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Transcript of 2000 - Stanley Hauerwas - The Nonviolent Terrorist. In Defense of Christian Fanaticism
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7/27/2019 2000 - Stanley Hauerwas - The Nonviolent Terrorist. In Defense of Christian Fanaticism
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105
title : The Church As Counterculture
SUNY Series in Popular Culture and
Political Change
author : Budde, Michael L.
publisher : State University of New York Press
isbn10 | asin : 0791446077
print isbn13 : 9780791446072
ebook isbn13 : 9780585285061
language : English
subject Christianity and culture--United States.
publication date : 2000
lcc : BR115.C8C49 2000eb
ddc : 261/.0973
subject : Christianity and culture--United States.
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4TheNonviolentTerrorist:InDefenseofChristianFanaticismSTANLEYHAUERWAS
OnBeingaFanaticIbeginwithanapology.Icannotmeettheexpectationsofthosewhoorganized
theconference.IcannotbecauseIrepresentadifferentpoliticsthanthepolitics
thatcreatedthe"between"foundinthetitleoftheconference,thatis,
"ChristianEthicsbetweenRadicalismandFanaticism."IwantChristianstobe
radicals.Iwant
Christians
to
be
fanatics.
1Indeed
Isuspect
that
is
why
Iwas
invited.Youwantedanexampleofafanaticalradical.Iwilltrynottodisappoint
you.
Imustapologize,however,ifIhavemisunderstoodmyroleinthis
colloquium.Intheletterinvitingmetoaddresstheconferencethepurposeof
thecolloquiumissaidtobeanattempt"toanalyzethenecessityandthedangers
oftheradicalismof(Christian)ethics."IassumeIamtorepresent"thenecessity"
ofChristianradicalism.YetIwasaskedinparticular"todealasanethicistwith
thequestion
of
the
tension
between
the
radicality
of
the
gospel
in
sociopolitical,
peace,andecologicalmattersandtheriskofbecomingafanatic.Howcanyou
liveouttheradicalityoftheChristianmessagewithoutbecomingintolerant?"I
donotwanttokeepyouinsuspense.Beingafanaticisnotariskbuta
requirementandthereisnothingwrongwithintoleranceifyouarethekindof
ChristianradicalIbelievewearecalledtobe.
Irealize,however,thatsuchasummaryanswerwillnotsatisfymostwho
areworriedaboutChristiansactingresponsiblyintheworldaswe
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knowit.Fanaticsandradicalsareseldomthoughttoberesponsible.Inother
wordsIrealizeIbeartheburdenofproof.Inordertotrytomakean
unapologeticcaseforChristianradicalismIamgoingtoprovideadefenseof
whattomanyistheclearestcaseoffanaticismterrorism.Irealizethiswillseema
bizarrestrategyforapacifist,butIhopetoshowwhynonviolencecannothelp
butappear
as
aterrorist
tactic
by
those
who
want
to
make
the
world
safe
for
war.
Inthelightofwhatmanytaketobethemoralanarchyofourculture,itis
comfortingtothinkthatthereisastrongmoralconsensusaboutsomethingsfor
example,childpornographyandterrorism.Thereforemyattempttoprovidea
justificationofterrorism,atleast,akindoftheologicalterrorism,cannothelpbut
seemunsettling.YetIwanttotrytoshowthatinsofarasmostcontinueto
believethatwarisanecessaryinstrumentforthemaintenanceofthegoodsof
thehuman
community,
then
terrorism
cannot
be
automatically
subject
to
moral
condemnation.
Iwanttobecandid,however,aboutwheremyargumentismeanttolead.I
wantyoutobe,likeme,apacifist.AsapacifistIobviouslythinkthatwarand
terrorismarenotcompatiblewithChristiandiscipleship.2YetmanyChristians
thinkthat,thoughwaristerrible,undercertainconditionsitmaynotonlybe
justifiedbutaduty.ThosethatwouldsojustifywarforChristiansusuallyassume
thatterrorismisbeyondjustification.Iwilltrytoshowthattheattempttosave
waras
amoral
project
by
distinguishing
war
from
terrorism
will
not
work.
In
short,ifyouthinkterrorismisprohibited,thensoiswar.Christiannonviolence,
therefore,cannothelpbutappearasfanaticaljusttotheextentitchallengesthe
assumed"normality"ofwarandviolence.
Thediscussionoftheethicsofterrorism,however,ismeanttoprovidea
contextforwhatItaketobethecentralquestionthatgaverisetothesubjectof
thisconferencenamely,howcantheradicalcharacterofthegospelbereclaimed
withoutmakingChristiansirrelevantor,worse,intolerant.RadicalChristocentric
ethics,
such
as
I
represent,
at
least
to
some
seems
to
threaten
the
ability
of
Christianstoactconstructivelyinaworldalreadyfartoodivided.Insucha
dividedworldwhatisneeded,itisargued,isauniversalethiccapableof
resolvingconflict.Incontrast,IwilltrytoshowthatifChristiansaretohelpsuch
aworldlivemorepeacefully,wecanonlybewhatwearethosewhoworship
JesusChrist,theSonofGod.Forthatisthebasisofour"radicalism"as
Christiansthatis,wearenotradicalsbecauseweassumearadicalstanceonthis
orthatissuethattheworldunderstandsasradical,butbecauseanystancewe
assumemustbewitnesstotheGodofJesusChrist.
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The"Ethics"ofTerrorism"Onecommunity'sterroristisanothercommunity'smartyr"isthekindof
generalizationthatisastrueasitisfalse.Yetitisnotabadplacetobegin
thinkingaboutterrorismjusttotheextentsuchastatementremindsusthatany
descriptionof
terrorism
implicates
aset
of
moral
practices
and
presumptions.
JamesBurtchaellrightlyarguesthatitis
misleadingtoaddresstheethicsofterrorismandresponsetoterrorismby
acceptingwithoutquestionthefashionablepresumptionthatterrorismisa
developmentsodiscontinuouswiththetraditionsofwarfarethatitdeserves
unconventionalmoralscrutiny.Onthecontrary,terrorism,likethemany
enlargementsofviolencebeforeit,isalinealdescendentoftraditionalwarfare.
It
can
best
be
understood
and
evaluated
by
analogy
with
conventional
conflict.
AndIamincreasinglyoftheopinionthatitraisesnotoldquestionsaboutnew
kindsofcombatbutnewquestionsaboutoldformsofwar.Itiswarfare's
newestandmostsoberingprogeny.3
ItisinterestingtoreflectontheIsraeli/PLOconflictinthelightof
Burtchaell'sclaimthatitisbynomeanseasytodistinguishwarfromterrorism.
ThegovernmentofIsraelfounditusefultocallthePLOa"terroristorganization"
becausetheysometimeskilledschoolchildrenonbuses.YetthestateofIsrael
wasbrought
into
power
by
an
extended
and
very
well
organized
terrorist
campaign.ItiseasytoforgetthatthosewholaterbecamepoliticiansinIsraelat
onetimeintheirlivesblewupthePrinceDavidHotel.TothisdayIsraelassumes
ithastherighttobombPalestinianrefugeecampsinretaliationfor"terrorist
attacks,"butsuchbombingisnotconsideredterrorismeventhoughthecamps
housewomenandchildren.Isthebombingperpetratedbyanestablished
governmentbydefinitionnotterror?4NowthatthePLOisagovernmentwith
landdoesthatmeanformeractsof"terrorism"arenowwar?
Ithas
been
assumed
that
astrong
distinction
can
be
made
between
terrorismandwartotheextenttheformerfailstoobservethecivilizedrulesof
war,andinparticular,engagesinattacksoncivilians.Yetfromthe"terrorist"
pointofviewdistinctionsbetweencombatantsandnoncombatantsarenot
easilymaintained.Forexample,someyearsagotherewasageneraloutrage
againstthosewhoraidedawhiteman'sRhodesianfarmandslaughteredhiswife
andchildren.Yetfromtheperspectiveof
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thosewhohadconductedtheraid,thosekilledwomenandchildrenalikehad
been''washed,dressed,schooled,andconveyedabroadandentertainedand
cultivatedbydintoftheoccupationoftheirlandandlowpaidlaboroftheir
backsandthedeprivationandhumiliationoftheirchildren.Ithadbeenthewhite
children'sfather'sriflethatviolatedthemandtheirhomeland,butitwashis
familythat
lived
good
naturally
on
his
violence.
How
could
he
be
guilty
and
they
beinnocent?"5
Suchexamplesarebutremaindersthatoftenthosewhoarecalledterrorist
useviolencebecausetheyhavebeendeniedanyotheralternativebythe
"recognizedgovernment."Ofcoursethisgoestotheheartoftheattemptto
distinguishbetweenterrorismandwar,sinceanysuchdistinctiongainsitsmoral
warrantfromtheassumptionbasedinjustwartheorythatthereisacontinuity
betweenthepolicefunctionofthestateanditswarmakingpotential.The
justificationof
war
is
but
an
extension
of
the
right
of
the
state
to
punish.
The
latterispossiblebecauseitisthedisciplineduseofviolenceforthegoodin
commonincludingthegoodoftheonepunished.Whichisbutareminder,as
PaulRamseyemphasized,justwarisnotsomuchacasuistrytodetermineifa
warmeetspriordeterminedcriteria,butratheranaccountofstateaction
requiredfortheprotectionoftheinnocent.6Sowarisbutacontinuationofthe
justiceinternaltothestatetransposedtorelationsbetweenstates.
Thereare,however,somestrongreasonstodoubtthatwarisbuta
continuationof
the
police
function
of
the
state.
The
latter
includes
not
only
aprioragreementonwhatacrimemaybe,butalsorequiresthecriminalbe
caught,adecisionbemadeofdegreeofguilt,theappropriatepunishment,as
wellasthecarryingoutofthepunishment.Itisinstructivetonotethatthepolice
donotcarryoutanyofthelastfunctionswhereasinwarallthefunctionsare
carriedoutbythesameagent.Inshort,warlacksexactlythepriorinstitutions
andpracticesthatlimittheviolenceintrinsictothepolicefunctionofthestate
and,atleasttosomeextent,makesuchviolencelessarbitrary.Yetaswenoted
above,
it
is
just
the
assumption
of
such
continuity
that
has
underwritten
the
distinctionbetweenwarandterrorism.
Ofcourseitmaybeobjectedthatthiswayofthinkingaboutterrorism
leavesoutthemostimportantaspectofjustwarreflectionthatis,theprincipleof
noncombatantimmunity.Thosecalledterrorist,however,donotnecessarily
attacknoncombatants,butiftheydotheyarenotwithoutsomemoralresponse.
Suchanattackmaybeanattempttomakeclearthekindofwartheyunderstand
theyareforcedtowagenamely,awarofthedesperatethatmustuseselective
targetinginnonselectiveways.
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Inthisrespectitisparticularlyimportanttorememberthatevenattackson
civiliansbyallegedterroristsarenotindiscriminate.Whogetsblownupbya
bombonabusmaybeindiscriminate,butthatthebombwasplantedonabusis
notindiscriminate.Rather,suchbombingmaybetiedtopolicyobjectivesthat
mayevenmakesuchabombinganalogoustothedefenseofciviliandeathson
justwar
grounds
of
indirect
effect;
for
alleged
terrorist
strategies
are
meantlike
waritselftomakepeoplepreferpeace,oratleastorder,ratherthancontinuethe
conflict.Thereforethe"randomviolence"oftheterroristisanythingotherthan
randomjusttotheextentitisusedintheinterestofmakingtheadversarysue
forpeace.Indeed,theterrorofterrorismisoftendesignedtobrutalizethose
whomustfighttheterroristsothattheverymeanstofighttheterroristbecomes
selfdefeating.
Accordingly,JamesBurtchaellarguesthatterrorismwillincreasinglybeseen
notas
an
anomaly
but
as
one
of
the
degenerate
progeny
of
conventional
war.
He
callsattentiontothreedistinctreactionstoweaponsdevelopment,suchasthe
machinegun,elicitedinthiscentury.Somethoughtsuchweaponssohorrendous
theywereinherentlyimmoral.Othersthoughtthemsoterribletheywouldmake
warlesslikely.Stillothersthoughtsuchweaponsonlymadeclearhowhorrible
warhasalwaysbeen.Burtchaellconcludesthatterrorismjustifiesallthree
conclusionsasitisindeedsavageandinhumane.Yetsoiswar.So"inquiryinto
thenatureandethicalimperativesofterrorismissoundonlyifwedonot
imaginethat
it
is
inhumane
by
contrast
with
war,
which
is
humane.
Conventional
warfareisconventionallyinhumane."7
Yetthisisaconclusionfromwhichmostofuswouldrecoil.Butiftheabove
discussionofterrorismhastaughtusanythingwemustaskwhoisthe"us"doing
therecoiling.MaxStackhouserepresentswhatItaketobethemostpersuasive
answertothatquestionthe"us"mustbetheuniversalvoiceofhumanity.
Stackhousearguesthatweareatalosstorespondtoterrorismbecausesomeno
longerbelieveinauniversalethic.AccordingtoStackhouse,
Ethically,weareinanageinwhichthereisgravedoubtamongtheologians,
philosophers,jurists,andsocialscientistsastowhetheranyuniversalprinciples
existwhichcanbereliablyknownandusedbytheinternationalcommunityto
definetortureorterrorismaswrong.Tobesure,manysaythatterrorismand
tortureareterrible.Butwhenthequestionisposedastowhetherthereareany
universalabsolutes,orwhetherthereare
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intrinsicallyevilacts,orwhethertherearecrossculturalvalueswhichcouldbe
thebasisfordeclaringsuchpracticestobeinherentlywrongwefindonlydoubt
andskepticism.8
AccordingtoStackhouse,withoutsuchauniversalethicwehavenomeansto
challengethe
assumed
right
of
nation
states
to
make
decisions
on
the
basis
of
selfinterest.
Stackhouse'sconcerntocounterthe"relativism"hethinkstobethecause
ofourinabilitytocondemnterrorismcouldbemeantasacritiqueofme.9SinceI
amallegedtoholdtheviewthatnouniversalethicexists,Irepresentaformof
confessionaltheologythathasnobasisforsayingwhyterrorismiswrong.10As
Stackhouseputstheissue:
Ifwe
believe
terrorism
and
torture
are
in
fact
fundamentally
contrary
to
the
truthandjusticeofGodandoughttobestoppedeverywhere,wemust
recognizethatthetheologicalfoundationsonwhichmanycontemporary
contextualistandconfessionalisttheologiesrestareinadequatetothistask,
whatevertheircontributionstootherareas.Sadly,theydonothavethecross
cultural,intellectualormoralamplitudetoaddresstheseissues.11
Withoutsuchacrossculturalvision,Stackhouseargueswewillbeplungedintoa
Hobbesianworldwhereallcontendagainstall,aworldinwhichonlymight
makesright.
Stackhouse
thinks,
however,
that
we
do
not
live
in
aworld
devoid
of
universalprinciples.Suchprinciplesarethosefoundindemocraticallyauthorized
constitutions,whichStackhousebelievestobetheharbingersofthe"enormous
transformation"theworldiscurrentlyundergoingtowardthecreationofa
"universalcivilization."12Stackhousearguesthatthosewhodonotrecognizethe
universalityofsuchdemocraticallyauthorizedconstitutionsshouldberegarded
asnotyetfullyrationalor,worse,morallyperverse.Asurprisinglyintolerant
conclusionforsomeonesocommittedtotolerance.13Yetitisaconclusionthat
helpsmake
intelligible
my
willingness
to
describe
myself
as
aterroristfrom
a
perspectivesuchasthatofStackhouse,peoplelikemethreatentheprojectto
freetheworldofwarbecauseofourunwillingnesstoassumeauniversalstance.
EpistemologicalCrisesandWarSohowarewetogoon?Ifwearetobe"responsible"mustwebeableto
provide,asStackhouseargues,anethicofuniversalprinciplesso
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thatwecandistinguishbetweenwarandterrorism?Orarewecondemned,asI
amallegedtobe,torepresenta"local"or"restricted"morality,evenonecalled
Christian,whichcannotprovideabasisforrationalagreementssowemight
avoidwar?Icertainlydonotthinksuchanalternativetobeouronlychoice,but
toshow
why
Iwill
need
to
explore
Alasdair
MacIntyre's
account
of
what
he
calls
epistemologicalcrises.IndoingsoIshallhavetoaskyourpatienceasitmaynot
beimmediatelyclearhowissuesofwarandterrorism(muchlesswhyI
characterizemyownpositionasoneofChristianfanaticism)areclarifiedbywhat
atfirstappearstobeawayofunderstandingscientificdisputes.YetbythetimeI
amfinishedIhopetohaveshownyouwhyMacIntyre'saccountiscrucialfor
helpingusrecognizethatnothingcouldbemorerationalthanthepeaceitisour
privilegeandobligationtowitnessasChristiansandwhysuchapeace,fromthe
world'sperspective,
may
be
thought
to
be
aform
of
terrorism.
MacIntyre'saccountofepistemologicalcrisesisacorrelativeofhis
traditionedaccountofrationality.AccordingtoMacIntyre,itwasthecentral
aspirationoftheEnlightenmenttoprovidestandardsandrationaljustification
thatanyrationalperson,thatisapersonindependentofallsocialandcultural
particularities,wouldorshouldacceptwithoutrecoursetoappealstoauthority.
14Thisidealhasbeenimpossibletomaintainbecauseithasprovedimpossible
tosecureagreementonpreciselythoseprinciplesthatweretobeundeniableby
allrational
persons.
Yet
what
is
particularly
troubling
is
any
attempt
to
provide
analternativeaccountofrationalitytothatoftheEnlightenmentcontinuestobe
judgeddeficientbythefailedstandardsofthatsameEnlightenmentstandard.
YetMacIntyrearguesthatanalternativeaccountofrationalinquiryis
possibleasthat"embodiedinatradition,aconceptionaccordingtowhichthe
standardsofrationaljustificationthemselvesemergefromandarepartofa
historyinwhichtheyarevindicatedbythewayinwhichtheytranscendthe
limitationsofandprovideremediesforthedefectsoftheirpredecessorswithin
the
history
of
that
same
tradition."15
Such
a
view
of
rationality
is
historical,
since
anyattempttojustifyistonarratehowtheargumenthasgonesofar;
accordingly,anysubjectneedingjustificationisitselfaconceptwithahistory;
whichmeansthattherecanbenodenialofthediversityoftraditionsofenquiry.
ForthoseschooledonEnlightenmentpresuppositionsthislastpointis
particularlytroubling.FromsuchaperspectiveitisassumedthatMacIntyre
cannotavoidrelativismand,inspiteofhisdenials,mayevenadvocate
relativism.16Moreoverthisview,itisalleged,hasdisastrous
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politicalresultsbecauseifthereisnoalternativetorelativismthenweare
condemnedtoliveinaworldofwar.Absentanywayofsecuringagreements
betweenpeoplewhootherwisesharenothingincommonotherthantheir
rationality,itseemstheonlyrecourseforresolvingdisputesiswar.
YetMacIntyrearguesthattraditionsmaybeabletoresolveconflictsnot
onlywithin
the
tradition
itself
but
between
traditions.
In
this
respect,
it
is
importanttoattendtotheantiCartesianandantiHegelianaspectsof
MacIntyre'saccountoftraditions.ForMacIntyre,unlikeCartesians,assumesthat
traditionsbeginnotfromunassailableselfevidenttruths,butratherare
contingent.Moreover,incontrasttoHegelianpresumptionsthateachtradition
mustsharewithallothertraditionssomefinalrationalstate,forMacIntyre
"traditionsarealwaysandineradicallytosomedegreelocal,informedby
particularitiesoflanguageandsocialandnaturalenvironment,inhabitedby
Greeksor
by
citizens
of
Roman
Africa
or
medieval
Persia
or
by
eighteenth
centuryScots,whostubbornlyrefusetobeorbecomevehiclesoftheself
realizationofGeist.ThoseeducatedorindoctrinatedintoacceptingCartesianor
Hegelianstandardswilltakethepositivityoftraditiontobeasignof
arbitrariness.Foreachtraditionwill,soitmayseem,pursueitsownspecific
historicalpath,andallthatweshallbeconfrontedwithintheendisasetof
independentrivalhistories."17
Yetthissuggestionisbeliedby"oneparticularkindofoccurrenceinthe
historyof
traditions,"
which
MacIntyre
calls
"epistemological
crises."18
Such
crisescanoccurinthehistoryofparticularpersons,groups,andforawhole
tradition.Indeed,suchacrisisinatraditionmaywellfinditselfmanifestinour
inabilitytotellthestoriesofourliveswithnarrativecoherence.Tosharea
culturemeansweshareschematathatareatonceconstitutiveofandnormative
forintelligibleactionsthatis,itmeanswecan"get"ajoke.Yetitmayhappenthat
anindividualmaycometorecognizethepossibilityofdifferentpossibilitiesof
interpretationwhichpresentanalternativerivalschemataofwhatisgoingon
around
him
or
her.
MacIntyre
suggests
that
Shakespeare's
Hamlet
exemplifies
in
thepersonofHamletaswellasthequestionofhowtointerprettheplay,
Hamlet,theproblemofhavingtoomanyschemataforinterpretation.19That
suchacrisismayoccurdoesnotmeanitcanalwaysberesolvedsinceitmay,asit
wasinthecaseofHamlet,makeitimpossibleforhimorustounderstandwhatis
goingonaroundus.Suchalackofunderstandingmaymakeitimpossibleforus
tomakeourownlivesintelligibleandmayevenlead,asitdidforHamlet,to
madness(ortothenecessitytofeignmadness).Yeteventhat
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descriptionmaybetoocomfortingsinceitassumesthatinsuchasituationwe
areabletodistinguishnormalityfrommadness.
Anewnarrativeisrequiredfortheresolutionofanepistemologicalcrisis.
Suchanarrativemustenableagentstounderstandbothhowtheycouldhave
intelligiblyheldtheirformerbeliefsandhowtheymayhavebeenmisledby
them.When
historically
founded
certitudes
are
rendered
problematic,
new
conceptsarerequiredtoenrichourschemestofurnishsolutionstoproblems
thatseemintractable;anexplanationmustbegivenwhythetraditionhad,
beforethesenewresourceswereavailable,seemedsterileorincoherent;and
thesetasksmustbecarriedoninafashioninwhichthenewconceptual
resourcesareseenincontinuitywiththetraditionasarticulatedtothatpoint.20
MacIntyresuggeststhewaytheCatholicdoctrineoftheTrinitywasresolvedin
thefourthcenturyisagoodillustrationfortheresolutionofanepistemological
crisis.Aquinas,
providing
the
means
in
which
Aristotle
could
be
received
into
an
Augustinianframework,isofcourseMacIntyre'scrucialexemplificationofa
successfulresolutionofanepistemologicalcrisis.21
Relativismnowappearsasthedoctrinethatdeniesthepossibilityof
epistemologicalcrisesoccurring,butbytheveryfactthatsuchcrisesoccurwe
cannowseethatrelativismasapositionisamistake.MacIntyre,however,is
willingtoconcedetotherelativistthatoverlongperiodsoftimerivaltraditions,
bothinternallyandinrelationtooneanother,maydevelopwithout
encounteringmore
than
minor
epistemological
crises.
Yet
when
this
happens
suchtraditionswillbeunabletoencountertheirrivalsinawaytodefeat
them.22Moreover,thereisnothingtopreventatraditionfromdegenerating
intoaselfcontainedenclavetoavoidrecognizingthatitisbeingputinto
questionbyrivaltraditions."Thisis,"MacIntyreobserves,"partofthe
degeneracyofmodernastrology,ofsometypesofpsychiatricthought,andof
liberalProtestantism."23
MacIntyre'sconcessionthatforlongperiodsoftimetraditionsofvery
different
kinds
can
coexist
without
bringing
their
conflicts
and
disagreements
to
rationalresolutionmakesclearthatanepistemologicalcrisis,whilepossiblyquite
painful,isevenmoreimportantlyagreatachievement.Ourproblemisnotthat
Christianscomeintoconflictwiththeworldinwhichwelive,butthatwedonot.
Indeed,fromthisperspectivewarcannowbeseenasafailuretosustainthe
kindofconflictMacIntyredescribesasanepistemologicalcrisiswarisnecessary
whentraditionsareunabletorecognizethecrisestheycreateforoneanother.
Thisisnottodenythatawarmightbetheformanepistemologicalcri
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sismighttakeorthatterrorismcouldbeconstruedasadesperatewaytoforcea
conflictthatisotherwisedenied.Yetwarandterrorismusuallyarenotwell
knownforproviding"conceptualschemes"thatallowcontinuitywiththepastto
benamed.
WitnessasTheologicalTerrorismMacIntyre'saccountofepistemologicalcrisesiscrucialifwearetoavoidthe
unhappychoicebetweenStackhouse'sappealtouniversalprinciplesandwar.
Moreover,ifMacIntyreisright,thenwecanbetterappreciatewhyChristian
nonviolencecannothelpbutbeseenfromadvocatesofboththosealternatives
asaformofterrorism.ForChristianshavebeensentoutintoaworldofwarto
challengethenecessityofwararmedonlywiththeweaponsoflove.Put
differently,that
Christians
are
first
and
foremost
called
to
be
witnesses
by
necessitycreatesepistemologicalcrisesforthosethatdonotworshiptheGodof
JesusChrist.(Ofcourse,Ialsowanttocreatesuchacrisisforthosewhodo
worshipChristbutthinktheycanstillparticipateinwar.)Suchcrisesmayforlong
periodsbeirresolvableandthetensioncreatedtemptallinvolvedtoviolence.
ThatChristiansmustresistsuchtemptationsisnotbecausesuchviolencemay
not,atleastforawhile,seemtoprovide"peace,"butbecausethepeace
providedisnotthepeaceofChrist.
Christianwitness
so
understood
is
particularly
threatening
to
those
who
assume,likeStackhouse,thatouronlyalternativetowarandterrorismisto
representauniversalalternative.24Thatnarrative,inspiteofitsgreatdesirefor
peace,cannothelpbutattempttosilencethosewhorepresent"particularistic"
traditions."Particularists,"particularlythosewhorefusetoacceptthe
marginalizationofferedbysuchuniversalists,cannothelpbutappearasfanatics
and/orterroristswhothreatenwhatappearstobeouronlyhopeforpeace.
FromtheperspectiveofliberalChristianity,Christianswhoinsistonthe"politics
of
Jesus"25
cannot
but
appear
like
Islamic
fundamentalistsnot
a
bad
place
to
be
frommyperspective.
Witnesscanbeunderstoodasauniversalimperative,butitissuchasan
expressionofhoperatherthananassuredresult.AsEmmanuelKatongole
observes,"witnessinvolvestheaffirmationofthehermeneuticalsignificanceof
thepresenceofothers.Becausehumanbeingsarenotaccidentallyculturally
mediated,butnecessarilyso,truthdoesnotcomeasacorrespondencetoan
independentlyexistingreality.Rather,
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truthisaninterpretativeperformancerealizedthroughandwithinthecultural
linguisticpractice.Thishistoricalnatureoftruthmilitatesagainstany
epistemologicalsingularityorselfsufficiency.Witness,astheformofcontact
betweenhistoricallyconstitutedtraditions,affirmstherealizationthatnoone
traditionisinpossessionofthetruth.Ifthatwerethecase,contactwithother
traditionswould
take
the
often
preferred
form
of
enforcement
and
imposition."
26
Itisimportanttoobservethatwitnessinnowayismeanttoavoidthe
importanceofargument.YettohaveanargumentrequiresthatChristiansfirst
listentowhattheotherhastosay.Suchlistening,moreover,maywellcauseus
tolearnbetterwhatwehavetosay.Suchlisteningmayevencreate
epistemologicalcriseswithinChristianselfunderstanding.Yetthatistheriskwe
musttake,sinceourtraditionisunintelligibleifwefailtobewitnessesforthe
peacethat
God
has
secured
for
the
world
in
Jesus
Christ.
In
that
name
and
that
namealoneisatoncethelegitimationaswellasthenecessityofourwitness.
Whichfinallymustbringusbacktoquestionsofwarandterrorism.Does
thepositionIhavetriedtosketchinthispapermeanChristiansmustfinally
accepttheinevitabilityofwarand,perhapseven,ourinabilitytodistinguishwar
fromterrorism?Icertainlyseenoreasonwhysuchaconclusionmustfollow
fromwhatIhavesaid.Christianwitnessisanalternativetowarjusttotheextent
Christianwitnessestablishesconnectionsbetweenthosewhohavenoreasonto
beconnected.
Such
connections
in
themselves
cannot
insure
peace
because,
contrarytoliberalsentimentalitythatassumesifpeopleonlycometoknowone
anotherbetterviolenceislesslikely,theexactoppositemaybethecase.Rather,
whatiscrucialarethenarrativeconnectionsChristianwitnessmakespossible,
believingaswedothatthestoryofChrististheendofallstories.
Suchconnections,whichIbelievearebutanotherwordforchurch(forwe
mustnotforgettheChristianwordforuniversaliscatholic),giveChristiansthe
resourcesfordistinguishingwarfromterrorism.Forastheanalysisabove
suggests,
to
be
able
to
distinguish
war
from
terrorism
does
not
finally
rest
on
conceptualdistinctions,importantastheyare;butrather,throughthesharingof
storiesweareenabledtoseethechildrenofmyenemiesarenotmyenemies.
Sucha"seeing"isanachievementthatrequirestheslowworkofthosewho
mustlearntowaitinaworldofwar,knowingastheydothatGodwouldnot
haveGod'sKingdomaccomplishedthroughviolence.Withoutsuchafanatical
peopleweliterallywouldbewithouthope.
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Notes
1.See,forexample,myDispatchesfromtheFront:TheologicalEngagementswiththeSecular
(Durham,N.C.:DukeUniversityPress,1994),p.5.
2.Violence
and
nonviolence
are
descriptions
of
behavior
that
requires
analogical
display.
In
otherwordswedonotjust"know"violenceornonviolencewhen"weseeit."Peacetoooften
isjustanothernamefortheabsenceofoverthostilities.Foranexchangeaboutthe"meaning"
ofnonviolenceseePaulRamsey,SpeakUpforJustWarorPacifism(UniversityPark:
PennsylvaniaStateUniversityPress,1988)andmyresponseinthe''Epilogue."InDispatches
fromtheFrontIarguethatwecannotknowwhatviolence(andwar)isabsentthepracticeof
nonviolence.Thismayappeara"smallpoint,"butIthinkitssignificanceisoftenoverlooked.
FromaChristianperspectivenonviolenceisnotanexceptiontowar,butratherwarand
violenceareconceptuallyandinpracticeparasiticalonnonviolence.
3.James
Tunstead
Burtchaell,
The
Giving
and
Taking
of
Life:
Essays
Ethical
(Notre
Dame,
Ind.:
UniversityofNotreDame,1989),pp.21112.
4.Forexample,theUnitedStatesDepartmentofDefenseassumesthatterrorismisdefinedas
useofviolencebythoseoutsideadulyconstitutedgovernment.Thus"terrorismisthe
unlawfuluseorthreateneduseofforceorviolencebyarevolutionaryorganizationagainst
individualsorproperty,withtheintentionofcoercingorintimidatinggovernmentsor
societies,oftenforpoliticalorideologicalpurposes."YetasBurtchaellpointsout(p.213),such
adefinitionleavesnoroomforstateterrorismdirectedtoitsownpopulationortoanother
state.In1954theU.S.Governmentengineeredtheoverthrowofthedulyelectedgovernment
inGuatemala,
for
instance,
and
has
since
made
every
effort
to
have
an
obviously
terrorist
control"dulyconstituted,"whilehavingtooverlookitsmassacresof100,000Guatemalans,
andthe"disappearing"ofcountlessothers.(It'sinterestingthatinU.S.newsreportsthose
Guatemalanswhoprotestordefendthemselvesareroutinelylabeled"rebels.")Burtchaell
providesotherdefinitionsfromtheFBI,InternationalLawAssociation,andothersthatonly
helponeseethatno"definition"ofterrorismcanbemadetodotheworkofanalysis.
5.Burtchaell,GivingandTakingofLife,p.221.Myuseofthisexampleisnotmeanttosuggest
itisimpossibletodistinguishbetweencombatantsandnoncombatants.Justwarthinkershave
rightlyemphasizedtheimportanceofthatdistinction.Yetthatdistinctioninitselfisnot
sufficientto
distinguish
war
from
terrorism.
6.InChristianEthicsandtheSitIn(NewYork:AssociationPress,1961),Ramseysays,
"democracymeansjustifiableandlimitedresistance(andthusitrefinesandestablishes
proceduresformakingajustifiablerevolution,whichisinprincipletoapplytodomestic
politicsthesamelineofreasoningthatdroveChristiansintheearlycenturiesofthiserato
justifyandlimitwarfarefortheresistanceandcorrectionofevil."p.93.Laterinthesamebook
heobservesthatdemocracyisnothingmorethanjustumbellum,"bothinitsorigininWestern
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historyandintheprinciplesofChristianethicsrequiringparticipationinitasaformof
regularizedstrugglebetweenmanandmaninthemidstofwhichalonewehaveinthisfallen
worldanylifewithmanpreserveduntoahigherandmoreopenfellowship."p.104.
7.Burtchaell,GivingandTakingofLife,p.231.
8.MaxStackhouse,"Torture,TerrorismandTheology:TheNeedforaUniversalEthic,"
ChristianCentury
103,
no.
29
(October
8,
1986):
861.
9.Stackhouse'smostsustainedcriticismofmypositioncanbefoundinhis"Liberalism
Dispatchedvs.LiberalismEngaged,"ChristianCentury112,no.29(October18,1995):96267.
ThoughthisarticletakestheformofareviewofmybookDispatchesfromtheFront,itisa
wholesaleattackonwhathetakestobemyposition.WhatStackhousethinksImustthinkis
onlywhatsomeonelikeStackhousecanthinkIthinkbecauseofthewayhethinks.For
example,inhisreviewhesuggeststhatIthinkreligiousclaimsareimmunetorationalcriticism.
Icertainlydonotthinkthattobethecase,thoughIshouldliketoknowmorewhathethinks
rationalcriticismtobe.Imentionthispointsinceitrelatestothegeneralargumentofthis
essay.Icertainly
have
astake
in
rational
criticism
though
Iam
quite
suspicious
of
appeals
to
rationalcriticismintheabstract.
10.ForaresponsetothechargeIama"confessionalist"seemy"FailureofCommunicationor
ACaseofUncomprehendingFeminism,"ScottishJournalofTheology50,no.1(March,1997).
ThisarticleisaresponsetoGloriaAlbrecht'sreviewofmybook,InGoodCompany.Ifindit
interestingthatStackhouseandAlbrechtsharetheviewthatImustbea''confessionalist"
sincetheyare,politically,atotherendsofthespectrum.Ithink,however,thisisbutan
indicationofhowdeeplyeachofthemisembeddednotonlyinpoliticalliberalismbutmore
importantlyintheologicalliberalism.
11.Stackhouse,"Liberalism,"p.862.Stackhouse'sassumptionthatwemusthaveareasonfor
knowingwhyterrorismiswrongis,ofcourse,partoftheproblem.Suchaviewfailstoseethat
thequestionisnotjustificationbutdescription.Terrorismisoneofthosedescriptionsthat
workwithinthepracticesofacommunitythatmakethequestion,"Whatiswrongwith
terrorism?"distinctlyodd.Tortureworksmuchthesamewayasdowordslikemurderand,
perhaps,abortion.Thatsuchwordsexistcangivetheimpressionthatauniversalethicof
principlesexiststojustifytheiruse.Butsuchdescriptionsasdescriptionsneednojustification.
12.Stackhouse,"Liberalism,"p.863.StackhousedevelopsthispositioninhisCreeds,Society,
andHuman
Rights:
A
Study
in
Three
Cultures
(Grand
Rapids,
Mich.:
Erdmans,
1984).
13.TheverydayIwaswritingthisparagraphIreceivedmycopyofTheNewYorkReviewof
Books,44,no.1(January9,1997),whichcarriedareviewbyWilliamMcNeillofSamuel
Huntington's,TheClashofCivilizationsandtheRemakingofWorldOrder.McNeillquotes
Huntingtontotheeffectthat"WesternbeliefintheuniversalityofWesternculturesuffers
fromthreeproblems:itisfalse;itisimmoral;anditisdangerous."AccordingtoMcNeill
Huntington
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thinksitfalsebecauseothercivilizationshaveotheridealsandnorms;itisimmoralbecause
imperialismisthelogicalconsequenceofuniversalism;itisdangerousbecausesuch
universalisticassumptionsmakewarmorelikely."DeclineoftheWest?",p.18.ThoughIhave
otherthingstosay,certainlyHuntingtonhassaidsomeofwhatneedstobesaidinresponseto
Stackhouse.
14.Alasdair
MacIntyre,
Whose
Justice?
Which
Rationality?
(Notre
Dame,
Ind.:
University
of
NotreDame,1988),p.6.
15.Ibid.,p.7.NotenoughattentionhasbeenpaidtotheformMacIntyre'sargumenttakesin
thisbook.Hecannotprovideanyargumenttoendallargumentswiththosewhowantto
assumeEnlightenmentviewssincehisownaccountofrationalitycanonlybedisplayed.The
narrativedetailconcerningtheScottishEnlightenmentinthebookisnotMacIntyresimply
showingheunderstandsStair,Hutchenson,andHume,butratherisnecessaryforhisdefense
ofhowrationalityrequiresnarrative.
16.Thischargesimplywillnotgoawaynomatterhowmanytimesthepointismadethatthe
very"problem
of
relativism"
has
been
created
by
the
epistemological
theories
that
claim
to
be
ouronlyhopeagainstrelativism.MacIntyre'saccountofrelativismasanoptionthatdepends
onthedevelopmentofcosmopolitanculturesseemsexactlyright.SeeMacIntyre,Whose
Justice?WhichRationality?,pp.389403.
17.Ibid.,p.361.Thatatraditioniscontingent,however,doesnotmeanMacIntyrebelievesit
impossibletoarriveatfirstprinciples.Indeed,hebelievesAquinasexemplifieshowthe
articulationofsuchprinciplesispossible.SeeMacIntyre'sFirstPrinciples,FinalEnds,and
ContemporaryPhilosophicalIssues(Milwaukee,Wisc.:MarquetteUniversityPress,1990).
18.MacIntyre
first
developed
his
account
of
epistemological
crises
in
his
"Epistemological
Crises,DramaticNarrative,andthePhilosophyofScience,"TheMonist69,no.4(October,
1977):45372.ThisessayhasbeenreprintedinWhyNarrative?:ReadingsinNarrative
Theology,editedbyStanleyHauerwasandL.GregoryJones(GrandRapids,Mich.:Eerdmans,
1989),pp.13857.ReferencestothisarticlewillbetoWhyNarrative?.
19.MacIntyre,"EpistemologicalCrises,Narrative,andPhilosophyofScience,"pp.13841.Itis
importanttonotethatMacIntyre'saccountofepistemologicalcrisisisnotaninvitationto
resumetheEnlightenmentpresumptionthatbeforewecanknowanythingwemustfirsthave
anaccountofhowweknow.AsNicholasLashnicelyputsthematterepistemologyiswhatwe
dowhen
things
go
wrong.
The
Beginning
and
End
of
"Religion"
(Cambridge:
Cambridge
UniversityPress,1996),pp.11216.Itisnotquiterighttothinkanepistemologicalcrisisalways
indicatessomethinghasgonewrong,butattheveryleastacrisisindicatessomesensethatwe
haveaproblem.
20.MacIntyre,WhoseJustice?WhichRationality?,p.362.
21.SeeinparticularMacIntyre'saccountinhisThreeRivalVersionsofMoralEnquiry:
Encyclopaedia,Genealogy,andTradition(NotreDame,Ind.:UniversityofNotreDamePress,
1990),pp.10526.ByfocusingontheseexamplesIdonotmeantodistractattentionfromthe
compellingexamplesthatMac
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Intyreusesthatcomefromthehistoryofscience.YetonesuspectsthatMacIntyre'saccount
ofepistemologicalcrisiswasfirstilluminedforhimfromtheologyand,inparticular,Newman.I
mentionthistosuggestthatinherentinMacIntyre'saccountofthesemattersis,Isuspect,a
verypromisingwaytoappreciateatoncethedifferenceandthesimilaritybetweenthekindof
knowledgegainedthroughtheologyandthatgainedthroughscience.Nottheleastresult
couldbethatthecurrentprejudiceagainsttheformerinfavorofthelattermightbe
challengedwithout
recourse
to
Kuhn.
22.MacIntyre,WhoseJustice?WhichRationality?,p.366.
23.MacIntyre,"EpistemologicalCrises,Narrative,andPhilosophyofScience,"p.147.
MacIntyrenodoubttakesgreatpleasureinprovidingthesethreecandidatesasexamplesof
degeneratetraditions.Ionlywishthelistmightbetakenasawonderfuljoke.However,Ifear
itisunfortunatelyalltootrue.
24.ItismyviewthatthesignificanceofMacIntyre'sargumentinhisThreeRivalVersionsof
MoralEnquiryhasyettobeappreciated.ForwhatMacIntyreattemptsinthatbookisto
createan
epistemological
crisis
for
the
encyclopedist
and
genealogist.
The
form
MacIntyre's
argumenttakesisasimportantasitscontent.Putsimply,MacIntyrefightsfairjusttothe
extenthisargumenttakestheformofanarrativethatinvitesfurtherresponse.MacIntyre's
work,therefore,musthavethesameessentialincompletenessthathesoinsightfullysuggests
inThreeRivalVersions(p.124)istheheartandsoulofAquinas'Summa.
25.Iam,ofcourse,referringtothetitleofJohnHowardYoder's,ThePoliticsofJesus(Grand
Rapids,Mich.:Eerdmans,1994).ThisisthesecondeditionofthebookthatcontainsYoder's
updatefromthe1972edition.Forawonderfulattempttoworkoutthepoliticsofa
perspectivelikeYoder'swithincurrentdiscussionsinpoliticaltheory,seeThomasHeilke,"On
BeingEthical
without
Moral
Sadism:
Two
Readings
of
Augustine
and
the
Beginnings
of
the
AnabaptistRevolution,"PoliticalTheory24,no.3(August,1996):493517.Heilkedevelopsthe
Anabaptistpracticeofthebanasanalternativetothepoliticsofviolence.Henotesthatsucha
"politics"maynotseemsuchtothosewhoassumethatthe"efforttosustainahegemonic,
territorial,sovereignentity,embodiedinaphysicalcollectiveofhumanbeingsandarticulated
toactionforitsownselfpreservation"constitutestheonlyentitythatdeservesthename
"political"(p.513).Suchaviewofpoliticshelpsmakeclearwhythechurchcannothelpbut
appearasathreattosuch"politics''thechurchisapolitythatrepresentsnosuchcollective
butisatonceathomeandnotathomeinallsuchpolitics.Thechurch,likemanyterrorist
organizations,can
be
understood
as
an
international
conspiracy
against
all
politics
based
on
"selfpreservation."
26.EmmanuelKatongole,ParticularityandMoralRationality:QuestioningtheRelation
betweenReligionandEthicswithReferencetotheWorkofStanleyHauerwas(Ph.D.diss.
KatholiekeUniversiteit,Leuven,1996),pp.2089.Katongole'sclaimthattruthdoesnotcome
asacorrespondencetoanindependentrealityItaketobearejectionofcrudecorrespondent
theoriesoftruth,thatis,theoriesthatMacIntyrecharacterizesasconceivingarealmof
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factsindependentofjudgmentorofanyotherformoflinguisticexpression.MacIntyrerightly
suggeststhatthereismuchtobesaidforcorrespondencetheoriesandoneunderstandsthat
therelationbetweenmindanditsobjectsisgivenexpressioninjudgments.SeehisWhich
Justice?WhichRationality?,pp.35460.