UNIMAK – WEEKLY ‘DEVELOPMENT’ NEWSLETTER - 3

YPARD – for young agriculturalists

http://www.ypard.net/2015-february-6/are-you-researcher-agriculture-international-development-become-raider?utm_medium=twitter&utm_source=twitterfeed

Food Production and Security

http://sustainablefoodtrust.org/articles/writing-agroecology-law/?utm_source=SFT+Newsletter&utm_campaign=96890ae5ac-Newsletter_07_10_2014&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_bf20bccf24-96890ae5ac-90446949Writing

Track MDG’s

http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/millennium-development-goals

The arrival of Africa

The example of Niger – often low on food, WFP major recipient BUT its location makes it strategic

Niger is ranked on the UN Human Development Index as one of the poorest countries in the world. High population growth and frequent droughts has made it nearly impossible to reduce the poverty rate. Subsistence farmers usually move to the cities for work during the country’s long dry season.

Following the lead of Ethiopia, Chad, and Djibouti, Niger has recently permitted the US and France to operate drones from an air base in its capitol, Niamey. The US military will also be establishing a second drone base in the northern desert city of Agadez, not far from the Algerian border. A major security partner of the US, Algeria’s security forces have already had success in scaling up surveillance and patrol along their border with Niger.

The bases were authorized by the Nigerién government after President Mahamdou Issoufou’s visit to Washington, DC for the US-Africa Leaders Summit in August. The landlocked country of Niger is strategically located for monitoring several overlapping conflicts in the region.

First, there is the ongoing threat of terrorism. Niger’s vast border region is partly home to Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). AQIM is a mostly Algerian and Mauritanian group that mainly operates out of northern Mali. While the known group is problematic enough, AQIM is itself in turmoil. One of the militant group’s Algerian leaders, Gouri Abdelmalek, recently broke away from AQIM and renamed his splinter group Jund Al-Khilafa or Soldiers of the Caliphate. The new group has just declared allegiance to the Islamic State.

There are also long-held grievances from Mali’s northern ethnic groups. These ethnic groups, including the Hausa, also share the same feeling of neglect in Niger. Boko Haram, a predominantly Hausa-speaking group, has shown signs of activity in southeastern Niger. A group of Boko Haram members were caught journeying from Mali to the Nigerién town of Madaoua last year. Nigeria’s President Goodluck Jonathan traveled to Niamey on October 7th for discussions on anti-terrorism cooperation as part of the Lake Chad Basin Commission Summit.

Second, there is the problem of Mali. Niger’s neighbourr has been struggling to suppress an insurgency that began in 2012 with the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad’s (MNLA) short-lived alliance with AQIM. 600 Nigerién soldiers are currently stationed in Mali has part of the UN’s 6,500 strong MINUSMA peacekeeping mission. Several of these Nigerién peacekeepers were recently ambushed and killed in Mali.

Third, there are still spillover effects from the Libyan conflict. Along with over 200,000 migrant workers, many of Qaddafi’s loyalist fighters were Nigeriéns who subsequently repatriated back to Niger or joined the insurgents in Mali. The US wants to keep watch on Libya’s internal crisis from bases in Niger.

In short, the region continues to experience a political and security vacuum. Paired with this are Niger’s internal problems. President Issoufou has been Niger’s president since a 2011 election that was deemed free and fair. However, Niger has a long history of military coups. In 2011, a plot by a small military faction planning to assassinate him was uncovered.

Political drama between the Nigerién Democratic Movement (MODEN) and Issoufou’s Nigerién Party for Democracy and Socialism (PNDS) also presents problems. Formerly part of the ruling coalition, MODEN’s Hama Amadou, has been accused of undermining Niger’s stability. If this worrying trend continues, it could trigger a new political intervention by the military. Amadou fled to France last August.

Let’s look at a ‘continent wide’ opinion.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2K-P7Hv_Zwg

If time allows let’s begin an analysis of a major influence on Africa

Let’s look at China and Africa and energy

Since the mid-1950s and 1980s, China has expanded its relations with Africa as part of its broader strategy of developing

friendly relations with the “Third World.” In recent years, China has achieved deeper ties with many African countries, and

the issue of Chinese energy security and geopolitics in Africa has received more attention. This article offers an overview of

the Sino-African oil relationship to provide a foundation for future analyses.

China’s growing energy needs

China’s pursuit of energy resources has generated great interest in the last decade, and energy concerns are indeed a vital

national security interest for China in order to sustain both economic growth and economic development. According to the

International Energy Agency (IEA), as of July 2010, China surpassed the United States as the world’s largest energy

consumer. Analysts say that for China, energy security is crucial for its economic health and directly relates to the

legitimacy and survival of the Communist Party. China’s push to secure energy resources and raw materials is part of its

energy security diversification strategy, which is also evidenced in other regions such as the Middle East, Latin America,

and Central Asia.

Oil, or petroleum, is only one component of the energy resource picture, though an increasingly important one. China

remains dependent on fossil fuels such as coal, oil, and natural gas. In 2008, China’s oil consumption made up just under 20

percent of China’s total energy use.

China is currently the second-largest consumer of oil in the world, and more than half of its crude oil is imported. By 2020,

official sources estimate that China will import about 65 percent of its crude oil. China does produce oil domestically,

though in 1993, China became a net importer of oil and has since increased its dependency on foreign imports. According

to the EIA, China was the second largest net oil importer in the world in 2009; official statistics also record China’s oil

imports at 204 million tons in 2009, and crude oil accounting for 52 percent of China’s oil consumption.

China’s presence in Africa to secure oil resources has been increasing. It is important, however, to contextualize these

relationships, and not overestimate China’s oil demands. For example:

China still produces much of the oil it consumes

China imports most of its oil from the Middle East (Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Iraq), Africa, as well as Asia (Russia), Latin

America (Brazil, Venezuela), and North America (Canada)

Africa reportedly only accounts for 9 percent to 10 percent of global oil reserves

China imports an estimated one-third of its oil from Africa

For China, the Middle East remains the most important source for oil. While Chinese oil imports from the Middle East are

projected to increase in the future, China also seeks to reduce its dependence on Middle Eastern oil. While African

countries are neither the top oil-producing nor the top oil-exporting countries in the world, there are opportunities for

future expansion and production.

Key aspects of Sino-African oil relations

When discussing Sino-African relations, there is perhaps a tendency to consider the African continent as one entity. While

one can make broader observations about China’s relations with Africa, there is also much diversity and complexity in the

many countries with which China has oil relationships. Below are some of the important points in contextualizing the

China-Africa oil relationship.

While a country may have large oil reserves, they may not be developed, or internal conflict may prevent stability of

development and production.

While the presence of Chinese National Oil Companies (NOCs) is expanding in Africa overall, it should be considered

relative to Western presence and not overestimate their influence. It would be an overstatement to say that Chinese

oil companies would supplant Western presence in the near-term.

Oil is one component of China’s growing reach into Africa. Other resource extraction includes copper (Zambia,

Democratic Republic of the Congo), cobalt (Democratic Republic of the Congo), and iron ore (Liberia).

The Sino-African oil relationship can become complex due to other linked areas of concern. Oil, as part of China’s desire to

acquire more natural resources, has brought criticism of China’s “neo-colonialist” presence in Africa, and questions

whether China’s presence benefits governance and the African people. Some of the related areas of interest include:

Foreign aid: Chinese aid to developing countries can be attractive because of their no-strings attached conditions, in

contrast with aid from Western countries or institutions such as the World Bank. (The “tied aid” from Western lenders

may involve economic, political, social, or environmental penalties, as well as other “strings” such as democracy

promotion or human rights concerns.) Chinese loan policies also tend to be less transparent and easier for recipients

to use.

Infrastructure: Linked with aid, China’s infrastructure projects in Africa can involve concessional or low-interest loans

as well as direct financing. In addition, China can promote economic projects in areas in Africa deemed too risky or

unfeasible by other governments or multinational corporations.

Arms sales: China’s ties with many authoritarian regimes in Africa have continued to receive criticism about its lack of

consideration for governance and human rights issues. China maintains a foreign policy position of “non-interference

in domestic affairs,” and China’s arms sales to certain regimes in Africa have received international criticism. Notable

cases are Sudan, Zimbabwe, Liberia, and Nigeria.

Main African sources of oil for China

The following chart provides information on the five African countries that are China’s largest sources of oil in Africa. With

the exception of Sudan, Western oil companies are the largest players. In these cases, oil relationships point to

comprehensive arrangements that involve trade and infrastructure as well as oil extraction and export.

Other African sources of oil for ChinaThe chart briefly outlines other countries in Africa that provide sources of oil. In many of these countries, China has focused on entry and exploration of potential oil resources, again often seeking comprehensive development and economic arrangements

Respect Tradition

The Re-Colonization Of AfricaJim Goodman

As global agribusiness interests look to expand their profits with thefinancial backing of the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund,United States Agency for International Development (USAID), various“charitable” foundations and the political backing of the more"developed" countries of the world (the G-8), Africa is the obvioustarget to be saved and developed. Corporations profit, Westerngovernmentsgain control. (Photo: NewsAfrican)

Most of the world's food is grown by small scale farmers. While it iscalled "traditional" agriculture, it is never static and farmersconstantly adapt. This traditional agriculture relies on a varied andchanging mix of crops, a polyculture, which provides a balanced diet,is affordable for local farmers and can accommodate changing localconditions.

The Green Revolution relied on increasing acreages of monocultures,mostly cereal grains, which also increased the use of herbicides,

insecticides and fertilizers as well as new varieties of high yieldingcrops. Inputs that small farmers, those who fed the people, were nevermeant to afford.

It was an unsustainable system that called for too many inputs, toomuch machinery and too much energy. Credit was an essential part ofthe Green Revolution—creating debts that could never be repaid. And itdid nothing to empower women, who grow a considerable portion of theworld's food. It gave them no access to education, no power, and madeit more difficult for them to maintain the rights to their land. Mostimportantly, the Green Revolution did not end hunger.

The Green Revolution never met expectations in Africa. This was formany reasons, including: civil wars, corrupt governments, governmentsthat often could not work together, inaccessibility of water forirrigation, very diverse soil types, a lack of infrastructure and thesheer breadth of the continent. Perhaps Africa was lucky, while theGreen Revolution was put forth as a solution to feed the hungry, itwasalso focused on permanently allowing Western governments to dominatepolitics and national economies—a new brand of colonialism.

Now, as global agribusiness interests look to expand their profitswith the financial backing of the World Bank, the InternationalMonetary Fund, United States Agency for International Development(USAID),various “charitable” foundations and the political backing of the more"developed" countries of the world (the G-8), Africa is the obvioustarget to be saved and developed. Corporations profit, Westerngovernments gain control.

The Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA) seems to have allthe answers. Started by the Bill and Melinda Gates and RockefellerFoundations and fronted by African dignitaries, their goals for Africaappear to be remarkably similar to those of the first GreenRevolution, increasing agricultural production through increasedinputs, monoculture farming, production of grain crops for the globalmarket andlittle in the way of societal change to empower small scale farmers,women or the poor.

In a new twist to the old Green revolution, AGRA is focusing onprivate control rather than public—more profit, less oversight. Aprime example, private seed companies will produce and sell their"improved"seed varieties to farmers, rather than giving farmers access topublicly developed seeds.

While most countries in Africa have no commercial plantings ofGenetically Modified (GM or GMO) crops, many are conducting trials,aided by and politically pushed by Western governments. While AGRA

claimstheir partners are not currently selling GM seeds in Africa, the pushis clearly there.

The Gates Foundation would like their association with AGRA to appearas a strictly philanthropic venture, but, it appears that as Monsantostands to profit so does the Gates Foundation's endowment.

AGRA states that "only about one quarter of Africa's small-holderfarmers have access to good seeds"—and good seeds, in the eyes of AGRAfunders and partners, are GM seeds, seeds that must be purchased everyyear, not farmer-saved seeds. Traditional seed laws that allow savingand exchange between farmers are "outdated" according to AGRA and theycontinue to push for changes in seed laws that would protectpatented seed.

In Ghana, the national parliament has given full support to the PlantBreeders Bill, which would restrict seed saving and swapping.According to the Ghana National Association of Farmers and Fishermen,"Thissystem aims to compel farmers to purchase seeds for every plantingseason." This bill, being pushed by AGRA, the G-8, USAID and corporateagribusiness, will make it difficult to find any seed other than GMseed. For bio-technology companies like Monsanto, Africa is the newfrontier. Lots of land, lots of people, lots of foreign investmentmoney, and governments willing to push their agenda. It all adds up tolots of profit.

AGRA may think they have all the answers, but the problem is, theynever asked the questions, they never asked the people of Africa orthe farmers what they wanted. This is colonialism, not democracy.

As Mariann Bassey Orovwuje of the Environmental Rights Action(ERA)/Friends of the Earth Nigeria (FoEN) noted at a Town Hall Forumin Seattle last October, "if you are helping me, ask me the kind ofhelp Ineed."

Mercia Andrews, of the Trust for Community Outreach and Education(TCOE) in South Africa, sees AGRA and the Green Revolution as "anotherphase of colonialism."

"What we need," she stated, "is not more charity and more investmentof the kind that's being imposed on us, we need solidarity, we needlearning together from you, from the peasant farmers, from the foodmovement, all these small markets that exist here, from the communityto community movement. People to people solidarity, not corporatetakeover."

Mariam Mayet, director of the African Centre for Biosafety (Acbio),felt that "peasant farming systems have become reviled by the like of

Gates as backwards and responsible for poverty and starvation inAfrica. It's almost as if there is a concerted effort to make thesesystems obsolete, to do away with them, they are ugly, they arebackward they have to go and they have to go now." She noted that "Iwant youtake home the message that there are African farmer organizations thatare outraged, we are angry because these decisions have beenmade—imposed on us in a very patronizing, patriarchal, violent way,like weare children, that they have designed a solution for us as to how theycan fix up what is broken."

In his address to the Triennial Forum for Research in Africa GeneralAssembly on July 18, 2013, Dr. Kanayo Nwanze, president of theInternational Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), stated that"Africacan feed Africa. Africa should feed Africa. And I believe that Africawill feed Africa." And, interestingly enough, he didn’t once mentionGMOs.

Just as AGRA would force its program on Africa, Nwanze felt that thedecline of African agriculture, in large part, was due to structuraladjustment programs forced on many of the continent’s nations by theWorld Bank. And cutting to the heart of the Green Revolution he notedthat "if we set our sights only on improving productivity, there is avery real danger that we will grow more food in Africa withoutfeeding more people."

He stressed that "results must be measured NOT by higher yields alone,but by reduced poverty, improved nutrition, cohesive societies andhealthy ecosystems. And, agricultural development must involve womenwho are too often... the most disadvantaged members of rural societies."

While IFAD has not always been on the right side of agriculturalchange in Africa, Nwanze clearly articulated a vision much differentthan that of the original Green Revolution or of AGRA's idea ofprogressin Africa. We can only hope he is sincere, it is important toacknowledge that Africans can exploit Africans, just as Westerngovernments and corporations can. Democracy and food sovereigntyshould determinethe future of Africa, not rich Africans or Western corporations.

AGRA believes progress is large scale farming, mono-cultures,"improved" GM seed, and a further industrialized agricultural system.However, none of these have ended hunger. This style of agriculturethas notand will not feed the world, though this is what we are constantlytold to believe.

In his book, Farmageddon, Brewster Kneen notes that "In the name of

progress, these new powers would like us to believe that there is noalternative to their biotechnological project. They are simply theagents of destiny. We should adjust to their rule with gratitude fortheir leadership and their efforts on our behalf, whether we asked forit or not."

Colonialism is patronizing, patriarchal and violent, and to believethat AGRA's vision for Africa, Africa's people, its farmers, or thecontinent itself is anything other than a new colonialism designed tobenefit corporate agribusiness and the partners of AGRA while itultimately impoverishes the people and the culture of Africa is notjust laughable, but unequivocally misguided and dangerous.

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike3.0 License

Jim Goodman is a dairy farmer from Wonewoc, Wisconsin.

John 7th February 2015.