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Transcript of 2000 - Stanley Hauerwas - The Nonviolent Terrorist. In Defense of Christian Fanaticism

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    105

    title : The Church As Counterculture

    SUNY Series in Popular Culture and

    Political Change

    author : Budde, Michael L.

    publisher : State University of New York Press

    isbn10 | asin : 0791446077

    print isbn13 : 9780791446072

    ebook isbn13 : 9780585285061

    language : English

    subject Christianity and culture--United States.

    publication date : 2000

    lcc : BR115.C8C49 2000eb

    ddc : 261/.0973

    subject : Christianity and culture--United States.

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    4TheNonviolentTerrorist:InDefenseofChristianFanaticismSTANLEYHAUERWAS

    OnBeingaFanaticIbeginwithanapology.Icannotmeettheexpectationsofthosewhoorganized

    theconference.IcannotbecauseIrepresentadifferentpoliticsthanthepolitics

    thatcreatedthe"between"foundinthetitleoftheconference,thatis,

    "ChristianEthicsbetweenRadicalismandFanaticism."IwantChristianstobe

    radicals.Iwant

    Christians

    to

    be

    fanatics.

    1Indeed

    Isuspect

    that

    is

    why

    Iwas

    invited.Youwantedanexampleofafanaticalradical.Iwilltrynottodisappoint

    you.

    Imustapologize,however,ifIhavemisunderstoodmyroleinthis

    colloquium.Intheletterinvitingmetoaddresstheconferencethepurposeof

    thecolloquiumissaidtobeanattempt"toanalyzethenecessityandthedangers

    oftheradicalismof(Christian)ethics."IassumeIamtorepresent"thenecessity"

    ofChristianradicalism.YetIwasaskedinparticular"todealasanethicistwith

    thequestion

    of

    the

    tension

    between

    the

    radicality

    of

    the

    gospel

    in

    sociopolitical,

    peace,andecologicalmattersandtheriskofbecomingafanatic.Howcanyou

    liveouttheradicalityoftheChristianmessagewithoutbecomingintolerant?"I

    donotwanttokeepyouinsuspense.Beingafanaticisnotariskbuta

    requirementandthereisnothingwrongwithintoleranceifyouarethekindof

    ChristianradicalIbelievewearecalledtobe.

    Irealize,however,thatsuchasummaryanswerwillnotsatisfymostwho

    areworriedaboutChristiansactingresponsiblyintheworldaswe

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    90

    knowit.Fanaticsandradicalsareseldomthoughttoberesponsible.Inother

    wordsIrealizeIbeartheburdenofproof.Inordertotrytomakean

    unapologeticcaseforChristianradicalismIamgoingtoprovideadefenseof

    whattomanyistheclearestcaseoffanaticismterrorism.Irealizethiswillseema

    bizarrestrategyforapacifist,butIhopetoshowwhynonviolencecannothelp

    butappear

    as

    aterrorist

    tactic

    by

    those

    who

    want

    to

    make

    the

    world

    safe

    for

    war.

    Inthelightofwhatmanytaketobethemoralanarchyofourculture,itis

    comfortingtothinkthatthereisastrongmoralconsensusaboutsomethingsfor

    example,childpornographyandterrorism.Thereforemyattempttoprovidea

    justificationofterrorism,atleast,akindoftheologicalterrorism,cannothelpbut

    seemunsettling.YetIwanttotrytoshowthatinsofarasmostcontinueto

    believethatwarisanecessaryinstrumentforthemaintenanceofthegoodsof

    thehuman

    community,

    then

    terrorism

    cannot

    be

    automatically

    subject

    to

    moral

    condemnation.

    Iwanttobecandid,however,aboutwheremyargumentismeanttolead.I

    wantyoutobe,likeme,apacifist.AsapacifistIobviouslythinkthatwarand

    terrorismarenotcompatiblewithChristiandiscipleship.2YetmanyChristians

    thinkthat,thoughwaristerrible,undercertainconditionsitmaynotonlybe

    justifiedbutaduty.ThosethatwouldsojustifywarforChristiansusuallyassume

    thatterrorismisbeyondjustification.Iwilltrytoshowthattheattempttosave

    waras

    amoral

    project

    by

    distinguishing

    war

    from

    terrorism

    will

    not

    work.

    In

    short,ifyouthinkterrorismisprohibited,thensoiswar.Christiannonviolence,

    therefore,cannothelpbutappearasfanaticaljusttotheextentitchallengesthe

    assumed"normality"ofwarandviolence.

    Thediscussionoftheethicsofterrorism,however,ismeanttoprovidea

    contextforwhatItaketobethecentralquestionthatgaverisetothesubjectof

    thisconferencenamely,howcantheradicalcharacterofthegospelbereclaimed

    withoutmakingChristiansirrelevantor,worse,intolerant.RadicalChristocentric

    ethics,

    such

    as

    I

    represent,

    at

    least

    to

    some

    seems

    to

    threaten

    the

    ability

    of

    Christianstoactconstructivelyinaworldalreadyfartoodivided.Insucha

    dividedworldwhatisneeded,itisargued,isauniversalethiccapableof

    resolvingconflict.Incontrast,IwilltrytoshowthatifChristiansaretohelpsuch

    aworldlivemorepeacefully,wecanonlybewhatwearethosewhoworship

    JesusChrist,theSonofGod.Forthatisthebasisofour"radicalism"as

    Christiansthatis,wearenotradicalsbecauseweassumearadicalstanceonthis

    orthatissuethattheworldunderstandsasradical,butbecauseanystancewe

    assumemustbewitnesstotheGodofJesusChrist.

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    The"Ethics"ofTerrorism"Onecommunity'sterroristisanothercommunity'smartyr"isthekindof

    generalizationthatisastrueasitisfalse.Yetitisnotabadplacetobegin

    thinkingaboutterrorismjusttotheextentsuchastatementremindsusthatany

    descriptionof

    terrorism

    implicates

    aset

    of

    moral

    practices

    and

    presumptions.

    JamesBurtchaellrightlyarguesthatitis

    misleadingtoaddresstheethicsofterrorismandresponsetoterrorismby

    acceptingwithoutquestionthefashionablepresumptionthatterrorismisa

    developmentsodiscontinuouswiththetraditionsofwarfarethatitdeserves

    unconventionalmoralscrutiny.Onthecontrary,terrorism,likethemany

    enlargementsofviolencebeforeit,isalinealdescendentoftraditionalwarfare.

    It

    can

    best

    be

    understood

    and

    evaluated

    by

    analogy

    with

    conventional

    conflict.

    AndIamincreasinglyoftheopinionthatitraisesnotoldquestionsaboutnew

    kindsofcombatbutnewquestionsaboutoldformsofwar.Itiswarfare's

    newestandmostsoberingprogeny.3

    ItisinterestingtoreflectontheIsraeli/PLOconflictinthelightof

    Burtchaell'sclaimthatitisbynomeanseasytodistinguishwarfromterrorism.

    ThegovernmentofIsraelfounditusefultocallthePLOa"terroristorganization"

    becausetheysometimeskilledschoolchildrenonbuses.YetthestateofIsrael

    wasbrought

    into

    power

    by

    an

    extended

    and

    very

    well

    organized

    terrorist

    campaign.ItiseasytoforgetthatthosewholaterbecamepoliticiansinIsraelat

    onetimeintheirlivesblewupthePrinceDavidHotel.TothisdayIsraelassumes

    ithastherighttobombPalestinianrefugeecampsinretaliationfor"terrorist

    attacks,"butsuchbombingisnotconsideredterrorismeventhoughthecamps

    housewomenandchildren.Isthebombingperpetratedbyanestablished

    governmentbydefinitionnotterror?4NowthatthePLOisagovernmentwith

    landdoesthatmeanformeractsof"terrorism"arenowwar?

    Ithas

    been

    assumed

    that

    astrong

    distinction

    can

    be

    made

    between

    terrorismandwartotheextenttheformerfailstoobservethecivilizedrulesof

    war,andinparticular,engagesinattacksoncivilians.Yetfromthe"terrorist"

    pointofviewdistinctionsbetweencombatantsandnoncombatantsarenot

    easilymaintained.Forexample,someyearsagotherewasageneraloutrage

    againstthosewhoraidedawhiteman'sRhodesianfarmandslaughteredhiswife

    andchildren.Yetfromtheperspectiveof

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    thosewhohadconductedtheraid,thosekilledwomenandchildrenalikehad

    been''washed,dressed,schooled,andconveyedabroadandentertainedand

    cultivatedbydintoftheoccupationoftheirlandandlowpaidlaboroftheir

    backsandthedeprivationandhumiliationoftheirchildren.Ithadbeenthewhite

    children'sfather'sriflethatviolatedthemandtheirhomeland,butitwashis

    familythat

    lived

    good

    naturally

    on

    his

    violence.

    How

    could

    he

    be

    guilty

    and

    they

    beinnocent?"5

    Suchexamplesarebutremaindersthatoftenthosewhoarecalledterrorist

    useviolencebecausetheyhavebeendeniedanyotheralternativebythe

    "recognizedgovernment."Ofcoursethisgoestotheheartoftheattemptto

    distinguishbetweenterrorismandwar,sinceanysuchdistinctiongainsitsmoral

    warrantfromtheassumptionbasedinjustwartheorythatthereisacontinuity

    betweenthepolicefunctionofthestateanditswarmakingpotential.The

    justificationof

    war

    is

    but

    an

    extension

    of

    the

    right

    of

    the

    state

    to

    punish.

    The

    latterispossiblebecauseitisthedisciplineduseofviolenceforthegoodin

    commonincludingthegoodoftheonepunished.Whichisbutareminder,as

    PaulRamseyemphasized,justwarisnotsomuchacasuistrytodetermineifa

    warmeetspriordeterminedcriteria,butratheranaccountofstateaction

    requiredfortheprotectionoftheinnocent.6Sowarisbutacontinuationofthe

    justiceinternaltothestatetransposedtorelationsbetweenstates.

    Thereare,however,somestrongreasonstodoubtthatwarisbuta

    continuationof

    the

    police

    function

    of

    the

    state.

    The

    latter

    includes

    not

    only

    aprioragreementonwhatacrimemaybe,butalsorequiresthecriminalbe

    caught,adecisionbemadeofdegreeofguilt,theappropriatepunishment,as

    wellasthecarryingoutofthepunishment.Itisinstructivetonotethatthepolice

    donotcarryoutanyofthelastfunctionswhereasinwarallthefunctionsare

    carriedoutbythesameagent.Inshort,warlacksexactlythepriorinstitutions

    andpracticesthatlimittheviolenceintrinsictothepolicefunctionofthestate

    and,atleasttosomeextent,makesuchviolencelessarbitrary.Yetaswenoted

    above,

    it

    is

    just

    the

    assumption

    of

    such

    continuity

    that

    has

    underwritten

    the

    distinctionbetweenwarandterrorism.

    Ofcourseitmaybeobjectedthatthiswayofthinkingaboutterrorism

    leavesoutthemostimportantaspectofjustwarreflectionthatis,theprincipleof

    noncombatantimmunity.Thosecalledterrorist,however,donotnecessarily

    attacknoncombatants,butiftheydotheyarenotwithoutsomemoralresponse.

    Suchanattackmaybeanattempttomakeclearthekindofwartheyunderstand

    theyareforcedtowagenamely,awarofthedesperatethatmustuseselective

    targetinginnonselectiveways.

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    Inthisrespectitisparticularlyimportanttorememberthatevenattackson

    civiliansbyallegedterroristsarenotindiscriminate.Whogetsblownupbya

    bombonabusmaybeindiscriminate,butthatthebombwasplantedonabusis

    notindiscriminate.Rather,suchbombingmaybetiedtopolicyobjectivesthat

    mayevenmakesuchabombinganalogoustothedefenseofciviliandeathson

    justwar

    grounds

    of

    indirect

    effect;

    for

    alleged

    terrorist

    strategies

    are

    meantlike

    waritselftomakepeoplepreferpeace,oratleastorder,ratherthancontinuethe

    conflict.Thereforethe"randomviolence"oftheterroristisanythingotherthan

    randomjusttotheextentitisusedintheinterestofmakingtheadversarysue

    forpeace.Indeed,theterrorofterrorismisoftendesignedtobrutalizethose

    whomustfighttheterroristsothattheverymeanstofighttheterroristbecomes

    selfdefeating.

    Accordingly,JamesBurtchaellarguesthatterrorismwillincreasinglybeseen

    notas

    an

    anomaly

    but

    as

    one

    of

    the

    degenerate

    progeny

    of

    conventional

    war.

    He

    callsattentiontothreedistinctreactionstoweaponsdevelopment,suchasthe

    machinegun,elicitedinthiscentury.Somethoughtsuchweaponssohorrendous

    theywereinherentlyimmoral.Othersthoughtthemsoterribletheywouldmake

    warlesslikely.Stillothersthoughtsuchweaponsonlymadeclearhowhorrible

    warhasalwaysbeen.Burtchaellconcludesthatterrorismjustifiesallthree

    conclusionsasitisindeedsavageandinhumane.Yetsoiswar.So"inquiryinto

    thenatureandethicalimperativesofterrorismissoundonlyifwedonot

    imaginethat

    it

    is

    inhumane

    by

    contrast

    with

    war,

    which

    is

    humane.

    Conventional

    warfareisconventionallyinhumane."7

    Yetthisisaconclusionfromwhichmostofuswouldrecoil.Butiftheabove

    discussionofterrorismhastaughtusanythingwemustaskwhoisthe"us"doing

    therecoiling.MaxStackhouserepresentswhatItaketobethemostpersuasive

    answertothatquestionthe"us"mustbetheuniversalvoiceofhumanity.

    Stackhousearguesthatweareatalosstorespondtoterrorismbecausesomeno

    longerbelieveinauniversalethic.AccordingtoStackhouse,

    Ethically,weareinanageinwhichthereisgravedoubtamongtheologians,

    philosophers,jurists,andsocialscientistsastowhetheranyuniversalprinciples

    existwhichcanbereliablyknownandusedbytheinternationalcommunityto

    definetortureorterrorismaswrong.Tobesure,manysaythatterrorismand

    tortureareterrible.Butwhenthequestionisposedastowhetherthereareany

    universalabsolutes,orwhetherthereare

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    intrinsicallyevilacts,orwhethertherearecrossculturalvalueswhichcouldbe

    thebasisfordeclaringsuchpracticestobeinherentlywrongwefindonlydoubt

    andskepticism.8

    AccordingtoStackhouse,withoutsuchauniversalethicwehavenomeansto

    challengethe

    assumed

    right

    of

    nation

    states

    to

    make

    decisions

    on

    the

    basis

    of

    selfinterest.

    Stackhouse'sconcerntocounterthe"relativism"hethinkstobethecause

    ofourinabilitytocondemnterrorismcouldbemeantasacritiqueofme.9SinceI

    amallegedtoholdtheviewthatnouniversalethicexists,Irepresentaformof

    confessionaltheologythathasnobasisforsayingwhyterrorismiswrong.10As

    Stackhouseputstheissue:

    Ifwe

    believe

    terrorism

    and

    torture

    are

    in

    fact

    fundamentally

    contrary

    to

    the

    truthandjusticeofGodandoughttobestoppedeverywhere,wemust

    recognizethatthetheologicalfoundationsonwhichmanycontemporary

    contextualistandconfessionalisttheologiesrestareinadequatetothistask,

    whatevertheircontributionstootherareas.Sadly,theydonothavethecross

    cultural,intellectualormoralamplitudetoaddresstheseissues.11

    Withoutsuchacrossculturalvision,Stackhouseargueswewillbeplungedintoa

    Hobbesianworldwhereallcontendagainstall,aworldinwhichonlymight

    makesright.

    Stackhouse

    thinks,

    however,

    that

    we

    do

    not

    live

    in

    aworld

    devoid

    of

    universalprinciples.Suchprinciplesarethosefoundindemocraticallyauthorized

    constitutions,whichStackhousebelievestobetheharbingersofthe"enormous

    transformation"theworldiscurrentlyundergoingtowardthecreationofa

    "universalcivilization."12Stackhousearguesthatthosewhodonotrecognizethe

    universalityofsuchdemocraticallyauthorizedconstitutionsshouldberegarded

    asnotyetfullyrationalor,worse,morallyperverse.Asurprisinglyintolerant

    conclusionforsomeonesocommittedtotolerance.13Yetitisaconclusionthat

    helpsmake

    intelligible

    my

    willingness

    to

    describe

    myself

    as

    aterroristfrom

    a

    perspectivesuchasthatofStackhouse,peoplelikemethreatentheprojectto

    freetheworldofwarbecauseofourunwillingnesstoassumeauniversalstance.

    EpistemologicalCrisesandWarSohowarewetogoon?Ifwearetobe"responsible"mustwebeableto

    provide,asStackhouseargues,anethicofuniversalprinciplesso

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    thatwecandistinguishbetweenwarandterrorism?Orarewecondemned,asI

    amallegedtobe,torepresenta"local"or"restricted"morality,evenonecalled

    Christian,whichcannotprovideabasisforrationalagreementssowemight

    avoidwar?Icertainlydonotthinksuchanalternativetobeouronlychoice,but

    toshow

    why

    Iwill

    need

    to

    explore

    Alasdair

    MacIntyre's

    account

    of

    what

    he

    calls

    epistemologicalcrises.IndoingsoIshallhavetoaskyourpatienceasitmaynot

    beimmediatelyclearhowissuesofwarandterrorism(muchlesswhyI

    characterizemyownpositionasoneofChristianfanaticism)areclarifiedbywhat

    atfirstappearstobeawayofunderstandingscientificdisputes.YetbythetimeI

    amfinishedIhopetohaveshownyouwhyMacIntyre'saccountiscrucialfor

    helpingusrecognizethatnothingcouldbemorerationalthanthepeaceitisour

    privilegeandobligationtowitnessasChristiansandwhysuchapeace,fromthe

    world'sperspective,

    may

    be

    thought

    to

    be

    aform

    of

    terrorism.

    MacIntyre'saccountofepistemologicalcrisesisacorrelativeofhis

    traditionedaccountofrationality.AccordingtoMacIntyre,itwasthecentral

    aspirationoftheEnlightenmenttoprovidestandardsandrationaljustification

    thatanyrationalperson,thatisapersonindependentofallsocialandcultural

    particularities,wouldorshouldacceptwithoutrecoursetoappealstoauthority.

    14Thisidealhasbeenimpossibletomaintainbecauseithasprovedimpossible

    tosecureagreementonpreciselythoseprinciplesthatweretobeundeniableby

    allrational

    persons.

    Yet

    what

    is

    particularly

    troubling

    is

    any

    attempt

    to

    provide

    analternativeaccountofrationalitytothatoftheEnlightenmentcontinuestobe

    judgeddeficientbythefailedstandardsofthatsameEnlightenmentstandard.

    YetMacIntyrearguesthatanalternativeaccountofrationalinquiryis

    possibleasthat"embodiedinatradition,aconceptionaccordingtowhichthe

    standardsofrationaljustificationthemselvesemergefromandarepartofa

    historyinwhichtheyarevindicatedbythewayinwhichtheytranscendthe

    limitationsofandprovideremediesforthedefectsoftheirpredecessorswithin

    the

    history

    of

    that

    same

    tradition."15

    Such

    a

    view

    of

    rationality

    is

    historical,

    since

    anyattempttojustifyistonarratehowtheargumenthasgonesofar;

    accordingly,anysubjectneedingjustificationisitselfaconceptwithahistory;

    whichmeansthattherecanbenodenialofthediversityoftraditionsofenquiry.

    ForthoseschooledonEnlightenmentpresuppositionsthislastpointis

    particularlytroubling.FromsuchaperspectiveitisassumedthatMacIntyre

    cannotavoidrelativismand,inspiteofhisdenials,mayevenadvocate

    relativism.16Moreoverthisview,itisalleged,hasdisastrous

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    politicalresultsbecauseifthereisnoalternativetorelativismthenweare

    condemnedtoliveinaworldofwar.Absentanywayofsecuringagreements

    betweenpeoplewhootherwisesharenothingincommonotherthantheir

    rationality,itseemstheonlyrecourseforresolvingdisputesiswar.

    YetMacIntyrearguesthattraditionsmaybeabletoresolveconflictsnot

    onlywithin

    the

    tradition

    itself

    but

    between

    traditions.

    In

    this

    respect,

    it

    is

    importanttoattendtotheantiCartesianandantiHegelianaspectsof

    MacIntyre'saccountoftraditions.ForMacIntyre,unlikeCartesians,assumesthat

    traditionsbeginnotfromunassailableselfevidenttruths,butratherare

    contingent.Moreover,incontrasttoHegelianpresumptionsthateachtradition

    mustsharewithallothertraditionssomefinalrationalstate,forMacIntyre

    "traditionsarealwaysandineradicallytosomedegreelocal,informedby

    particularitiesoflanguageandsocialandnaturalenvironment,inhabitedby

    Greeksor

    by

    citizens

    of

    Roman

    Africa

    or

    medieval

    Persia

    or

    by

    eighteenth

    centuryScots,whostubbornlyrefusetobeorbecomevehiclesoftheself

    realizationofGeist.ThoseeducatedorindoctrinatedintoacceptingCartesianor

    Hegelianstandardswilltakethepositivityoftraditiontobeasignof

    arbitrariness.Foreachtraditionwill,soitmayseem,pursueitsownspecific

    historicalpath,andallthatweshallbeconfrontedwithintheendisasetof

    independentrivalhistories."17

    Yetthissuggestionisbeliedby"oneparticularkindofoccurrenceinthe

    historyof

    traditions,"

    which

    MacIntyre

    calls

    "epistemological

    crises."18

    Such

    crisescanoccurinthehistoryofparticularpersons,groups,andforawhole

    tradition.Indeed,suchacrisisinatraditionmaywellfinditselfmanifestinour

    inabilitytotellthestoriesofourliveswithnarrativecoherence.Tosharea

    culturemeansweshareschematathatareatonceconstitutiveofandnormative

    forintelligibleactionsthatis,itmeanswecan"get"ajoke.Yetitmayhappenthat

    anindividualmaycometorecognizethepossibilityofdifferentpossibilitiesof

    interpretationwhichpresentanalternativerivalschemataofwhatisgoingon

    around

    him

    or

    her.

    MacIntyre

    suggests

    that

    Shakespeare's

    Hamlet

    exemplifies

    in

    thepersonofHamletaswellasthequestionofhowtointerprettheplay,

    Hamlet,theproblemofhavingtoomanyschemataforinterpretation.19That

    suchacrisismayoccurdoesnotmeanitcanalwaysberesolvedsinceitmay,asit

    wasinthecaseofHamlet,makeitimpossibleforhimorustounderstandwhatis

    goingonaroundus.Suchalackofunderstandingmaymakeitimpossibleforus

    tomakeourownlivesintelligibleandmayevenlead,asitdidforHamlet,to

    madness(ortothenecessitytofeignmadness).Yeteventhat

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    descriptionmaybetoocomfortingsinceitassumesthatinsuchasituationwe

    areabletodistinguishnormalityfrommadness.

    Anewnarrativeisrequiredfortheresolutionofanepistemologicalcrisis.

    Suchanarrativemustenableagentstounderstandbothhowtheycouldhave

    intelligiblyheldtheirformerbeliefsandhowtheymayhavebeenmisledby

    them.When

    historically

    founded

    certitudes

    are

    rendered

    problematic,

    new

    conceptsarerequiredtoenrichourschemestofurnishsolutionstoproblems

    thatseemintractable;anexplanationmustbegivenwhythetraditionhad,

    beforethesenewresourceswereavailable,seemedsterileorincoherent;and

    thesetasksmustbecarriedoninafashioninwhichthenewconceptual

    resourcesareseenincontinuitywiththetraditionasarticulatedtothatpoint.20

    MacIntyresuggeststhewaytheCatholicdoctrineoftheTrinitywasresolvedin

    thefourthcenturyisagoodillustrationfortheresolutionofanepistemological

    crisis.Aquinas,

    providing

    the

    means

    in

    which

    Aristotle

    could

    be

    received

    into

    an

    Augustinianframework,isofcourseMacIntyre'scrucialexemplificationofa

    successfulresolutionofanepistemologicalcrisis.21

    Relativismnowappearsasthedoctrinethatdeniesthepossibilityof

    epistemologicalcrisesoccurring,butbytheveryfactthatsuchcrisesoccurwe

    cannowseethatrelativismasapositionisamistake.MacIntyre,however,is

    willingtoconcedetotherelativistthatoverlongperiodsoftimerivaltraditions,

    bothinternallyandinrelationtooneanother,maydevelopwithout

    encounteringmore

    than

    minor

    epistemological

    crises.

    Yet

    when

    this

    happens

    suchtraditionswillbeunabletoencountertheirrivalsinawaytodefeat

    them.22Moreover,thereisnothingtopreventatraditionfromdegenerating

    intoaselfcontainedenclavetoavoidrecognizingthatitisbeingputinto

    questionbyrivaltraditions."Thisis,"MacIntyreobserves,"partofthe

    degeneracyofmodernastrology,ofsometypesofpsychiatricthought,andof

    liberalProtestantism."23

    MacIntyre'sconcessionthatforlongperiodsoftimetraditionsofvery

    different

    kinds

    can

    coexist

    without

    bringing

    their

    conflicts

    and

    disagreements

    to

    rationalresolutionmakesclearthatanepistemologicalcrisis,whilepossiblyquite

    painful,isevenmoreimportantlyagreatachievement.Ourproblemisnotthat

    Christianscomeintoconflictwiththeworldinwhichwelive,butthatwedonot.

    Indeed,fromthisperspectivewarcannowbeseenasafailuretosustainthe

    kindofconflictMacIntyredescribesasanepistemologicalcrisiswarisnecessary

    whentraditionsareunabletorecognizethecrisestheycreateforoneanother.

    Thisisnottodenythatawarmightbetheformanepistemologicalcri

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    sismighttakeorthatterrorismcouldbeconstruedasadesperatewaytoforcea

    conflictthatisotherwisedenied.Yetwarandterrorismusuallyarenotwell

    knownforproviding"conceptualschemes"thatallowcontinuitywiththepastto

    benamed.

    WitnessasTheologicalTerrorismMacIntyre'saccountofepistemologicalcrisesiscrucialifwearetoavoidthe

    unhappychoicebetweenStackhouse'sappealtouniversalprinciplesandwar.

    Moreover,ifMacIntyreisright,thenwecanbetterappreciatewhyChristian

    nonviolencecannothelpbutbeseenfromadvocatesofboththosealternatives

    asaformofterrorism.ForChristianshavebeensentoutintoaworldofwarto

    challengethenecessityofwararmedonlywiththeweaponsoflove.Put

    differently,that

    Christians

    are

    first

    and

    foremost

    called

    to

    be

    witnesses

    by

    necessitycreatesepistemologicalcrisesforthosethatdonotworshiptheGodof

    JesusChrist.(Ofcourse,Ialsowanttocreatesuchacrisisforthosewhodo

    worshipChristbutthinktheycanstillparticipateinwar.)Suchcrisesmayforlong

    periodsbeirresolvableandthetensioncreatedtemptallinvolvedtoviolence.

    ThatChristiansmustresistsuchtemptationsisnotbecausesuchviolencemay

    not,atleastforawhile,seemtoprovide"peace,"butbecausethepeace

    providedisnotthepeaceofChrist.

    Christianwitness

    so

    understood

    is

    particularly

    threatening

    to

    those

    who

    assume,likeStackhouse,thatouronlyalternativetowarandterrorismisto

    representauniversalalternative.24Thatnarrative,inspiteofitsgreatdesirefor

    peace,cannothelpbutattempttosilencethosewhorepresent"particularistic"

    traditions."Particularists,"particularlythosewhorefusetoacceptthe

    marginalizationofferedbysuchuniversalists,cannothelpbutappearasfanatics

    and/orterroristswhothreatenwhatappearstobeouronlyhopeforpeace.

    FromtheperspectiveofliberalChristianity,Christianswhoinsistonthe"politics

    of

    Jesus"25

    cannot

    but

    appear

    like

    Islamic

    fundamentalistsnot

    a

    bad

    place

    to

    be

    frommyperspective.

    Witnesscanbeunderstoodasauniversalimperative,butitissuchasan

    expressionofhoperatherthananassuredresult.AsEmmanuelKatongole

    observes,"witnessinvolvestheaffirmationofthehermeneuticalsignificanceof

    thepresenceofothers.Becausehumanbeingsarenotaccidentallyculturally

    mediated,butnecessarilyso,truthdoesnotcomeasacorrespondencetoan

    independentlyexistingreality.Rather,

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    truthisaninterpretativeperformancerealizedthroughandwithinthecultural

    linguisticpractice.Thishistoricalnatureoftruthmilitatesagainstany

    epistemologicalsingularityorselfsufficiency.Witness,astheformofcontact

    betweenhistoricallyconstitutedtraditions,affirmstherealizationthatnoone

    traditionisinpossessionofthetruth.Ifthatwerethecase,contactwithother

    traditionswould

    take

    the

    often

    preferred

    form

    of

    enforcement

    and

    imposition."

    26

    Itisimportanttoobservethatwitnessinnowayismeanttoavoidthe

    importanceofargument.YettohaveanargumentrequiresthatChristiansfirst

    listentowhattheotherhastosay.Suchlistening,moreover,maywellcauseus

    tolearnbetterwhatwehavetosay.Suchlisteningmayevencreate

    epistemologicalcriseswithinChristianselfunderstanding.Yetthatistheriskwe

    musttake,sinceourtraditionisunintelligibleifwefailtobewitnessesforthe

    peacethat

    God

    has

    secured

    for

    the

    world

    in

    Jesus

    Christ.

    In

    that

    name

    and

    that

    namealoneisatoncethelegitimationaswellasthenecessityofourwitness.

    Whichfinallymustbringusbacktoquestionsofwarandterrorism.Does

    thepositionIhavetriedtosketchinthispapermeanChristiansmustfinally

    accepttheinevitabilityofwarand,perhapseven,ourinabilitytodistinguishwar

    fromterrorism?Icertainlyseenoreasonwhysuchaconclusionmustfollow

    fromwhatIhavesaid.Christianwitnessisanalternativetowarjusttotheextent

    Christianwitnessestablishesconnectionsbetweenthosewhohavenoreasonto

    beconnected.

    Such

    connections

    in

    themselves

    cannot

    insure

    peace

    because,

    contrarytoliberalsentimentalitythatassumesifpeopleonlycometoknowone

    anotherbetterviolenceislesslikely,theexactoppositemaybethecase.Rather,

    whatiscrucialarethenarrativeconnectionsChristianwitnessmakespossible,

    believingaswedothatthestoryofChrististheendofallstories.

    Suchconnections,whichIbelievearebutanotherwordforchurch(forwe

    mustnotforgettheChristianwordforuniversaliscatholic),giveChristiansthe

    resourcesfordistinguishingwarfromterrorism.Forastheanalysisabove

    suggests,

    to

    be

    able

    to

    distinguish

    war

    from

    terrorism

    does

    not

    finally

    rest

    on

    conceptualdistinctions,importantastheyare;butrather,throughthesharingof

    storiesweareenabledtoseethechildrenofmyenemiesarenotmyenemies.

    Sucha"seeing"isanachievementthatrequirestheslowworkofthosewho

    mustlearntowaitinaworldofwar,knowingastheydothatGodwouldnot

    haveGod'sKingdomaccomplishedthroughviolence.Withoutsuchafanatical

    peopleweliterallywouldbewithouthope.

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    Notes

    1.See,forexample,myDispatchesfromtheFront:TheologicalEngagementswiththeSecular

    (Durham,N.C.:DukeUniversityPress,1994),p.5.

    2.Violence

    and

    nonviolence

    are

    descriptions

    of

    behavior

    that

    requires

    analogical

    display.

    In

    otherwordswedonotjust"know"violenceornonviolencewhen"weseeit."Peacetoooften

    isjustanothernamefortheabsenceofoverthostilities.Foranexchangeaboutthe"meaning"

    ofnonviolenceseePaulRamsey,SpeakUpforJustWarorPacifism(UniversityPark:

    PennsylvaniaStateUniversityPress,1988)andmyresponseinthe''Epilogue."InDispatches

    fromtheFrontIarguethatwecannotknowwhatviolence(andwar)isabsentthepracticeof

    nonviolence.Thismayappeara"smallpoint,"butIthinkitssignificanceisoftenoverlooked.

    FromaChristianperspectivenonviolenceisnotanexceptiontowar,butratherwarand

    violenceareconceptuallyandinpracticeparasiticalonnonviolence.

    3.James

    Tunstead

    Burtchaell,

    The

    Giving

    and

    Taking

    of

    Life:

    Essays

    Ethical

    (Notre

    Dame,

    Ind.:

    UniversityofNotreDame,1989),pp.21112.

    4.Forexample,theUnitedStatesDepartmentofDefenseassumesthatterrorismisdefinedas

    useofviolencebythoseoutsideadulyconstitutedgovernment.Thus"terrorismisthe

    unlawfuluseorthreateneduseofforceorviolencebyarevolutionaryorganizationagainst

    individualsorproperty,withtheintentionofcoercingorintimidatinggovernmentsor

    societies,oftenforpoliticalorideologicalpurposes."YetasBurtchaellpointsout(p.213),such

    adefinitionleavesnoroomforstateterrorismdirectedtoitsownpopulationortoanother

    state.In1954theU.S.Governmentengineeredtheoverthrowofthedulyelectedgovernment

    inGuatemala,

    for

    instance,

    and

    has

    since

    made

    every

    effort

    to

    have

    an

    obviously

    terrorist

    control"dulyconstituted,"whilehavingtooverlookitsmassacresof100,000Guatemalans,

    andthe"disappearing"ofcountlessothers.(It'sinterestingthatinU.S.newsreportsthose

    Guatemalanswhoprotestordefendthemselvesareroutinelylabeled"rebels.")Burtchaell

    providesotherdefinitionsfromtheFBI,InternationalLawAssociation,andothersthatonly

    helponeseethatno"definition"ofterrorismcanbemadetodotheworkofanalysis.

    5.Burtchaell,GivingandTakingofLife,p.221.Myuseofthisexampleisnotmeanttosuggest

    itisimpossibletodistinguishbetweencombatantsandnoncombatants.Justwarthinkershave

    rightlyemphasizedtheimportanceofthatdistinction.Yetthatdistinctioninitselfisnot

    sufficientto

    distinguish

    war

    from

    terrorism.

    6.InChristianEthicsandtheSitIn(NewYork:AssociationPress,1961),Ramseysays,

    "democracymeansjustifiableandlimitedresistance(andthusitrefinesandestablishes

    proceduresformakingajustifiablerevolution,whichisinprincipletoapplytodomestic

    politicsthesamelineofreasoningthatdroveChristiansintheearlycenturiesofthiserato

    justifyandlimitwarfarefortheresistanceandcorrectionofevil."p.93.Laterinthesamebook

    heobservesthatdemocracyisnothingmorethanjustumbellum,"bothinitsorigininWestern

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    historyandintheprinciplesofChristianethicsrequiringparticipationinitasaformof

    regularizedstrugglebetweenmanandmaninthemidstofwhichalonewehaveinthisfallen

    worldanylifewithmanpreserveduntoahigherandmoreopenfellowship."p.104.

    7.Burtchaell,GivingandTakingofLife,p.231.

    8.MaxStackhouse,"Torture,TerrorismandTheology:TheNeedforaUniversalEthic,"

    ChristianCentury

    103,

    no.

    29

    (October

    8,

    1986):

    861.

    9.Stackhouse'smostsustainedcriticismofmypositioncanbefoundinhis"Liberalism

    Dispatchedvs.LiberalismEngaged,"ChristianCentury112,no.29(October18,1995):96267.

    ThoughthisarticletakestheformofareviewofmybookDispatchesfromtheFront,itisa

    wholesaleattackonwhathetakestobemyposition.WhatStackhousethinksImustthinkis

    onlywhatsomeonelikeStackhousecanthinkIthinkbecauseofthewayhethinks.For

    example,inhisreviewhesuggeststhatIthinkreligiousclaimsareimmunetorationalcriticism.

    Icertainlydonotthinkthattobethecase,thoughIshouldliketoknowmorewhathethinks

    rationalcriticismtobe.Imentionthispointsinceitrelatestothegeneralargumentofthis

    essay.Icertainly

    have

    astake

    in

    rational

    criticism

    though

    Iam

    quite

    suspicious

    of

    appeals

    to

    rationalcriticismintheabstract.

    10.ForaresponsetothechargeIama"confessionalist"seemy"FailureofCommunicationor

    ACaseofUncomprehendingFeminism,"ScottishJournalofTheology50,no.1(March,1997).

    ThisarticleisaresponsetoGloriaAlbrecht'sreviewofmybook,InGoodCompany.Ifindit

    interestingthatStackhouseandAlbrechtsharetheviewthatImustbea''confessionalist"

    sincetheyare,politically,atotherendsofthespectrum.Ithink,however,thisisbutan

    indicationofhowdeeplyeachofthemisembeddednotonlyinpoliticalliberalismbutmore

    importantlyintheologicalliberalism.

    11.Stackhouse,"Liberalism,"p.862.Stackhouse'sassumptionthatwemusthaveareasonfor

    knowingwhyterrorismiswrongis,ofcourse,partoftheproblem.Suchaviewfailstoseethat

    thequestionisnotjustificationbutdescription.Terrorismisoneofthosedescriptionsthat

    workwithinthepracticesofacommunitythatmakethequestion,"Whatiswrongwith

    terrorism?"distinctlyodd.Tortureworksmuchthesamewayasdowordslikemurderand,

    perhaps,abortion.Thatsuchwordsexistcangivetheimpressionthatauniversalethicof

    principlesexiststojustifytheiruse.Butsuchdescriptionsasdescriptionsneednojustification.

    12.Stackhouse,"Liberalism,"p.863.StackhousedevelopsthispositioninhisCreeds,Society,

    andHuman

    Rights:

    A

    Study

    in

    Three

    Cultures

    (Grand

    Rapids,

    Mich.:

    Erdmans,

    1984).

    13.TheverydayIwaswritingthisparagraphIreceivedmycopyofTheNewYorkReviewof

    Books,44,no.1(January9,1997),whichcarriedareviewbyWilliamMcNeillofSamuel

    Huntington's,TheClashofCivilizationsandtheRemakingofWorldOrder.McNeillquotes

    Huntingtontotheeffectthat"WesternbeliefintheuniversalityofWesternculturesuffers

    fromthreeproblems:itisfalse;itisimmoral;anditisdangerous."AccordingtoMcNeill

    Huntington

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    thinksitfalsebecauseothercivilizationshaveotheridealsandnorms;itisimmoralbecause

    imperialismisthelogicalconsequenceofuniversalism;itisdangerousbecausesuch

    universalisticassumptionsmakewarmorelikely."DeclineoftheWest?",p.18.ThoughIhave

    otherthingstosay,certainlyHuntingtonhassaidsomeofwhatneedstobesaidinresponseto

    Stackhouse.

    14.Alasdair

    MacIntyre,

    Whose

    Justice?

    Which

    Rationality?

    (Notre

    Dame,

    Ind.:

    University

    of

    NotreDame,1988),p.6.

    15.Ibid.,p.7.NotenoughattentionhasbeenpaidtotheformMacIntyre'sargumenttakesin

    thisbook.Hecannotprovideanyargumenttoendallargumentswiththosewhowantto

    assumeEnlightenmentviewssincehisownaccountofrationalitycanonlybedisplayed.The

    narrativedetailconcerningtheScottishEnlightenmentinthebookisnotMacIntyresimply

    showingheunderstandsStair,Hutchenson,andHume,butratherisnecessaryforhisdefense

    ofhowrationalityrequiresnarrative.

    16.Thischargesimplywillnotgoawaynomatterhowmanytimesthepointismadethatthe

    very"problem

    of

    relativism"

    has

    been

    created

    by

    the

    epistemological

    theories

    that

    claim

    to

    be

    ouronlyhopeagainstrelativism.MacIntyre'saccountofrelativismasanoptionthatdepends

    onthedevelopmentofcosmopolitanculturesseemsexactlyright.SeeMacIntyre,Whose

    Justice?WhichRationality?,pp.389403.

    17.Ibid.,p.361.Thatatraditioniscontingent,however,doesnotmeanMacIntyrebelievesit

    impossibletoarriveatfirstprinciples.Indeed,hebelievesAquinasexemplifieshowthe

    articulationofsuchprinciplesispossible.SeeMacIntyre'sFirstPrinciples,FinalEnds,and

    ContemporaryPhilosophicalIssues(Milwaukee,Wisc.:MarquetteUniversityPress,1990).

    18.MacIntyre

    first

    developed

    his

    account

    of

    epistemological

    crises

    in

    his

    "Epistemological

    Crises,DramaticNarrative,andthePhilosophyofScience,"TheMonist69,no.4(October,

    1977):45372.ThisessayhasbeenreprintedinWhyNarrative?:ReadingsinNarrative

    Theology,editedbyStanleyHauerwasandL.GregoryJones(GrandRapids,Mich.:Eerdmans,

    1989),pp.13857.ReferencestothisarticlewillbetoWhyNarrative?.

    19.MacIntyre,"EpistemologicalCrises,Narrative,andPhilosophyofScience,"pp.13841.Itis

    importanttonotethatMacIntyre'saccountofepistemologicalcrisisisnotaninvitationto

    resumetheEnlightenmentpresumptionthatbeforewecanknowanythingwemustfirsthave

    anaccountofhowweknow.AsNicholasLashnicelyputsthematterepistemologyiswhatwe

    dowhen

    things

    go

    wrong.

    The

    Beginning

    and

    End

    of

    "Religion"

    (Cambridge:

    Cambridge

    UniversityPress,1996),pp.11216.Itisnotquiterighttothinkanepistemologicalcrisisalways

    indicatessomethinghasgonewrong,butattheveryleastacrisisindicatessomesensethatwe

    haveaproblem.

    20.MacIntyre,WhoseJustice?WhichRationality?,p.362.

    21.SeeinparticularMacIntyre'saccountinhisThreeRivalVersionsofMoralEnquiry:

    Encyclopaedia,Genealogy,andTradition(NotreDame,Ind.:UniversityofNotreDamePress,

    1990),pp.10526.ByfocusingontheseexamplesIdonotmeantodistractattentionfromthe

    compellingexamplesthatMac

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    Intyreusesthatcomefromthehistoryofscience.YetonesuspectsthatMacIntyre'saccount

    ofepistemologicalcrisiswasfirstilluminedforhimfromtheologyand,inparticular,Newman.I

    mentionthistosuggestthatinherentinMacIntyre'saccountofthesemattersis,Isuspect,a

    verypromisingwaytoappreciateatoncethedifferenceandthesimilaritybetweenthekindof

    knowledgegainedthroughtheologyandthatgainedthroughscience.Nottheleastresult

    couldbethatthecurrentprejudiceagainsttheformerinfavorofthelattermightbe

    challengedwithout

    recourse

    to

    Kuhn.

    22.MacIntyre,WhoseJustice?WhichRationality?,p.366.

    23.MacIntyre,"EpistemologicalCrises,Narrative,andPhilosophyofScience,"p.147.

    MacIntyrenodoubttakesgreatpleasureinprovidingthesethreecandidatesasexamplesof

    degeneratetraditions.Ionlywishthelistmightbetakenasawonderfuljoke.However,Ifear

    itisunfortunatelyalltootrue.

    24.ItismyviewthatthesignificanceofMacIntyre'sargumentinhisThreeRivalVersionsof

    MoralEnquiryhasyettobeappreciated.ForwhatMacIntyreattemptsinthatbookisto

    createan

    epistemological

    crisis

    for

    the

    encyclopedist

    and

    genealogist.

    The

    form

    MacIntyre's

    argumenttakesisasimportantasitscontent.Putsimply,MacIntyrefightsfairjusttothe

    extenthisargumenttakestheformofanarrativethatinvitesfurtherresponse.MacIntyre's

    work,therefore,musthavethesameessentialincompletenessthathesoinsightfullysuggests

    inThreeRivalVersions(p.124)istheheartandsoulofAquinas'Summa.

    25.Iam,ofcourse,referringtothetitleofJohnHowardYoder's,ThePoliticsofJesus(Grand

    Rapids,Mich.:Eerdmans,1994).ThisisthesecondeditionofthebookthatcontainsYoder's

    updatefromthe1972edition.Forawonderfulattempttoworkoutthepoliticsofa

    perspectivelikeYoder'swithincurrentdiscussionsinpoliticaltheory,seeThomasHeilke,"On

    BeingEthical

    without

    Moral

    Sadism:

    Two

    Readings

    of

    Augustine

    and

    the

    Beginnings

    of

    the

    AnabaptistRevolution,"PoliticalTheory24,no.3(August,1996):493517.Heilkedevelopsthe

    Anabaptistpracticeofthebanasanalternativetothepoliticsofviolence.Henotesthatsucha

    "politics"maynotseemsuchtothosewhoassumethatthe"efforttosustainahegemonic,

    territorial,sovereignentity,embodiedinaphysicalcollectiveofhumanbeingsandarticulated

    toactionforitsownselfpreservation"constitutestheonlyentitythatdeservesthename

    "political"(p.513).Suchaviewofpoliticshelpsmakeclearwhythechurchcannothelpbut

    appearasathreattosuch"politics''thechurchisapolitythatrepresentsnosuchcollective

    butisatonceathomeandnotathomeinallsuchpolitics.Thechurch,likemanyterrorist

    organizations,can

    be

    understood

    as

    an

    international

    conspiracy

    against

    all

    politics

    based

    on

    "selfpreservation."

    26.EmmanuelKatongole,ParticularityandMoralRationality:QuestioningtheRelation

    betweenReligionandEthicswithReferencetotheWorkofStanleyHauerwas(Ph.D.diss.

    KatholiekeUniversiteit,Leuven,1996),pp.2089.Katongole'sclaimthattruthdoesnotcome

    asacorrespondencetoanindependentrealityItaketobearejectionofcrudecorrespondent

    theoriesoftruth,thatis,theoriesthatMacIntyrecharacterizesasconceivingarealmof

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    factsindependentofjudgmentorofanyotherformoflinguisticexpression.MacIntyrerightly

    suggeststhatthereismuchtobesaidforcorrespondencetheoriesandoneunderstandsthat

    therelationbetweenmindanditsobjectsisgivenexpressioninjudgments.SeehisWhich

    Justice?WhichRationality?,pp.35460.