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V12-6-201 Conference paper, not for circulation

Legacy of Slavery and Indentured

Labour

Linking the Past with the Future

Conference on Slavery, Indentured Labour, Migration, Diaspora and Identity Formation.

June 18th – 23th, 2018 , Paramaribo, Suriname

Org. by IGSR, Faculty of Humanities, IMWO, in collaboration with National Archives Suriname , NAKS, Federasi fu Afrikan Srananman CUS, NSHI and VHJI.

Address: IGSR , Phone: 490900; 8749865 E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]

Slave registers as a first step in the development of a Historical Database of Suriname

Coen van Galen, Jan Kok, Angelique Janssens (Radboud Universiteit)

In this paper, we discuss the research possibilities of the slave registers of Suriname and the

Historical Database of Suriname, which is under development. We will discuss the

possibilities of this database for a life course approach to the social history of Suriname. Slave

registers were introduced in Suriname in 1826. Until the abolition of slavery in Suriname in

1863, slave-owners were obliged to register all enslaved persons in this register. These

registers were kept up-to-date continuously and contained individual-level information on all

persons living in slavery during this period. They offer a wealth of information and research

possibilities on the living conditions of enslaved persons in a Caribbean slave society. The

database of the slave registers is meant to be the first step in the development of a Historical

Database of Suriname (HDS). From a historical demographic point of view, tropical colonial

societies can be considered as something of a blind spot. Research on 19th century population

dynamics is mainly based on European and other almost exclusively western societies in

temperate climate zones. Lack of data often prevents detailed historical demographic research,

ranging from individual level to the level of society as a whole, on non-western and tropical

societies.

We will first introduce the Surinamese slave registers. In section two we will discuss the

concept of the Historical Database of Suriname, in the third section the life course approach

and in section four which can be asked, based on this dataset.

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mailto:[email protected]

mailto:[email protected]


1. Make the Surinamese slave registers public

Make the Surinamese slave registers public (Maak de Surinaamse slavenregisters openbaar)

is a project to make the slave registers of Suriname available for researchers and the general

audience, organised by Maurits Hassankhan and Coen van Galen (Van Galen 2016). For this

purpose a database is created of the books available in the National Archive of Suriname. The

Suriname slave registers offer the opportunity to follow almost all individuals who lived in

slavery in Suriname between 1830 and the abolition of slavery in the colony in 1863. Unlike

the slave registers in British colonies, the slave registers in Suriname were kept up-to-date

continuously. Slave owners and managers of plantations were obliged to register all changes

in the ownership status of the enslaved, such as birth, death, sale and manumission. The

Surinamese slave registers are an exceptional source for research, because they comprise the

whole population of enslaved persons in a plantation colony, related to all types of plantations

and to private slave owners. The registers enable researchers to reconstruct life courses of the

enslaved for a period of thirty-three years and to compare the lives of enslaved persons in

different living conditions.

Suriname was founded as a plantation colony by British settlers in 1650 and was taken over

by the Dutch in 1667. During this time, the mortality rate among enslaved people was high. It

is estimated that from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century some 213,000 people were

brought to Suriname as part of the Atlantic slave trade. In the 1830s some 46,000 enslaved

persons and 5,100 freedmen and their descendants lived in the colony (Van Stipriaan 1993;

Neslo 2016).

In 1804, during the Napoleonic wars, Suriname was taken over by the United Kingdom. Three

years later the British Parliament enacted the Abolition of the Slave Trade Act 1807 which

officially abolished the Atlantic slave trade in the British Empire, including Suriname. After

the Napoleonic wars Suriname was returned to the Dutch as part of the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of

1814. In this treaty it was mentioned that the Dutch would also abolish the Atlantic slave

trade. This was confirmed in 1818, when the Anglo-Dutch Slave-trade Treaty was signed.

This treaty allowed both parties to board each other ships to search for on-board enslaved

people and an Anglo-Dutch mixed commission court was set up in Paramaribo, which had the

power to sentence slavers.

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Despite these treaties, semi-legal and illegal international slave trade still flourished. Around

1820, up to 3,000 people a year were imported in Suriname (Siwpersad 1979: p. 45-47). It

was realized that it would be very difficult to curtail the illegal trade in people, as long as

enslaved persons could not be traced individually. In 1826 it was decided by Royal Degree

that the registration of the enslaved in Suriname had to be improved, with the explicit aim to

curb the international slave trade (KB January 4 1826, No. 92, for the text see

Gouvernements-Bladen 1856).

The Dutch slave registers were based on ownership. Enslaved persons were registered under

the name of the plantation or the individual slave-owner. Due to the aim of the new slave

registers, the Surinamese registers differed in relevant ways from the slave registers of, for

example, the neighbouring British colony of Berbice (The National Archives – HM Treasury

T71/437). Slave-owners were only obliged to register names, age, sex and ownership

information like birth, death, sale and manumission; information which was necessary to keep

track of individual persons. Information on occupation or colour was omitted. From 1848

onwards, the name of the mother of each enslaved person was registered.

More importantly, from the start it was envisaged that registration was a continuous process in

the Surinamese registers, unlike the registers in the British colonies which were compiled

roughly every three year. The slave registers of Suriname were kept up-to-date by a special

civil servant in Paramaribo until the abolition of slavery in Suriname on July 1, 1863.

Periodically, the information which was still relevant was transferred to a new series of books,

sometimes adding improvements to the registration process. New series were started in 1830,

1838, 1848 and 1851. In November 2017 the slave registers of Suriname were added to the

UNESCO Memory of the World program for the Latin-American and Caribbean region.

The Royal Degree of 1826 envisaged a registration in which the existing poll tax lists were

supplemented with an extra column to register mutations. According to publications by the

colonial government, the slave registers had to be functioning at the end of August 1826

(Gouvernements-Bladen 1856). It remains unclear whether the registration actually started in

1826, because there are no slave registers in existence from the period before 1830. The few

existing poll tax declarations from the period 1826-1829 do not give an indication about the

connection between these declarations and the slave registers (NL-HaNA,

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Suriname/Controleur-Generaal Financiën, 1.05.11.07, inv.nr. 76). From 1830 onwards, the

slave registers were written down on folio-format pages, which were combined in books, each

containing approximately 400 two-page folios.

The registration in the slave registers reflect not only the aim of the registers to keep track of

all enslaved persons in private ownership. They also reflect the legal position of enslaved

persons and the limitations on sale of enslaved persons laid down by the colonial government.

An important limitation was a division in legal status between enslaved people on plantations

and those living with private owners. People in private ownership could be bought and sold

freely within the colony, but plantation workers were seen as part of the inventory of the

plantation they lived on. Since 1811 they could not be sold separately without the permission

of the government, to protect plantations from being broken-up (Schiltkamp and De Smidt

1973). Because of the difference in legal status, private slave owners and plantations were

separated and registered in different books.

Another restriction on the sale of enslaved people within Suriname was a prohibition to split

up mothers and their children at a sale. This was not even allowed when the children had

reached adulthood (Gouvernements-Bladen 1856). The name of the mother was written down

at the registration of new-born children and, from 1848 onwards, the name of the mother of

each enslaved person was registered in the slave registers. On the other hand, enslaved

persons could not marry and their relationships were not legally recognised. Neither was

paternity. Fatherhood and family formation were not registered in the slave registers.

2. Historical Database of Suriname

Publication of the slave registers is meant to be a first step in a project to create a Historical

Database of Suriname (HDS). The HDS aims to create a longitudinal research database for a

colonial society in the tropics, based on a life course approach (Kok 2007; Everaert 2013).

The term ‘colonial’ is meant to refer to the colony of Suriname, the part of modern-day

Suriname which was under control of the Dutch colonial government. In the Historical

Database of Suriname the demographic history of Suriname will be reconstructed from 1830

until the second general census of Suriname in 1950. This project is feasible due to the quality

of the archival sources in Suriname and the relative modest population size of Suriname,

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which ranged from around 55,000 persons in the 1830s to 177,089 persons according to the

1950 census (Van Stipriaan 1993; Van Dusseldorf 1966).

The information on individual persons make the slave registers a natural starting point to

connect to other sources related to the lives of both enslaved individuals and slave owners.

One of the most exciting options is to combine the data of the slave registers with those of the

civic records of Suriname. This will make it possible to follow the lives of persons after they

became free and to ask questions about the effects of slavery on their later lives and on the

lives of their descendants. It will also make it possible to study them in interaction with other

groups within Surinamese society, both the existing communities of free white, coloured and

Jewish inhabitants and, from the 1850s onwards, new groups who came to Suriname to

replace slave labour. Most of them were indentured labourers from China, India, Java and the

West Indies.

An interdisciplinary team connected to the Radboud University Nijmegen, the Anton de Kom

University of Suriname, the International Institute of Social History in Amsterdam and the

National Archive of Suriname aims to create a longitudinal database of the Surinamese

population, ranging from around 1830 to 1950. The database will start in 1830, not only

because of the availability of the slave registers, but also because modern registration of the

free population starts in Suriname around 1830. We hope to extend the database to the second

national census in Suriname in 1950.

This so-called Historical Database of Suriname will comprise a sample of the Surinamese

population during this period. The backbone of the Historical Database of Suriname will be

the following the archival sources:

1. The slave registers (1830-1863)

2. The civic records of free persons (1828-1950)

3. The migration registers of indentured labourers from China, India, Java and the West-

Indies (1853-1930)

Because enslaved persons only received a surname when they became free, it is also

necessary to include the emancipation registers from 1863, and information on the

manumissions before 1863, to make the connection between the slave registers and the

ensuing civic record possible. Other relevant sources are the citizen register, in which all

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persons registered with citizenship rights within the colony and the information from the

national censuses of Suriname in 1921 and 1950. The relationship between the different

sources is shown in figure 1.

4. Manumissions (1831-1863)

5. Emancipation register (1863)

6. Citizen register (1831-1916)

7. First national census of Suriname (1921)

8. Second national census of Suriname (1950)

Figure 1 shows the main archival sources for the Historical Database of Suriname and the

connection between the different sources.

The connection of these sources in a standardised database makes it possible to follow a

number of generations of the population of a colonial society in the tropics in a way which,

until now, is only possible for a few societies in Europe. Samples of this database can also be

used to create different datasets, which can be enriched by additional sources.

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The Historical Database of Suriname will be developed along the same lines of the existing

Historical Sample of The Netherlands (HSN) and will profit from the experiences gained with

the HSN. In its almost three decades of existence, the HSN laid the foundation for a steady

stream of research projects and publications (Kok, Mandemakers and Bras 2009). We are

certain that the HDS has the same potential, in the fields of social history, the history of

slavery, of indentured labour and (historical) demography.

It will take some time to construct the Historical Database of Suriname. Parts of it are already

available or will be available in the coming year. Other parts, especially the civic records, will

take more time to prepare. According to our schedule, the database, including the eight

sources mentioned above, will be up and running within the next five years. A designated

foundation is created to keep the database going and to improve it further after the project’s

funded-life had ended.

The Historical Database of Suriname is not meant to produce data for one research project

alone, it is designed to outlast the project itself and to be a resource for current and future

generations of researchers, working in a vast array of areas. Working of all kind of questions,

including questions the initiators of the database could not have dreamed of.

3. A life course approach to historical demography of Suriname

The Historical Database of Suriname creates standardized biographies for a large number of

inhabitants of Suriname, allowing the use of life course analysis in demographic and social

history. The life course approach is essentially a heuristic device to study the interaction

between individual lives and social change. It is a way of conceptualizing lives within the

contexts of families, society and historical time (the following is based on Kok

1994;2007). In life course analysis, transitions from one status to another (e.g. from unmarried

to married or from unfree to free) are of central importance. The main conditions are that the

transitions can be dated (for instance, dates of marriage, birth, migration, the end of an

indentured labour contract) and that the ages of those observed are known. If these conditions are

met, it is possible to analyse the following relations.

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1) The effect of historical circumstances on the probability of people making a transition

from one stage to the other, as well as the age at which they make that transition. An

example of such a period-effect is the impact of the historical period (economic crisis,

war) on the frequency and timing of marriage.

2) The (timing of a) transition in one life domain can be related to a transition in another

domain; for example, the coincidence of migration and occupational change or the

coincidence of marriage and residence in another household.

3) The (timing of an) individual's transitions can be studied for how far they agree with

those of other individuals, especially family members. An example is the relation

between the early death of a parent and the wage labour of his or her children.

4) The effects of early life course transitions on transitions later in life. For instance, having

to work as a child and reduced career chances in middle age.

Historical life course studies have been carried out predominantly in western countries with

high-quality population administrations. Many studies deal with conceptualizing and interpreting

the role of ‘planning’ , ‘agency’ and ‘strategies’ in (individual) variation in life courses (Janssens

1993; Kok 2002). Clearly, the demography of enslaved or indentured individuals cannot be

placed in context of choices and agency, or only to a very limited extent. But this makes the

contribution from research based on the Historical Database of Suriname to the international

scientific community even more relevant.

Life course studies based on record linkage of multifarious sources as endeavoured in HDS will

produce new insights in (interlinked) processes of mortality, fertility, (forced) migration, and

(after emancipation) work and partner choice and family formation. New statistical techniques

have been developed to analyse the life patterns of large numbers of people to be analysed and to

assess the impact of individual qualities on the one hand and historical circumstances on the

other hand simultaneously. These techniques put time - individual age as well as chronological

time - into the centre of the analysis. Of special importance is event history analysis in which the

dependent variable is the length of time that elapses until a certain 'event' (e.g. death, childbirth,

migration) occurs. The probability of an event is calculated, given certain individual and

environmental factors (see also explanation in Everaert 2011 and introductions in Allison 1984

and Mayer and Tuma 1990). For instance, HDS will provide the researchers with the necessary

information to calculate age and gender specific mortality rates by (type of) plantation and

period.

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For life course analysis, it is not necessary to have complete life courses. Observations of

individuals are transformed into 'observed person-years'. A woman whose life was followed for a

period of twenty years provided twenty 'person-years' and a woman whose life could only be

traced for two years (because of death, out-migration or the closing of a register), provides two

'person-years'. We call such (premature) ends of observations ’censoring’. The next step is to

count the number of vital events (e.g. death, births) per observed person-year. In this way, age-

specific chances of transitions, such as the chances of a an enslaved person being sold to another

plantation, or to die within the next five years, can be calculated.

Such chances are called 'hazard rates'. The effect of various variables on the hazard rates can be

specified in 'hazard models' that apply multiple regression analysis. These hazards models make

use of life table procedures that make it possible to utilize information from 'censored'

observations. The life table presents the experience of a hypothetical cohort of births, subject to a

set of probabilities of transitions from the status 'alive' to the status 'death'. The information that

is used in calculating the life table consists of the time between birth and last observation; for

those who die, this time is the survival time, for those who migrate, it is the time between birth

and departure (date of censoring), and for those who stay alive, during the period covered by the

population register, it is the time between birth and closing date of the register (cutoff date)

(Teachman 1982; Allison 1984).

We anticipate that the life courses of (former) enslaved, ‘free’ citizens and indentured workers

reconstructed in HDS can be used to provide more definite answers to ‘old’ debates, as well as

bring entirely new research questions to the agenda.

4. New questions and new insights on old questions

Overall comparative population development

Van Stipriaan (2013) and others have remarked that the history of slavery in Suriname have

been studied mainly in isolation, from a Dutch/Surinamese perspective. In the last years this

has gradually been changing, putting the Surinamese historical experience in an international

context (for example, Fatah Black 2015, Hassankhan et al 2017). The historical Database of

Suriname will add to this development by making data on population development available

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for comparative studies. With the HDS data it will be possible to compare the population

development of Suriname in the long run to that of other countries, both in the Caribbean

region and beyond. This will further our understanding of Suriname, both as a slave society

before 1863 and as a plantation society with indentured labor from the second half of the

nineteenth century onwards. This will make it possible to compare the situation in Suriname

with developments in other Caribbean countries and with the southern United States.

The long timeframe from 1830 to 1950 means that Surinamese society can be followed

through a period of demographic transition and through the development of medicine and

hygiene from the mid-nineteenth century onwards. The HDS will make it possible to research

the effects of these developments on an individual level, but also on the level of society as a

whole. Suriname will be among the first tropical societies for which such information is

available. This is possible because Suriname is one of the few tropical countries with a high-

quality population administration from first half of the nineteenth century onwards. The

quality of the archival sources are comparable to those found in, for example, Sweden and

The Netherlands. Until know, the study of historical demography is mainly based on

databases based on North-west European societies, like the aforementioned HSN and CEDAR

in Sweden. The HDS may bring a new perspective, a perspective which includes the lives of

people living in a tropical disease environment, one which also includes slavery, indentured

labor and large-scale migration, especially from Asia to Suriname.

Mortality

Although conditions were improving in the last decades before Emancipation, Suriname like

other plantation economies in the Caribbean region was characterized by high mortality rates

among its enslaved which impeded natural growth (Everaert 2011; Van Stipriaan 1993).

Everaert 2011 compared mortality rates before and after Emancipation on four plantations,

and showed that child mortality increased after Emancipation, which points at deteriorating

standards of living. His exemplary study can be replicated on a much larger scale with the use

of the HDS. With the HDS, mortality rates and differentials can be studied for a much longer

period, possibly corroborating the impact of differences between sugar and cotton plantations

as already suggested by Van Stipriaan (1993, p.326 ff). These differences may have been

related to labor regime, but also to the ecological conditions of the plantations. With a large

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enough sample, we might see the effects on mortality of different regimes of medical care, the

impacts of epidemics, changes over time in punishments, the role of the plantation´s

demographic make-up in terms of size, age and sex composition, and so on (see also Steckel

1986).

As Van Stipriaan (1993) indicated, infant and child mortality on plantations were rather high

(p.330); although the rates were similar to western European populations. To some extent,

children of enslaved women were protected by prolonged breastfeeding. HDS will offer

opportunities for a more detailed analysis of infant mortality, in which for instance the fates of

children of domestic and planation slave can be contrasted. Also, the age of the mother , the

number of siblings, the interval with the previous child and other factors can be taken into

account. Of interest are also the kin connections available at the plantation. The long time

frame of observation and the possibilities for genealogical reconstructions make it possible to

ascertain whether kin of the mother (her own mother, sisters, nephews and nieces) are present

at the plantation, and whether this improves the life chances of her children. Evolutionary

biologists and historical demographers are discussing the relevance of the social context and

adding the plantation setting will thus offer a new perspective to the international debate on

kin effects on infant and child mortality (Sear et al 2002; Sear and Mace 2008).

Fertility

Although the registration of (the timing of) births in the slave registers is far from perfect, the

longitudinal nature of the data allows is to reconstruct age-specific fertility and total fertility

rates, although probably corrections for unregistered fertility need to be made (Van Galen and

Hassankhan, forthcoming) . In estimations of the fertility rate (1850-1860) the low figure of

three emerged (Lamur 1981); the question is whether such low rates was found in other

periods as well, and across the country. And were these low rates cause by inadequate

nutrition and the harsh drain on women´s energy (Follett 2005; Morgan 2006)?

Possibly, depending on the type of labour and the plantation regimes, forms of co-caring were

possible that could affect fertility (West and Shearer 2017). Again, the presence of kin can be

important as well. In this instance it will be of interest to research the effects of the

Surinamese context were enslaved mothers and children could not be sold separately.

Childlessness rates are also often elevated among enslaved women, which is often interpreted

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as a form of resistance (Cowling et al 2017; Paton 2017). In what settings were women most

likely to remain childless? By following life courses after emancipation, we will also be able

to see the consequences of having no children, in terms of co-residence, care and mortality

risks. The sex composition of offspring may be related to greater or fewer reluctance to stop

the arrival of a next child – to our knowledge, little is known on sex preferences for children

among the enslaved.

After Emancipation we can follow the former enslaved in the civil records, and relate their

fertility, as well as that of the other groups in society, to socio-economic status, literacy,

religious denomination, couple characteristics (e.g. differences in age between spouses), and

migrant status. In other words, we can trace the timing, extent, and social variation in the

demographic transition (e.g. its forerunners) in Surinamese society on a more detailed level.

Demographic research on Suriname for the first half of the twentieth century is currently

largely based on census data (see Sno and Ritfeld 2016; Lamur 1973) and will certainly

benefit from HDS .

Conclusion

In this paper, we have discussed the slave registers of Suriname, the construction the

Historical Database of Suriname and the life course approach. In our opinion, the HDS has the

potential to develop into a major resource for social historians and demographers which will

be able to bring new insights into existing questions but which will also offer a new

perspective to historical demography, a field dominated by studies based on populations in

temperate climate zones. It will take some years to build the HDS, but it is not necessary to

wait for the completion of this database. The HDS will be modular in structure and different

parts of it will be made available for research as soon as the dataset is constructed.

We also discussed the life course approach, a heuristic device to study the interaction between

individual lives and social change. It is not necessary to use a life course approach when

working with HDS data, but this approach will make it possible to compare the lives of

individuals in different time frames and during different live stages. It will also make it

possible to compare the lives of the inhabitants of nineteenth and early twentieth century

Suriname, with those of people in other societies in the same period. This will help to

connect Surinamese history more closely with international histories of slavery,

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indentured labour and (forced) migration to make Surinamese history truly integrated in a

worldwide perspective.

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