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Muhammadiyah, Local Politics and Local Identity in Kotagede Author(s): Priyambudi SULISTIYANTO Source: Sojourn: Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia, Vol. 21, No. 2, Dynamics of the Local

(October 2006), pp. 254-270Published by: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS)Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41308078Accessed: 25-10-2015 06:39 UTC

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SOJOURN: Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia Vol. 21, No. 2 (2006), pp. 254-70 DOI: 10.1355/sj21-2f © 2006 ISEAS ISSN 0217-9520 print / ISSN 1793-2858 electronic

Research Notes and Comments

Muhammadiyah, Local Politics and

Local Identity in Kotagede

Priyambudi SULISTIYANTO

This article is a preliminary observation of local politics and local identity in Kotagede, Central Java, Indonesia, during the post-Soeharto period. It examines the roles of Muhammadiyah and local actors in maintaining local identity in this town. I highlight the importance of Islamic and Javanese traditions in shaping the local history and the dynamics of local politics in Kotagede. I also argue that there is a place for local actors and social networks in the pursuit of preserving local identity in this town. Some observations are made about the impact of the Yogyakarta earthquake and future research directions.

Keywords: Kotagede, Muhammadiyah, scholarship, local politics, local identity.

This article is based on two research field trips I made to Kotagede, Indonesia, in 2005. 1 My long-term research plan is to document the

political ethnography of Kotagede during the post-Soeharto period, exploring the interplay between local politics and local identity in the era of decentralization and paying attention to the significance of Muhammadiyah and the role of local actors in Kotagede. Here I will offer some thoughts on the directions this study will take.

The importance of studying local politics in Indonesia in the era of decentralization cannot be overemphasized. Scholars have been

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Muhammadiyah, Local Politics and Local Identity in Kotagede 255

debating the ramifications of the decentralization policies adopted in the post-Soeharto period. Generally they agree that the ways in which local communities have responded to decentralization have varied between the regions (Aspinall and Fealy 2003; Kingsbury and

Aveling 2003; Erb, Sulistiyanto and Faucher 2005). In the Soeharto

period, the relationship between local politics and religion was

shaped by a centralistic political structure. Since the fall of Soeharto in 1998, the regions have had to think more for themselves and find their own ways of dealing with local issues. Maintaining local

identity has become an important issue in the regions in the era of decentralization in Indonesia.

The people of Kotagede today have inherited a rich religious and cultural legacy, accepting both Islamic and Javanese traditions as part of their identity. These traditions coexist and interact with each other,

enhancing the spirit of tolerance in Kotagede. The local people are

proud of their traditions and may seem somewhat parochial to an observer, but in a positive sense. The identification with their glorious past as the capital city of the old Javanese kingdom of Mataram creates a sense of ownership of this place. The people of Kotagede enjoy talking to outsiders - tourists, visitors or newcomers - about this glorious past and their local identity.

I will begin with explaining the geographical and historical setting of Kotagede. This town is located about ten kilometers from Yogjakarta and has a population of 30,000 people (Pemerintah Kota Yogyakarta 2004). It is a popular tourist destination with many important historical and cultural sites. Kotagede is known as an Islamic town {kota Islam), a Javanese town ( kota Jawa), and a silver town ( kota

perak). It is divided into two administrative areas. The northeast area

belongs to the Yogyakarta municipality, while the southwest area is under the Bantul district.

Kotagede has strong religious and cultural identities. Where in some other parts of Indonesia, strong religious identities have become a source of local conflict, in Kotagede, this has not been the case. A

strong communal spirit grounded in an acceptance of their history and local identity helps to maintain social harmony.



256 Priyambudi SULISTIYANTO

The history of Kotagede is an important subject for its people. The historical trajectory of Kotagede has been shaped by the

relationship between Islam and Javanese traditions. Prince Senopati {Panembahan Senopati ), the founder of the Mataram Kingdom, established Kotagede in the late 16th century (Van Mook 1958: 290; Nakamura 1983: 15). While a Muslim, he was also Javanese, thus heavily influenced by the Hindu and local animistic traditions that characterize Javanese culture. Kotagede was Mataram's capital before it moved to Yogyakarta in the 17th century. During the Mataram Kingdom period, Kotagede was an important place for

Javanese cultural activities as many royal family members and their

employees resided here. Kotagede also attracted artisans, traders, crafts people, musicians, scholars, and religious figures. These groups settled and developed a sophisticated cultural life and luxury items for the aristocracy.2 Later on, especially during the Dutch colonial

period, artisans from Kotagede produced gold and silver items for the Dutch community and other Europeans who lived in Java (Maulana 2001: 33).

Scholarship on Kotagede

Previous studies of Kotagede have mainly dealt with the political history and socio-religious aspects of the town (Soekiman 1992; Albiladiyah 1997; Khudori 2000; Tjahyono 1991; Zaidan 2003; and Bahari 2004). Van Mook (1958), a Dutch scholar, studied political and social life in Kotagede during the 1920s. He found that the coexistence of Islamic and Javanese traditions were important in shaping the social, economic, and cultural life of Kotagede. Van Mook (1958: 287-88) also noted the importance of the local entrepreneurs and traders

(mostly the local silversmiths, or pengrajin perak), many of whom were members of Muhammadiyah. Their association with Muhammadiyah contributed significandy to the local economy in Kotagede during the 1920s and the 1930s. The locals regard these decades as a "golden era" in Kotagede when the production of silver goods reached a significant level, bringing economic prosperity to the community.




In the early 1970s, Japanese scholar Mitsuo Nakamura, in a

study of the role of Muhammadiyah in Kotagede, suggested that in

spite of the successful "Islamization" of Kotagede, Muhammadiyah was unable to totally eradicate the peoples attachment to Javanese traditions (Nakamura 1983). He noted that the local people accepted both Islamic and Javanese traditions as their way of living and as a part of their identity. Nakamura noticed signs of declining economic prosperity in Kotagede during the late 1960s and the 1970s as the local entrepreneurs and traders struggled to defend themselves against the onslaught of market competition brought about by the growing number of foreign investors in Indonesia. Nakamura also suggested that with the collapse of the Indonesian Communist Party {Partai Komunis Indonesia , PKI) in the middle of 1960s, Muhammadiyah expanded its religious and social activities in Kotagede (with the support of the local entrepreneurs and traders).

In an ethnographic study conducted in 2000, Indonesian scholar Jadul Maulana argued that strong local initiatives had led various actors to rejuvenate and preserve local traditions in Kotagede. Observing the proceedings of the Kotagede Festival {Festival Kotagede ) held in 2000, he acknowledged the richness of the religious and cultural identities of the Kotagedean community (2001: 14-20). The political and economic crises that have occurred in the post- Soeharto period have direcdy affected the people of Kotegede, as the number of foreign tourists has declined with the consequence of a

weakening local economy. However, Maulana (2001: 13) also noted that, surprisingly, this economic change of fortune in Kotagede had had some positive impact. It forced Kotagedeans to initiate a range of cultural activities such as ketoprakan (traditional theater), and

mocopatan (poetry reading), among others, that led to an appreciation of their rich religious and cultural traditions, while at the same time, attracting tourists. As Maulana (2001: 38) suggests, the Kotagedean community realized the importance of maintaining their Islamic and Javanese traditions.




Muhammadiyah and Local Politics

When its founder Haji Ahmad Dahlan established Muhammadiyah in

Yogyakarta in the early 20th century, his vision was for it to uphold the mission of amar ma'aruf nahi mungkar (right relationship with fellow human being) and to ensure that Islam (and Muhammadiyah) would

bring rahmatan lil 'alamin (peace in the world) (Nakamura 1983: 48). In Kotagede, Muhammadiyah gained a strong following. Haji Masyhudi took up the mission by establishing a Muhammadiyah branch in 1923 and under his leadership the organization founded religious and social institutions to cater for the needs of the local people (Nakamura 1983: 70-73; Maulana, 2001: 24). Muhammadiyah was less directly active in the local political arena, and has no formal link with any particular political party, unlike the other major Muslim organization in Indonesia, the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). Muhammadiyah believes that political affiliation is a personal or private matter. Nonetheless, Muhammadiyah has produced some local leaders in Kotagede. It has been a training ground for not just local but also some prominent national political leaders, including the former religious minister of the Soekarno period, Kahar Muzakir, and of the Soeharto period, Mukti Ali. A few local politicians who currently hold office in Yogyakarta are members of or have association with Muhammadiyah.

Muhammadiyah was not the only major organization active in

Kotagede in the early 20th century. Syarikat Islam (SI), which was a social and economic organization, was established in Kotagede before

Muhammadiyah, its supporters being mainly local entrepreneurs and traders (Nakamura 1983: 55). At around the same time, the Indonesian Communist Party (Partai Komunis Indonesia, PKI) also established a branch in Kotagede. The PKI was very popular among the local workers and peasants. At the end of 1 924 the PKI organized an international conference that brought a thousand of its members and supporters to Kotagede (McVey 1965: 262-73; Shiraishi 1990: 313). Rivalry between the PKI and Muhammadiyah started at this

point with workers and peasants supporting the former, and wealthy local entrepreneurs supporting the latter. Nakamura observes:




The PK3 advocated direct action to overthrow the Dutch colonial regime. The Muhammadiyah, although no less anti-colonial, did not let the organization become involved in such an action. The Muhammadiyah took the religious enlightenment of individuals as its primary task and regarded its political involvement rather detrimental to the performance of that task. Although individual members were accorded the freedom of political actions as individuals, the Muhammadiyah took the stand that political action without religious conviction was groundless or even harmfid to its task of religious enlightenment (1983: 65).

During the post-independence period, the PKI gained ground in

Kotagede, with the result that Muhammadiyah joined other Islamic

organizations in establishing the Masyumi, a coalition of Islamic

political parties that were active in the post-independence period. Masyumi was popular in Kotagede in the 1950s, ranking number one in the 1955 general elections, slighdy above the PKI (with approximately one third of the votes each) while the Indonesian Nationalist Party ( Partai Nasional Indonesia , PNI) and other small

parties shared the remaining votes (Nakamura 1983: 105; Maulana 2001: 27). Surprisingly, the almost equal support for the PKI and

Masyumi in Kotagede at this time did not divide or polarize the local

people. Peace was maintained in Kotagede, which the local people believe, was due to the commitment of its people to the spirit of tolerance that is embodied in this town.

However, it is not clear how Kotagede weathered the crisis that followed the fall of Sukarno in 1965. Thousands of members the PKI and the latter s affiliates such as the leftist cultural organization, Lekra, and several workers' organizations were killed or arrested and

jailed in Java and Bali. It remains a mystery that no one is willing to talk about in Kotagede, which had large numbers of PKI members and supporters. They are still reluctant to talk about this part of local history in Kotagede.

The departure of the PKI from the local political arena in the 1960s brought considerable political and social change to Kotagede. Many sympathizers and members of the PKI who were stigmatized and traumatized looked for political security and sanctuary within




Muhammadiyah. As noted by Maulana (2001: 27-28), during the New Order period, there was an expansion of religious and social activities in Kotagede. Muhammadiyah became the largest organization in Kotagede. But the dominance of Muhammadiyah did not necessarily translate into an Islamic voting block for Islamic

political parties contesting the general elections during the Soeharto

period. Muhammadiyah leaders in Kotagede continued to assert the freedom of the individual in political matters. It was commonly said "religion is for spiritual purposes, while politics is for political purposes" ( agama itu untuk rohaniah, politik untuk duniawiah). In the general elections of the Soeharto period (1971, 1977, 1982, 1987, 1992, 1997) the people of Kotagede voted for all three of the

political parties that contested them: the Unity Development Party {Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, PPP), an alliance of Islamic political parties, the ruling party Golkar ( Golongan Karya) and the Indonesian Democratic Party ( Partai Demokrasi Indonesia, PDI) (Zaidan 2003). The voting results illustrated the political diversity in Kotagede.

This diversity continued after the fall of Soeharto in 1998. In the 1999 general elections, Kotagedeans voted almost equally for the two major political parties, the National Mandate Party ( Partai Amanat Nasional, PAN) (37 per cent of the votes) and the Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle ( Partai Demokrasi Indonesia-Perjuangan, PDI-P) (30 per cent of the votes). The remaining 33 per cent of the votes were distributed among other political parties.3 Some have argued that the PAN gained the largest percentage of the Kotagede vote in 1999 because the party was led Amien Rais, a former chairman of

Muhammadiyah. Some have suggested that PAN relied very much on the support of Muhammadiyah in Kotagede (Nakamura 2005: 220-21). However, in the 2004 general elections, the popularity of PAN in Kotagede declined with voters supporting parties such as the PDI-P, PPP, Golkar, and new comers such as the Prosperous Justice Party ( Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, PKS) and the Democratic Party {Partai Demokrat, PD).

The results of the 2004 general elections in Kotagede underlined the on-going political diversity of the people of Kotagede and also




the decline of the Islamic-based political parties. Whereas in the 1999 general elections, PAN was able to rely on the votes of a large section of the people in Kotagede, this seemed not to be the case

anymore in the 2004 general elections.4 With the declining popularity of PAN in Kotagede, competition for the local vote increased, with new contenders coming mainly from the business community, in

particular the silver industry. In this new development we see local business leaders joining other political parties such as PKS and PD in order to expand their influence beyond the business world.

Some recent local political developments deserve attention

especially the direct election for the district head known as Pilkada ( pemilihan kepala daerah langsung) that took place in June 2005. I was able to observe in this election that the people of Kotagede voted

overwhelmingly for the incumbent bupati (district head) of Bantul district, Idham Samawi, who was supported by the PDI-P and other small political parties. The candidates who were supported by the PAN and the Nation Awakening Party ( Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa, PKB) obtained few votes, even though both parties were perceived by the public to be close to Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama

respectively. Prior to the Pilkada, there had been speculation among the local people that the incumbent bupati would face difficulty in

gaining votes from the local people in Kotagede. This was not the case after all. I observed several polling booths in Kotagede and I am

impressed that the voters showed their independent views. The local

people showed their political maturity by accepting the winners and the losers without entering into disputes over the final results of the Pilkada. The re-election of Idham Samawi suggests that the people of

Kotagede supported leadership of the incumbent bupati , who had succeeded in developing both Kotagede and the broader Bantul district.

I would argue that the neutrality of Muhammadiyah has allowed the people of Kotagede to show their maturity and independence in casting their votes in both general and local elections. The local

people express this phenomenon by saying that they are practical and business-like people who always put their eggs in many baskets rather than in a single one, which could disappear when things go




wrong. The wisdom holds for politics as well as for business: they should never invest all resources in a single political party.

Local People and Local Identity

The coexistence of Islamic and Javanese traditions has been established for centuries in Kotagede. Through religious and cultural activities such as arisan, pengajian, paguyuban, and selamatan the local people know each other and support each other.5 By engaging in these activities, the Kotagedean community shows its willingness to accept different

religious and cultural traditions. One popular activity is selamatan, which involves groups of families. The selamatan has been practiced in Kotagede for centuries. It is still practiced today by local people, both the devout and the less devout Muslims. The Muhammadiyah has tolerated selamatan because it is an activity that has many followers in Kotagede. It is a part of their Javanese identity. In this sense, as

my source states, "the Muhammadiyah had to live with selamatan as part of accepting different local religious and cultural practices".6 Selamatan functions somewhat like a civic forum in which local

people can meet and discuss the issues or problems faced by the whole community.

The role of local actors in maintaining local identities in Kotagede also deserves attention. It is important here to examine the life stories of a few personalities in Kotagede including their concerns and ideas about the future of Kotagede. The first is a prominent religious and cultural figure in Kotagede who is also an active member of

Muhammadiyah. Amiruddin was born in Kotagede in the early 1950s. His father was a prominent religious leader who was active in the Kotagede branch of Muhammadiyah. Amiruddin came from a prominent local family who were among those known in Kotagede as the Bani Mukmin people, a term that refers to the early setders of Kotagede. Many local leaders in Kotagede come from these families, as do many Muhammadiyah activists. Amiruddin studied in Kotagede and Yogyakarta. He learned Islam from his father at home. He grew up and was actively involved in the activities of the

Kotagede branch of Muhammadiyah. After he obtained a university




degree from Gadjah Mada University in Yogjakarta, he became a lecturer in that university.

Within Muhammadiyah, Amiruddin has risen from the bottom level ( ranting ) to the national level ( pimpinan pusat). From 1995 to 2005, he was the secretary of Majelis Tarjih in Muhammadiyah at the national level. He was indeed among the elite circle of Muhammadiyah during this period. This allowed him to discuss both local and national issues with high profile personalities such as Amien Rais (the former leader of PAN) and Ahmad Syafii Maarif (the former chairman of

Muhammadiyah). Through his social and religious involvements in

Kotagede, Amiruddin is regarded as an icon for Muhammadiyah in

Kotagede. As a prominent member of Muhammadiyah, he prefers to help the people in Kotagede through social and cultural activities rather than through political activities. In this respect he embodies the mission of Muhammadiyah. He has been active in promoting local identity in Kotagede by encouraging Kotagedeans to respect their religious and cultural traditions.7 He has been instrumental, along with some other local personalities (including Paiman, whom I shall mention below), in establishing a Living Museum project in 2003, the aim of which is to preserve Kotagede and to promote such conservation as a model for other historical cities in Indonesia (Dinas Kebudayaan dan Pariwisata DIY Yogyakarta, 2003).

Unlike a conventional museum, the intention of this living museum is to have it looked after by the local people of Kotagede. This requires the active participation of the local people to preserve their local identity and their cultural resources and to use them to the benefit of the entire local community.8 There were several steps taken to establish a Living Museum in Kotagede. The first step was to gather information about historical and cultural sites in Kotagede that can be preserved and protected. This was done by talking to local people and by visiting the sites scattered around Kotagede. The second step was to identify several areas in Kotagede that have their own special character such as the silversmith area, the handicraft area, the batik painting area, and the leather craft area. Each area is to be maintained with its own strong character and identity, and can be




Silver handicraft from Kotagede (Photograph courtesy of Priyambudi Sulistiyanto)

enjoyed by both locals and outsiders. The third step was to identify and to interview the older people who lived in Kotagede in order to preserve their knowledge about the town. Their knowledge and

insights are useful and needed for the preservation of local identity. Amiruddin and Paiman have been actively involved in thinking and

preparing concepts and practical ideas to promote and maintain local

identity in Kotagede. The second person is a successful entrepreneur in the silver

industry. Paiman is in his early forties and is the son of a well-known local painter. He was born, grew up, and still lives in Kotagede. He owns a silver shop and three workshops where local silversmiths

produce fine silver items. He studied in Kotagede and Yogjakarta and obtained a university degree from Gadjah Mada University. Early in his life, Paiman was not interested in running a silver business. His mother had once told him that being a businessperson was a tough call suggesting he worked in the civil service instead. He took her




advice and applied for such a job after he obtained his university degree. However, he found himself unable to obtain a job either in the government or in the military.9

Paiman thus decided to start a silver business at the end of the 1980s. It was difficult in the beginning, as he had to compete with other more established businesses. He needed to learn from other silver entrepreneurs, while also looking for opportunities to enhance his own silver business. His relationships with foreign students and researchers during his days at Gadjah Mada University in the 1980s

helped in establishing connections with silver companies abroad in the United States, Australia, Singapore, and Europe. Through these connections he began to do business with museums abroad that ordered and purchased silver items from his shop.

Surprisingly, Paimans silver business expanded rapidly after the 1998 economic crisis. He survived so well primarily because of his

strong links with business counterparts in Jakarta and abroad. He worked to maintain his overseas links well by regularly sending updates promoting new designs. By having overseas customers, he earned U.S. dollars whose value against the Indonesian rupiah increased sharply after the 1998 economic crisis. Paimans success story attracted the attention of his fellow entrepreneurs in Kotagede. The media has also taken an interest in his achievements and often asks him to comment on the challenges and problems facing Kotagede. This has led Paiman to become involved in the local movement to preserve local cultural activities including the Living Museum project, of which he is the treasurer.

Both Amiruddin and Paiman are members of Muhammadiyah and are involved in many of its religious and social activities. Through their

personal and public engagements with Muhammadiyah, they have also been actively involved in a number of local initiatives to maintain local

identity in Kotagede. Amiruddin uses his deep religious and cultural

knowledge on Kotagede combined with his organizational link with

Muhammadiyah to find a way in which the spirit of tolerance and the maintaining of local identity can be preserved in Kotagede. He talks at various local gatherings such as pengajian and selamatan about




the importance of the Kotagede community. Paiman, who belongs to the younger generation in Kotagede, also uses his business skill and

knowledge to nurture the rich local knowledge in the silver industry, something that is a significant part of the local identity of the people in

Kotagede. With his financial resources, Paiman is involved in supporting pengajian and other local cultural activities. Both Amiruddin and Paiman believe that the Muhammadiyah spirit of "amar ma'aruf nahi

mungkar " has inspired them to engage in local activities in Kotagede.

Both of them also believe that, given the fact that Kotagede has long and rich Islamic and Javanese traditions, it can draw upon a range of cultural, social, education, and economic resources to bring about

significant improvements in the well-being of Kotagedeans. Have things remained the same in Kotagede since 2005? I visited

Kotagede again in the middle of 2006 and witnessed the destruction of this town by the earthquake that occurred on 27 May 2006. The

earthquake destroyed the market, many shops, and other businesses, and also homes and religious buildings, leaving the local economy struggling. Kotagede suffered like neighbouring districts, with hundreds of people killed (KR, 28 May 2006). I talked to many people about the impact of the earthquake in Kotagede, including to Paiman. They told me that what is holding the local people together is their religion and their spirit of gotong royong, meaning that the

Kotagedean community is using its own resources and helping each other to rebuild their community.10 In a practical sense, neighbors help each other voluntarily especially when it comes to cleaning up the debris and to rebuilding houses. Beyond this individual effort,

Muhammadiyah and other social organizations in Kotagede have also

organized volunteers to help those affected by the earthquake. The

earthquake destroyed the local economy, which will require a few

years to get back to normal. Rebuilding historical houses and other historical buildings will need government assistance because the local

community does not have sufficient financial resources in their hands to do this. However, the earthquake also strengthened local solidarity and a sense of local belonging, which will help a lot in the process of rebuilding Kotegede.




Historic house in Kotagede, before the earthquake on 27 May 2006 (Photograph courtesy of Priyambudi Sulistiyanto)

Concluding Remarks

In this article I have presented preliminary observations about the role of Muhammadiyah and some local actors in maintaining and preserving local identity in Kotagede. I have argued that the coexistence of both Islamic and Javanese identities is very important for the local people. I have explained that Muhammadiyah has long been an important organization in Kotagede. Through its influence, Islam in Kotagede is a religion that has been blended and localized. Islam lives alongside Javanese traditions that have many followers in Kotagede. The coexistence of Islamic and Javanese traditions is

accepted by the Kotagedean community, as something that enriches their lives in ways that they maintain and nurture for the benefit of the whole community. At the local political level, I have argued that local politics has diversified in Kotagede in the post-Soeharto period. Muhammadiyah has an impact on the way in which the




local people cast their votes in Kotagede. As I have learned from Amiruddin and Paiman, two active members of Muhammadiyah, the Kotagedean community accepts both Islam and the Javanese traditions. They believe that these traditions have lived together in Kotagede in tolerance, allowing the local people to follow both traditions and to practice their rituals without undermining each other. I suggest that the case of Kotagede can be seen as an example of how a local community can positively assert its local identity in the decentralization era. I also think that there are several areas that deserve further thought in researching this town. It is important to examine the legacies of PKI in Kotagede especially since some of its followers still live in the town. These legacies especially relate to its involvement in the political and cultural life of Kotagede. It is also important to gather more information about the Kotagede branch of Muhammadiyah including the detailed profiles of its leaders and members. This is important in order to understand whether as an organization Muhammadiyah shapes or is shaped by the local dynamics and the local people in Kotagede. My last

thought is to examine the impact of the 2006 earthquake on the

everyday life of Kotagede. Some things have changed drastically since this town was hit by the earthquake and it is important to examine the local knowledge and wisdom that contribute to the resilience and unity of this community.

NOTES

1. An early version of this article was presented at the Centennial Conference on City States organized by the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences and the Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore, in Singapore, on 1-3 August 2005. I would like to thank to the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences for providing a research grant which enabled me to do fieldwork in Kotagede, Central Java, Indonesia twice in June- July 2005 and in December 2005, and to the Asia Research Institute for hosting me to revise this article. Special thank you to Nyarwi who helped me to gather data in Kotagede. Thanks also to Lyn and Rossi for commenting on this paper and to anonymous reviewers for their critical comments. All shortcomings are mine.




2. In the late 19th century, a group of artisans was brought specially to Kotagede by the Yogyakarta royal family to produce gold and silver items for the royal family. This group was known as the Kalang people. They grew very rich in the 1920s and became the backbone of the local silver industry in Kotagede. The large houses owned by the Kalang people are still around and can be found scattered throughout Kotagede.

3. There were about 13,000 votes in the 1999 general elections (see Zaidan, 2003: 44-45).

4. The mayor of Yogjakarta city is an MP from PAN and he is from Kotagede. 5. Artsan is a monthly meeting to discuss local issues and to share information

about what is happening in Kotagede. Paguyuban is a recreational or social organization set up by the local people. It is a Javanese tradition. Pengajian is a Quranic recital forum, which takes place on a weekly basis. Selamatan is a community forum that thanks its members for their involvement in different functions such as celebrating a birth, building a house, commemorating someone who just died, etc.

6. Interview with a local NuU activist, Yogjakarta, 7 July 2UU!>. 7. Interview with Amiruddin (pseudonym), Kotagede, 10 July 2005. 8. Interview with a local silversmith, Kotagede, 9 July 2005. 9. Interview with Paiman (pseudonym), Kotagede, 12 July 2005.

10. Gotong royong means mutually helping each other.

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Priyambudi Sulistiyanto is Assistant Professor at the Southeast Asian Studies Programme, National University of Singapore.



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