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Transcript of APFFC Newsletter 10
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7/28/2019 APFFC Newsletter 10
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www.apffc.org
WEARETHESOLUTION
TOOUROWN
PROBLEMS
Issue10 April1,2013
By Wayne Akbar Pray
From the time the general publicrecognized candidate Barack Obamaas a viable candidate, to the day thathe became the front runner, and the
historic moment when he assumed the
mantle of presidency, there has been arising cry from the left and right
from those that opposed affirmative
action, to those who supported it; that
cry was echoed by politicians, pundits
and more than a few preachers. The
aforementioned collective cry has
been NO MORE EXCUSES.
Before going further it is fitting hereto note and give a general definition
for the word excuse. For the readers
edification, it may also be fitting to
give the definition for the wordexplanation.
Excuse: in relative part, an excuse is
that one overlook or release from an
obligation. Explanation: an explanation
offers a logical reason or reasons as to whya thing has or has not happened. Anexplanation also makes plain or give andaccount for. There exists a distinct
difference here, and this difference here is
not one of degrees, it is a difference inkind.
The collective cry of no more excuses
was based upon a fact that most of us had
come to celebrate this countrys election of
its first African American President. The
euphoria that this country experiencesgenerally, and African Americans perhapsmore particularly, will long live in thehearts and minds of those that shared that
special moment in time.
It was felt by many after the auspiciousmoment, that anything was/is possible. The
consensus was and perhaps remains, that
the election of Barack Obama to the
highest office in the land, had permanently
cracked the glass ceiling under which we hadso long lived.
That assumption by many of our leaders
leads to a posture that is at best historically
naive an potentially counterproductive.
Although the contexts differ, perhapssubstantially, our celebration is not the first
time that we as a people have celebrated the
collapse of some pillar of racism orsegregation. However, in each of the prior
occasions, and there were many, there wasnever the sense that our battle against racism
both flagrant and systematic, had somehow
been won.
In 1884 Moses Fleetwood Walker became
the first African American to play major-
league baseball. Moses would later retire
from the game disgusted and disillusioned.In 1946, to much acclaim, Jackie Robinson
would integrate theContinued on page 5
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A Look at the Inappropriateness of Life Without Parole
As an Alternative to the Death Penalty
An excerpt from The Sentencing Project by Ashley Nellis.
Advocacy campaigns to eliminate the
death penalty in the United States have
made significant advances in recentyears. Death sentences have been
outlawed in five states since 2001, and
even in the thirty-four states where they
are still allowed; many states have not
carried out an execution in years.Still,the United States keeps terrible
company with other nations including
China, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Iraq,
ranking fifth worldwide in the number
of executions in 2011. In that year, theUnited States was the only western
democracy to carry out executions.The declining use of executions in the
United States shows that as a practice it
is slowly falling out of favor in
growing proportions of the country.
The momentum of death penaltyabolition and reform work can be
attributed largely to a combination of
the accomplishments of the innocence
movement, the demonstrated exorbitant
cost of the sentence, and the lengthy
appeals process.It has becomeincreasingly difficult to justify the deathpenaltys continued use in spite of
differing views one may hold on
punishment more generally. Those
who raise concerns about efficacynow join with those who oppose the
death penalty on moral grounds to
create a sizable, diverse portion of the
American public. The strategies utilized
by the death penalty abolition campaign
have broadened its support network
by reaching out to atypical allies and
have succeeded in making deathsentences less palatable to a wider
audience.
Over the same period of time, thesentences of life without possibility of
parole (LWOP) have soared.
LWOP is often touted as the humane
alternative to the death penalty, yet
many of the problematic aspects of the
death penalty are also applicable to
this sentence. The rapid growth in
LWOP sentences has occurred withlittle acknowledgement, much less
opposition.
Strategies to abolish the death penalty
can be improved upon by viewing the
successful elimination of the death
penalty as just the first step on the road
to the reformation of extreme sentences
altogether. In this view, the efforts to
eliminate the death penalty are not inconflict with efforts to eliminate LWOP.
And while LWOP is certainly not the
only sanction in need of reform, it is
the most logical place to begin becauseof the troubling qualities it shares with
the death penalty in America.
The use of life without parole sentences
has increased by 300% in the past two
decades.Between 1992 and 2008, the
number of prisoners serving LWOP rose
from 12,453 to more than 41,000. In
sixteen states and the federal system, thediscretionary parole system has beeneliminated rendering all life-sentencedconvicts in those jurisdictions ineligible
for release.
Though LWOP is available in nearly
every state,such sentences are
disproportionately represented in Florida,
Pennsylvania, Louisiana, California, and
Michigan.Combined, these states
accounted for 53.5% of all LWOP
sentences nationwide in 2008.Racial
disparities are deeply troubling: Blackscomprised 56.4% of the LWOP
population nationwide in 2008, but this
figure was as high as 73.9% and 73.3%in Georgia and Louisiana, respectively.
Juveniles represent a growing segment oflife-sentenced inmates who do not have
the opportunity for parole, now totaling
more than 2,500 prisoners.
Tough on Crime
One reason that the number of peopleserving LWOP sentences increased is that
policymakers ratcheted up the severity of
sentences in the 1980s and 1990s.Elevatedcrime rates and crime fears at that time
contributed to a new system of
punishment that prioritized the offense
over the offender and pushed for
increasingly lengthy stays in prison. Catch
phrases such as do the crime, do the time
and life means life were popularized and
quickly translated into crime policies thatultimately eliminated many of the
indeterminate sentencing structures that
had been in place for more than a century,
replacing them with determinate, longsentences.
Prominent among these tough-on-crime
sentencing policies are three-strikes laws,
one of the drivers of LWOP. Three-strikes
laws have been promoted as providing
confidence that upon a defendants third
conviction he or she will be given an
extremely long prison sentencepreferably one that locks him or her away
for life. Between 1993 and 1995, twenty-
four states and the federal governmentenacted three- strikes laws. While most of
the life sentences resulting from three-strikes laws allow for the possibility of
parole, thirteen states and the federal
government have three-strikes laws that
mandate LWOP for certain crimes.
In 1994, Georgia passed a two-strike law
that requires, upon conviction of the firststrike, that individuals convicted of
kidnapping, armed robbery, rape,
aggravated sodomy, aggravated sexual
battery, and aggravated child molestationare sentenced to a minimum of ten years
without parole. A second strike results in
life without parole. The mandatory
sentence for all homicide convictions is
death, life imprisonment, or LWOP;
however, even those sentenced to life
imprisonment must serve a minimum of
thirty years before becoming eligible forparole. Within the first few years, fifty-
seven people were sentenced to LWOP
under the new law. As of August 2012,737 Georgia prisoners were serving
LWOP, a 270% increase from its
population of 199 LWOP prisoners in
August 2000. And despite the intended
Continued on page 3
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purpose of the law, LWOP sentenceshave not been reserved for the worst of
the worst. Only a slight majority(58.93% as of October 2012) of life-
sentenced Georgia inmates with no
chance for parole have been
convicted of homicide.
LWOP can be a powerful tool to
motivate defendants to plead guilty in
exchange for having their lives spared
by the state. Knowing this, prosecutors
have been known to charge a defendantwith capital murder in the hopes that he
or she will plead guilty and accept areduced, LWOP sentence. This practice
has been approved by the Supreme
Court, though the moral and ethical
appropriateness of it is questionable,
and it has eased the ways in which
defendants receive an LWOP sentence.
Mandatory SentencesBy 1963, all states had abolished the
mandatory imposition of the death
penalty. Analyses of executions before
and after mandatory death sentences
were permitted show a marked decline
in the use of the death penalty whendiscretion is allowed. In at least twenty-
nine jurisdictions, life without parole ismandatorily applied in some
circumstances. The consequence of this
is that decisions are not the product of
reasoned deliberations.
The issue of mandatory LWOP
sentences, at least for some, received
national attention in June 2012 because of
the U.S. Supreme Court decision in Miller
v. Alabama. Miller held that individuals
who are under the age of eighteen at the
time of their crime cannot mandatorily be
sentenced to life in prison without the
possibility of parole. In this particular case,
Mr. Miller was fourteen at the time he
committed homicide. Similar to other recentrulings on juveniles, the Court maintainedthat juveniles actions do not necessarily
predict who they will become once they
mature into adulthood. Mandatory sentences
preclude the possibility of a second look and
were therefore determined to be
unconstitutional for individuals under
eighteen.
Judges are often frustrated with mandatory
sentences such as LWOP. In one review offederal judicial opinions on sentencing,repeated concerns were voiced aboutextremely long sentences for non-violent
and first time offenders. According to one
judge, sentences that held nonviolent
offenders past the age of sixty were
pointless.Moreover, if there is no likelihood of
release before death or old age, some judges
are troubled that these defendants will have
no hope, and therefore, little incentive to bemodel prisoners. Judges have also noted
that giving a thirty-year sentence when
fifteen would accomplish the same goal is
fiscally irresponsible.
Federal judges have expressed muchfrustration in their limited discretion at the
sentencing stage when a mandatory lifesentence is the only option. Individuals who
pose no threat of physical harm and have
been convicted of nonviolent offenses are
nevertheless subjected to mandatory
LWOP sentences under harsh federal
sentencing structures. Recollecting one
such case, a federal judge remarked in an
interview that had he not been forced to
issue an LWOP sentence, he would have
opted for a term of ten to twelve years.
Racial Disparity
Racial disparity is a widely documented
problem in death sentences; multiple
studies confirm that race plays a
fundamental role in sanctions imposed
within the criminal justice system.94 The
race of the victim appears to play a
particularly important role in whether thedeath penalty is sought.95Any sentence that is more likely to beimposed because of ones racial or ethnic
background, all other factors being equal,
is inappropriate. Just as it is wrong to
administer a death sentence when it is
discovered that the trial phase was
influenced by race, it is also wrong to
sentence someone to life in prison for this
reason. Yet we see this playing out in
states around the country.
Of the 41,095 people serving LWOPsentences (as of 2008), 48.3% are
African-American. While data on the raceof the victims for all people serving life
without parole sentences has not been
gathered, an analysis of data on juvenilelife without parole (JLWOP) shows that
the proportion of African-Americans
serving JLWOP sentences for killing a
white person (43.4%) is nearly twice the
rate at which African- American juveniles
overall have been arrested for taking awhite persons life (23.2%). Perhaps otherfactors, such as a prior record, account for
this large-scale disparity, but until we canbe absolutely certain that these other
factors provide a full explanation, it is
inappropriate to permit criminal
sentencing that produces racial disparity.
To read the complete report visit:www.sentencingproject.orghttp://sentencingproject.org/doc/publications/jj_N
ellis 2013 Tinkering with Life U Miami LawReview.pdf
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No RespectByRudyWilliams
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*******
POETRY BY SAINT
Written by Semaj Thomas '13
An Explanation, Not An Excuse
Continued from page 1
America. In the same breath that we celebrate this
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ByOsbedMerced
Machismo (pron.: /mtizmo/;
/mtzmo/, Spanish: [matizmo],Portuguese: [mimu]), ormachoism is
the practice of being macho or manly.The
term "macho" has a long history in both
Spain and Mexico. Inpre-Colombian
Mexico it was an (Aztec) Nahuatl word
meaning wisdom and leadership; itdescribed a person who was enlightened,
respected and emulated. Meanwhile, the
term "macho" in Spanish was a strictlymasculine term, derived from the Latin
"masculus" meaning male. When Spain
colonized Mexico, these two distinctmeanings fused together to create a
powerful new concept, that of masculine
honor that was to
be respected and
imitated. TheMexican brand of
masculinity was
born. Macho men
were to have
bravery, courage
and strength as wellas wisdom and
leadership. "Ser
macho" was
something all boys
were to aspire
to.During the mid20th century, the
term "machismo" began to be criticized by
Americans and ridiculed in literature,
television and film. The stereotypical
Latino immigrant was described as an
oversexed, overly aggressive, "macho"
loser. During the women's liberationmovement of the 1960s and 70s, the term
began to be used by feminists to describe
male aggression and violence. The term
was used by Latina feminists and scholars
to criticize the patriarchal structure ofgendered relations in Latino communities.
Their goal was to describe a particular
Latin American brand ofpatriarchy
The English word "machismo" derivesfrom the identical Spanish and
Portuguese word. Spanish and
Portuguese machismo refers to the
assumption that masculinity is superior tfemininity, a concept similar to R. W
Connell's Hegemonic masculinity.
Presently in the sense that supposed
feminine traits among males (or traitshistorically viewed as non-feminineamong females, see marianismo) are to
be deemed undesirable, socially
reprovable or deviations. Gender roles
make an important part of human identit
as we conduct our
identities through ourhistorical and current
social actions.
Machismo's attitudes
and behaviours may be
frowned upon or
encouraged at variousdegrees in societies or
subcultures , albeit it
is associated with more
misogynistic
undertones, primarily
in present views on the
past.
Women can be said to be '"machistas",
women who support the macho culture,
mainly as a pejorative term used by othe
women who see themselves as more
liberated or by pro-feminist men. In theculture of machismo, as well as in
Western cultures hypermasculinity, theidealized womankind is that submissive,
conservative, "pure" and family-centered
the opposite of many, if not all, the
characteristics of themacho gender role.
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BY AKBAR PRAYCOMING SPRING OF 2013
FromtheAuthorofDeathoftheGame
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Where Do We Go From Here?
A Summary of The Schott 50 State Report 2012
By Milagros Milan Harris Below are a few of the reports findings and commentary. For the full report, go to:
www.blackboysreport.org
The persistence in graduation gaps identifiable by race and gender over the last
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ByOmifalade
The questions have been asked, Is Hip
Hop Music Destroying America, Is Hip
Hop A Threat To Our Children or Should
Rappers Be Accountable For Their
Lyrics? You be the judge. Earlier this
year the song Karate Chop leakedonline featuring rapper Lil Wayne. He
raps, Bout to put rims on my skateboardwheels/Beat that (expletive/woman
genital) up like Emmett Till. A fewweeks later a song by rapper Rocko
featuring Rick Ross was release called
You Dont Even Know It. Rick Ross
raps, Put molly all in her champagne,
she aint even know it/ I took her home
and I enjoyed that, she aint even know
it. Yes, we have our freedom of speechright, but when is freedom of speech
taken too far?
Many would say both rappers have taken
their lyrical content too far and offendedtoo many. The family and estate of Emit
Till have released a statement of
disapproval over Lil Waynes disregard
and disrespectful lyrics. Though his
record label issued a statement of
apology, the rapper has yet to do so. Inthe case of Rick Ross, a petition has been
started over his blatant disregard forwomen and the issue of date rape. The
U.S. Department of Justice estimates that
over 300,000 women are raped or
sexually assaulted per year in the UnitedStates alone. That is a disturbing number
and should not be taken lightly. His
lyrics not only condone the behavior, but
he boasts about it in the song. While
some feel its only entertainment, manyfeel it sends and encourages the wrong
message. Several individuals and
organizations have taken a stand and so are
we. Effective immediately MuskegonsWUVSlp 103.7 the Beat has pulled ALL
Lil Wayne and Rick Ross music fromrotation. We pride ourselves on playing
music that is non-degrading and non-
violent. While we believe in freedom of
speech, creative writing and individualism
we refuse to be part of the problem by
spreading messages that could harm or end
someones life.
Sign the Rape, Rick Ross and
Responsibility Petitionhere
For all Press/Media inquiries please cal
231-727-5007.
We encourage you to follow us on Twitter
@1037thebeat and on Facebook at 103.7
the Beat WUVS-LP for our latest socia
news.
Letter to my menzs
Dear nena LIlly ahi yai yai
I wrote leter to my menz at zing- a- ling prison an nena no se wa hapen, Rosita
tel me to put all my menz nombres en cc so I no has to write mucha letta these is
wha I write I sho jew.
cc malik, pedro, juan, joe, Antonio, hakim, michaeal, y carlo
Dear malik hola papi I miss jew mucho an I waas so hungry for jew love I missa
jew mucho an I wana pput tu pinga in my boca mouth for jew I no jew lik tha mee
tu
I cano go to sea jew no moni bu I do my nales day loo bella lika me jew no no
Linda
Bellajaka hehehe hony I go see jeww at zing-a-ling prison in the da dia I havetmoni
Jew no jew my luv I hab only jew papi my chocho misa jew mucho I wayt for jew
luv
Maria lupita sanchez rivera
Mi amiga wa hapen el saa hee me mata wy I rite nice leter que paso?
A LOVE LETTER
FROM YOUR
CHONGA
SWEETHEART
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By William Thomas
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Having Mr. Pryor take time out of his busyschedule to speak to my eighth grade students about
the harsh realities of life was a great opportunity to
expose students to certain truths they were blinded
by. Mr. Pryor engaged students in dialogueconcerning life in the hood, the street corner and more
importantly the severe consequences they may face asa result of choosing to accept cultural norms as
opposed to breaking free both mentally and
spiritually.His vivid imagery and detailed descriptions
of his life story will forever be embedded in the
minds of these students, as their understanding and
perception of life was clearly misconstrued in many
ways. The speaker brought light to a dim reality
through emphasis of self reflection, tenants of
education, assuming accountability for ones actions
and gaining a strong sense of consciousnessindicative of one's life path.
Students were thoroughly engaged in his
lecture, wrapped up in his positive aura andconsumed in the thought that someone could finally
relate to their struggles and provide hope for futures
that often seem dismal, given their surroundings. We
hope that Mr. Pryor will consider visiting us soon
again, as there is a definite need to continue this
imperative work with our youth.
-Nadira Raghunandan
Literacy Consultant
We are the solution to our own problems.ThecenterpieceoftheAPPFCseffortstoliveuptoitsmottoisitsoutreachprogram.Ledby OutreachDirector,AkmoonPryor
theprogramhasembarkedonamissiontobringamessagetoanincreasinglyyoungeraudience:
Thestreetsarenotforwinnerstheconsequencesofextralegalactivityaretoogreat.Life,freedomandtheheartache
ofbrokenfamiliesandspiritsaretoohighapricefordreamsofsuccessthatwillneverberealized.Thepathtoprogress
intheinnercitycommunitiesiseducation,entrepreneurshipandcivicengagement.
Theprogramoriginatedin2011,atNewarksCentralHighSchool,withspeakersandmentorswithstreetcred
routinelyvisiting,speakingtoandmentoringindividualstudents,classesandoftenentireauditoriumsofyoungpeople.Our
mentorshavebeenknowntoshowupatamomentsnoticetodiffusesituations,offeringadviseandsupporttoatrisk
youths.Theprogramlaterexpandedintootherhighschoolsandafterschoolprogramssuchasaprogramforadjudicated
youthsatASPIRAinNewark,NJ.OurlatesteffortshavebeenamongMiddleSchoolchildreninJerseyCity,NewJersey.Below
arepicturesfromarecentvisittoan8 thGradeclassandatestimonialfromtheirteacher,Ms.NadiraRaghunandan.The
studentsfollow-upassignmentwastowriteindividualletterstoMr.Pryor,whichwehopetoshareinafutureissue.
Andwhilethebenefitsofmentoringmaybetargetedattheyoungpeople,thereisalsoagreatbenefitforthementorswhocometointeractwiththeyoungandimpressionableyouths,manyofwhomhavefirsthandexperiencewiththeCriminal
JusticeSystem.InMr.Pryorsswords:Iamalwaysgratefulfortheopportunitytousemyexperiencestopreventayoung
personfromhavingtogothroughwhatIhavebeenthrough.
Ifyouarenotpartofthesolution,
Youarepartoftheproblem.
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this doesnt apply to the thousands who
suffer with emotional disabilities and lackof a strong sense of purpose and self who
are discarded in supermax prisons across
the country. Isolation prisons seem to have
become the new public housing for the
emotionally unhealthy that the system is
unwilling to cope with. The long terms
effects really lay within the internalfortitude of the individual.
APPFC: Give our readers a layman's sense
of sensory deprivation and it's role insolitary confinement.
BK: Prolonged solitary confinement in the
form of control units, security threat group
management units, special needs units,
communications management units, etc.has been a long time concern for many
prison activists on both sides of the walls.
Control units surfaced during the 60s and
70s when many in my generation believed
we were free to dissent politically, It wasduring these tumultuous years of the civilrights movement when large number of
activists found themselves in US prisons.
Unlike physical or chemical torture,
Sensory deprivation is no touch torture.
This is a set of practices used to inflict pain
or suffering without resorting directly tophysical violence: sleep deprivation,
sensory disorientation, solitary
confinement, humiliation, extreme cold or
heat, extreme light or dark, intentional
placement situations, a systematic attack on
Interview With Bonnie Kerness Part 2
APFFC: Bonnie, what are the long-term
effects, both physically andpsychologically of long term solitary
incarceration?
BK: I have found that emotional and
intellectual traits, ones physical andpsychological resources, are crucial to
how well people survive long-term
isolation. In order to survive protracted
isolation one must have a strong sense of
self and purpose. If you do not hang onto
your convictions and ideologies, you are
lost. Its been my experience over theyears that people placed in long-term
isolation for political reasons do not
struggle with emotional or physical
deterioration. They have a clear
understanding that the governments
purpose of this form of politicalinternment is to break them
psychologically. It was at the behest of
many of these political people that AFSC
developed the Survivors Manual
written by people living in isolation forpeople living in isolation. The strength
of the self-developed cell programs
described in the Manual were inspired by
the experience of former US political
prisoner Ojore Lutalo, who spent 22years in political isolation for
entertaining thoughts that the
government didnt approve of. Ojore andothers of political understanding come
out of their extended isolation experience
undamaged. The more resilient have a
firm sense of identity, self-confidenceand optimism. They tend to hold strong
beliefs, political or religious. Another
key component to surviving long-term
isolation, is understanding the methods
that the state employs to break the mindsof men and women as footnoted below
in the Bidermans chart and excerpts of
Breaking Mens Minds. Unfortunately,
all human stimuli. The intentional
placement situations are designed to bepsychologically abusive- i.e. Ojore being
placed in a cell drenched with human
blood after a prisoner attempted suicide
or Shaheed (a street organization
member) being put into a Special Needs
Unit after challenging the abusive
practices occurring in NJs NorthernState Prison Security Threat Group
Management Unit. Shaheed did an
interview with us after his release in
2011 and reported witnessing thetyrannical abuse of the mentally ill. He
said to me, Whatever torture I
experienced in the gang unit was nothing
compared to what I saw them to do the
mentally ill people in the Special Needs
unit. AFSC has obtained a video taken
by Omar Broadway when he was in theSTGMU, which I show often when I
speak publicly. Its depiction of the daily
torture of these young men is graphic.
Ms. Kerness is Prison Watch
Coordinator of The American Friends
Service Committee, a Quaker
organization that promotes lasting peace
with justice as they nurture the seeds of
change and respect for human life that
transform social relations and systems.
In theMarch issue, Ms. Kerness expressed her views
on the increased use of solitary confinement in
Americas prisons. This month, we continue with a
dicussion on the physical and psychologial toll thissytematic torture inflicts on inmates.
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ByJosephJazzHayden
Two systems of criminal justice have once
again been confirmed, this time on theinternational stage with the exposure of one
of the largest banks in the world, HSBC, as
one of the biggest money launderers in theworld.
It has long been my position that the
criminal justice system that poor and
oppressed people desire already exists. It is
a system of restitution, fines, community
service, and non-incarceration; unlike the
totally punitive system of jails, prisons,
chain gangs, death penalties, and harsh
prison conditions.There has always been this duplicity that
has been based on power and privilege in
America. Racial control of the power
structure and white-skinned privilege hasunabashedly designed these two systems to
meet their needs for social control.
To show the glaring
disparity between how
the rich andpowerfulare treated, in contrast
to how the poor andvulnerable are treated, I
need only relate a
chapter in my lifeexperience.
In 1977, I was arrested,
along with about 15other men of color, and
charged with conspiracy
to violate the federal
drug laws of the United
States. There was a
media frenzy aroundthis case because the
lead defendant was none other than the
notorious Nicky Barnes. His noterietycame from his lawyers success in beating
several flawed attempts to arrest and
convict Mr. Barnes. The New York
Times labeled him Mr.Untouchable. There were claims of a
sophisticated corporate structure (labeled
the Council) that sold millions of dollars in
illicit drugs across the country, engaging inviolence, money laundering, and other
related drug crimes. Curiously, probably
the most damning evidence against this
band of brothers was that they all paid theirtaxes on their illicit income. A reading of
their income tax returns offered into
evidence showed that many of them used
tax accountants out of Detroit to prepare
their taxes this was used as damning
evidence of conspiracy, paying taxes.Well, out of all of those on trial I was the
only one charged with money laundering. I
was not charged with selling, possessing, ordistributing drugs, just exchanging some
$47,000 in small bills for $100 dollar
bills. This money came from three after
hours clubs (gambling), a variety store, and
a restaurant common enterprises in the
economically marginalized Harlems of
America. Well, I was convicted of
conspiracy. When the judge asked what was
done with the money that was received fromme the court was told that it was put back in
circulation, that it was not connected to any
drug transactions. I was given 15 years,
lifetime parole, and a $30,000 fine. Thejustice department, in a hearing before the
Congress, bragged about their first time ever
convicting someone in a drug conspiracy who
had no connection to drug transactions. Oh,and I forgot to mention that another first was
accomplished by the government in their lust
to convict these 15 black men from New
York City. The government broke over 200years of precedent by empaneling an
anonymous jury, a jury designated by
numbers no names, no religion, no race or
ethnic background just numbers.Fast-forward to the present and we have a
money launderer of billions of dollars from
drug cartels and nations under sanctions from
the UN and the United States ofAmerica. Europes largest bank not a
ghetto sidewalk executive, HSBC the largest
bank in Europe, money launderer in
chief. NO prison! No house arrest! Not fired
from their jobs and banned from
banking? Oh, they are Profoundly
Sorry. We accept responsibility foour past mistakes, Gulliver said in the
statement. I did every day of my
15-year sentence. The Supreme
Court threw out the lifetime parole
(or I would still be doing that). And,
I was so broke by the time I wasreleased that the judge they took me
before (the day of my release) said
enough of this
persecution and threw
out the fine.
My story is the story of
millions of people of
color in this country;
there is no justice in
America for the poor
and themarginalized. Just
stand outside thecriminal courts, traffic
courts, and civil courts
on any day of the weekand you will see long
lines of poor people of
color black, brown,
and beige receiving
poor people injustice. Some of us
come out of this prison-industrial
complex in a state of constant ragewith but one goal; dismantle this
monster.
Join me! Join the Campaign to Endthe New Jim Crow.
Joseph Jazz Hayden
Joseph Jazz Hayden is the founder
and CEO of Still Here Harlem
Productions and its
offshoot AllThingsHarlem.com. He
is also the initiator of the CampaignTo End The New Jim Crow, a
campaign to build a national
movement to end mass incarceration
and to build caring communities.
Two Systems of Justice
-
7/28/2019 APFFC Newsletter 10
16/16
loremipsumdolor issue,date
MISSION STATEMENTThe Akbar Pray Foundation For Change (APFC) is a not for profit grassroots organization, dedicated to redirecting the lives
of our urban at risk youth. It has been and remains our organizations mantra that " we are the solution to our own
problems." It is our core belief that there are those within our communities, if so engaged, who can help turn the tide of crime,
delinquency and recidivism which grips the lives of so many our inner city youth.
Operating from the premise that to effectively attack or address any problem you must start at its root, we have begun a
program in some of our citys schools and group homes, where we supply speakers, mentors, CDs and written material from
the organizations founder, which cuts to the heart of the problem experienced by many of these youths. Some times workingwith former gang members, inner city icons and others that have what is referred to as street cred, we have been able to
achieve remarkable results.
Expanding on our mission, we continuously recruit individuals from various work disciplines to aid in educating young men
and woman with marketable skills.
To those ends we have engaged people both inside and outside our community to come to our classes and or workshops to
share and discuss the ups and downs, ins and outs of a wide range of work disciplines and careers. Never favoring one career
path over any other, we have invited professors, urban fiction writers, successful members of the hip hop industry, general
construction contractors and a Superior Court Judge to these open discussions and Socratic Circle seminars.
Again, it is our core belief that "we are the solution, to our own problems." In closing. We invite your participation in this
noble undertaking.
IF NOT YOU, THEN WHO?
IF NOT NOW, THEN WHEN?
A Petition for aPresidential Commutation on behalf of Wayne Akbar Pray has beensubmitted to the Office of the Pardon Attorney. It is a request that his non-parolable life-sentence be commuted,making him eligible for parole in the near future. His success depends on the efforts and the voice of hiscommunity. Below you can find the numbers and addresses of those who are in possession of the CommutationPackage. A call to any or all of them on behalf of Wayne Pray could make the difference whether he is returned
to his family and community or spends the rest of his years in prison. Please make the call!
Attorney General Eric Holder
Correspondence to the Department,including the Attorney General, may besent to:
U.S. Department of Justice
950 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW
Washington, DC 20530-0001
By Phone
Department of Justice Main Switchboard -202-514-2000
Office of the Attorney General Public
Comment Line - 202-353-1555
By E-Mail
E-mails to the Department of Justice,
including the Attorney General, may besent to [email protected]. E-mails will
be forwarded to the responsible
Department of Justice component for
appropriate handling.
Fax: (202) 225-7854
Congresswoman Maxine Waters
2344 Rayburn House Office BuildingWashington, DC 20515Phone: (202) 225-2201
Congressman Donald Payne Jr.103Cannon House Office Building
Washington, DC 20515
Phone: (202) 225-343Newark Office
60 Nelson Place
14th Floor (LeRoy F. Smith, Jr. Publi
Safety Building)
Newark, NJ 07102
Phone: (973)-645-32136
Correspondence to the Department of Justice,
Office of the Pardon Attorney, may be sent to:Ronald L. RogersOffice of the Pardon Attorney
1425 New York Avenue, N.W.
Suite 11000
Washington, D.C. 20530
By Email
[email protected] (noattachments)
By Phone
(202) 616-6070
Congressman John Conyers
Washington Office: 202-225-5126 Detroit Office: 313-961-5670
Trenton / Downriver Office: 734-675-4084
You can also visit me on Facebook at
www.facebook.com/CongressmanConyers.Why? Because it is
your right!
Akbar Pray Foundation For Change