medicated
treatment. I don’t understand why they will be on suboxone for the rest of their life. I just
don’t have enough information.
These statements signify how church leaders can be overwhelmed with the impact that
substance misuse has on their community. Furthermore, it shows a gap that healthcare providers
can fill by merely reaching out to church leaders in rural communities to collaborate and provide
relief.
When asked if the participants believed that church leaders could benefit from training
that focused on substance misuse, they all stated yes. One participant shared,
The complexity in the world that we live in is overwhelming to the local church leader.
There is no way that the church leader can be an expert in anything. There is no way I'm
qualified to be an expert in substance misuse, but we are expected to be. It can be
overwhelming. We are doing the best we know to do. We could use some tools and
resources so that we could outsource some of these things.
Participants reflected on the differences in the resources and training that church leaders
had. Some church leaders recognized that their church denomination contained more resources.
For example, "Baptist churches and catholic churches tend to have more resources."
Additionally, the participant interviews illuminated some differences between how different
church organizations viewed substance misuse. For example, “Southern Baptist tends to be the
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most conservative of faith groups. We tend to frown on all substance misuse, and that
condescending attitude is not helpful. Drug addicts do not want to be drug addicts.” Another
participant stated, “Our church expects members to seek out substance misuse services. In our
bigger cities, we provide support groups for those dealing with addition. “Not only does this
suggest a difference in church denominations, but it also reflects a difference in resources
between urban and rural.
Alcoholics Anonymous and Celebrate Recovery. Each of the participants was familiar
with Alcoholics Anonymous (AA), and several participants were aware of Celebrate Recovery,
but seemed to have a more limited understanding of the latter program. Overall, the church
leaders shared that the community aspect of AA was the best support that a community member
impacted by substance misuse could receive during their recovery path. One participant stated,
The best benefit of support groups is that people begin to socialize again. They begin to
relate and find connections. The only relationship they had before was with the drug and
they became lost. Alcoholics Anonymous allows for them to re-enter society. Eventually,
you can see the social relationships begin to grow. Texting is a good way to hide, so I
don’t allow for them to hide. Cell phones allow for people to hide more and socially
isolate themselves. We had one woman who has grown so much socially and it’s such a
beautiful thing to see. They begin to recover.
Another church leader spoke about the use of a higher power in AA and how it can be
beneficial, but that the program still lacked other vital aspects of recovery,
My experience with Alcoholics Anonymous has mostly occurred through the local drug
court in my county. I have a number of individuals involved with the drug court and have
had general conversations about Alcoholics Anonymous, but I do not have any direct
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involvement. The higher power part seems to be beneficial, but the long-term recovery
seems to be missing. Having someone in your corner provides the best support.
Substance use is the caving to the will of a desire. What I have found is that most addicts
tend to have obsessive personality and they need a structured regiment. The 12-step
programs provide that structure.
The data gathered on how church leaders discussed their awareness of and potential impact of
these two programs demonstrations the need for more research and understanding centered on
the benefits of these programs for their communities.
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Chapter 5: Discussion
The results of this study are discussed in detail throughout this chapter. It includes a
discussion on the findings of the study and the connection with existing literature through the
lens of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory (1979, 2005). Additionally, this chapter
includes a discussion of the implications for clinical practice, recommendations for further
research, and a discussion of the limitations of the study.
Theory
The results of the study will be discussed through the lens of ecological systems theory
by Bronfenbrenner (1979, 2005), the theoretical framework that informed this study.
Specifically, each level can be connected to the experiences and narratives of the church leaders.
Furthermore, the influence of stigma will be centered throughout the discussion as it was
reflected in all of the church leaders experiences. Table 4 further illustrates how the concept of
stigma is influenced by each level of the system.
The narratives shared by the church leaders provided a rich understanding of their
experiences with substance misuse in their church communities. These narratives exemplified the
systemic impact of substance misuse in rural Appalachia and how community leaders are part of
the experience. The researcher could hear the passion in the voice of each participant as they
shared stories about their community and its members. Through the use of stories, it was evident
that substance misuse has infiltrated the church system and the church leaders are working to
find solutions, even if it was not part of their mission at the start of their career. Below, the
narratives and themes shared in the results will be woven throughout a discussion that is
influenced by Ecological Systems Theory.
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Microsystem. A microsystem is the smallest unit that takes into account the role that
relationships have on the individual, the family, and the system (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). The
microsystem views the impact that family, community, and the church have on the individual
and the impact that stigma has on the individual, family, community, and the church. The
influence of stigma was a salient theme across the stories and narratives shared by the church
leaders. This included both the stigma of substance misuse and the stigma of mental health
services. A common way this manifested was how community members would not directly
discuss their own substance misuse with church leaders, but instead would prefer to discuss the
substance misuse second-hand, such as how substances impact others. These narratives
exemplified the impact that substance misuse has on individuals, families, and the community.
The participants discussed how substance misuse was condemned within the families of
their community. The condemnation from family and community influences the stigma of
substance misuse because it creates a negative understanding of substance misuse and how it
impacts individuals. The feedback that individuals impacted by substance misuse receive from
others can further isolate them from family and their community and potentially contributes to
negative interactions within their microsystem. Similarly, church leaders recognized how they
may potentially further stigma of substance misuse through their ministry, such as their sermons
that have focused on prayer rather than seeking out mental health services.
Church leaders described how they learned of members in their community who were
impacted by substance misuse. While these narratives were not typically shared to the
participants by the person who was using substances their stories described how they began to
see the impact of substance misuse in their communities. While this high prevalence of substance
misuse is evidenced in previous studies (e.g. Hirchak et al., 2017; Moody et al., 2017), this study
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provides a unique insight into how church leaders are hearing about substance misuse affecting
their congregants. The narratives shared throughout the interview process were impactful and
provided examples of the experiences of church leaders. These stories are not represented in
current research that focuses on substance misuse in Appalachia. The addition of these stories to
the narratives of substance misuse in Appalachia could help to lower the stigma of substance
misuse through the normalization of the epidemic.
The role of community was a salient context discussed by participants. Church leaders in
this study understood that multiple microsystems were impacted by substance misuse, that it was
not just an individual problem. One of the major implications of the findings of this study
suggests that church leaders are aware of substance misuse as a community level problem, are
willing to intervene, but do not feel adequately equipped to do so. In order to intervene to lower
the impact of substance misuse at the community level, church leaders could be a valuable
community partner with healthcare providers to provide support and combat stigma.
Mesosystem. The mesosystemic level understands how different microsystems interact
around substance misuse (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). This study has implications that are
particularly relevant for mesosystem interactions. For example, if a church leader is increasing
the stigma of substance misuse through their sermons (the church community is a microsystem),
then it may impact the church members and their family (the family unit is a microsystem)
understanding of substance misuse and willingness to seek treatment. Similarly, church leaders
described the lack of training they had on substance misuse. This lack of training that focuses on
substance misuse received by church leaders impacts the congregants and communities they
work with once they are leaders in their church community. Exploring the findings at the
mesosystemic level can also provide an understanding of why church leaders were not told
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directly about personal substance misuse issues of community members, but rather told by a
person once or twice removed from the individual impacted by substances. The messages that
the church system provides to the individual system creates a stigma around substance misuse,
and this inhibits a community member’s willingness to discuss their personal substance misuse
with church leaders.
The role of stigma, as reflected by the church leaders in this study, emphasizes the
importance for healthcare providers to work with church leaders to lower the impact that stigma
has on their communities in Appalachia via a systemic level. For example, participants
frequently requested suggestions from the researcher on how to lower stigma associated with
substance misuse. Healthcare providers could provide trainings that targets ways that church
leaders could craft sermons that focus on lowering the stigma of substance misuse. Additionally,
stigma was discussed as a barrier to accessing healthcare treatment in Appalachia.
Appalachia has many healthcare barriers, and this study is unique in that the participants
understood stigma as a barrier for substance misuse treatment (Browne et al., 2016). Not only did
barriers to healthcare services impact community members, but it also impacted the resources
and training available for the church leaders. All of the church leaders were particularly
interested in receiving additional treatment on substance misuse, mental health, and the opioid
epidemic. Many discussed how they have tried to access training but were not able to find
sufficient trainings that provided the information that they required. The lack of training and a
desire for additional training follows closely with previous literature (Hall & Gjesfjed, 2013;
Sullivan et al., 2014).
Unfortunately, many church leaders discussed how they were not trained on substance
misuse during their training to become a church leader. If they have had any training on
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substance misuse, it was typically sought on their own or through their experiences with working
with community members. Healthcare providers should work with church leaders to provide
trainings that focus on substance misuse. Additionally, it is important for all parties involved in
Appalachian communities to come together to learn and understand how substance misuse
impacts individuals, families, and communities. Participants discussed how they believed that
even healthcare providers had stigma connected with substance misuse.
Results indicated that the unique resources in the church leader’s community, the
church’s denomination, and the background of the participant impacted their ability and
willingness to connect with mental health service providers. More specifically, it was not as
common for church leaders to discuss having a direct contact with a local therapist. Most would
have to connect with therapists in towns nearby. For example, a few church leaders have
connected with therapists that live over 90 miles from their town, which is consistent with the
lack of services documented in the literature (Hendryx, 2008).
There are a number of potential entry points in the mesosystem to reduce substance
misuse in Appalachia suggested by the findings of this study. For instance, trainings that
encourage church leaders to lead sermons that discuss substance misuse in a manner that is not
stigmatizing could be created and implemented. Using biblical scripture to describe how
community members could reach out and provide support to those impacted by substances would
work to normalize the impact that substance misuse has on all community members. Healthcare
providers could support church leaders in this task by guest lecturing at their local churches. By
connecting with church leaders, the healthcare providers could work to create trainings that
would increase the knowledge that church leaders in Appalachia have about substance misuse.
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These training could potentially provide relief to church leaders who may feel overwhelmed and
underprepared to discuss substance misuse with their community members.
Exosystem. Regarding the exosystem, which includes the interaction of systems that
impact the individual that the individual is not part of (Bronfenbrenner, 1979), the findings
relevant to this specific system include the lack of training and understanding that church leaders
have on substance misuse. As discussed in the findings, most church leaders do not have much
training connected to substance misuse. Those who do include church leaders who were also
trained as a mental health provider, but even those participants reported feeling overwhelmed by
the current state of substance misuse in their communities. The lack of support that church
leaders have in feeling competent to assist their congregants who are impacted by substance
misuse is crucial for mental healthcare providers to understand. Understanding the need for
collaboration between church leaders and healthcare providers is fundamental because this is not
currently discussed in training program (Hall & Gjesfjed, 2013). If this is changed at the
exosystem through updating training program curriculums, then church leaders could potentially
feel some relief regarding the systemic issues impacting their communities. Training programs
could include discussions of the impact of substance misuse in Appalachia and how mental
health service providers could connect with community stakeholders, such as church leaders.
Updating training program curriculums for healthcare providers is vital to shifting the exosystem
towards a more systemic understanding of substance misuse and a more positive understanding
of how to lower the impact of substance misuse.
The background of the church leader influenced their willingness to connect with mental
health service providers. Some church leaders had a mental health background themselves. Their
prior training in mental health increased their willingness to seek help from mental health service
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providers. Additionally, the church leaders who had family or close friends that were impacted
by substances were more willing to seek out services in their community and to share these
resources with their community members. Further understanding the background and training of
church leaders in Appalachia could influence the creation of additional substance misuse
training.
There is a lack of understanding on how substance misuse systemically impacts families
and communities (Brakenhoff and Slesnick, 2015). The findings of this study suggest that church
leaders in Appalachia were willing to serve as an important resource to combat substance misuse
in their communities. However, the participants in this study did not have specific answers when
asked what they view as a possible solution to the current issues in Appalachia. The participants
would constantly redirect the question back to me. I could sense a feeling of hopelessness
regarding possible solutions for the epidemic and that the church leaders I interviewed were open
to suggestions for addressing the issue. This sense of being overwhelmed by the impact of
substance misuse on their communities is shared by others in the community and is reflected in
the current discourse centered around the opioid epidemic (Hirchak et al., 2017).
Despite not knowing what should specifically be done to intervene in substance misuse in
Appalachia almost all participants believed that lowering the stigma would help provide hope
and positive change. They also reflected that more healthcare services available and education
around substance misuse would work to create a solution. Utilizing trainings to help lower the
stigma of substance misuse could be a beneficial solution for Appalachian communities
(Pescosolido et al., 2008; Rao et al., 2019).
The lack of training that church leaders described an important finding for the
implications of this study. Currently, there is no research on how mental health providers are
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trained to connect and work with church leaders in their community (Smith et al., 2018). The
results of this study suggest that this should be addressed. Some solutions include training
programs for mental health and healthcare providers to describe how the church can be a
community resource and providing training for their students that provides an understanding of
how to best work alongside church leaders. Specifically focusing on the need for service
providers in Appalachia to understand the role of church leaders as a potential resource to lower
the impact of substance misuse. While it is likely that not all mental health providers have a
positive relationship with the church, this study provides a deeper understanding to the need for
collaboration between church leaders and service providers. Furthermore, this study provides
evidence that that church leaders are willing to collaborate. They are willing to receive help,
support, and to work collaboratively with mental healthcare providers to help overcome the
epidemic that is ravaging Appalachia.
Additionally, the exosystem reflects the concern of the scarcity of mental health service
providers in Appalachia (Hendryx, 2008; Thomas et al., 2019). It is evident through the findings
of this study of the need to increase training and recruitment of mental health service providers in
Appalachia.
Macrosystem. The culture that impacts the individual is considered to be the
macrosystem (Bronfenbrenner, 1979), and the location of living in the mountains, the history of
generational poverty, and the resiliency of the people (Keefe, 2005; Williams, 2002) are
important aspects of the Appalachian culture. These aspects were discussed in the narratives of
the participants and it was evident that these cultural factors are impacting the church leaders and
their work to lower the impact substance misuse.
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Stigma can be directly connected to the culture of Appalachia and the resources available
in the region. As a whole, Appalachian residents tend to have a higher stigma of mental health
and seeking healthcare services (Thomas et al., 2019). Participants were well aware of the
Appalachian culture and discussed how the it impacted their community members stigma of
substance misuse. The findings of this study found that there were many cultural factors that
impacted stigma associated with substance misuse. These factors included limited healthcare
resources found in the region, limited trainings that focus on substance misuse for church
leaders, messages from the community that participants should “pray away” the impact of
substance misuse rather than obtain healthcare services, and stigma that church leaders may have
regarding substance misuse. Each of these factors affect the unique culture in Appalachia and
reflect a need for a systemic approach to substance misuse treatment. Understanding how stigma
has permeated the macrosystem suggests that in order to effectively lower the impact of
substance misuse we must address stigma at the macro level. Participant voices suggested the
need for the creation of a community of care and believed that this could be one positive solution
at lowering the impact of stigma and substance misuse in Appalachia.
How to create a community of care is important for the implications of this study. The
lack of hope that can be found in community members and the negative stereotypes that plague
the cultural identity of Appalachia (Smith, 2004; Thomas et al., 2019) were reflected in the
themes found in the narratives of the church leaders. When thinking about a community of care
model that already exists, Trauma Informed Care (TIC) is one such opportunity. Trauma
informed care is an approach to the delivery of care that transcends therapeutic models and
permeates every facet of care delivery from staff, to therapeutic models, to the environment of
care (SAMHSA, 2014). It is a way of being, responding, interacting, and approaching others that
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honors the complex experiences of trauma and avoids re-traumatization. It is a stance that
challenges pathologizing, deficit-based language, treatment, and environments and instead
promotes growth, hope, understanding, empowerment, safety, and healing. This evidenced-based
model could provide support and training to better prepare church leaders and mental healthcare
providers to produce work that lowers the impact of substance misuse. Additionally, working to
produce research on Appalachia that follows the guiding principles of TIC would help to lower
any negative stigma that the research may connect with Appalachia.
The culture and training of each church denomination can be connected to the
macrosystem. The denomination of the church that the leader represented seemed to have its own
culture, and this culture would impact the process that the church leader would take to connect
with other services, as well as the degree to which the denomination had its own resources to
assist its congregants. Some denominations were more open than others towards utilizing mental
health service providers in their work. Participants explained that some of the church’s larger
organizations had more resources, such as ministries that focused on substance misuse, to
facilitate such connections. For example, the Mormon faith had an expectation of its members to
seek healthcare services, including for mental health. One participant explained that larger cities
actually had their own services that members could access. The participant added that this
expectation was more difficult to uphold in rural Appalachia. As mentioned in the results, it is
important to note that some church leaders were skeptical of mental health service providers. As
McMinn and colleagues (2005) reported as well, participants in this study shared the concern
that the provider may not have values that align well with the faith community. This concern
generates the need for service providers to understand the importance of connecting with church
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leaders. This step in their clinical practice would allow for mental health service providers to
address any concerns church leaders may have regarding their services.
The church leaders experiences addressing substance misuse were influenced in both
implicit and explicit ways by the denomination they were affiliated with. In an effort to further
contextualize the participant’s contexts, I created a table (see Table 5) that shows a direct
statement from each church on their stance with substance misuse. All church denominations had
a strong stance against substance misuse on their national websites. Each church fully
condemned the use of drugs and alcohol. Additionally, the Mormon church frowns upon
drinking any substance with caffeine in it (coffee or tea). Uniquely, the catholic church has a
national rehab website with an available 24/7 hotline for anyone who would like to seek help. A
rehab center specifically funded by the Catholic church is resources that is unique to the
denomination. Understanding how the larger church system influences how church leaders
address substance misuse in their communities is an important area for future research.
Chronosystem. The chronosystem includes the idea of time and change
(Bronfenbrenner, 2005). Four major shifts in the recent history of Appalachia may provide an
understanding of the barriers and culture of Appalachia; the decline of tobacco farming, the
introduction of NAFTE, the decline in coal mining and the introduction of opioids (Keefe, 2005;
Williams, 2002). Hopelessness about the introduction of substance misuse in Appalachian
communities was often mentioned by the participants through the eyes of community member’s
experiences. Participants openly discussed the burden that hopelessness played on their
communities and the understanding that the church leaders were working to build hope amid the
sense of loss of loss of many who are impacted by substances (Hirchak & Murphy, 2017).
Interestingly, the participants did not seem hopeless or helpless themselves. While they were not
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able to fully respond to the question, “What do you see as a possible solution to the substance
misuse epidemic,” the church leaders shared narratives that reflected how they would try to
create a sense of hope within their community. Furthermore, scripture was used to convey this
sense of hope and understanding. Appropriately, substance misuse research shows that people
who have a sense of hopelessness may rely on substances to help lower the burden they may feel
(Broffman, et al., 2017). This study suggests that a sense of hopelessness is an important factor
to understand in communities impacted by substance misuse. Future research should explore in
more depth how hopelessness permeates communities and shapes both the stigma and response
to substance misuse in Appalachia.
Understanding how major events in the history of Appalachia have impacted community
members and their substance misuse is unique to this study and can provide guidance for future
research and inform the creation of interventions that assist church leaders who work with
community members to lower substance misuse. For instance, participants discussed how
opioids are a unique drug because they are considered legal. Opioid use was not accompanied
with the same level of stigma as illicit drugs.
Future Directions and Limitations
The findings of this study suggest that future directions should include implementing
evidenced-based programs and training in Appalachia for church leaders that focuses on a basic
understanding of substance misuse and how it can impact individuals and their families. For
example, training church leaders on how to implement Screening Brief Intervention Referral to
Treatment could be a simple program to pilot and track the effectiveness of it. Additionally, a
pilot program that trains healthcare providers on the benefits of connecting with church leaders
would be extremely beneficial. There has been limited research on how healthcare providers are
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66
collaborating with church leaders in rural communities, and this pilot study could provide insight
on the current state of this style of collaboration. Furthermore, a pilot program could allow for
future healthcare providers to create and build a community of care system in Appalachia. Future
research could integrate Trauma Informed Care into the trainings that are piloted, and this
integration could potentially benefit the results of the training programs. Lastly, this research did
not limit the sample to a specific church denomination, but the results suggest that there are
differences in denominations. Future research could focus on these differences and examine each
denomination separately.
Limitations. There are a few limitations to this study. First, the current study is limited
by the racial and ethnic diversity of the participants. Appalachia does not simply consist of
Caucasian church leaders, and the current study was only able to recruit participants that identify
as Caucasian. Additionally, the current study focused recruitment in southcentral Appalachia, so
the results do not represent church leaders across the Appalachian region. Finally, the sample
was not limited to church leaders of a specific denomination. Research that focuses on specific
church denominations may help provide insight on any differences and similarities with how
substance misuse is addressed between various groups of church leaders.
Conclusion
The purpose of this study was to understand the experiences of church leaders when
working with community members impacted by substance misuse. The findings of this study
provide an understanding of these experiences and suggest the need for more collaboration
between church leaders and mental health service provides in rural Appalachia. I hope that this
study will prompt further research, as well as prevention and intervention efforts, that includes
how church leaders can be an important resource in addressing substance misuse in Appalachian
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communities. All church leaders involved in this study were extremely hopeful about the
potential for healthcare providers to collaborate with them. I too, am hopeful about the potential
for more systemic, community-based, and evidenced-based efforts to address substance misuse
in Appalachia that reflects the voices of the community and utilizes the resiliency and resources
of Appalachian culture.
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68
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Appendix A: Email Protocol for Initial Contact
SUBJECT LINE: Appalachian Church Leader’s Participation Requested
Hello (Insert Name),
I am a doctoral candidate at Virginia Tech working with Erika Grafsky, Ph.D., Associate
Professor, on a research project to understand Appalachian church leaders’ experiences
addressing substance use in their communities. We anticipate the findings will be used to inform
programming to reduce substance use and help train healthcare providers to be better prepared to
work in Appalachia.
Would you be interested in helping us by participating in a 45-60-minute interview? The
interview can be done in a place of your convenience (such as your church or a coffee shop) or
via the phone.
I have attached to this email a copy of the project consent form for your review. It provides more
detailed information about the study.
If you are interested in participating in this study, please send me an email message
([email protected]) or telephone me (706-244-5010) at your earliest convenience to set up a date
and time to talk. I am also happy to answer any questions you might have about the study before
you make a commitment.
Thank you for considering this request. I look forward to hearing from you.
M. Evan Thomas, MS
Doctoral Candidate
Virginia Tech
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Appendix B: Email Protocol for Follow-up Contact
RE: Appalachian Church Leader’s Participation Requested
Hello (Insert Name),
Thank you for your response. We appreciate your interest in the study.
Below are times that I am available for an in-person meeting (you can pick the place most
comfortable for you for us to meet):
(Insert Times)
Below are times that I am available for a phone meeting:
(Insert Times)
Which of these times may work best for you?
Best,
M. Evan Thomas, MS
Doctoral Candidate
Virginia Tech
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Appendix C: Informed Consent
Appalachian Church Leaders: An IPA Study to Understand Their Experiences with Substance
Misuse
Principal Investigator: Dr. Erika L. Grafsky
Family Therapy Center of Virginia Tech (0515)
840 University City Blvd., Suite 1
Blacksburg, VA 24060 USA
Other study contact(s): M. Evan Thomas, MS
706-244-5010 –
Key Information: The following is a short summary of this study to help you decide whether or
not to be a part of this study. More detailed information is listed later on in this form.
The goal of this research is to gain a better understanding of substance misuse in Appalachia
through the eyes of church leaders. It is our understanding that Appalachian community
members lack mental health services and thus may need to rely on their church leader for
substance use support. We hope that your participation in this study will allow us to connect
mental health services providers and church leaders to combat the high rates of substance misuse
in Appalachia. Your perspective can train healthcare providers to be better prepared to provide
services in Appalachia.
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You are being asked for your consent to take part in a research study. This document describes
the key information that we believe most people need to decide whether to take part in this
research.
Detailed Information: The following is more detailed information about this study in addition
to the information listed above.
Who can I talk to?
If you have questions, concerns, or complaints, or think the research has hurt you, talk to the
research team at M. Evan Thomas at [email protected] or 706-244-5010.
This research has been reviewed and approved by the Virginia Tech Institutional Review Board
(IRB). You may communicate with them at 540-231-3732 or [email protected] if:
● You have questions about your rights as a research subject
● Your questions, concerns, or complaints are not being answered by the research team
● You cannot reach the research team
● You want to talk to someone besides the research team to provide feedback about this
research
How many people will be studied?
We plan to include about 10-12 people in this research study.
What happens if I say yes, I want to be in this research?
If you decide to take part in this research, the general procedures include coordinating with
the research team a time and place of your choosing to complete the audio recorded
interview.
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• The whole study will take 1 hour to complete the consent process and participate in the
interview. You are not required to answer all of the researcher’s questions. If you
choose not to answer a specific question, it won’t be held against you.
What happens if I say yes, but I change my mind later?
You can leave the research at any time, for any reason, and it will not be held against you.
• If you decide to leave the research, contact the investigator so that the investigator
can note your termination. After you decide to terminate your participation in this
research, you will no longer be contacted by the researcher. If you have already
participated in the interview, any information you have previously provided may still
be used by the researchers in this study. If you have not participated in the interview,
the interview will not be scheduled.
Is there any way being in this study could be bad for me? (Detailed Risks)
• This study involves minimum risks to the participants. There could be a risk in
psychological stress from discussing substance misuse, and any participant who needs
further assistance will be referred to the appropriate resources in their community.
• Measures taken to lower the impact of psychological stress include encouraging
participants to not use any identifiable information regarding community members.
• Furthermore, resources will be provided to participants if psychological distress occurs.
What happens to the information collected for the research?
We will make every effort to limit the use and disclosure of your personal information, including
research study and medical records, only to people who have a need to review this information.
We cannot promise complete confidentiality. Organizations that may inspect and copy your
information include the IRB, Human Research Protection Program, and other authorized
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representatives of Virginia Tech.
All information for this study will be collected and stored securely in the researcher’s office.
The audio recording of the interview will be transcribed. When this is completed, we will
remove your name and other identifying information and give your interview a code number.
Therefore, it will not be possible to link your responses to the interview questions to your name.
The results of this research study may be presented in summary form at conferences, in
presentations, reports to the sponsor, academic papers, and as part of a thesis/dissertation.
We protect your information from disclosure to others to the extent required by law. We cannot
promise complete secrecy, particularly if you share information about child or elder
abuse/neglect or possible to yourself or others.
If identifiers are removed from your private information or samples that are collected during this
research, that information or those samples could be used for future research studies or
distributed to another investigator for future research studies without your additional informed
consent.
The results of this research study may be presented in summary form at conferences, in
presentations, reports to the sponsor, academic papers, and as part of a thesis/dissertation.
Can I be removed from the research without my OK?
The person in charge of this research can remove you from this research without your approval.
Possible reasons for removal include not following researcher instructions or showing signs of
physical or emotional distress.
What else do I need to know?
If you are injured or experience emotional distress because of being in this research, contact the
researcher immediately. The researcher will refer you to appropriate medical services or
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community supports. Any expenses accrued for seeking or receiving medical or mental health
treatment will be your responsibility and not that of the research project, research team, or
Virginia Tech.
Participant Verbal Consent (via telephone or in-person):
Do you agree to participate in this study? By agreeing, you acknowledge that you understand
the consent form and conditions of the project and that all of your current questions have
been answered.
_________ Yes _________ No
Do you agree to have this conversation audio-recorded?
_________ Yes _________ No
_________I certify that I have explained the study to this participant, answered any questions,
and obtained permission to proceed with the interview.
_________I certify that I have explained the study to this person, answered any questions, and
politely terminated the telephone call when the person declined to participate.
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Date: _______________
Interviewer’s Signature: _______________________________
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Appendix D: Recruitment Flyer
Appalachian Church Leaders Research
The goal of this research is to gain a better understanding of substance misuse in
Appalachia through the eyes of church leaders. It is our understanding that Appalachian
community members lack mental health services and thus may need to rely on their church
leader for substance use support. We hope that your participation in this study will allow us to
connect mental health services providers and church leaders to combat the high rates of
substance misuse in Appalachia. Your perspective can inform healthcare providers to be better
prepared to provide services in Appalachia.
What church leaders in Appalachia can do to help:
• Participate in a 45-60-minute interview.
• The interview should take approximately 45-60 minutes; covering 3 open-ended questions.
Questions will focus on your experience with discussing substance misuse with your
community members, your experiences helping community members overcome substance
misuse, and your ideas about solutions to help lower the impact of substance misuse.
• The interview (either in-person or via phone) will be audio-recorded, and all information
provided by you will be held in confidence.
• There is minimal risk and discomfort associated with this project, and there are no direct
benefits to you for being in this study.
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• You are free to withdraw from the study at any time without penalty, and if you decide to
stop participating in the interview, any information you have already provided may still be
used by the researchers.
• You will not receive compensation for participating in the interview process.
Confidentiality:
• The information that you provide will be held in strictest confidence and will not be shared
with anyone outside of the project team.
• Your name or place of employment will not be linked with the information you provide, and
we will replace all proper names and locations with pseudonyms prior to dissemination of
information.
• All data collected will be stored in a secure location in the project team’s locked offices.
Although interviews will be audio-recorded and transcribed, the audio recordings will be
destroyed after transcripts have been verified. The audio files will be stored separately from
the de-identified data in a secure location in her locked office.
Approval of Research:
This research project has been approved as required, in its entirety, by the Institutional Review
Board for Research Involving Human Subjects at Virginia Tech (IRB # 19-331).
CONTACT INFORMATION:
If you are interested in participating in this study, please contact:
M. Evan Thomas – Doctoral Candidate
[email protected] and 706-244-5010
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Appendix E: IRB Approval
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Appendix F: Interview Script
Appalachian Church Leaders Research
Participant Name ____________________________
Participant Telephone Consent
Do you agree to participate in this study? By agreeing, you acknowledge that you understand the
consent form and conditions of the project and that all of your current questions have been
answered.
_________ Yes _________ No
Do you agree to have this conversation audio-recorded?
_________ Yes _________ No
_________I certify that I have explained the study to this participant, answered any questions,
and obtained permission to proceed with the interview.
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_________I certify that I have explained the study to this person, answered any questions, and
politely terminated the telephone call when the person declined to participate.
Interviewer’s Signature: _______________________________ Date: _______________
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Thank you for talking with me today. Before I begin, do you have any initial questions for me?
If not, these first few questions will focus on your experiences as a church leader.
1. How long have you been practicing as a church leader? __________________________
2. Is your professional faith work done primarily in
Appalachia? _________________________
3. What county or counties do you primarily serve?
_______________________________________________________
4. How important is the Appalachian community to your personal identity?
a. Extremely important
b. Very important
c. Moderately important
d. Slightly important
e. Not at all important
5. How important is the Appalachian community to your professional identity?
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a. Extremely important
b. Very important
c. Moderately important
d. Slightly important
e. Not at all important
6. What is your race?
7. What is your ethnicity?
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Now, we are going to transition to questions that focus on your experiences discussing substance
misuse with community members. WHEN ANSWERING THESE QUESTIONS, PLEASE DO
NOT USE NAMES OF COMMUNITY MEMBERS OR ANY IDENTIFYING INFORMATION.
THIS IS TO ENSURE THEIR CONFIDENTIALITY AND SAFETY.
• Describe your experiences discussing substance misuse with your community members.
o How has substance misuse come up in your role as a church leader?
o How has substance misuse impacted your community?
Tell me about a time when you realized that opioids have impacted your
community.
o With what substances do folks in your community struggle?
o What do people outside of your community need to know about the impact of substance
misuse on your community?
• How do you help people who come to you about their substance misuse?
o What barriers do you think prevent people from seeking help?
• Describe a time that you were able to help a community member with their substance misuse.
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o How do you know when to intervene with a community member’s substance misuse?
Probe to explore gender, age, substance of use differences.
• How would you describe the TYPICAL AGE, GENDER, OR
SOCIOECONMIC CLASS OF THE people who do come to you for help?
• e.g. How would you have responded differently if they were abusing
alcohol versus pain killers?
o What resources have you used in the community to help you discuss substance misuse
with community members?
Probe: What has been most helpful? What has been least helpful?
o What resources do you think your community needs?
Probe: Do you connect with other churches in the community?
o Have you ever been involved with any formal recovery programs for substance misuse?
Probe: What have been your experiences with Celebrate Recovery (CR)?
Probe: What benefits or harms have you seen with group members attending CR?
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• Given your experiences, what do you see as possible solutions to high rates of substance
misuse in Appalachian communities?
o What do healthcare providers need to know about working with people in your
community about substance misuse?
Thank you for taking time to share our experiences with me.
Before we end the call, do you have any final questions or comments?
Is there anyone that you may think would be willing to participate in the study as well?
Thank you for your participation.
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Table 1: Participant Demographics
Participant Demographics
ID Location Length of
Time
Practicing
Appalachian
Identity
Professional
Identity
Church
Denomination
Gender
1 Rutledge, TN 14 years Not important Not
important
Baptist Male
2 Kingsport, TN 11 years Extremely
Important
Extremely
Important
Presbyterian Male
3 Ironto, OH 11 years Extremely
Important
Very
Important
Episcopal Female
4 Charleston,
WV
31 years Extremely
Important
Extremely
Important
Methodist Male
5 Winchester,
KY
28 years Extremely
Important
Extremely
Important
Non-
denominational
Male
6 Toccoa, GA 16 years Slightly
important
Very
Important
Pentecostal Male
7 Blacksburg,
VA/West
Virginia
30 years Very
important
Extremely
Important
Mormon Male
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8 Lee County,
VA
40 years Not important Extremely
Important
Catholic Female
9 Toccoa, GA 10 years Not important Important Baptist Male
10 Ashland, KY 5 years Extremely
Important
Extremely
Important
Methodist Female
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Table 2: Emergent Theme Formation
Emergent Theme Formation
Emergent
Themes
Original Interview Exploratory Commenting
Stigma
Someone asked me my thoughts on
substance misuse, and I compared it to
modern-day leprosy. People were afraid of
it. They didn't understand it. Jesus walked
right in the middle of it. Thousands of people
are dying, but people are ignoring it. I think
we are called to act on this topic.
There is an extreme form of
stigma here. Stigma directly
connected to the Bible.
We basically turned our backs on the gay
community when HIV hit. We treated them
like a bunch of lepers. Jesus loves everyone.
You have to come to him still, but he expects
us to love everyone. We didn’t do a good job
there. We can’t make that same mistake with
people impacted by substance misuse.
There is an understanding of
the stigma and the ability to
compare it to previous
stigmatized events in our
history. To compare the opioid
epidemic to the HIV epidemic
is huge in terms of stigma.
I usually hear about someone who is
impacted by substances second hand. A
parent comes to me to discuss their child.
Unfortunately, I may only learn about a
The insight here on how stigma
impacts the openness of
community members and the
way they communicate with
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church member’s substance misuse when I
visit them in the emergency room or when I
am called to prepare the eulogy.
their church leaders.
Community
In our church, opioids don't have the illegal
stigma that other drugs do. People have
their guard down, and then they become
addicted. We see a lot of that, and it is hard
to convince a person that a legal drug can
become addictive. Then, it transitions to a
bigger problem with the use of illegal drugs.
This seems to be tied to the
culture of the region and the
community impact that doctors
can have on people. The belief
that since it is legal, it won't
hurt me is powerful here.
Meth changed everything about 15 years
ago. It made drugs so affordable. People
couldn’t afford cocaine. Now people are
making it (meth) at home.
The impact that the
introduction of a drug into a
community is evident here.
Personally, I remember this
happening about 15 years ago.
The biggest issue and how it influences my
work are that the breakdown in the
community that it creates, specifically the
fear that someone who is on drugs is going
to break into the church. It creates a
heightened fear and strangers of mistrust. It
destroys the community. I remember
Wow. A community shift. A
cultural shift. This seems very
important to the understanding
of their experiences.
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growing up in Appalachia, and people were
still friendly to strangers, as long as they
looked like you. The epidemic has caused
this cultural breakdown.
Understanding
and Training
I've been working with this one family for a
few years. Their son is off and on suboxone,
and I'm interested in medicated treatment. I
don't understand why they will be on
suboxone for the rest of their life. I just don't
have enough information.
This participant is asking for
help with training and
understanding around
medicated treatment.
The church doesn’t know how to handle
relapse, and this creates stigma. The church
doesn’t understand the long-term
commitment that is needed” and “there
aren’t any best practices for substance
misuse. Unless a church buys a halfway
house. Some really bold things, but small
things, I haven’t been able to find much.
This participant understands
the lack of education and
training on substance misuse.
The complexity in the world that we live in is
overwhelming to the local church leader.
There is no way that the church leader can
This statement shows the need
for therapists to reach out and
provide relief. They are
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be an expert in anything. There is no way
I'm qualified to be an expert in substance
misuse, but we are expected to be. It can be
overwhelming. We are doing the best we
know to do. We could use some tools and
resources so that we could outsource some
of these things.
correct, they can't be expected
to know how to be a church
leader and a mental health
provider.
I've been working with this one family for a
few years. Their son is off and on suboxone,
and I'm interested in medicated treatment. I
don't understand why they will be on
suboxone for the rest of their life. I just don't
have enough information.
This participant is asking for
help with training and
understanding around
medicated treatment.
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Table 3: Polarization Example
Polarization Example
Original Interview Exploratory
Commenting
Polarized Quote Exploratory
Commenting
We are Christians,
and we want a
therapist who isn't
going to change our
church member's
beliefs and values.
This seems to be an
isolated comment.
Most other participants
do not inquire about
the religious
background of the
therapist.
The church isn't
obtaining the proper
picture of what that
type of commitment
requires. Prayer isn't
going to provide a
quick fix.
This participant
seems to understand
the importance of not
relying on religion to
lower the impact of
substance misuse.
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Table 4: Ecological Model Examples
Ecological Model Examples
System
Concept
Concept Definition
(Bronfenbrenner, 1979)
Example of How Stigma is Connected
Microsystem The smallest unit of
relationships.
Each unit (family, church, community) within an
individual's microsystem condemns substance
misuse.
Mesosystem The mesosystemic level
understands how different
microsystems are impacted by
substance misuse.
Microsystem of church leaders does not include
adequate training on substance misuse. This directly
impacts the stigma that community members
microsystems have of substance misuse.
Exosystem Includes the interaction of
systems that impact the
individual that the individual is
not part of.
Church leaders do not have adequate training on
substance misuse, and this impacts community
members and the stigma that church may have
regarding substance misuse.
Macrosystem The culture that impacts the
individual.
Appalachia contains a culture that contains a stigma
around substance misuse and mental health.
Chronosystem The idea of time and change The introduction of opioids into the culture of
Appalachia.
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Table 5: Denomination Doctrine Statements
Denomination Doctrine Statements on Substance Misuse
Denomination Statement Found on Organization Website (.org)
Baptist “That the messengers to the Southern Baptist Convention meeting in
Greensboro, North Carolina, June 13-14, 2006, express our total
opposition to the manufacturing, advertising, distributing, and consuming
of alcoholic beverages; and be it further
RESOLVED, that we urge that no one be elected to serve as a trustee or
member of any entity or committee of the Southern Baptist Convention
that is a user of alcoholic beverages. RESOLVED, that we urge Southern
Baptists to take an active role in supporting legislation that is intended to
curb alcohol use in our communities and nation; and be it further.
RESOLVED, that we urge Southern Baptists to be actively involved in
educating students and adults concerning the destructive nature of
alcoholic beverages; and be it finally. RESOLVED, that we commend
organizations and ministries that treat alcohol-related problems from a
biblical perspective and promote abstinence and encourage local churches
to begin and/or support such biblically-based ministries.”
Presbyterian “Abstention in all situations should be supported and encouraged.
Moderate drinking in low-risk situations should not be opposed.
Heavy drinking in any situation should be vigorously discouraged.
Any drinking in high-risk situations (e.g., during pregnancy or before
driving an automobile) should be vigorously discouraged, as should all
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illegal drinking.”
Episcopal “Confront and repent of the Episcopal Church’s complicity in a culture of
alcohol, denial, and enabling, speak to cultural norms that promote
addiction,
promote spiritual practices as a means of prevention and healing,
advocate for public funding and health insurance coverage for prevention,
intervention, treatment and recovery, and collaborate with qualified
community resources offering these services, and to respond with pastoral
care and accountability.; and be it further”
Methodist “Alcohol is a drug, which presents special problems because of its
widespread social acceptance. We affirm our long-standing conviction
and recommendation that abstinence from alcoholic beverages is a
faithful witness to God’s liberating and redeeming love. The United
Methodist Church grieves the widespread misuse of drugs and other
commonly used products that alter mood, perception, consciousness, and
behavior of persons among all ages, classes, and segments of our society.”
Pentecostal “Knowing that Satan will do all he can to hinder us, we will keep
ourselves free from all forms of gambling, tobacco, alcoholic beverages
and drugs that are physically and mentally harmful”
Mormon “Members should not use any substance that contains illegal drugs. Nor
should members use harmful or habit-forming substances except under
the care of a competent physician.”
Catholic “The Catholic Church has taken a firm stance against substance abuse, in
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all forms, for centuries. However, the Church also understands that people
make mistakes and knows addiction is a disease that can’t simply be
prayed away. If a parish member falls victim to addiction, the Catholic
Church provides resources to aid the way back to sobriety, including
directly providing drug and alcohol rehab.”