.United Nations

GENERALASSEMBLYTWENTIETlf, SESSION

Of/ieial Records

CONTENTSPage

Agenda item 9:General debate (continued)

Speech by Mr.. Nikezic (Yugoslavia). • • • • • 1Speech by Sir James Plimsoll (Australia). • 4Speech by Mr. Couve de Murville (France). 9Speech by Mr. Belatinde (Peru). • • • • • • • • 13

President: Mr. Amintore FANFANI (Italy).

AGENDA 'TEM 9

General debate (continued)1. Mr. NI!<EZIC (Yugoslavia) (translated fromFrench): I should like to congratulate you, Mr. Pres­ident, on behalf of the Yugoslav delegation, on yourelection to the high office of Presidentofthe twentiethsession of the General Assembly. We welcome youas an eminent statesman of our neighbour, Italy,with which country Yugoslavia enjoys the friendliestrelations.

2. I should also like to take this opportunity to paya tribute to Mr. Quaison-Sackey, Minister for ForeignAffairs of Ghana, who in diffic,ult circumstan9'esdirected the work of the General Assembly at itsnineteenth session with great political wisdom.

. ~

3. ,It gives me great pleasure. to welcome in ourmidst the delegations of the Gambia, the MaldiveIslands and Singapore. The admission of each newMember to the United Nations marks a step forwardtowards the universality of our Organization and thepromotion of international relations based on theprinciples of the Charter.

4. The General Assembly is beginning its work ata moment when the international situation is rightlyconsidered to be alarming. International relationsare going through a profound crisis, while mil'Ltaryc,perations are being carried out on the Asian con­tinent, with ever increasing losses in human life .andproperty. The very considerable results achievedon the international scene by so much effort are in'jeopardy. In our opinion, urgent steps are req\1ired

; 'to halt the dangerous course that events have takenrecently and the United Nations is caned upon to takeaction to safeguard international peace.

5.. The confliot in Viet-Nam is without doubt themost serious··problem and one which has a tremendousand highly unfavourable impact on the international'situation. War is being waged against the Viet-Namesepeople, who are being deprived of their right to

. determine their own destiny and to Choose freelytheir social and political, system. The ,bombing of

1

.1341stPLENARY MEETING

Wednesday, 29 September 1965,at 10.30 a.m.

NEW YORK

the territory 01 the i:>e'mocr'atic "Republic of Viet-Namconstitutes a violation of the United Nations Charterand an attempt to sancUon the use of force as a meansof political action. For thin r~ason, as also becauseof the permanent threat of escalation of the war, weconsider that this method of settl~ng disputes isto be condemned.

6. In our view, the problem of Viet-Nam can beresolved only by negotiations based on the GenevaAgreements}j and on respect for the legitimateaspirations of the Viet-Namese people. It is in theinterests of peace, and hence of all the Membersof our Organization, that such a solution should· befound as soon as possible. The cessation of thebombing of the territory of the Democratic Republicof Viet-Nam is, of course, the first essential steptowards a political settlement and negotiations inwhich the National Liberation Front must participatewith full rights. We hope that the wisdom of such adecision will soon be recognized by all.

7. I should like to say how glad the Gov~rnmentof

the Federal People's Republic of YugoslaVia is thatthe Governments of India and Pakistan have heededthe Security Council's appeals to halt their militaryoperations. This represents a'great success in ourefforts to safeguard peace in that part of the world.The continuation of the ~rmed conflict between twogreat Asian countries, dangerous enough in itself,could not fail to pave the way for action by certainelements which consider that the' stabilization ofpeace is not in thej.r interests.

8. The Security Council's rapid action and theunanimity of its decisions reflect the generallnterestof Members of the United Nations in bringing thisconflict to an end. Prompted by the same' concern,U Thant, the Secretary-General, has once again,'with devotion and deterrn.ir.ation, placed his greatabilities at the service of international peace andco-operation.

9. We are convinced that the United Nations willcontinue to support all efforts to ensure the fullimplementation of the cease-fire agreements. Wehope that the Governments of India and Pakistan willshow the same sense of responsibility and realiam inthe future and will make further efforts to improvetheir relations in the interests of both countries andof world peace.

10. In our opinion, the present crisis in internationalrelations is due to the resistance offered ,by theforces of reaction and hegemony to the eliminatio~ of

.....Y, Agreemtmtl on 'the cessation of HOltiUtiea in Indo-China, Itllled

on 20 July 1954.

A/PV.1341

1

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General Assembly - Twentieth Session - Plenary Meetings

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any form of inequality and foreign domination'. Theresistance, is .expressed by the ~efus.al to accept thepolicy of coexistence and by attempts to use economicand political power in order to maintain existingprivileges and acquire new ones-which, of course,can only be achieved at the expense of the rightsand interests of other peoples. Today, as in the past,ideological differences are not, in themselves, thecause of wars; in the same way, ideological affinitiesare not in themselves enough to prevent the outbreakof wars. Those who advocate a policy of force tryto conceal their real interests beneath the cloak ofthose differences a!1d to compel entire peoples toserve causes· which are alien to them.11. Certain elements of contemporary society whichfind it in their interest to pursue a policy of dominationover other peoples, in the belief that the existenceof a nuclear balance makes them safe from a devastat­ing war, think that it is possible to practise co­existence in some parts of the world while pursuinga policy of force in others. We find such a double­headed policy inadmissible: not only is it inconsistentbut, in a world that has shrunk as a result of moderntechnical ;,~chievements, events taking place in onepart of tb'C. world have immediate repercussionselsewhere. No matter where war breaks out, it isin our vicinity. We therefore think that all peace-lovingcountries and people must oppose the policy of war.Today a coherent policy of coexistence among States,regardless of their size or their social system, isessential, for any war is 1ikelr to lead to a world.conflagration.12. Threatened by the spectre of war of annihilation,we all agree on the need for general and completedisarmament. In order to achieve it, however, it isessential first of all to abandon the policy of forceor the threat of force as the main argument ininternational relations. So long as the possibility offree development is not guaranteed to all peoples,so long as claims to prescribe political and socialsystems for other peoples are not abandoned, solong as the policy of force in international relationsand interference in the domestic affairs of othercountries is not discarded, mankind will continueto live under a real threat of war.

13. The foreign policy of the Yugoslav Government,like that of the Governments of many other States,is guided by the principles of peaceful coexistenceand non-alignment, the fundamental aism of which arethe safeguarding of peace, the strengthening of in­dependence and a more rapid economic developmentfor all countries. At the same time, it is a policy ofopposition to the division of the world, on anybasis whatever.14. The application of these principles amounts, infact, to the implementation of the United NationsCharter. That is Why we consider that it is ofparticular importance that the United Nations shouldcontinue its efforts to elaborate and codify theprinciples of coexistence, which would lead to astrengthening of our Organization, an improvementin international relations and the consolidation ofpeace.

15. The disarmament negotiations carried out bothwithin and outside the United Nations have achieved

no significant results. I think that we have goodreason to consider that this situation is not due. toany lack of studies or proposals but is rather theresult. of a lack of Willingness to make a real starton the process of disarmament. It is also clear thatwe must seek new ways and means which wouldenable all countries to take part in the solution ofthis fundamental problem. The participants at theConferences of Belgrade 'Y and Cairo, 'Y convincedthat disarmament is the joint responsibility of allcoun~ries, 'declared that they were in favour of aworld disarmament conference to which all countrieswould be invited, whether or not they were Membersof the United Nations. 'The Disarmament Commissionadopted, without opposition, a r.esolution Ywelcomingthe proposal of the Cairo Conference and recommend­ing the General Assembly to examine it as a matterof urgency at its twentieth session. We think thatthis question should be given the highest priority inour work and we hope that the Assembly will adoptspecific recommendations concerning the conveningof this conference.

16. The conclusion of agreements on a number ofinitial measures which we believe to be essentialat this time would represent important progresstowards general and complete disarmament, which issUll the main objective of all our efforts. That wouldenable us to continue the process initiated by theconclUSion of the Moscow Treaty for a partial nuclAartest ban. §I In selecting these measures, it would belogical, for understandable reasons, t.o give priorityto nuclear and thermonuclear weapom.' and, in par­ticular, to the prohibition of the use of nuclearweapons, of all nuclear weapon testl:\ and of theproliferation of nuclear weapons, in wh.atever formand whatever circumstances.

17. The lack of progress towards disarmament, inthe presdnt state of international tension, threatensto open the way to a relatively rapid proliferation ofthese v/6apons. It is high time that such a de:velopmentwas prevented. To achieve this, however, conditionsconducive to a solution of the problem of generaldisarmament and of nuclear disarmament inparticularwould have to be created. .

18. Despite the DeCI~l'ation ~n the Granting of Inde­pendence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, whichwas unanimously adopted by the Assembly [resolution1514 (XV)], a large number of Non-Self-GoverningTerritories and millions of human beings are stillunder foreign domination. In some of these territori.es,which seem to have been given a special politicaland strategic role and where the economic interestsof some industrial countries are deeply involved, the

Y Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Coun­tries, 1-6 september 1961.

AI second Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non­AUgne

y seeo...~ ~onference of Heads of State or Government of Non­AUl9led Countries, 5-10 OCtober 1964.

~ see Official Docwnents of the Disarmament Commission,· SUp­plement for January to December 1965, docwnent 00/225.Y Treaty banning nuclE!ar weapon tests in the atmosphere, in

outer space and under water, signed on 5 August 1963.

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31341.st meeting -:- 29 September .1965------------------.;.-------'-- -----------------------

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, authorities resort to brutal measures of repre~'sion

which" sometimes degenerate into real colonial wars.In"other terri,tories a policy of racial discriminationand segregation is followed and the African peopleare prevented from exercising their fundamentalhuman rights on their own soil. The implementationof the Declaration is made particularly difficultby the fact that the colonial Powers are supportedby certain States which consider that 4t is in theireconomic and political interest that the final elimina­tion of colonialism should be postponed.

19. The Yugoslav delegation considers that theGeneral Assembly should make fresh efforts toensure the immediate impiememtation of the Declara­tion. It is the right and the duty of the United Nationsto give its full assistanc:;) to movements fighting fornational emancipation a~d the elimination of a systemwhich is in flasrant qontradiction to the principles ofthe Charter and which does considerable harm tointernational relations.

20. "After two decades of international action designedto help the developing countries, the economic situationof those countries is growing worse. The amount ofinternational aid granted to them ,remains stationary.while their economic weakness makes it easy forprivileges to be retained and for foreign h1tereststo dominate in new forms. Such a state of affairscannot fail to have an unfavourable influence oninternational relations, for it is difficult to attainthe degree of political unity essential for internationalstability if economic development widens the gapbetween the industrialized countries and the developingcountries, bringing them into ever greater opposition.The national effort of the deveJoping countries~

although of primary importance, cannot alone sufficeto make those differences disappear. J21. At the United Nations Conference on Trade andDevelopment ey there was general agr.eement on theneed to eliminate the present imbalance in theworld economy-which is, in the long run, in theinterests both of the industrialized countries and ofthe developing countries-and the need for the inter­national community to play a greater role in thatconnexion.

22. Any change in the present structure of worldeconomic relatiom-s" presupposes the solution of com­plex international and national problems, and we arefully aware that all decisions in that connexion mustbe carefully prepared. What we find disturbing,however, is the fact that certain industrialized coun­tries are apparently not prepared to start putting therecommendations of the Geneva Conference intoeffect. This has been obvious at the sessions of theTrade and Development Board, which did not come upto the expectations of the developing countries. Inour opinion, the General Assembly should invite theGovernments of Member States to reconsider theirattitude to the new trade and development policy whichwe established by common agreement at Geneva.

23. In this year of the 'twentieth anniversary of theUnited Nations, the international situation requiresthat we should examine the question of the present

2.1 Conference held a~ Geneva, 23 March-IS June 1964.

and future role which the United Nations is calledupon to play in international life. As far as mycountry a.Id Government are concerned, I wish torepeat here our firm conviction that despite someinadequacies and some failures the United Nationshas fully justified its existence.

24. When, last year, a period of inactivity was im­posed on our Organization, the majority of MemberStates sought to 'overcome ,the difficulties which hadarisen as quickly as possible. Also apparent werecertain. trends in the direction of weakening theUnited Nations still further. The usefulness of theOrganization was disputed and there were evendemands that it should be replaced by' another organiza­tion. We resolutely.opposed such trends because wethink. that the defects in the structure and workingsof the Organization can and must be eliminated byour common efforts within the United Nations.

25. We also feel that 'the pl'esence of all States inthe Organization serves both international peaceand progress and the national interests of eachcountry. We therefore urge that the United Nationsshould become truly universal. In this connexion,the question of the representation of China in theUnited Nations becomes particularly urgent. Thelegitimate right of the Government of the People'sRepublic of China to represent that country in theworld Organization should be recognized forthwith.

26. In the modern world. characterizeci as it is byrapid changes and the existence of different socialsystems, we need an organization which unites thedifferent groups of countries rather than setting themone against another, an organization which is agenuine instrument of international peace and co­operation.

27. It is not only the small countries and the under­developed countries which need the United Nations.Today the interests of peoples and of States, whatevertheir power and size of their territory, cannot besafeguarded solely within their national frontiers orby their own means. I think. that this year there isgreater agreement among us on this point. The factthat om," work is going on normally confirms that thecommon interest in strengthening the United Nationshas prevailed over the doubts regarding its usefulnessand over the resistance to its growing role in inter­national life.

28. With regard to the financial difficulties of theUnited Nations, we hope that they will be overcome byvoluntary contributions from Member States. "

29. In this twentieth year" of our Organization, thepresent session of the GeneralAssembly offers a timelyopportunity of ensuring that our common convicUquregarding the need for the existence of the Unit~d

Nations and for the reaffirmation and strengthening ofits role, and our determination to implement theprinciples of the Charter, find full expression in theachievement of genuine results during the work ofthis sessj,ou.

30. The Yugoslav delegation will support any proposaldesigned to overcome the present crisis in intern­national relations and to tackle the outstanding inter­national problems realistically and effectively. In

General Assembly - Twentieth Session ~ PIEn~ary Meetings

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contributed finances, as in the case of the Congoand United Nations Emergency Force (UNCF) opera-.tions. Ins'ome cases we ha.ve confributed both.' Butnow, like all the Members of this Organization, wehave to' stand back and look at the positions webave taken in the past in the light of these recentdevelopments.

37. I have referred to basic constitutional problems.'There. is ,forexample, that ofthe respective autho:rtties'of the Security Council and the General Assembly.Indeed the question arises whether the GeneralAssembly has powers and what ther are. We haveto face the question of how peace";keeping operations,when they are autcorized, are to be finatJ,ced. Wehive ~.-to face the " q\J.estions of cOqlposition and'control of United Nations elements in peace-keepingoperations.

38. Then there are all the problems of voluntaryfinancing. The Secretary-General in the introductionto his annual reFort (A/6001/Add. 1~ seotion I) hasreferred to the difficulty of planning operations whenthey are dependent on voluntary contributions. To

, that: '.Vouid add the question of equity. If each of usknows tl'at some countries are going to contributemoney to finance operations, will there not be atemp"ation, for some of us at any rate, to hold backand .~ay that, as somebody else is going to pay, therels no \;~1igation on us under the Charter and thattherefore we shall not contribute?

39. These various quee:tions will come before us invarious ways duririg this current session. There areseveral items on the agenda referring to themdirectly or indirectly. Ther~ is one specificallyreferring to peace-keeping operations which has beeninscribed 'by the delegation of Ireland, envisagingcertain new voting procedures. It is an attempt torelate the voting and authorizing of peace-keepingoperations to the degree of responsibility, financiallyOl' otherwise, that individual countries will acceptin respect of those operations, and also the degreeof responsibility of those countries for world securityin general.

40. One mayor may not agree with the actualsuggestions made by the delegation of Ireland orwith some of the other suggestions that have beencurrent among us this week, but at least these andother' questions are questions that will have to befaced., For this is not an academic matter and it isnot something that can be left for the future. Thereare operations under way now-ffJr example, UNE F.There iE' a new operation being undertaken at thismoment, authorized this month, on the India-Pakistanborder. 'ij.j

41. Thus these things come up for immediate atten­tion. Decisions are being made, either consciouslyor by default. In this, the smaller and middle Powersamong us, including Australia, are lvoking to thegreat Powers to give the lead, because we needto kr.' J to what extent the great Powers are prepared

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your efforts to help us to ~vance in that directionyou may 90oot, Mr. President, on our completeu,nderstanding and our full sUppoJ;'t. '

31. Sir lames PLIMSOLL (Australia): At this begin-.. ning of the twentieth session of the United Nations

General Assembly. I think we all have feelings of~~eiief and pieasu:fetlii.f-we':'a-re::-here·at ,all':' The lastsesslota' was an abortive one, condemned to stagnationand frustration by the failure to reach agreement onthe applicability of Artiple 19. But today the UnitedNations is here, it is working and it is stiil being used.

32. Oniy this ~onth we have had an impressivedemonstration of the virility of the United Nations inthe action it has been able to take in the disputebetween India and ·'Pakistan: first' the energy and-

'initiative of the Secretary-General himself and thenthe action of the Security uouncil,made possibleby the unanimity of the great Powers. This is ademonstration of the determin'l1tion of the Membersof this Organization to keep the Organization going.I think it is also a demonstration of their deter,mina­tion not to let military incidents, 'even considerablefighting, broaden into wider conflicts ~hat mightengulf the whole world.

33. The agreement reached. just before this sessienbegan, on the non-applicability of Article 19 (see.1331stmeeting) paras. 3 and 4) is a further demonstration01 that feeling. As I have said, we have grounds forsome gratification; but we must be realistic. Wemust recognize that the agreement on the applicability,or non-applicability, 'of Article 19 creates as marlYproblems as it solves.

. 34. ' In the first place, the deficit of the United Nations. remains, and we still 'need concrete action to wipe itout Those of us who have in the past contributedwhat we thought were our assessments, and whohave contributed to voluntary funtis or to loans, arenow watching what the. COuntries that were regardedby us as being 1n arrears are going to do. Becausewe too are expected to pay more, we are watchingthem. That is an important praotical problem. Th6second practical problem is one of principles: thequestion of what operations can be conducted hence­forth, how they are to ba authorized and how they areto be financed. We cannot proceed as if things werethe' same as before. 'We cannot act as though theslate had now been wiped clean and start afresh.

35. The whole point of the discussion about financesis that it was not simply a financ....tl discussion butmore deeply a discussion of the practical points ofpr.inciple to which I have refbrred. Consequently,some lines of thinking-the views that many of us,the majority of us, have been holding-may have to beabandoned. Now that it has been decided that Article 19is not to be applied against certain Members in.respect· of certain operations, it follows inevitablythat the same principle is going to apply in respectof all Members an.d all future similar operations.So we, hays aomehow to tackle, during this session ifpossible, the consequences of that.

36. Australia had contributed in the past to allthe peace-keeping operations of the United Nations.Sometimes we have contributed men, as in the caseof Kash!!!!ir and Cyprus. In other cases we have

iS41st meeting - 29 September 1965 5

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to accept responsibility and what their views are on.their respeotive roles.

42. Peace-keeping leads. me to think \'Jf a relatedfielo, the field of disarmament. There has beensome' progress in the past year in this field. We areall disappointed that there has not been more; butit is progress that the great Powers and the otherPowers associated with them in the Eighteen-Nationpisarmament Committee have been talking, hayebeen putting' forward jll'Oposal:s, have been'clarifyingsome of their basic interests and their basic objectives.One thing that has emerged clearly in tw.s past year~s ttie)~eat~eJ~e'ofUna~ltythat exists 8.Ip:ong.uiost ,_M~:mb~rs of this Organ~zati<?n on the nece~si~y" ~()r ,speedy, pr'actical, enforceable measures to, control.and prevent the 'proliferation 'and dissemination of ,nuclear' weapODS. As I say, this had been re~'Ognizedby most Powers. The United States introduoed adraft treaty at the ~ighteen-Natlon Disarmament·Committee in Geneva, Y and the representative of theUn1~ed States has already reiterated, in'this ,general'debate [1884th meeting], his Government's' beliefin the 1mp~rtanoe of progress in this question.The' Foreip Minister of the USSR also referred I

'[1385th meeting], to the lmportanbe of some agree-;ments on ~~s, ano ~s introduoed a draft treaty ,fot' oonsideration by this General' Assembly (see I

A/5976). Further, the Secretary-GeneI'al, in ·theintroduction to his annual report (A/6Q10liAdd.1) ,also refers to the urgent' need for' progress in thisfield.

43. So there is a fairly wide area, of agreement­fairly wide but not ~omplete, because there aresome countries in the world that are not agreedyet on the necessity of ending all nuclear tests andof preventing the dissemination of nuclear weapons.France, unfortunately, has not signed ,the ~uclear

test-ban Treaty and, I reg7,~f'Jt to say, is continuingtests, More disturbing is the fact tha.t CommunistChina has embarked on a programme of nuoleartests. I say this is more disturbing because thatGovernment has been adopting, and is still adopting,an aggressive posture in the world together with adenial of the conception of peaceful coexistence.It therefore cannot'but disturb all of us, and particl.l­1arly those of us who are in that region, the,t itis arming itself with nuclear weapons. Unfortunatelyalso, the GoverlUnent of Indonesia has not accepted.the belief that most of us share that tht:; widerdissemination and proliferation of nuclear weapons isa bad thing. The Fo~eigen Minister 9f Indonesiasaid, on 4 August, that lndonesia had no objection toall nations and countries in th~ world having nuclearweapons: "The more countries that are in possessionof atomic and nuclear bombs, the stronger theguarantees that would be given that these weaponsof the modern world would not be used"; he said: !tWehave no objections to all countries having atomicand nuclear bombs".

44. I have referred to these three countries toindicate the urgency which has been referred to by

- ~ Official Records of the Disarmament Commission, Supple:"'1entfor January to December 1965, docwnent 00/227, annex, section A.

• Provisional English version taken from text of interpretatic~ •

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earlier speakers, thl? urgency felt by the 'rest of usas we try to get a uni\~~rstdlUldwater-tight agreementwhile we still have time.

4~. ,In this general respeot, I agree with the followingstatement made by the Foreign Minister of the USSRearlier in this debate: .

"It goes without saying that an agr~ement on thenon-dissemination of nuclear weapons' cannot bean aim in itself. This is a, step, and a major one,towa~ds the banning and destruction of nuclearweapons, and not simply a method of restrictingthe number of nuclear Powers, or, as some peoplesay, of formalizing the nuclear monopoly of thepresent five great Powers."* [1335th meeting,para. 70.]

46. Now, I agree with that. 'But wegoa stage lurther,and the 'Foreign Minister of the USSR' himself, Ithink, would also do. so. We say that it should also00 So step towards wider disarmamElnt in the non­nuolear field, because it ismest important forthe seourity of all of us that progress in nuoleardisarmament be accompanied by progress in con­ventional dlsarl'&'1ament. After all, many countriestoday are faolng threats, or fear that they aretaoi~g threats 0 to..their seourity from oountries t~t

,are not nuolear Powers. Conventional weapons,themselves. after all, oan do great destruction.ClIilventional weapons in the hands of a large Powercan cause great unease to its neighbours, and thisunease is shared to a very great degree by manyof the countries situated around China.

47. This leads me into a discussion of the, securityof the region 'of South and South-East Asia which isso important to Australi~ and to the problems ofliVing with China. The task of living with China is nota simple matter that can be solved by the admissionof Communist 'China to the United Nations. Ourrelatio~ship is much more complicated; it needshandling in, many ways, and United Nations member­ship is only one part of it.

48. When we come to, consider the Question ofChinese representation in the United Nations, wemust have very ::nuch in our minds the effect onthe' United Nations itself. Look at the Peking r~gimetoday-Communist China and what its record iS J andwhat its current objectives and its outlook are. Thereis the aot of aggression against India in 1962 andthe threats, that have been made in the last fewweeks against India and against Sikkim. There is thethreat, direct or indirect, against many neighboursof China to the north, to the east, to the south andto the west. All. its neighbours, in one degree oranother, directly or, indirectly, have come underthreats. It is a regime that is agronst peacefulcoexistence. It is a regime that contemplates nuclearwar without viewing it with the horror with whichthe rest of mankind views it. It ta a regime thatadvocates for forcible overthrow, by violence andrevolution, of most of the Governments represented inthis Gent)ral. Assembly.

49. We must therefore ask ourselves what thisregime would do if it were seated among us todayin the United Nations. We have to face 'the probabilitythat the admission at this moment of time of Com-

6 General Assembly - Twentieth Session -Plenary Meetings

and friendlypeoples ~ andthem is repu~

60. ConsequlU Thant's e:statement anAyub and LalAustralia, S11had the full :his efforts.forthcoming iand to do eve:efforts fruitfl

61. Now thalAustralian Gchas been acheffective. Au!:in Kashmir enow in respoThe unanimitis most gralto be takenhas also helfUnited NatioJpeace. We ho}in dealing wundeI' paragrof 20 Septeml:J

62. In viewthe generalattitude thatMember of Ilook. at whaCommunist (hostilities bedisregard ofCharter. ByPeking GoveJtension and wChina's attitlof the worldof the Securi!at stopp;ng tthreat to thepeop,\e in thecertainty thatof the Securitveto to prevet

63. A task 0

giVing effect ttion 211 of 20India and Pafor themselvdegrees of ilnthem. But thEsometimes hEstimulating lilestablishmentbe found and I

64. I do not tmore specificjust occurrelstability, proPakistan, and

version in South Viet-Nam, directed and suppliedfrom outside, particularly from North Viet-Nam.This has been stepped up. There have been, over theperiod of the las~ two years, deliberate killingsof officials !" villages and the elimination of national,cultural and other leaders in South Viet-Nam witha view to disrupting government, and with the in­evitable consequences, of course, that the Govern­ment had to become mOl'e rigorous and that movestowards greater liberalization had to be checked.There has also been, over a period of years, thedeliberate destruotion of economic facilities-bridgesand so on-with a view to slowing down and reversingthe economic progress that was taking place inSouth Viet-Nam.

56. The scale of this outside intervention increasedto a point where, late last year, actual regular militaryunits started to be moved into position and someof their members went into South Viet-Nam. Inthese circumstances, the Government of South Viet­Nam asked its friends for asistance in repelling whatis clearly a case of aggression. Indeed, the Govern­ment of South Viet-Nam might have been· open tocriticism for hesitating and delaying for 130 long inreplying to these attacks upon it, because for yearsit sat back and took it. It fought where the infiltratorschose to fight, and for years there was no aGtempt tohit back at the places from which aggression hasbeen directed, launched and supplied. So it is onlycomparatively recently and after, I believe, a greatdeal of restraint that the escalation has reached itspresent point.

57. What is the nature of this self-styled nationalliberation front? It is not a genuine freedom movement.It is not like the African freedom movements. It isnot directed primarily against foreigners. The Govern­ment of South Viet-Nam is an indigenous Government;it is a Government that functioned for several yearswith no outside direction or support, other than thenormal supports of economic assistance. The se1£­styled liberation front is linked with subversivemovements in Africa. It is part of a movementdirected not to achieve national independence, butto achieve certain political objectives of a worldrevolutionary natu;re.

58. Therefore, the objective of countries such asmine and New Zealand and the United States thathave forces in Viet-Nam is to deter and repelaggression. Many efforts have been made by theCommonwealth Prime Ministers and others, to openthe way to negotiations, but so far none of these hasbeen able to get anywhere. But it is not our objectiveto eliminate NOI'th Viet-Nam. Indeed, PresidentJohnson, in his proposals ,last April to contribute$1,000 million to a co-operative effort for the develop­ment of South-East Asia, speCifically envisaged NO.r:thViet-Nam taking its place in this common effort ifthe Viet-Namese situation developed so that the1'ecould be co-operation instead of warfare. We do notseek to destroy the Government of North Viet-Nam.North Viet-Nam must not destroy South Viet-Nam.

59. I shall now turn to the question of India andPakistan. This is something that is particularlydistressing to Australia, because we have close

munist China would destroy the effectiveness ofthe United Nations and mig~t very well end itsexistence. Its whole policy would be to drive awedge between countries of differi,ng social andpolitical systems that are now trying somehow towork together and bring about the evolution of apeaceful world.

50. What our decision will be is very importan-:for the United Nations. I can conceive of no questionmore important at present than the question of Chineserepresentation.

51. Having said that about the general overhangingproblem for most of South and South-East Asia, thisgreat land of between six and seven hundred millionpeople overhanging us, let me refer fair),y briefly tothree current problems of political and militaryconcern-Malaysia and Singapore, Viet-Nam and theIndia-Pakistan troubles.

52. With regard to Malaysia and Singapore, Yshallsay simply that as Members of the United Nationsthey are entitled to have their territorial integrityrespected and not to be subjected to force or thethreat of force. In resisting force or the threat offorce, Malaysia and Singapore have received andwill con~inue to receive the active support of theirfriends, including Australia.

53. I shall turn now to Viet-Nam, and say somethingat more length on that, because it is a matter thathas been raised in the course of the general debatehere by several speakers. In South Viet-Nam, Austra­lia is very directly concerned. In addition to theforces of the South Viet-Nam Government itself,and now, on sonie scale,ofthe United States , there areother 00untries participating with forces, includingAustralia and New Zealand. Therefore, I wish tostate why our Governments have taken this decisionand why we consider it important to all of us that aproper outcome emerge in Viet-Nam.

54. In Viet-Nam in 1954, a modus vivendi was,reached whereby the country was divided into two,and there were provisio'1s looking towards the un­ification of Viet-Nam. These provisions have neverbeen fully carried out, As in most of these cases,there is argument as- to responsibility and as towhat should be done. So far as the Australian Govern­ment is concerned, we accept the view of the SouthViet-Nam authorities that it was not possible to havefree nation-v,.'ide elections of the kind envisaged inthe Geneva Agreements at the time, because freeelections were not possi1:>le in North Viet-Nam, inaddition to some other reasons. That is our view;some other Governments take different views, butwhatever view is held on this point, I should havethought that we would all feel that it is in our interestthat in Niet-Nam, just as in the other divided countriesin the world today, unification should not be broughtabout by force.

55. I think it is most important for world securitygenerally that unification in any of these unhappilydivided countries should not be attempted by force,if onJy because of the grave dangers that this wouldhold for world peace. In fact, this modus vivendijogged along in one way or another for some years,and then, gradually, it became upset by armed sub-

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" .1341st meeting - 29 September 1965 7

.. and friendly relations with both Governments andpeoples ~ and the very thought of fighting betwoenthem is repugnant to Australia.

60. Consequently, we thl'ew our whole weight behindU Thant's efforts when he began them. In a publicstatement and in personal messages to PresidentAyub and Lal Bahadur Shastri, the Prime Minister ofAustralia, Sir Robert Menzies, indicated that U Thanthad the full support of the Australian Government inhis efforts. He asked the two Governments to beforthcoming in their reactions to the efforts of U Thantand to do everything within their power to make theseefforts fruitful.

61. Now that things have moved a stage further, theAustralian Government welcomes the cease-fire thathas been achieved. We hope it will stick and be madeeffective. Australia has contributed military observersin Kashmir since 1950, and we hope to pl'ovide morenow in response to the Secretary-General's request.The unanimity with which the Security Council actedis most gratifying. It has enabled effective actionto be taken in bri!lging about a cease-fire and ithas also helped to restore faith in the ability of theUnited Nations to contribute to the maintenance ofpeace. We hope that this unanimity w.ill be ma.intainedin dealing with the difficult task that still remainsundeI' paragraph 4 of the Security Council resolutionof 20 September.

62. In view of what I said a few m~nutes ago aboutthe general attitude of Communist China and theattitude that it would be likely to adopt if it were aMember of this Organization, it is interesting tolook. at what .Lt has done. in the last few weeks.Communist China has sought ·-to exploit the recenthostilities between India and Pakistan with a h:'utaldisregard of the principles of the United NationsCharter. By threatening violence against India, thePeking Government deliberately sought (to increasetension and widen the scope of the conflIct. CommunistChina's attitude was in marked contrast with thatof the world community in general. All the membe:rsof the Security Council joined in a resolution aimedat stoppjng the fighting and at seeking to end thethreat to the happiness and welfare of millions ofpeop,\e in the sub-continent. One may conclude withcertainty that if Communist China had been amemberof the Security Council it WOUld have used ita power ofveto to prevent the passage of such a resolution.

63. A task of considerable delicacI now remains ingiVing effect to paragraph 4 of Security Council resolu­tion 211 of 20 Septem1ier. Ultimately the two countries,India and Pakistan, will have to find the solutionsfor themselves to the many problems of varyingdegrees of importance that unfortunately exist betweenthem. But the United Nations and other countries cansometimes help by bringing the parties together, bystimulating lines of approach or by contributing to theestablishment of cQ1nditions: in which settlements canbe found and put into effect.

64. I do not think that it would be useful for me to bemore specific on tl.~is occasion. The fighting that hasjust occurred is fratricidal and harmful to thestability, progress and secuZ:ity of both India andPakistan, and, indeed, of the whole region of South-

lIIrns 11 I I; I 11

East Asia. Therefore, qUite apart from our feelingson grounds of humanity, Australia feels a direct con­cern in the outcome. We want to see relations betweenIndia and Pakistan develop along lines of friendshipand co-operation. The solution of as many as possibleof the individual problems existing between them wouldcontribute to this atmosphere, and might make lesspossible or less abrasive those problems which mightstill persist.

65. Up to now, in discussing South and South-EastAsia, I have referred to specific problems of a securitynature. But it is most important that we also haveclearly in mind, and take measures to meet, someof the needs of economic and social development andwell-being in the region, I draw the Assembly'sattention to the Economic Survey of Asia and the FarEast for 1964,2J which has been circulated among usin the last few days. One of the conclusions of theSurvey is that agricultural production in the regionof the Economic Commission for Asia and the FarEast [ECAFE] showed a significant recovery forthe first time since 1961. The inorease in food produc­tion from 1961 to 1964 in those countries wasconsiderably below the rate of population grol' "th, andthe per capita food production in 1964 was be.l.ow the1961 level.

66. The .conclusion that I draw from figures likethese, and from much of the other information inthis Economic Survey, is that there can be noslackening in the efforts either of the Governmentsof the region or of the world community in theirattempts to forward and assist the economic develop­ment. of the region. The Australian Government wantsto see the total amount of international assistancegoing to South and South-East Asia maiLtained and,if possible, increased. Australia, which is part ofthe ECAFE region, is playing a full part as a memberof that Commission, in addition to its contributionto and activitieS'- in the region outside' the Commission.The Australian Government welcomes some of thework that has been done }:Iy the Commission orunder the auspices of the Commission in the pasttwelve months: for example, some of the assistancethat has been given by ECAFE to member countries

.in their development planning, the work of the newAsian Institute for Economic Development and Plann­ing, the work of the ECAFE secretariat in providinguseful statistical and other research material, the;~ vo meetings of the Conference of Asian Statisticiansand the Conference of Asian Economic Planners. Amost significant move in the past twelve nlonths hasbeen towards the establishment of an Asian Develop­ment Bank. This is a major, step forward in regionaleconomic co-operation and development. Australia isco-opurating in an aotive and positive way in theplanning and other steps to set up this bank. Subjectto the final shape Of the bank being satisfactory-and'Ye have every reason to believe that it will be­Australia looks forward to being a member of anda contributor to it.

67. Having made those remarks about the economicsituation in South and South-East Asia, in which

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8 General Assembly - Twentieth Session - Plenary Meetings

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Australia has so direct a concern, I should likebriefly to touch on an eoonomiq. jt1atter of world­wide concern, namely the important developmentsin the past year in the United Nations Conferenceon Trade and Development. International trade is ofIJpecial interest to. Australia because we are stilldependent in many ways on exports. We are in aspecial position, like one or two other uountries.Australia is a country with a high average standardof living. But we are dependent for 80 per cent ofour export earnings on primary products. in asense, we have a foot in both oamps, that is, withthe developed oountries and with the under-developedoountries. I think that this has sometimes given usa: speoial opportunity for insight into the oonoerns ofboth groups.

68. I shall sum up our general attitude to theConferenoe on Tr.ade and Development in threepropositions. The first is that this new organizationis very important and that all of us should throwour weight behind it and make the biggest contributionwe oan in it and through it.

69. My second observation is to agree with whatthe Secretary-General said in his introduction tohis annual report, namely:

"The new trade machinery is not just anotherforum for exerting presBure. It should be a centrefor formulating new polioies and for aohievingspecific solutions of trade problems. More specifi­cally, it is an indispensable instrument for theadoption, by both developed and developing countries,of new approaches to international economic prob­lems within the context of a new awareness ofthe needs of developing cOluntries." [A/6001/Add.I,section IV.]

70. The thUd point I would make is that we are gladthat the Conference on Tr;ade and Development ispart of the United Nations activities and machinery.This allows a two-direction form of influence. Itallows the work of the Conference to be influencedby th~ general work done in international affairs­eoonomic and non-economic-but it also allows thethinking here in the General Assembly, the otherbodies of the United Nations and the speoializedagencies to be influenoed by what is being done andthought in the Conference on Trade and Development.

71. Before leaving the questionofinternationaltrade,I would add that the Australian Government tookthe initiative a few months ago of introducing pre­ferences into the Australian tariff for certain specifiedmanufactures and semi-manufactures from less de­veloped countries. The aim of the new preferenoesis to enable less developed countries to enter ourmarket with products on which they could not becompetitive with the highly industriaUzed countriesat most-favoured~nat1onrates.

72. Leaving the economic area, I shall say a fewwords about Australian New Guinea, in respect ofwhich Australia has accepted and is discharginginternational obligations. I shall not go into thisat length because the appropriate United Nationsbodies are kept informed, and there will be discussionsin them at various stages during the General Assemblyor at other times.

73. In respect of our territories, Australia enjoysgood relations with the United Nations. 1 believe thatthere is a considerable degree of understanding onboth. sides. The Australian Government and Ad­ministration understand what the United Nations isthinking and wants. I believe that the repregantativeshere for the most part have an understanding ofwhat we are trying to do. I can assure the Assemblythat the Australian Government pays the greatest ofattention to any recommendations, formal or informal,tha~ are made by United Nations bodies.

74. During the past year the Australian Governmenthas oarefully studied a report of the InternationalBank for Recons'truction and Development, which,at the request of the Australian Government, senta mission to Australian New Guinea. The AustralianGovernment has acceptoed the report of that Missionas a working basis for planning the economic develop""ment of the Territory, and the Australian Governmenthas set actively in train measures to :ollow up thatreport.

75. There have been const,itutional advances; someof them have been made over a period of a few yearsand are now bearing fruit. There is in AustralianNew Guinea today a legislatu.re, a majority of whosemembers are indigenous inhabitants. The legislatureis responsible to all the people. Universal &dultsuffrage had been introduced. Australia is carryingout its obligations under the Charter. We hope thatthe principles and provisions of the Charter will beapplied in respect of all other dependent territoriesin the world.

16. The final topic I want to touch on is the role ofthe United Nations in science. I refer to this becauseit is a field in which Australia has taken past in­itiatives and with which Australia has been par­ticularly identified in the United Nations. At thethirteenth session of the General Assembly in 1958,our then Minister for External Affairs, Mr. R. G.Casey, urged [759th meeting] that the United Nationsdo mor~ in the field of science. This led to theproduotion of the Auger report Wand subsequentlyto tb-a establislunent of ,the Advisor.r, 'Co~itteeon the Applioation of Scienoe and Teohnology toDevelopment. \

77. Why is Australia particularly interested in this?Partly as a result of our own historical development.The history of Australian economic development isreally the sto't'y of the application of science to thesolution of our economic problems. Most of theanimal and vegetable products on which Australia'sprosperity depends-sheep, cattle, wheat and sugar,for example-were introduced into Australia fromoutside. They have had to. be fostered in" an alienand often harsh environment, and it is only the result'of expel'iInent over a period of years that hasmade them the successful and produotive sources thatthey are for Australia today. Thp"-efore, we arepeculiarly conscious of the role that scientific researchand its application can play in national development.

!QI Pr.,fellor Pierre Auger (editor), Current Trends in SCient1fic-····Re.earch (United Nations, New York, andthe United Nations Educational,Scientific and Cultural Organization, Paris, 1961).

78. FurtheJSouth, and Seoffioial alldwe are, I tl1of the .oounof the wayoverlookedyou an exam]79. I have vin India andon problemsThey are tllenough to eswith a smal,small amou:Jvalue fromsome of thein highly desometimes VI

problems ofwho have tobring to themllnity andorganizationsdeveloped anlooked by snaturally gi,

. that are unde:

80 There I

being tackleApplication 0

The first isbond its beneimake Goverlscience and I

effort becomGoverIlPlentsgive a pressudoes. We nelscience in dpeople formfor them inthem workiniof those counl

81. The secon some ofunder-develo]has, in its re)Council, UI id,and applicatifrom" the POilThe Australilmittee shouldto see thatproblems-ain· the Unitedthe great foullsoientific bodeffort to help.in all countriE

82. The thir,in its widest

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Ses.ion, SUppleme

1341st meeting - 29, September 1965 9

78. Furthermore, because we are on the edge ofSouth· and South-East Asia and have great contacts,official alld p'ersonal, with the pe'oples of that region,we are, I think, very conscious of some of the needsof the. countries of that region. We are consciousof the way in which these needs are sometimesoverlooked in developing countries. Let me giveyou an example from my own per~onal experience.79. I have visited the NationalNutr!tion Laboratoriesin India and I have seen what ls being done thereon problems of nutrition. What are their problems?They are the 'problems of people ~J10 do not haveenough to eat; the problems of P09.r 'people who evenwith a small inoome do not know how to spend thatsmall amou:J,t in order to get the greatest nutritivevalue from the food they buy. Contrast that withsome of the problems of nutrition that one findsin highly developed countries where scientists ,aresometimes worrying about the supject of obesity-theproblems of people who have too much to eat andwho have too rich food. More needs to be done tobring to tlleattention of the world scientific com­mlmity and of governmental and private scientificorganizations some of the problems of the under­developed and more remote countri~,s that get over­looked by scientists in developed countries, whonaturally give primary attention to the problems

, that are under their noses.

80 There are three lines of approach that arebeing tackled in the Advisory Committee on theApplication of Science and Technology to iJevelopment.The first is to create an understanding of sciencebond its benefits in developing countries. We need tomake Governments ~Qnscious of the importance ofscience and of its application, If we can do that, theeffort becomes in a sense self-generating, becauseGoverIlPlents themselves will ,keep things going andgive a pressure regardless of what the UnitrJiNationsdoes. We need partiCUlarly to create an'indigenousscience 1n developing cQuntries. We need to trainpeople form those countries. We need to have jobsfor them in their own countries. We need to hav'ethem working in their own countries on the problemsof those countries.. ,

81. The seoond task is to have a 'ConQerted attaokon some of the soient.lfic problems in relations tounder-developed oountries. This Advisory Committeehas, in its report this year, to the Economic and SocialCouncil, Widentified problems of scientific researchand application which require particulsr attentionfrom, the point of view.of under-developeo countries.The Australian Government believes thp ihis Com­mittee should now develop a substantiv/; programmeto see that there is a concerted attack on thesepz:oblems-a substantive progr~-nroe that will bringin the United Nations itself, the spe~ialized agencies,the great foundations, and the national and internationalscientific bodies. Developed countries must make aneffort to help. The organization of science is a problemin all countries, even in the most advanced.

82. The third heading is the exchange of informationin its widest. sense. The probhms of exchange of

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scientifio knowledge are beooming more and morecomplex every year as new knOWledge comes intobeing. The technical problems of organizing, dis­seminating. and having readily available what isknown, are becoming more and more difficult evenin the highly developed countriea. It is of enormousimportance to have this sort of thing done 1n a formthat can be used in developing countries.

83. I have spent a little time on this subjeot because,as I ::laid, a lot of United Nations activity in thisfield stema from an initiative by Mr. Qasey inthis Assembly in 1958, and Australia has beenpeculiarly identified with this scientifio aotivity. Ihave indicate~ what I believe should be done now sothat there will be practioal progress in the earlyfuture.

84. In my statement this morning, I began by dis­cussing political and security problems that face us,and sometimes divide us, and I have finished by'discussing economic, soc,ial and scientific matters.The latter are most important and call for positiveand dynamic approaches from all of us. Economicdevelopment and progress will do something to makeeasier the reaching of political accommodations andwill contribute to the effective exercise or attainmentof basio human rights for everyone, regardless of race,colour or creed. .

85. The PRESIDENT (translated from French):Before calling on the next speaker, I should like todraw the attention of the General Assembly to 8.

message which His Imperial Majesty the Shah of Iranhas been good enough to address to the Secretary­General and myself. This message has been sent tous in connexion with the important UNESCO Conference ..on the question of illiteracy, which was held in Iranlast month with more than eighty Governments rep­resented. The message of His Imperial Majesty dealswith the question of illiteracy, which is an item onour agenda and has been allocated to the SecondCommittee [item 47].

86. I am grateful to His Imperial Majesty fordraWing our attention to this question of oapitalimportance. The text of his message was circulatedthis morning as a General Assembly dooument[A/e024]and I ask all representatives, espeoially those whoSer\Te on the Second Committee, to be good enough togive it the attention which it deserves.

87. Mr. COUVE DE MURVILLE (France) (translatedfrom French): The French delegation does not concealits satisfaction that the crisis whioh prevented theGeneral Assembly from meeting normally last year,and Which, had it continued, WOUld, perhaps. ,havethreatened the very future of theOrganiz4tion, hasbeen iinallyovercome,. amidst general gQQd~!Il.~Oneof tne first ,and fortunate consequences of thatfavour';'­able development is that this year we have been

, able to appoint our President acoording to the regular'procedure and in near unanimity. We have chosen-andthis is a second fortunate cons.equence-a statesmanWho is known and esteemed throughout the worldfor' his great merit but who. as things are, is evenbetter known and hence more highly esteemed,pel"haps ,in France. Our country, Mr. President, is happy tosalute you through me, to express its· Ijleasure --at

10 General Assembly - Twentieth Session - PlenarY Meetings

eminentl~

experiencexpressefwith themeans foonly be l

Nations da combinstitute anthe way ecapable (opening f:militaryuniting Cl

to clearlJthose whJenvisagedprovided.them andnot in facgressivewould ap]being mt:entail ph~

PakistanresolutiorVII of the·among thlsuch a thpsychologimplemenand woul<by its inethe authoI

98. Thoslposition tfinancingof my Spl

far as t:though neuncertain1there nodistressinourselvesof Septeml

99. It iswith due l'

by the ChEof the Urremains,is well athe Orgarin the preof courseyoars sinall knownPeople'sgreat courCouncil aWorld affajUdgementway withi]the Uniteepopulous 1

dozens ofthat we hI, ,

committee, composed of especially competent experts,to study all tl1ese questions in all their aspects andto submit Qonstruotive proposals.

93. The financial problem, important as it is. is not.however, in the same category as the politicalproblem,which in its complexity, has many other consequences.It involves the very nature of our Organization andits possibilities for action.

94. The United Nations is first of all a statute, alaw, which is called the Charter. It is next a policy,entailing the need to judge, i.e., to seek to determine,not only what is desirable but also what is possible.Tq.e Charter itself foreshadowed this policy in thebalance which it established between the variousorgans and in the precautions which it took withrespect to United Nations action.

95. Indeed g such action was wisely reserved to theSecurity Council alone and the oft-invoked resolution,[377 (V)] that was imprOVised during the 1950 crisishas been unable to affect this rule. The GeneralAssembly is the expr~ssion of international pUblicopinion and should consequently be the highest worldpolitical forum. It is inconceivable that the SeourityCouncil could act in opposition to this internationalopinion. In fact it has never ventured to do so, evenassuming that it has ever so desired. But the Councilalso represents something eIRe, namely, the confluenceof the world's principal economic, military andpolitical forces. It is natural that, if there must beaction, the decision for it should come £loom theCouncil, for it is clear that without that confluenceany decision would in practice be ineffective andeven fraught with peril. The experience of the pasttwenty years has confirmed this on every occasion,and even quite recently. in the cease-fire accepted byIndia and Pakistan follOWing a unanimous resolution ofthe Security Council [211 (1965)]. Who does notsee that. in that case, the combination of influencesexerted by international opinion, also nearly unan­imous, and by the stands taken by the Powersrepresented in the Council. had a decisive effect?

96. That is why France ascribes supreme importanceto scrupulous rE)spect for the provisions of theCharter and has \been unable to endorse, if only fromthe financial standpoint, audacious interpretationswhich, had they been adopted, would have beenlikely to have a profound effect on the balance, andconsequently the effectiveness, of our institution.The same is true, furthermore, as regards itsarea of competence, which cannot, in our opinion,be extended to th6 domestic affairs of any countrywhatever; its competence is limited, and very naturallylimited, to relations between States, that is to say toanything that could be of such a nature as directlyto imperil world peace.

97. This being said, it still remains to specify, sincethis was the direct source of the crisis, what thenature of the Organization's decisions can be. I muststate very frankly that the French delegation, incontrast to many, and not the smallest, of those whohave preceded it at this rostrum, firmly subscribesto the 'hesis that it does not behove the United Nations,in the present state of the world and doubtless fora long time, to depart from the politk~al sphere whichill Special Comm.(ttee on Peach-keeping Operations.

seeing you assume this high international office andto offer you its best wishes for success in your greattask. We naturally extend these sentiments also toItaly. our ally. our partner and our friend.

88. The fact that the crisis in the functioning of theUnited Nations has been surmounted and that we areable to resume our deliberations does not, of course,mean that it has been possible to find a solution toall the problems that were the cause of the crisis.Such is ce rtainly not yet the case, firstly, as regardsthe Organization's financial situation, which, as weknow, has for long been a source of constant concernto our eminent Secretary-General. In the conclusionsof the Committee of Thirty-three, J;Y the wish w:,sexpressed that the financial situation might be settledby voluntary contributions, partic~larlyby the Stateswhich happen to have special responsibilities andresources. May I be permitted to say, as the Frenohdelegation pointed out at the time, that the problem isin reality much wider.

89. To begin with, it ls wider in its definition, fornone of us has a really clear idea of what the financialbalance-sheet of the United Nations may 'be today.What with the' expenses falling on the Organization,the debts of every kind that it has contracted on allsides, the distinction to be made between budgetaryoperations and treasury operations. taking into accountwhat has been borrowed from one fund or anotherwhose resources, however, are definitely earmarked,I wonder what Member States could find its way aboutin this situation without hesitation?

90. The problem is also wider in scope. To be sure,the prime source of the present difficulties is theaccumulation of expenditures-without counterpart, forlegal reasons that we all know-resulting from theUnited Nations operations in the Congo (Leopoldville)and, to a lesser extent, in the Near East. This

. accumulation, however. ineVitably leads to concernalso about the financial management properly speaking,not so much of the United Nations as of the specializedagencies, above all, of certain of them. The bendencytowards excessive spending is inherent in all publicinstitutions. Let us recognize that it is even greaterin the case of a body like this, where responsibilityis spread 01,;er a large number of countries, for therecourse which each of us has to make to his nationaltaxpayers is far away and scarcely in evidence.

91. From this analysis, France concludes that thisfinancial crisis should be the occasion for a com­prehensive review of the situation of the United Nations ,including that of the specialized agencies, in order todraw up a clear, complete and honest balance-sheet,to revise our methods, to· introduoe everywhere aminimum, if not a maximum, spirit of order andeconomy, so as to put an end to the constant andsystematic increase in our expenses of all kinds. IaJ:n sure that, if that is done, it will not be difficultto put our accounts in sound order once and for alland then France would not refuse its co-operation.

,92. I should not want to say any more on a subjectthat is necessarily unpopular. Perhaps the GeneralAssembly might contemplate setting up a. sman

1341st meeting - 29 September 1965 11

eminently belongs to it and in which, once again,experience shows that it can be effecttve when itexpresses itself on behalf of world public opinionwith the support of. the Powers which possess themeans for action. A resort to force, however, couldonly be an adventure. In the first place, the UnitedNations does not possess the material means for it:a combination of national contingents does 'not con­stitute an army, with all that that should include inthe way of effective command and political authoritycapable of taking basic responeibility, namely, ofopening fire. Secondly, it is inconceivable that suchmilitary operations would not result in deeply dis­uniting our nations. These observations do not applyto clearly specified supervisory operations, such asthose which were organized in Palestine, or thoseenvisaged in the recent resolution concerning Kashmir,provided, of course, that the Security Council approvesthem and follows up their implementation. Those arenot in fact actions of force that might ta..1{e on an ag­gressive character. On the other hand, my remarkswould apply also to other measures which, withoutbeing military in the true sense, would, however,entail physical constraint. At the time of the India­Pakistan conflict, the idea of makoing provision in theresolution for the threat of sanctions under ChapterVII of the Charter was cuntemplated. Some delegations,among them the French, opposed it, pointing out thatsuch a threat would only make things more difficultpsychologically for the two parties. Moreover, itsimplementation would have been so problematicaland would have given rise to so much dispute thatby its ineffectiveness it would merely have impairedthe authority of the Security Council.

98. Those are the reasons why France took theposition that it did in the discussions concerning thefinancing of the Congo operations. At the beginningof my speech I spoke about wiping out th.e past. Asfar as the future is concerned. I 'say that, eventhough no agreement has been reached, all theuncertainties are now sufficiently dispelled forthere no longer to be any risk of a repetition ofdistressing experiences of the past or of our findingourselves once again in the regrettable situationof September 1964.

99. It is in these circumstances, and in particularwith due respeot for the institutional balances providedby the Charter, that we now view the future functioningof the United Nations with more optimism. Thereremains, however, one question, and everyone hereis well aware of it, .whose solution is necessary ifthe Organization is to be able to play its role fullyin the preservation of world .peace. I am referring,of course, to the question of China. During the fifteenyoars since it first claimed our attention, we haveall known that the time would inevitably come when thePeople's Republic of China would represent thatgreat country in the General Assembly and the SecurityCouncil and would participate in the discussion ofWorld affairs. We are not concerned here with passingjUdgement on China's internal system, which is in noway within our competence. We are concerned withthe United Nations itself, in which the world's mostpopulous nation must be able to be heard, as are thedozens of States, large, small and even very small,that we have admitted since 1949 as soon as we were

told that they had achieved indep~ndence and sovez:­eignty. France entered into diplomatic relations withChina in January 1964. The rightness of that d~i..c:.lion

seems to France to be confirmed now that·A.siaoccupies a growing place in international matters andin United Nations discussion and now that it is c.learthat the problems of that continent cannot .be settledwithout the direct participation of the largest AsianPower. By trying to persist in exclUding it, we simplyrun the risk of seeing it continued to take its owninitiatives on its own behalf. In our opinion, that isto no one'l; advantage.

100. I mentioned Asia; today it is indeed the centreof uncertainties, criseS and even wars. in the sombrepicture it presents, the cease-fire accepted by Indiaand Pakistan was the happy event which I welcomeda few minutes ago, after all the speakers who precededme. I cannot fail, in this connexion, to emphasize thepart played by our Secretary-General, U Thant, whohad yet another opportunity to display his qualitiesof determination and dedication. It now remains toimplement the cease-fire provisions on the spot~ atask which will not be easy, as we observe daily ano.as the Security Council has just been force to noteby solemnly repeating its injunction the day before .yesterday [see Council resolution 214 (1965)]. Afterthat, it will be necessary to find a means of settlingthe Kashmir problem that will be acceptable to bothparties. None of us are in any ignorance about allthat the mere statement of that task implies. What Imay add is my conviction that within this Organization f

and in the first place in the Security Council, therewill be only goodwill and understanding in the endeavourto achieve, if possible, a permanent reconciliationbetween India and Pakistan.

101. The Viet-Namese problem is indeed even moredistressing, not only because it has been going on foryears, without any sign of a settlement, but also andabove all because it is a war, with all the cruelty andeven ruthlessness that war entails; In referring tothis subject, even if it is not within the Organization'scompetence, the representative of France cannotfail to mention first,most feelingly, the humansuffering and material destruction which this war isbringing to the Viet-Namese people, whom the Frenchnation knows well, with whom it worked for so longand with whom it has mainta~.ned a variety of tiessince Viet-Nam attained independence-a people, ina word, whom it knows to be still its friend. Foryears now, and in the first place through the voiceof General de Gaulle, France has spoH;~n out clearlyon the settlement which it regards as the onlypossible one and which, in its view, m\lst be basedon the independence and neutrality of Viet-Namand on non-intervention in its d.,niestic affairs, asthose principles were defined in the 1954 Genevaagreements. Negotiations to that end would probablyhave been immediately possible at one time. Todaythey are foiled by the hardening and the distrustwhich war cannot fail to engender. OUr hope is thatit will not be too long before the necessary adjustmentstake place, before decisions are taken, without eqUiv­ocation or ulterior me-Uvea on any side, establishingche system whose principles I have just mentioned, andbefore the necessary international guarantees aregiven and the assistance undertaken which will mate

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105. When, today, people talk of disarmament, thegeneral tendency is to call it non-dissemination. Thatis probably a way, as it were an instinctive way, ofsaying that the nuclear weapon is the essential factorand therefore the greatest danger. France desires'dissemination no more than does p,ny other countryand it realizes that the Powers possessing theformidable privilege of atomic armament will neveragree to share it with anyone else. It also knows that,in fact, behind the discussions which are taking placeat Qeneva and elsewhere, there inevitably lie thegreat international problems, in the first place-Whynot say so?-that of the future of Germany. But whatit feels, principally, is that this is not the essentialproblem. If there is really to be dis9:t'mament, thenwhat already exists must first be prevented fromgrowing and ,then be reduced. In other words, theatomic Powers are involved. If they would agree tolimit their :production, progressively to reduce theirstockpiles and tu accept the necessary controls,dissemination would be clearly shown to be what itreally is-a by-pl)oduct and not the source of the evil.

106. Such conskerations might appear naive Ilndtherefore utopian. Yet they are only a restatement ofthe obvious, namely, once again, that the disarmamentproblem is in the first place a problem of war andpeace, and therefore in the first place the problemof the Powers which possess the means of makingwar and hence the means of establishing peace. Theresponsibilities incumbent upon them are immense.France has never ceased to say. so. It thinks thlltit is never too late to say so again. Nor is it evertoo late to draw the logical conclusions.

107. While so many grave questions thus remainoutstanding, the world is changing, developing, ,or'ganizing itself. What better evidence ofthis processthan the sixty or seventy States which have becomeMembers of the United Nations during the past tenyears, as they achieved statehood and independence?Decolonization is the essential phenomenon of ourtimes. It is apflroaching its end, even though there ares till some problems and even though there are bound tobe some more crises before those problems ate

102. Europe today affords a striking contrast withASia: no serious crisis is developing there. comparablefor instance with the earlier Berlin crisis. Never­theless, everything remains in suspense, becausethere has still been no settlement of the Ge:i:'manproblem. For twenty years Europe has been forcedto accommodate itself to that situation. Despiteperiodic upheavals, it has to resign itself to liVingon a makeshift basis, as though the lessons of anunforgotten past and a nuclear balance made effectiveonly by terror were sheltering it, at least for thetime being, from, any temptation to seek adventures.But we ~ll know that we must not defy the future andthat the time will therefore come when the Germanpeople will be reunited in accordance with the principleof self-determination and in the context of a well­established system of Europel:tn security. This, vfcourse, will have to come about peacefully and bymeans of a general agreement between West andEast. As the division of Germany was born 9f thedivision 'of Europe, so the precondition for the healingof one is the healing of the other. This means aprofound and necessarily gradual transformation ofthe present situation. We feel that France, for itsp~rt, is contributing constructively to this process, bygradually renewing relations of, mutual trust withthe countries of Eastern Europe, most of which areits friends of long standing. In our view, the develop­me~.t which we enVisage and desire is the only wayof proceeding, with the necessary peaceful changesand thus bringing the task necessarily bound up withthe reunification of Germany and of Europe to asuccessful conclusion.

12 General AS~«:'I?bly - Twentieth Session - Plenary Mee~~ngl?.:-, _

it posslible to repair the accumulated destruction. Then, doubtless, too, the time was not then ripe for anytoo, the future of two neighbo1;lring States paralysed confirmation of the prospects which seemed, fleetingly,by the Viet-Namese war could be secured: Laos, to ber emerging. Since then the opportunity has aotstill divided by hostile factions, and Cambodia, whose presented itself again, for grave reasons. One ofwis(~ policy of neutrality is cQrjstantly being put to those reasons is the progressive extension of thethe: test. When the time comes, all the Powers con- Viet-Namese war, which makes it very difficult to,cerned will have to help to promote and achieve seek any genuine d~tente. Another, clearly, is thethi s general settlement. France will then be prepared growing and spectacular intervention of China in theto place whatever experience, influence, goodwill world's affairs, a China which is now a nuclear Power,and 'resources it has at the s~rvice of peace, and and the fact that its action cannot be exercised withinthen of reconstruction. the framework available to all the other Powers. As

e, result, disarmament talks can, of course, takeplace here or there, but they lack the necessaryelements of conviction, and therefore of hope. Thereis ta.lk in the General Assembly of holding a worlddisarmament conference. This certainly appears tobe a noble idea, if there are no ulterior motivesbehind it. But; in order to have any meaning, couldsuch a conference be anything other than a conferencefor achieving a d~tente, and hence peace? If thatwere the case, thE,~ the doors to the future wouldindeed stand wide open.

103. I have spoken of E1;lrope, I have spoken of Asia.None of the crucial questions which arise there willbe discussed in the General Assembly, and onlythe conflict between India and Pakistan is on the agendaof the Security Council, in connexion with the imple­mentation of the cease-fire and the endeavour tofind a substantive solution. We shall therefore con­sider the problems of that part of the world fromanother aspeot, namely, t~at of disarmament.

104. I deliberately approach this big subject in thecontext of the international situation as a whole, andnot in that of military teclinology or this or thatparticular measure. How can anyone think it possibleto separate the problems of disarmament frotn thecont~xt in which they necessarily fall. that is, theproblems of war and peace? Five years ago, the

.peoples had a moment of hope, as a general d~tente

seemed to be developing in the cold war and a m5eting, of the big Powers was in preparationfor the discussion,

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1341st meeting - 29 September 1965 13

finally settled. France is happy and proud to havemade its contribution in the area for which it wasresponsible. May I recall that the final chapter ofthat· great undertaking was closed for France in thisvery hall, on 8 October 1962, when I had the honourto support before the Assembly (1146th meeting] theapplication of the young Algerian RepUblic for member­ship? That, indeed, was the positive conclusion ofa long and painful ordeal whi'ch, the wounds oncedressed, has left a final legacy of friendly feelingand a host of common interests.

108. As decolonization nears completion, new tasksemerge, and it is to these that we must summonboth the old States of Europe and North Americaand all the young nations for which accession tosovereignty also signifies accession to full respon­sibility for their own future. Development in allits forms-economic, social, human-has now becomethe grand design of the world. This is the task wemust all assume together, in an atmosphere ofsolidarity and co-operation.

109. I said co-operation, for is this not the new andhenceforth basic form of international action? TheFrench RepUblic has made it an' essential principleof its policy. That prolicy is to make a substantial,and more or less permanent, contribution to help theless developed countries, beginning, of course, withthose where we formerly held direct responsibilitiesand to which we are still bound by so many ties, butprogressively expanding. our sphere of action, to theextent that that is possible and desired; and in thefirst place in Latin America, Europe's sister. We aredeeply convinced that that is both our duty and inour best interests, for we cannot dissociate ourinterests from the general interests of the world. Wealso believe that such a policy must be subordinatedto the express condition that we refrain from linkingaid, whatever form it may take, to any. pQlitical con­ditionwhatsoever and that we refrain from anyintervention, in that conne~ion, in the affairs of ourpartners. Only thus will it be possible for the.relations of mutual trust and brotherly collaborationthat will make our task truly effeotive to develop, oroontinue, without constraint or ulterior motives.

110. The United Nations can also, an~ thereforemust, make its contribution' to the great work ofdevelopment. It will do so, in the first place, byinoreasing the opportunities for contact among Statesand for better knowledge of one another, by seekingto dispel any distrust which may subsist, by workingout teChniques, by organizing studies and, when it issure of its efficacy, by giving direct aid•.The maintning, however, would seem to be to foster a state ofmind, that is, to maintain or create a situation inwhich the best endowed States would Willingly con­tribute in a variety of ways, and in which St.atesrequiring development would understand that themain task lies with them and that independence createsresponsibility.

111. There is, of course, an areawhere, by definition,there is nothing that is not multilateral, that of inter­national trade. The Geneva conference last yearprovided the first OPPol'tunity for general discussionon the subject among industrialized and developingOountries. The discussion naturally turned on the

problem which is crucial for the latter, namely, tradein the major basic commodities and tropical products.France has long believed that therein lies the keyto many development problems. What is needed is toensure that the earnings of producers are stabilizedat a suitable level; in other words, to put an endto immoderate and incessant price fluctuations. That- .is a difficult task, requiring sacrifice and discipline ofeveryone. If it is not carried out, however, muchof what is being done to promote development islikely to remain without any genuine effectiveness, asis the case today. Is there any field in which inter­national co-operation can be more useful, and hencemore justified?

112. I have come to the end of my statement. Ihave tried to present France's stands on both theparticular and the general problems which confrontthe world today, and to do so as clearly and candidlyas possible. Today's world, like yesterday's andlike that of all times, is a difficult world, endlesslyseeking peace, never certain of finding it for good.It is also a world in full transformation, in fulle\Tolution.. The last world war is already far behindus. Decolonization already appears almost as a greatadventure of the past~ Ideologies which formerly, ina universe which they divided, seemed to be establish­ing themselves as permanent systems, are alrea«;lybeginning to lose their power, if only through theirown divisions. Already the nations which the exponentsof t;hose ideologies thought they had aligned withthem are beginning to recover their personalitiesBond their freedom of action. Already, too, the 1:0:­

numerable nations that have emerged are beginningto be aware both of their own individuality and of thefact that, now that they have achieved independence,their internal problems of development demandpriority.

113. Thus a world is emerging in which relationsamong States, among all States, are once moreassuming prime importance. The manner of theirfinal establishment will dictate the future of us all,and it is here that the United Nations can find itstrue role. A basic condition is r~apect of each byeach, respect for independence, non-interference in.others' affairs, establishment of universal co-opera­tion on the basis of strict equality. Everythingdepends,too, on the co~duot of the greatest Powers. Partioularresponsibilities devolve upon those which possessnuclear arms. The peace of mankind depends. :ul­timately, on the agreement, 01" at the least themodus vivendi, which they may establish. We musttherefore settle our disputes wherever they exist,promote a true d6tente and show the world that ourwisdom is commensurate with our resources.

114. Mr. BELAUNDE (Peru) (translated fromSpanish): As I gaze from this rostrum on the panoramaof the Assembly, a long-familiar feeling of admirationand an awareness of shared ideals and principlescall to my mind that great figure Adlai stevenson,one of the most distinguished leaders that the UnitedNations has known. While the memo:ry ofthe illustriousdead is a sorrow, it is even more a consolationand an inspiration for those of us- who carry on thefight they fought so brilliantly.

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its sincere wishes for the success oftheir participationin the United Nations< Universality makes it possiblefor our debates and resolutions to reach a wideraudience and encourages a more scrupulous examina­tion of our responsibHities. All peoples can make theirvoices heard in this world forum.

121. It is axiomatic that the small Powers, despiteunderstandable influences and commitments, gravitatetowards peace; for it is not war alone, but also mereinternational tension, that blocks every road to theprogress to which they are entitled.

122. The dramatic incidents of nuclear competitionhave in themselves brought about the profound con­viction t.hat war cannot lead to the triumph of onecountry or of one ideology but will inevitably leadto mutual destruction and even to the very extinctionof life on the planet. It may be that a certain sectorstill adheres to the revolutionary myth, which issimilar to and coincident with the racial myth, andstill clings to the illusion of a precarious survivalin the wake of the universal catastrophe; but a truerealization of the tragedy that is threatening us isshared by all the other peoples of the world.

123. Wars have occurred wheneverminorities •.drunkwith the desire for power, have succeeded in spread­ing the fever of the myth of racial, ideo!ogic&lorpolitical hegemony to the masses, who were victimsfirst of deception and then of the holocaust. Neitherthe morality of religion nor the lessons of historyproved a bar to these fatal tendencies, for a numberof wars were successful. in achieving temporaryadvantages. Today. things have changed radically; theharsh lessons of recent conflicts and the new dis­coveries made under the stimulus of war itself,which threaten mankind with an all-pervading andDantesque punishment for this deviation from hu­manity, have been a vital and terrible experiencefor us all. We are now, thanks to free discussion andthe information media, approaching a new stage ofcollective conscience. Confidence in the settlementof problems by technical compromises is replacingthe call of tb,e myth and the ill-fatetl promptingsof man's primitiv~ belligerence. The peoples of theworld wish to work in peace towards a better lifeand, through it, to fulfil their destinies. However cutoff from the world the minorities ruling certainr~gimes may be, they cannot be impervious to thismysterious awakening of the human spirit. TheUnit~d Nations, by its world-wide representation,has strengthened this new universal conscience andis carrying forward its task by reaffirming theprincipl9s of coexistence and deep-rooted humansolidarity.

124. There is another factor 'of decisive importance:the extraordinary mobilization that we are Witnessingof all the spiritual energies of the world, in boththe religious and cultural spheres, in favour ofpeace.This sense of salvation has found its greatest spokes­man in the Catholic Church, in keeping with its ril':lhand age-old history. Its theologians of Hispanicnahonality had already created international law. APontiff who was a son of the people, with the sublimesimplicity of his sou.l which was rooted in the soilbut illuminated by the highest spiritual inspira,~ion,

appealed to the world for peace in his encyclical

115. Adlai Stevenson's political and socialphilosophy,conforming as it did to the conception of the UnitedNations, was formed in San Francisco in 1945 andat the Assembly held in London in 1946. In hispolitical campaigns, he emphasized his determinedsupport for our Organization. Destiny willed that in,his last years we were able to count on his talentsand on his words in debates and in the solution ofdifficult problems. His eloquence was the product ofclarity of thought, ctepth of feeling and felicity ofexpression. I am sure these words of mine ref1ec~

the feeling of the Assembly and there is nothing morejust than to pay homage to a representative who was.the embodiment of the virtue that we most needtoday: faith in the United Nations.

116. The twentieth session of the United NationsGeneral Assembly is beginning under a sign of hope.In the most trying moments of the crisis, our faith inthe providential destiny of the Un~ted Nations did notfalter, certain as we were that a_~ the difficultieswould be overcome. It is both just and fit~ing toacknowledge the patience, skill and wisdom displayedby Mr. Quaison-Sac~ey, President of the GeneralAssembly at the nineteenth session, and U Thant,our Secretary-General. At the meetings held underthe no-voting procedure no serious problems werediscussed" but those meetings demonstrated at acrucial moment the will and determination of theAssembly to survive in order to fulfil the noblepurposes of the Charter. With admirable instinct itachieved unanimity in its various Councils and organs,which have been functioning normally. It is as ifthe crisis has served to emphasize all the moreclearly the importance of the work of the UnitedNations.

117. We must also congratulate the I?pecial Committeeon Peace-keeping Operations. It has followed theonly possible road, respecting what might be calledeffective rights and leaving for future discussion theqttestion of the most eqUitable and approllriate ap­portionment of peace-keeping expenses.

118. The Assembly is now able to resume the norma'course of its fruitful work and the opening of thepresent session coincides witil the success achievedby the SecuI'ity Council in obta.ining from India andPakistan, two great Powers that arouse sympathy andadmiration in all, a cease-fire in observance ofArticle 40 of the Charter.

119. The unanimity of the Council throughout thevarious stages of this problem is of far-reachingsignificance. A new strength and a new state ofmind have replaced the bitter differences that hadled to the paralysis of the Council or to eme'rgencysessions of the Assembly, accompanied by announce­ments of rebellion and dissatisfaction.

120. New factors have arisen in the life ot theUnited Nations and in the world atmosphere as awhole,_ factors that we should ri.o well to ponder. Wemust, of course, view the universality that is beingattained by the United Nations as a most propitiousbasis for the future. The Peruvian delegation takesthis opportunity of extending a most cordial welcometo the new nations admitted as Members-the Gambia,the Maldive Islands and Singapore-and of expressin~

14

134ist meeting - 29 September 1965 15

one representative from Europe, one from the Afro­Asian group and one from the Latin American group,over which I had the honour to preside~ to exerciseits good offices. This Committee started its proceed­ings at San Francisco in 1955; f'ome months later, inNew York, with the support of Canada and the Nordiccountries, it reached the agreement which brokethe deadlock and set us on ~.he road to universality.At that tiros nobody considered that this arrangementwas contrary to the Charter" It sets an auspiciousprecedent for the committee we are proposing. Themembers of the Security Council cannot be deniedthe right to have an opportunity to modify theiropinions in the light of the considerations presentedby a committee backed by the authority of theentire Assembly.

128. Our main concern is to avoid anything which, atthis time of hope, may cause a disturbance of thepeace. International tension by its very nature entailstragic consequences, in additi-on to the danger orthreat of actual war. This tension arises throughlocal wars sparked by external causes which haveresulted or may reElult in redeeming and effectiveaction by the Security Council. The most dangerousform of tension, however I is that derived from thedirect or indirect intervention of some great Powerto overthrow regimes in other countries which itconsiders to be unfriendly and to have them replacedby r~gimes which are not only friendly but whichfellow its political system. In other words, thedanger today-as at other times-lies in the strugglefor spheres of influence, with violation of respectfor sovereignty and the overt or covert exercise ofintervention.

129. The phenomenon has political aspects and newcharacteristics and must be carefully placed in itslegal context. The Minister for Foreigen Affairs ofArgentina has drawn the attention of the Assembly tothis in a masterly manner [1337th meeting] and theMinister for Foreign Affairs of Chile has 'done soin the same fashion [1338th meeting]. Obviously, theregional or the universal jurisdiction must be putin motion with full effectiveness {OU each case. Wewould only venture to add, in cases where thisjurisdiction cannot be established, the obligation ofthe Power concerned to hold a conference immediately,initiating negotiation without prior conditions, whichare a remnant of imperialist tendencies and con­trary to the spirit of international law and whichtoday constitu.te a way of avoiding negotiation orensuring its failure.

130. The delegation of Peru will study with due ~u.re

the proposals submitted on this SUbject. There canbe no more appropriate SUbject for the applicationof the juridical principles of the Charter, which arethe most noteworthy contribution of the Americas tointernational law.

131. An item which stands out partiCUlarly in theheavy agenda we have this year is the problem ofdisarmament. Without disarmament, although thereis a feeling in favour of peace among all peoples, warmay break out through accident, error, miscalculationor delusion. It is a sad stage that mankind has reached.1. >,'day its fate does not depend on what is in the heartsof men. Technology has made it dependent upon the

ill On establishing ..mJ.versal 863ce in truth, justice, charity andliberty, Vatican Polyglot pre&J, 1 •-

Pacem in Terris, rEi addressed not only to believersbut to all men of goodwill, without distinction of race,nationality or religion. His Holiness Pope Paul VI,heir and successor to His Holiness Pope John XXIII,has crossed continents and seas with this humanitarianappeal. Paying a significant tribute of trust in themission of the United Nations, he is preparing tovisit us, bringing us his words of faith and love thatwill be received with deep emotion by the ,wholeof mankind. His message will be heard not o~lly byStates but by all peoples. Pope Paul VI knows fo'll wellthat, in accordance with the magnificent Pree,mbla toour Charter, at decisive moments -it is iitting tospeak of the peoples of the United Nations. It is .theywho work, suffer and are ready to die for just causes.The fatherly exhortations of the representative of thePrince of Peace will certainly find an echo in theirgood and simple hearts.

125. There is no need for Peru to state once againits unphanging position on the constitutional questionunderlying the crisis which has fortunately beenovercome. Ever since San Francisco, Peru has main­tained that peace is not the exclusive responsibilityof the Security Council, even though it may be itsprimary responsibility, but is the concern of theentire Organization and that, in' accordance with anamendment unanimously adopted, when the Council isunable to act, the General Assembly, merely uponnotification by the Secretary-General, is empoweredto do so. In our opinion, the Assembly has not onlythe right but the obligation to a-:t, for/he maintenanceof peace is the supreme duty of the United Nations.

126. This, however, does not relieve us of the need todo everythingpossible to preserve the harmony betweenthe Security Council'and the General Assembly and toexhaust every means of achieving co-operation betweenthem. The unanimity rule is not solely the ~aw of theveto; it imposes an obligation to seek unanin:rlty in goodfaith, recording disagr( ~ment only if it was notpossible to achieve unanimity. We do not think thatit is contrary to the (;harter-indeed, it is in thespirit of the Charter-to permit soundings and effortsto bring opposing parties closer to each other.Without prejudice to the so-caUed residual right ofthe Assembly, would it not be advisable in momentsof crisis for the Secretary-General, with the adviceor co-operation of a standing committee of goodoffices composed of one representative of eachregion or regional system, to try to reconcile thedifferent points of view on a serious problem? Withoutaltering resolution .377 (V), entitled "Uniting forpeace"., it would suffice to add to the bodies envisagedtherein a new committee of good offices representingall the regional systems. Under this arrangement, theSecurity Council would have some idea of the possibleattitude of an emergency General Assembly andwould weigh the disadvantages of ignoring an appealfor further consideration of the problem.

127. It should be recalled here that, in the conflictwhich arose between the General Assembly and theSecurity Council over the admission of new Members,the Assembly requested a Committee composed of

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and the announcement by the United States of itswillingness to sign a bilateral treaty on co-operationin this matter. At the same time, we must em­phaticall'y state that we maintain our opinion on theneed to proclaim the jurisdiction of the Uni~dNationsin any problems and questions which may arise in

-coriieXio~i-"Wftii' :outer'space: .Outer '-space" is ofinterest not only to the great Powers but, above ell, tomankind~ The'difficult points in this beautiful adventurecannot be left to mere 8.greements betweel) the greatPower~ or to chance, without there being a pre­established authority to settle any disagreements orconflicts which may arise. This function, which mayentail not only declarations but also co-operation, can

. be fulfilled only by human authority-in other words,by the organ of the international community, namely,the United Nations.

137. We have said that disarmament has abearingonpeace for two reasons: because it eliminates theoccasions of war and because, once it has been

, achieved, the great Powers will be able to turn theirattention to economic assistance. Let us not forgetthat in the Charter to,whioh we subscribed twentyyears ago, the maintenance of peace is linkod tocollective well-being; for our part, we could un­doubtedly reverse the termu and say th&t this colleotivewell-being is today one of the foundations of peace.

138. What would the great Powers gain by carryingout their vast programme of development, which weall view with approbation, sympathy and lively interest,if at the same time war preparations are sappingtheir resources and deflecting them from their missionof saving the under-developed countries from hunger,anguish and despair? It is infitrltely sad to see in thosecountries a kind of retrogression which le makingtheir living conditions worse and retarding theirculture and which may lead from anguish to despairand to blind outbursts of force culminating in theestablishment of dictatorships or totalitarian r'gimes'which will not cure either hunger or illiteracy butwhich will establish forced labour and bring backinfamous slavery. I do not mince my words in the'face of the heat-r.~nding examples of today. Economicaid is not only Ii most lofty mission which fate hasunavoidably entn1sted to the great Powers but also apositive advantage for their own self-preservation.

139. Political and economic isolation is inconceivablein a world in which large regions are afflicted byhunger and may fall a prey to anarchy. The Economicand Social Council and the economic commissions willin their wisdom, we are sure, promote the mostconducive methods to make the aid provided throughthe specialized agencies timely, effective, propor­tionate and generous and the' General Assembly mustendorse and give life to the most interesting resolu­tions adopted by the Conference on T:a. ade and Develop­ment held at Geneva in 1964.

140. We do not consider that external aid is thepanacea for the situation in the developing countries.This aid must be accompanied-this must be sincerelyproclaimed and I am sure my words will find anecho in the developing nations-by a commensurateeffort to promote self-help, to master the environmentand to establish a working discipline which, indeed, is

W see Offici!l Record. of the Dl..rmament Comml1110n, Supplementfor January 'to December 1965, dCK:ument 00/227, annex I, lIetlonaE and F.

mechanical -interplay of purely material fa',tors. It isnot enough to have propaganda in favour of peace orto create an emotional state inwhich dangerous errorsand unavowable intentions can be concealed. Dis­armament is above all a technical problem in thetwofold sense of the word: technical because of thescientific methods made necessary by unavo\V'ableaims, and technical because of the immutable natu.reof the institution and of the juridical principleswhich must necessarily govern it.132. Bearing this in mind, the delegatioll of Perewill turn its attention to the interesting report ofthe Disarmament Commission, to the timelyproposalsmade by the non-aligned ~ountries~and to thosejust made from this rostrum by the delegations of theUnited States and the Soviet Union.133. We are naturally favourably disposed towards theidea of a disarmament oonference but we hope it wouldnot be limited to asking for an unconditional ban onthe atomic bomb, which would be naive or toomischievous unless there were guarantees of realand fully effective control. In all the deba.tes we haveemphasized that, in the disarmament agreement inthe nuclear age, inspection to supervise the elementsto be destroyed and the process of their destructionis not only a way of fulfilling the'contract but anelement or actual condition of the obligation. Fullinspection is therefore in the nature and essence ofthe agreement. To oppose it or to limit it by political

,suspicion or by an absolute concept of sovereignty-aconcept, moreover, which is today incomp~tible withthe existence of the international community-wouldindeed be an indefensible attitude and contrary to thepurposes of the Charter. A defective agreementinvolving disarmament without guarantees, designedto produce a false feeling of confidence, would bemore dangerous than the eXisting situation, bp.cause,once the balance is ups~t in tbe process of disarma­ment, the illusion of a lightning war and an easyvictory-man's old and lamentable weakness-wouldemerge. "134. Whe have approved by a vast majority theproposals submitted by the Minister for ForeignAffairs of Ireland on the proliferation of nuclearweapons and we shall naturally give sympatheticand calm consideration to any new proposals submittedfor the l'ealization of the ideal already approved. Weshould, however, be failing in a duty of sincerity ifwe did not state that, within a strict hierarchy ofvalues, we should give the achievement of immediatemeasures of disarmament priority over any otherproposal or project that would barely alleviate theevil from which Wf:, suffer.135. We listened with great interest to the statementmade by the representative ofItaly [1338th meeting] onthis impo!"~antmatter and on the principleaunderlyingthe draft which establishes a link-essential, in myview-between disarmament ami measures to preventthe proliferation of nuclear weapons.136. ,With regard to olllter space, we must applaudthe rapprochement of the views of the great Powers

«

1341st meeting - 29 13eptember 1965 17

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the basis of IfhertY. It"hasneverbeensyltonymous withdebility or laziness but with a vision of purposes andvaliant dete:rmination t~ attain them. In this sense, thelabours of the United Nations may provide an exampleof effective and timely assistance as well as anincentive.

141. Allow me, with great patriotic pleasure~ todraw the attention of the Assembly to the workbeing done at this moment by the Government ofPeru und~r its programme to stimulate .1ationalenergies and make the maximum use of our country'shuman and ma\~erial resources. Representatives are

"well aware the.t, owing to the' varied climate alldgeographic obstacles, there are few environmentsmore difficult to conquer than the territory of PerU.The response of man has had to be equal to thechallenge of nature, in which desert sands alternatewith snowy summits and impenetrable forests.

142. In his last message, the President of Perostated that the existing highways are being improvedand that the prOVincial and even the district capitalsare today linked by highways, in may cases con­structed by communal action acclaimed and recom­mended by the United Nations. A total of 750 millionsoles has been invested in highways and roads.

143. The current irrigation plan will increase theland of Peru by over a million hectares. Of these,250~OOO hectares will be in the coastal region, 220,000in the sierra and 600,000 in the forest region. As aresult of the agrarian reform undertaken by thePeruvian Government, over 100,000 holdings havebeen given to new landowners this year.

144. The literacy campaign has been waged enthu­siastically and is now the largest item in the nationalbudget. There have been 16,980 classes in operationwith 1. 7 million pupils.

I

145. The housing plan carried out by the State, byprivately organized mutual societies and by communalaction has been executed, transforming and beautifyingour cities. In this branch alone there has been aninvestment of 550 million soles.

146. tfhe Andean countries of South America werenot fortunate enough to have what Professor Turnerwould call the "dynamic frontier"-land near topopulation centres which is suitable for agricultureand livestock and is easy to farm, has access tomarkets and offers a haven for new immigrants.

147. Mountains, rivers and jungles have obstroctedthe progress o£ our- own conquest. In the so-called"plands", however, owing to the favourable climatethere is land suitable for high-quality crops and forlivestock. The President of Peru is endeavouring topenetrate these territories with highways joined ina system to be called the "forest border highway",which would benefit not only Peru but other Americancountries such as Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador andBolivia and would also be the basis for a largercontinental network. The relevant agreement hasalready been signed, and studies for this tremendousproject are now in progress.

148. This huge task is able to move forward thanksto monetary stability, the establishment of newindustries and a favourable balance of payments, all

of which are being achieved with the r.itrictest respectfor democratic institutions.149. Allow me to state with justifiable satisfa:ctionthat, during these years of trial and struggle and-whynot say it?-of victory for the United Nations, Peruhas demonstrated its devotion and complete loyaltyto the principles of the United, Nations Charter andto the fulfilment of the~lofty functions bestowed \~pon

it by the Assembly. Our policy in the United Nations, '!\S in the American continent, has foliowed the'ck..l.r path of our life as a democratic country.

150. Heir to a twofold cultural and humanitariantradition through the Incas and the Viceroys, Peruestablished itself as an independent nation, proclaim­ing and practising the principle of self-deter~ination,establishing its sove!i:,oignty in the territories liberatedby its armies and by the armies ot brother countries.Their peoples pro'claimed the independence of Peruand recognized its first constitution and they havealways been represented in the Peruvian Congress.

151. There is not one inch of Peruvian territorywhich wae not included in the structure of its originalconstitution. Any questions which arose in our in­dependent life were settled by arbitration or sup­plementary arrangements which we faithfully re­spected. When thrcugh no fault of ours arbitrationfailed, we sought, with the assistance and guaranteeof the great countries of America, an equitablesettlement which consecrated and respected the'intangible personality and untouchable corporeity ofPeru at the time of its independence.

,152. We endorsed the ideal of fraternity of the 1826Congress of Panama. The congresses of Lima of 1847'and 1864 reiterated the basic solidarity and. the'principle of non-intervention. Whenever the independ­ence or sovereignty of any American country was indanger, Peru immediately adopted a fine attitude offull solidarity.

153. It 'is in this spirit that we have been workingat the Pan-American conferences which today con­stitute the oldest regional system. in the world andwhose Charter has proclalmed that internationalorder connists of respect for the personality andterritorial integrity of State,s and the faithful fulfilmentof obligations derived from, 'treaties and other sourcesof international IltW. It is in this spirit that weLatin American countries are working in the UnitedNations. By our 9ulture we. belong to the WesternChristian world but we are united by distant historicalties, by elements in our ~wn 'population, and above allby the adventure of independence and freedom, withthe young countries of Africa and Asia. We thusbelong to the old world with its millenial' culture andto the so-called third world, with its anguishedyearning for development and pr03ress and its longingfor brotherhood and justice.

154. Our role has been clear in the United Nations.ZealQus champions of the Charter, of the powers ofthe Councils and of the functions of the Assembly, ithas been our destiny to prepare the United Nationsfor universality, which facilitates contact betweenthe great Powers and all the peoples of the earth inthis forom and promotes the awakening of a univel'sal-conscience. We serve as a bridge or tie with the

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TWENTIETH

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GENEASSEl

1. The PREIfirst speakeris the Mi'uistH.E. Mr. HUg

2. The reprlpoint of order

3., Mr. ACHIMr. Presidenwho has cor.Africa. We ferepresent theknow that thiif you will althis per8o~ rEand colQnistsbehalf of the18 miUion of ,.to slav'ery.

4. On behalfof the Commirostrum to atall the Africa]of the friendlwhen this pelWe consider·1be no quorumto decide whehall.

5. Mr. MULJon the mainI have a f<3wmade by the,comment on ,from saying tl

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157. It has fallen to us to live in an age wl..:en wehave proof, based on experience, that the culture andwell-being of man depend not, as was thought .inthe nineteenth century, on the greatest desire forpower, but on the desire to love and to serve. Isincerely believe that it is this desire which hasenabled the United Nations to survive in the crisesof the past. I do not wish to mention them nor referto them, for I do not want to revive unpleasantmemories for anyone, but I must say that, fromthese crises in which it seemed to flounder, ouriI!,stit'ltion has emerged stronger and better preparedto' overcome the obstacles of the next crisis. Thuswe have succeeded, thanks to providence and to thewill of all of you, in celebrating our twentiethanniversary with a feeling of triumph and a visionof shining tasks to be accomplished in the future.

The meeting rose at 1.15 p.m.

General Asse:tnbly - Twentieth Session - Plenary Meetings

Lin'>o in U.N.

Atlantic world and with the countries which are heirsto the oldest human civilizations but which todayare amdous, without losing their personality, to joinin the better aspects of contimporary civilization.

156. It is today our profound conviction that anecessary and unavoidable prerequisite for soc.ialand scientific progress is the reign of juridicalorder, which can be achieved only through the familyof nations.

155. We think that for these countries of the thirdworld there is no higher loyalty, after allegiance totheir own country and, I would s~y, side by side withit, than allegiance to the United Nations. Other tiescasual and temporal in character; only the tie withthe United Nations has a universal, sacred andpermanent char8cter.

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