1936-1939_ the Spanish Civil War and Revolution
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1936-1939: The Spanish civil war and revolution
A short history of the Spanish civil war and revolution which broke out inresponse to the right-wing and fascist coup attempt of General Franco.
The war lasted for three years and ended with Franco's victory, aided by
fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. The revolution saw huge swathes of
Spanish industry and agriculture socialised and run collectively by the
workers and peasants.
The fascists launched a coup on July 17th 1936. The initial step was taken
when Franco seized Morocco and issued a "radical manifesto". This was
picked up by a loyal radio operator who passed it on to the Minister for the
Navy. The news of the coup was kept secret until 7pm on the 18th while they
tried to come to terms with the fascists. The cabinet resigned on the 18th and
Borrios, a right wing republican, was made prime minister.
The coup was only smashed by the activity of the working class. The fascists
made some headway in parts of the country but in Catalonia, and especially
Barcelona, the CNT (Anarcho-Syndicalist union) showed how to fight. They
declared a general strike and took to the streets looking for arms which the
government refused to give them. In the end they stormed the barracks, and
took what they needed.
The workers immediately set up barricades and within hours the rising had been
defeated. Arms were seized and given to workers who were dispatched to other
areas to prevent risings. Madrid was also saved because of the heroism and
initiative of the workers. Hearing of what had happened in Barcelona they had
stormed the main army base in the city.
The action of the rank and file saved the Spanish Republic. Not just the CNT but
the UGT (Socialist union) and POUM (Anti-Stalinist Communists) joined in the
fighting. For these workers this was not just a war to defeat the fascists but the
beginning of revolution. Workers' militias were established. Workplaces were
taken over and in peasants seized the land.
Anarchism in Action - The Militias
Posted By
Ed
Sep 3 2006 15:11
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Western Europe, Spain,
Workers Solidarity
Movement, anarcho-
syndicalism, fascism,
revolutions, Spanish civil
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The government found itself in a peculiar situation after July 19th. It remained
the government but had no way of exercising authority. Where the rebellion had
been defeated the army was disbanded and workers armed. Militias were
formed and these became units of a revolutionary army. Ten days after the coup
there were 18,000 workers organised in the militias of Catalonia (mostly from
the CNT). Overall there were 150,000 volunteers willing to fight whenever they
were needed.
This was no ordinary army. This was a revolutionary army with revolutionary
principles. The basic unit was the group, composed generally of ten, which
elected a delegate. Ten groups formed a century which also elected a delegate.
Any number of centuries formed a column, which had a war committee
responsible for the overall activities of the column. This was elected and
accountable to the workers.
Workers joined columns voluntarily. They understood the need to fight and the
necessity of creating a "popular army". They accepted discipline because they
understood the need to act in a co-ordinated manner. These were political
organisations that understood the link between revolutionary politics and the
war. The militias formed in Barcelona lost no time in marching on Aragon where
the capital, Saragossa, had been taken by the fascists. The Durruti Column led
this march and gradually liberated village after village.
The Durruti column showed how to fight fascism. As they gained victory after
victory they encouraged peasants to take over the land and collectivise. The
Column provided the defence that allowed this to be done. The peasants rallied
to them and many joined. Indeed Buenaventura Durutti had to plead with some
of them not to join so that the land would not be depopulated and the task of
collectivisation could be carried through.
As the anarchist militias achieved successes ground was being lost on other
fronts. Saragossa, though, was not taken and a long front developed. The militia
system was blamed for this. The Stalinists said the workers were undisciplined
and would not obey orders. They accused the anarchists of being unwilling to
work with others to defeat the fascists. Of course this was nonsense. The
anarchists continually called for a united war effort and even for a single
command. What they did demand, though, was that control of the army stayed
with the working class and not a new militarist officer caste.
The major problem facing the militias was a lack of arms. The munitions
industry been cut off and the workers in Barcelona went to great lengths to
improvise. George Orwell (who fought in one of the POUM militias) described
the arms situation on the Aragon front. The infantry "were far worse armed than
an English public school Officers Training Corps, with worn out Mauser rifles
which usually jammed after five shots; approximately one machine gun to fifty
men and one pistol or revolver to about thirty men. These weapons, so
necessary in trench warfare, were not issued by the government.... A
government which sends boys of fifteen to the front with rifles forty years old
and keeps its biggest men and newest weapons in the rear is manifestly more
afraid of the revolution than the fascists".
And how right he was. Moscow sold arms but when they arrived there was a
systematic refusal to supply the anarchist-controlled Aragon front. The arms
that did arrive were sent only to Stalinist centres. A member of the war ministry
referring to the arms which arrived in September commented "I noticed that
these were not being given out in equal quantities, but there was a marked
preference for the units which made up the [Stalinist] Fifth Regiment".
It is a common lie that the militias, supposedly undisciplined and
uncontrollable, were responsible for Franco's advance. All who saw the militias
in action had nothing but praise for the heroism they witnessed. The
government made a deliberate choice. It chose to starve the revolutionary
workers of arms, it decided that defeating the revolution was more important
than defeating fascism.
Anarchism in Action - The Land
It was in the countryside that the Spanish revolution was most far reaching. The
anarchist philosophy had been absorbed by large layers of the downtrodden
peasants and the outbreak of revolution was the opportunity to put these ideas
into practice.
Collectivisation of the land was extensive. Close on two thirds of all land in the
Republican zone was taken over. In all between five and seven million peasants
were involved. The major areas were Aragon where there were 450 collectives,
the Levant (the area around Valencia) with 900 collectives and Castille (the area
surrounding Madrid) with 300 collectives.
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Collectivisation was voluntary and thus different from the forced collectivisation
in Russia. Usually a meeting was called and all present would agree to pool
together whatever land, tools and animals they had. The land was divided into
rational units and groups of workers were assigned to work them. Each group
had its delegate who represented their views at meetings. A management
committee was also elected and was responsible for the overall running of the
collective. Each collective held regular general meetings of all its participants.
If you didn't want to join the collective you were given some land but only as
much as you could work yourself. Not only production was affected, distribution
was on the basis of what people needed. In many areas money was abolished.
If there were shortages rationing would be introduced to ensure that everyone
got their fair share.
Production greatly increased. Technicians and agronomists helped the
peasants to make better use of the land. Scientific methods were introduced
and in some areas yields increased by as much as 50%. Food was handed
over to the supply committees who looked after distribution in the urban areas.
However, slander was also thrown at the collectives. It was claimed that each
only looked after itself. This was rubbish as in many areas equalisation funds
were set up to redistribute wealth. Machinery and expertise were shifted to
areas most in need. One indicator of the solidarity is the fact that 1,000
collectivists from the advanced Levant moved to Castille to help out.
Federations of collectives were established, the most successful being in
Aragon. In June 1937 a plenum of Regional Federations of Peasants was held.
Its aim was the formation of a national federation "for the co-ordination and
extension of the collectivist movement and also to ensure an equitable
distribution of the produce of the land, not only between the collectives but for
the whole country". Unfortunately many collectives were smashed by the
Stalinists before this could be done.
The collectivists also had a deep commitment to education and many children
received an education for the first time. The methods of Francisco Ferrer, the
world famous anarchist educationalist, were employed. Children were given
basic literacy and inquisitive skills were encouraged.
Anarchism in Action - Industry
Although the revolution didn't go as far in the cities as it did in the country,
many achievements are worth noting.
To give some idea of the extent of the collectivisation here is a list provided by
one observer (Burnett Bolloten, The Grand Camouflage. By no means an
anarchist book!). He says:
"railways, traincars and buses, taxicabs and shipping, electric light and power
companies, gasworks and waterworks, engineering and automobile assembly
plants, mines and cement works, textile mills and paper factories, electrical
and chemical concerns, glass bottle factories and perfumeries, food
processing plants and breweries were confiscated and controlled by
workmens's committees, either term possessing for the owners almost equal
significance". He goes on "motion picture theatres and legitimate theatres,
newspapers and printing, shops, department stores and hotels, de-lux
restaurants and bars were likewise sequestered".
In each workplace the assembly of all the workers was the basic unit. Within
the factory workers would elect delegates to represent them on day-to-day
issues. Anything of overall importance had to go to the assembly. This would
elect a committee of between five and fifteen worker, which would elect a
manager to oversee the day-to-day running of the workplace. Within each
industry there was an Industrial Council which had representatives of the two
main unions (CNT and UGT) and representatives from the committees.
Within workplaces wages were equalised and conditions greatly improved. Take
for example the tramways. Out of the 7,000 workers, 6,500 were members of
the CNT. Street battles had brought all transport to a halt. The transport
syndicate appointed a commission of seven to occupy the administrative offices
while others inspected the tracks and drew up a plan of repair work that needed
to be done. Five days after the fighting stopped, 700 tramcars, instead of the
usual 600, all painted in the black and red colours of the CNT were operating on
the streets of Barcelona.
With the profit motive gone, safety became more important and the number of
accidents was reduced. Fares were lowered and services improved. In 1936,
183,543,516 passengers were carried. In 1937 this had gone up by 50 million.
The trams were running so efficiently that the workers were able to give money
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to other sections of urban transport. Also, free medical care was provided for
the work force.
In 1937 the central government admitted that the war industry of Catalonia
produced ten times more than the rest of Spanish industry put together and that
this output could have been quadrupled if Catalonia had the access to
necessary means of purchasing raw materials.
The Counter Revolution
The behaviour of the Spanish Communist Party and the United Socialist Party
of a Catalonia (PSUC) had more to do with what was in Stalins best interests
than the Spanish working class. They went out of their way to deny that a
revolution had taken place then did all they could to repress this revolution they
pretended had not happened. As far as they were concerned the Civil War was
only about restoring democracy to Spain.
Popular Fronts
To prevent the British and French settling their differences with Hitler at the
expense of the Soviets, in order to guarantee that the Franco-Soviet Pact would
not fall by the wayside and in order to conclude similar pacts with the
governments of other countries, notably Britain, it was essential that
governments hostile to German aims in Eastern Europe should be brought to
power. It was to this end that the Popular Front line was adopted at the 7th
World Congress of the Comintern in August 1935. This body collected together
all the Communist Parties under Russian leadership.
This was a class collaborationist anti-fascist peoples front in which the
Communist Parties were to play down revolutionary politics. This was to be a
struggle to preserve bourgeois democracy.
The policy of wooing the British and French ruling classes was from the
beginning doomed to failure. Not only because of their military unpreparedness
but because of their belief that if they became involved at this stage in a war
with Hitler, both they and the Nazis would be weakened and thus the position of
Russia would be enhanced. At all times right up to the outbreak of WW2 the
British sought to come to terms with Hitler which would leave him free to attack
Russia in the East.
Russian Arms
The point about the Communist Party is that they directed the counter-
revolution. They called the shots. They were the only people who were clear
about the 'necessity' for the counter-revolution and had the determination to
carry it through. Their ability to do this was derived from the prestige that came
with the fact that Russia was the only country supplying major quantities of
arms to the Republic. The Russians not only supplied arms but also military
advisors and technicians who gradually took over the running of the war.
Militarisation
Because of this control of arms the Communists, supported by the others,
enforced militarisation. The militia system was broken up. A regular army was
rebuilt with the militias who refused to come under the command of the War
Ministry (and many CNT and POUM militias did refuse) were starved of arms.
They were left with no choice.
The police were also rebuilt, especially the hated Civil Guards, who had been a
bulwark of repression against the CNT. They were now to be called the National
Republican Guard. The Assault Guards were re- established and had 28,000
recruits by the beginning of December. The Carabineros, who were the border
police in charge of customs and under the control of Minister of Finance Negrin
(a known Communist sympathiser) grew to 40,000 members.
The state was giving itself a monopoly of force. The workers' patrols which had
sprung up in July were disbanded. Workers were ordered to hand in their arms
and those who declined to do so were considered 'fascists'. It was said that
these arms were needed at the front. While it is true that arms were needed at
the front this argument was only put forward as a means of disarming
revolutionary workers. There were plenty of arms under the control of the police.
George Orwell observed after the May Days in Barcelona "the Anarchists were
well aware that even if they surrendered their arms, the PSUC would retain
theirs, and this is in fact what happened after the fighting was over. Meanwhile
actually visible on the streets, there were quantities of arms which would have
been very welcome at the front, but which were being retained for the 'non-
political' police forces in the rear". (Homage to Catalonia p.151).
The May Days
On May 3rd 1937, three lorry loads of police led by the Stalinist Salas,
Commissar of Public Order, attempted to take over the telephone exchange in
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Comments
Barcelona which had been controlled by a joint CNT-UGT committee since the
outbreak of the war.
The police captured the first floor because of the surprise nature of their attack
but got no further. Firing started. Word spread and within hours the local
defence committees of the CNT-FAI went into action arming themselves and
building barricades. Soon the workers were in control of most of the city.
In other areas of Catalonia action was also taken. Civil Guards were disarmed
and offices of the PSUC were seized as a "preventive measure". There was no
firing on the first night and by the second day the workers were spreading the
barricades further into the suburbs.
The negotiations which went on, led to nothing as regards control of the
telephone phone exchange. The workers were ordered off the barricades and
unfortunately they went. On Thursday (May 6th) the building was vacated and
the PSUC took it over. On the same day the railway station was taken over by
the PSUC. The CNT had also controlled that. This happened throughout
Catalonia.
On Friday 5,000 Assault Guards arrived from Valencia. The repression that
followed was severe. The May Days left 500 dead and 1,100 wounded.
Hundreds more were killed during the "mopping up" of the next few weeks. The
counter-revolution broke out in earnest after May with decree after decree
undermining the revolutionary committees. This was now possible as the
backbone of the revolution, the Catalan workers, had been crushed.
The Friends of Durruti
The Friends of Durruti was an expression of opposition to the collaborationism
of the CNT. Not only in their paper, The Friends of the People, but in countless
local publications of the CNT, and indeed of the UGT, POUM and Libertarian
Youth you can find such opposition. However it must be said this was only
given a clear expression when it was too late. The FoD did not have enough
time to win the masses to their position. They understood the need for a
regroupment to take on the leadership of the CNT.
Here we see a recognition of the need for a revolutionary minority to organise
itself to provide leadership of ideas. An understanding of what has gone wrong
and what needs to be done. That the FoD did not set themselves up as "all-
knowing leaders' was clear in their proposal.
The Spanish Revolution does not negate anarchism. If anything, long before
Poland, Czechoslovakia or Hungary it showed the bankruptcy of Stalinism and
the State Capitalism of Russia. The activities of the Stalinists were far from
what real socialists would have done.
On the other hand the anarchist masses threw themselves into a fight against
fascism, and its cause, capitalism. Unfortunately the revolution was not
complete, the CNT leaders held it back. Indeed their behaviour highlights the
effect that power can have on even those who lay claim to anarchism. Spain
provided important lessons for anarchists. It showed the inadequacy of
syndicalism, the need for political anarchism and the need for an anarchist
political organisation. We have to understand that the state and political power
does not 'die'; it has to be smashed.
Above all, Spain showed what ordinary people can do given the right conditions.
The next time somebody says workers are stupid and could not take over the
running of society, point to Spain. Show them what the workers and peasants
(most of whom were illiterate) did. Tell them Anarchism is possible.
Taken from Eddie Conlon's pamphlet, "The Spanish Civil War: Anarchism in
Action" for the Workers' Solidarity Movement
Edited by libcom.
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Juche
Sep 6 2011 22:52
Awesome essay. login or register to post
comments
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husunzi
Sep 15 2011 15:43
When was the WSM pamphlet published? login or register to post
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Volia
Dec 20 2011 19:57
It was first published in 1986. login or register to post
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botaningemar
Mar 15 2012 15:31
An excellent article, not too long but still very precise! login or register to post
comments
Grisel Toledo
Aug 21 2012 06:50
I have a couple of questions, please bear with me...
I assume there was very little (if any) sympathy for Spanish Jewish, can you
please expand an account on that? (even if briefly)
and,
Can you also tell about the migration of people out of Spain?
I'd really appreciate that
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jonthom
Aug 21 2012 08:21
Grisel Toledo wrote:
I have a couple of questions, please bear with me...
I assume there was very little (if any) sympathy for Spanish Jewish, can you
please expand an account on that? (even if briefly)
Not sure if this is the kind of thing you're looking for but might be of interest:
Jewish volunteers in the Spanish Civil War
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Steven.
Aug 21 2012 08:42
Grisel Toledo wrote:
I have a couple of questions, please bear with me...
I assume there was very little (if any) sympathy for Spanish Jewish, can you
please expand an account on that? (even if briefly)
not sure exactly what you mean here. Do you mean by the workers by the
fascists?
As the post above mentions, Jewish volunteers fought with the Republic. I'm not
aware of issues of anti-Semitism among the Republicans: I would have thought
it would be much more likely from the fascists, who were backed by Nazi
Germany.
Quote:
and,
Can you also tell about the migration of people out of Spain?
I'd really appreciate that
many tens of thousands of Spaniards had to flee as the fascists started to win.
This article has a bit about the refugees, including 60,000 who fought with the
French resistance against the Nazi occupation:
http://libcom.org/history/1939-1945-spanish-resistance-in-france
many other Spanish refugees were put in concentration camps in France
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ocelot
Aug 22 2012 15:50
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Steven. wrote:
Quote:
and,
Can you also tell about the migration of people out of Spain?
I'd really appreciate that
many tens of thousands of Spaniards had to flee as the fascists started to
win. This article has a bit about the refugees, including 60,000 who fought
with the French resistance against the Nazi occupation:
http://libcom.org/history/1939-1945-spanish-resistance-in-france
many other Spanish refugees were put in concentration camps in France
From where, in 1940, the majority (90% by some estimates) of those
considered Republican "fighters" (i.e. generally the men, but not the women,
afaik) were transferred by the Nazis to Mauthausen KZ in Austria, near Linz*
where they wore the blue triangle (triangulo azul). See Mauthausen museum
notes on Spanish prisonsers.
Quote:
The Mauthausen concentration camp was the main place where Spanish
political prisoners were incarcerated by the Nazis. By 1941, three years after
the main camp opened, 60% of the prisoners were Spanish Republicans.
After their defeat by General Francisco Franco's Army in the Spanish Civil
War, the Spanish Republicans escaped to France where they were put into
internment camps by the French government. After Germany conquered
France in 1940, around 30,000 of these prisoners were deported by the
Nazis to concentration camps in Germany and Austria because of their anti-
Fascist or Communist political affiliation. They were called the Red
Spaniards (Rotspanier) because Red was the color of the Communists.
[...]
Christian Bernadac, author of the book "The 186 Steps," wrote the following
regarding the Spanish Republicans:
"They were Republican soldiers who began to come across the French
frontier in February 1939, after the fall of Catalonia. They hoped to build up
their strength, regroup, train and leave for the other side of the Pyrenees,
where genuine pockets of resistance still held out. They arrived with arms
and baggage, and all this good material rotted on the snow-covered
mountain passes or the wet slopes of the Mediterranean...
And they, the vanquished serfs, were herded into improvised "transit"
camps, where they died, literally, of hunger, cold and dysentery. The
strongest, the most motivated, tried to reconstruct a military or political
hierarchy, but many of them, most of them, were annihilated by the defeat
and abandoned the struggle. The history of these French concentration
camps has never been written: Le Vernet-d'Ariege, Saint-Cyprien, Barcares,
Argeles, Gurs, Septfonds...Their story should be known.
Then, volunteers or not, the Spanish Republicans found themselves
enrolled in work crews or irregular battalions of foreign volunteers. The rising
tide of the German army swept them into prison camps where the Gestapo
had no difficulty at all in re-grouping them and sending them to
Mauthausen."
[...]
According to Pike, 90% of the Spanish Republicans, who had previously
been interned in France, were sent to Mauthausen in 1940 and 1941.
Records saved by the Spanish survivors show that 23,400 Spanish
prisoners were registered at Mauthausen and its subcamps and that 16,310
of them died, leaving around 9,200 survivors.
[...]
According to Martin Gilbert, the author of a book entitled"Holocaust," there
were 8,000 Spanish Republicans at the main Mauthausen camp and only
817 of them survived. Gilbert wrote the following in his book:
"In just over four months, more than thirty thousand people had been
murdered at Mauthausen, or had died from starvation and disease. Jews
and Gypsies formed the largest group of those k illed, but other groups had
also been singled out by the Nazis: homosexuals, Jehovah's Witnesses,
Soviet prisoners-of-war, and tens of thousands of Spanish Republicans.
These Spaniards had been interned in France in September 1939, deported
by the Germans to Mauthausen in 1940, and systematically worked to death
in the stone quarry there, or shot at random. By January 1945, only three
thousand of the Spaniards had remained alive. Of these, 2,163 had been
k illed in the next three months."
Can't testify as the exact figures. Although Mauthausen was liberated by the
Americans in May 1945, it was destined to end up in the Soviet zone according
to the Yalta deal (it had become an important industrial plant). Which was a
little tricky for surviving members of the POUM in Mauthausen (like my
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godfather's father. Pere) who had zero hope of survival had they been left in the
camp at the time of the handover to the Sovs (the anarchists, and even,
realistically, the communists, possibly had no less worries on that score). In
the end the Spanish ex-inmates ended up back in " transit" camps in France
again, until after 1953 (when Eisenhower visited Spain to welcome good ol'
Franco into the "Free World" - as quid pro quo the Yanks asked that they do
something about the people still in the camps in France, and official amnesty
was declared thereafter). Over 13 years straight in the camps, by the time Pere
and his surviving comrades got home. Possibly the longest and shittest
camping experience of the 20th century.
* where Hitler and Wittgenstein went to school - same year, obscure historical
fact.
Steven.
Jul 17 2013 08:56
Bump, as the Spanish Civil War started 77 years ago today login or register to post
comments
kharkov
Oct 15 2013 00:02
It should not be forgotten that quite a number of Refugees left during the month
of March 1939, from the ports of Valencia, Alicante, Gandia and Cartagena
seeking refuge on the North African territories of Tunisia and Algeria.
The unforgettable ships that took these refugees were the African Trader,
Campillo, Lezardrieux and the most mystical of all the Stanbrook captained
by Archibald Dickson. And not to be forgotten the two most prominent fishing
boats that also took quite a number of refugees to the North African shores
were the Joven Maria and the Maritima.
All of these refugees were victims of ruthless atrocities and tortures at the
hands of the French Vichy aligned authorities whilst incarcerated from April
1939 until the end of 1943 (when the last concentration camp was liberated by
the allied troops), in the prisons, concentration/punishment camps and forced
labour camps located in the Sahara desert stretching from Tunis through to
Western Morocco.
It was also from amongst this group of refugees that Leclerc recruited the
majority of the volunteers for the legendary La Nueve which liberated Paris.
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revolution - Point Blank
history
Occupy and win: a manual for fighting
hospital closures
Red Harbor: class, violence, and
community in Grays Harbor,
Washington
A Young Lord Remembers
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