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WomenandMeninOrganizationsSexandGenderIssuesatWork
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SERIESINAPPLIEDPSYCHOLOGYEdwinA.Fleishman,GeorgeMasonUniversitySeriesEditor
TeamworkandtheBottomLine:GroupsMakeaDifferenceNedRosen
PatternsofLifeHistory:TheEcologyofHumanIndividualityMichaelD.Mumford,GarnettStokes,andWilliamA.Owens
WorkMotivationUweE.Kleinbeck,HansHenningQuast,HenkThierry,andHartmutHcker
PsychologyinOrganizations:IntegratingScienceandPracticeKevinR.MurphyandFrankE.Saal
HumanError:Cause,Prediction,andReductionJohnW.SendersandNevilleP.Moray
ContemporaryCareerDevelopmentIssuesRobertF.MorrisonandJeromeAdams
JusticeintheWorkplace:ApproachingFairnessinHumanResourceManagementRussellCropanzano
PersonnelSelectionandAssessment:IndividualandOrganizationalPerspectivesHeinzSchuler,JamesL.Farr,andMikeSmith
OrganizationalBehavior:theStateoftheScienceJeraldGreenberg
PolicePsychologyintothe21stCenturyMartinI.KurkeandEllenM.Scrivner
BenchmarkTasksforJobAnalysis:AGuideforFunctionalJobAnalysts(FJA)ScalesSidneyA.FineandMauryGetkate
StressandHumanPerformanceJamesE.DriskellandEduardoSalas
ImprovingTrainingEffectivenessinWorkOrganizationsJ.KevinFord,SteveW.J.Kozlowski,KurtKraiger,EduardoSalas,andMarkS.Teachout
TeamPerformanceAssessmentandMeasurement:Theory,Research,andApplicationsMichaelTBrannick,EduardoSalas,andCarolynPrince
JobFeedback:Giving,Seeking,andUsingFeedbackforPerformanceImprovementManuelLondon
TheRussianTheoryofActivity:CurrentApplicationstoDesignandLearningGregoryBednyandDavidMeister
FunctionalJobAnalysts:AFoundationforHumanResourcesManagementSidneyA.FineandStevenF.Cronshaw
WomenandMeninOrganizations:SexandGenderIssuesatWorkJeanetteN.Cleveland,MargaretStockdale,andKevinR.Murphy
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WomenandMeninOrganizationsSexandGenderIssuesatWork
JeanetteN.ClevelandColoradoStateUniversity
MargaretStockdaleSouthernIllinoisUniversity,Carbondale
KevinR.MurphyColoradoStateUniversity
LawrenceErlbaumAssociates,Publishers2000Mahwah,NewJersey
London
LibraryofCongressCataloginginPublicationData
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Copyright2000byLawrenceErlbaumAssociates,Inc.
Allrightsreserved.Nopartofthisbookmaybereproducedinanyform,byphotostat,microfilm,retrievalsystem,oranyothermeans,withoutthepriorwrittenpermissionofthepublisher.
LawrenceErlbaumAssociates,Inc.,Publishers10IndustrialAvenueMahwah,NJ07430
coverdesignbyKathrynHoughtalingLacey
Cleveland,Jeanette.Womenandmeninorganizations:sexandgenderissuesatwork/JeanetteN.Cleveland,MargaretStockdale,KevinR.Murphy.p.cm.(Appliedpsychologyseries)Includesbibliographicalreferencesandindex.ISBN0805812679(cloth:alk.paper).ISBN0805812687(pbk.:alk.paper)1.SexroleintheworkenvironmentUnitedStates.I.Stockdale,MargaretS.II.Murphy,KevinR.,1952III.Title.IV.Series.HD6060.65.U5C581999331.11'43dc219937807CIP
BookspublishedbyLawrenceErlbaumAssociatesareprintedonacidfreepaper,andtheirbindingsarechosenforstrengthanddurability.
PrintedintheUnitedStatesofAmerica10987654321
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Thisbookisdedicatedtoourparentsandourchildren.Onegaveusrootsandwingstheothergivesushopesanddreams.RobertandKathleenTomandPatFrederickandJoanKathleenandMichaelSarah,Susan,andGeoffrey
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CONTENTS
SeriesForeword
EdwinA.Fleishman
xi
Preface xiii
PartI:Introduction
Chapter1IntroductiontoWomenandMeninOrganizations
3
WhatDoWeMeanbyWork? 6
HistoryofMaleandFemaleWorkforceParticipation 7
ModelforUnderstandingMenandWomeninaDiverseWorkforce 11
Summary 16
Chapter2UnderstandingMen'sandWomen'sExperiencesintheWorkplace:MethodsandTheoreticalPerspectives
18
Men'sandWomen'sExperiencesofWork 19
UnderstandingSexualityinOrganizations 34
Summary 36
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PartII:ProcessesUnderlyingMaleFemaleAttitudesandBehaviorintheWorkplace
Chapter3HowStereotypesAffectOurPerceptionsofMenandWomenatWork
41
GenderStereotypes 42
GenderStereotypesandStereotypesofRace,Age,Appearance,andDisability
50
EffectsofGenderStereotypesintheWorkplace 56
Summary 63
Chapter4PhysicalAttractiveness,InterpersonalRelationships,andRomanceatWork
67
GenderandPhysicalAttractiveness 69
PhysicalAttractivenessandInterpersonalRelations 71
InterpersonalAttractionintheWorkplace 76
WorkplaceRomance 82
Summary 90
Chapter5LanguageandCommunicationAmongOrganizationalMembers
93
FemaleandMaleWaysofSpeaking:DataVersusStereotypes 95
UnderstandingGenderDifferencesinLanguage 99
WomenandMenSpeakinginGroups 102
GenderandNonverbalLanguage 106
ASocialPsychologicalApproachtoUnderstandingLanguageandLinguisticGroups
112
AdditionalIssuesConcerningLanguageintheWorkplace 118
Summary 121
Chapter6PowerandRelationshipsatWork
125
DefinitionsandSourcesofPowerandInfluence 126
TheEffectsofPowerandInfluence 137
GenderandPowerintheWorkplace 143
Summary 149
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PartIII:WomenandMenintheWorkplace:ImportantIndividualandOrganizationalOutcomes
Chapter7GenderDiscriminationintheWorkplace
155
PrejudiceandDiscrimination 157
OccupationalSegregationandGenderDiscrimination 167
Summary 182
Chapter8GenderandtheLegalContextinWhichMenandWomenWork
185
TheLegalFrameworkforDealingWithGenderDiscriminationintheWorkplace
187
EnforcingGenderDiscriminationLaws 199
FamilyRelatedLegislation 207
IsAffirmativeActionaHelporaHindrancetoWomenintheWorkplace? 209
Summary 214
Chapter9SexualHarassment
218
EmergingAwarenessandLabelingofSexualHarassment 220
MultifacetedImpactofSexualHarassment 233
BadApplesorBadBarrels?TheoriesandModelsofSexualHarassment 238
CombatingSexualHarassment 243
Summary 247
Chapter10CareerIssuesforWomenandMen:Mentoring,Children,andDualCareerCouples
252
Careers:TraditionalDefinitionsandEmergingForms 253
Women'sCareerDevelopment 259
MentoringintheWorkplace 265
Childbearing,ChildCare,andCareers 268
DualCareerCouples 274
Summary 279
Chapter11GenderandLeadership
285
DefinitionsandTheoriesofLeadership 287
GenderandLeadership 303
TheGlassCeiling:ASpecialChallengeforWomen 312
Summary 319
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Chapter12Stress,Health,andGender
323
StressandWork 325
Gender,Stress,andHealthOutcomes 334
ConsequencesofStress 339
StressReduction:CopingStrategiesandInterventions 344
HealthIssuesUniquetoWomen 347
Stress,Work,andEthnicMinorities 349
Summary 351
PartIV:WhatDoWeDoWithWhatWeKnowandDoNotKnow?
Chapter13ManagingDiversity:ResearchandInterventions
357
WhatDoesItMeantoManageDiversity? 358
ApproachestoDevelopingGenderInclusiveOrganizations 368
Summary 382
References 384
AuthorIndex 445
SubjectIndex 459
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SERIESFOREWORD
EdwinA.FleishmanSeriesEditor
Thereisacompellingneedforinnovativeapproachestothesolutionofmanypressingproblemsinvolvinghumanrelationshipsintoday'ssociety.Suchapproachesaremorelikelytobesuccessfulwhentheyarebasedonsoundresearchandapplications.ThisSeriesinAppliedPsychologyofferspublicationswhichemphasizestateoftheartresearchanditsapplicationtoimportantissuesofhumanbehaviorinavarietyofsocietalsettings.Theobjectiveistobridgebothacademicandappliedinterests.Thisbookaccomplishesthisobjectivewithrespecttotheincreasingdiversityoccurringintheworkplace.
Womennowmakeupover45%oftheU.S.workforceandthisproportionislikelytoincrease.Workingwomenareadiversegroup(e.g.,Whitewomen,minorities,womenwithchildren,immigrants,olderworkers)withwidelyvaryingneeds,values,experiences,andexpectations.Yetoftenwhenemployeesorworkersarediscussed,implicitly(oroftenexplicitly)itismaleworkersthataredescribed.Furthermore,whenworkingwomenarediscussedtheyareoftendiscussedseparatelyandincomparisontomen.
Thisbookisintendedtodiscusswomenandmenwithinthecontextofappliedworkpsychologyandmanagement.Itistheauthors'hope
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thatthebookcanbeusedforcoursesinindustrialandorganizationalpsychology,appliedworkpsychology,humanresourcesmanagement,andorganizationalbehavior.Itisdifficulttoimaginethatstudentsofindustrialandorganizationalpsychologyhasanaccurateorcompletegraspofleadershipunlesstheyknowtheliteraturebasedonresearchonbothmenandwomenasleaders.Anydiscussionofcareerswouldbemisleading,andperhapsinaccurate,ifitexcludedmaterialonwomen'scareers.Totheextentthatthesediscussionsignoretheresearchliteratureonwomenintheworkplace,traditionaltextsusedinthecoursesjustmentionedreflectinformationononlyasubsetoftheworkforce.
Theauthorsdiscussfourbasicprocessesthatsubstantiallyinfluencemen'sandwomen'sexperiencesatworkstereotyping,theroleofattractivenessinevaluatingothers,thewaysmenandwomencommunicate,andtheacquisitionandexerciseofpowerandinfluenceinorganizations.Theyshowhowtheseprocessescanbelinkedtogenderdiscrimination,sexualharassmentinorganizations,men'sandwomen'scareerdevelopment,leadershipandleaderfollowerinteractions,andstress.Theydiscusshowprogramsto''manage"genderdiversitymightbenefitfrompayingexplicitattentiontotheseissues.
Thisbookdrawsfromanumberofdisciplines,includingpsychology,sociology,women'sstudies,economics,andlinguisticstohelpthereaderunderstandrelationshipsbetweengenderandwork.Eachdisciplinecarriesitsownassumptionsandfavorsitsownparticularapproachestoresearchandscholarship.Itisclearthattheissuesfacingmenandwomenatworkextendbeyondtheboundariesofspecificacademicfieldsofstudy.Theapproachtakeninthisimportantbookhelpstocapturethecomplexityoftherelationshipsbetweenwomen,men,andworkorganizations.
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PREFACE
ThegenderandracialcompositionoftheU.S.workforceisrapidlychanging.Asmorewomenentertheworkforceandastheyenterjobsthathavetraditionallybeendominatedbymen,issuesrelatedtosexandgenderinworksettingsbecomeincreasinglyimportantandcomplex.Researchaddressingsexandgenderintheworkplaceisconductedinseveraldistinctdisciplines,rangingfrompsychologyandsociologytomanagementandeconomics.Booksongenderatworkoftenreflecteitheramoretraditionalmanagementperspectiveoramorerecentfeministperspectiverarelyarethesetwoorientationsonwomenandworkacknowledgedwithinthesametext.However,giventheincrediblechallengesfacingorganizationstodayintermsoffullandeffectiveutilizationofqualityemployees,thetraditionalliteratureandfeministresearchliteraturemustbebroughttogether.
Thegoalofthisbookistocommunicateavarietyofsocialpsychologicalresearchongenderissuesthataffectworkbehaviorstoupperlevelundergraduateandgraduatestudentsinappliedpsychologyandbusiness.Thebookisdesignedtosupplementupperlevelundergraduatecoursesinindustrialandorganizational(I/O)psychology,organizationalbehavior,managementinorganizations,personneladministration,career
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andvocationalcounseling,women'sstudies(particularlythoseaddressingworkissues),andselectedtopics.Furthermore,itcanserveasacenterpieceinatopicscoursedevotedtogenderintheworkplacethatmightbeofferedwithinthecurriculumofI/O,vocationalpsychology,ormanagement,whereitcanbesupplementedbyprimaryresearcharticlesorselectedbookchapters.
Acknowledgments
Thisbookcouldnothavebeencompletedwithoutthehelpofanumberofcolleaguesandinstitutions.First,weareextremelygratefultoFrank(Skip)SaalandBarbaraGutek,bothofwhomcollaboratedintheearlierstagesofthisproject.Theirsuggestions,insights,andcontributionswereextremelyvaluableandhelpedtoshapethebook.Second,wearegratefulforthesupportwereceivedfromColoradoStateUniversity(specifically,ScottHamiltonaschairoftheDepartmentofPsychology)andSouthernIllinoisUniversityinallofthephasesofproducingthisbook.SomeoftheearlyworkonthisbookwasdonewhileonvisitingappointmentstotheUniversityofCalifornia,Berkeley(ClevelandandMurphy),andtheUniversityofArizona(Stockdale)wegreatlyappreciatetheuseoftheirfacilitiesandtheopportunitiestointeractwithcolleaguesinseveralrelateddisciplines.We(ClevelandandMurphy)completedthisbookwhileonsabbaticalattheUniversityofLimerick,Irelandwethanktheuniversity,theCollegeofBusiness,andtheDepartmentofPersonnelandEmploymentRelations,particularlyJoeWallace,fortheirhelpandsupport.
Finally,weappreciatethehelpandencouragementofRayO'ConnellandAnneDuffy,whohavebeenpatientandsupportivethroughouttheprocessofwritingandpublishingthisbook.
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IINTRODUCTION
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1IntroductiontoWomenandMeninOrganizations
I.WhatDoWeMeanbyWork?
II.HistoryofMaleandFemaleWorkforceParticipation
III.ModelforUnderstandingMenandWomeninaDiverseWorkforce
A.StructureoftheBook
IV.Summary
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ThefamilypictureisonHISdesk.Ah,asolid,responsiblefamilyman.ThefamilypictureisonHERdesk.Umm,herfamilywillcomebeforehercareer.
HEistalkingwithhiscoworkers.Hemustbediscussingthelatestdeal.SHEistalkingwithhercoworkers.Shemustbegossiping.
HE'snotintheoffice.He'smeetingcustomers.SHE'snotintheoffice.Shemustbeoutshopping.
HE'shavinglunchwiththeboss.He'sonthiswayup.SHE'shavinglunchwiththeboss.Theymustbehavinganaffair.
HEgotanunfairdeal.Didhegetangry?SHEgotanunfairdeal.Didshecry?
HE'sgettingmarried.He'llgetmoresettled.SHE'sgettingmarried.She'llgetpregnantandleave.
HE'shavingababy.He'llneedaraise.SHE'shavingababy.She'llcostthecompanymoneyinmaternitybenefits.
HE'sleavingforabetterjob.Heknowshowtorecognizeagoodopportunity.SHE'sleavingforabetterjob.Womenarenotdependable.(Gardenswartz&Rowe,1994)
Womenmakeupmorethan45%oftheU.S.workforce(W.B.Johnson&Packer,1987U.S.DepartmentofCommerce,1997),andthisproportionislikelytogrow.Workingwomenareadiversegroup(e.g.,Whitewomen,minorities,womenwithchildren,immigrants,olderworkers)withwidelyvaryingneeds,values,experiences,andexpectations.However,workingwomenshareacommonbondinthat,untilrecently,theworldofwork
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wasprimarilyorientedtowardmen.Historically,womenhavebeensegregatedintojobsthatprovidedverylimitedaccesstothetoplevelsoforganizations,andthissegregationpersistsinmanysectorsoftheeconomy.Morerecently,however,therehasbeenaninfluxofwomenintonontraditional,higherstatusoccupations,anditappearsthattraditionalpatternsofoccupationalsegregationmaybeslowlychanging.
Changesintheworkforceposebothopportunitiesandchallengestoorganizations,andhumanresourcemanagement(HRM)expertshavedevotedincreasinglevelsofattentiontotheissuesandproblemsthatindividualsandgroupsbringtoandencounterintheworkplace.Researchersinappliedworkpsychology,organizationalbehavior,andotherrelatedfields(socialpsychology,sociology,andeconomics)arealsoshowinggreaterinterestintherolesofgenderandsexatwork.Furthermore,thereisarichtraditionofresearchandscholarshipintheareaofwomen'sstudiesdealingwithsimilaritiesanddifferencesinmen'sandwomen'sworkplaceexperiences.Eachperspectivebringsitsownsetofassumptions,insight,andconclusionstobear,andthereisagooddealtobelearnedbybridgingthemanydisciplinesconcernedwithwomenandmenintheworkplace.
Onegoalofthisbookistocoverarangeofissuesthatbothwomenandmenencounterintheworkplacebutthatarenotcommonlyexploredinanydepthinmanagementorworkpsychologytextbooks.Wehopetoexpandtheconceptualizationof"human"inHRMtoincludebothwomenandmen.WebelievethatgenderandsexissueshaveimportantimplicationsforworkrelatedandHRMissues.Unfortunately,discussionsofworkoftenrefer(explicitlyorimplicitly)toworkersasmen.Therefore,anydiscussionofanothergroupofworkers(inthiscasewomen)isatriskofbeingdismissedasaspecialtybook(aboutwomen).However,thisbookisnotsimplyaboutwomenatwork.
Thisisabookaboutpeopleinteractingwitheachotherinthecontextofworkorganizations.Ourdiscussionincludesliteraturethatrevealssimilaritiesanddifferencesbetweenmenandwomenatworkand,whereverpossible,amongmenandwomenofcolorandofvaryingsocioeconomicstatus.Wehopetoidentifywhatweknowaboutemployedmenandwomenaswellaswhatwedonotknowconcerninggenderandimportantworkandorganizationalproblems.
Throughoutthebook,weidentifyimportanthumanresourceissuesandtopicsthathavenottraditionallybeentreatedasmainstreamtopicsinindustrialandorganizational(I/O)psychologyorHRM.Amongthetopicsthathavehistoricallybeenperceived(andsometimesdismissed)aswomen'sissues,yetarenowincreasinglyofconcerntobothmaleandfemaleHRMandI/Oprofessionals,aresexualharassment,childcareand
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childbearingissues,careerprogress,andstressandhealth.Webelievetheentranceofincreasingnumbersofwomenintotheworkforcerenderstheseissuesimportanttomen,women,andorganizations.
Thistextisintendedprimarilyforupperlevelundergraduateandentrylevelgraduatestudentsandresearchersinmanagement,psychology,women'sstudies,sociology,andrelatedfields.Althoughthebookdrawsheavilyfromdatabasedresearchfindings,wehopethatitappealstoteachersandstudentswhoareinterestedinamoregeneralunderstandingoftheprocessesandissuesencounteredbyemployedwomenandmen.
Chapter1defineswhatwemeanbythesetsofactivitiesthatwecallworkandprovidesabriefhistoricalperspectiveontheparticipationofmenandwomenintheworkplace.Asthedefinitionofworkhasevolvedovertheyears,sohavethetypeandtheextentofmaleandfemaleinvolvementintheworkforce.
WhatDoWeMeanbyWork?
AlookatWebster'sDictionaryreveals20definitionsofthenounand30definitionsoftheverbwork(Neff,1985).Overall,thedefinitionstendtohave"purposefulactivity"incommon.However,determiningthesetofactivitiesweincludeinadefinitionofworkiscomplex.Asisseeninthereviewofthehistoryofgenderandwork,menandwomenhavealwaysworked(Nieva&Gutek,1981b).BeforetheIndustrialRevolution,bothmenandwomenworked,notforwages,butforfamilysurvivalandmaintenance.Inthiscontext,womenandmenwereconsideredpartners.However,withtheoccurrenceoftheIndustrialRevolution,laborwasdividedintoamaleworkspherethatwaspaid,public,andexternaltothefamilyandafemalefamilyspherethatwasunpaidandprivate(i.e.,workinthehome).Therefore,priortotheIndustrialRevolution,thedefinitionofworkweoftenusetoday(i.e.,whatpeopledotoearnaliving)wouldhavebeeninadequatebecauseitdoesnotincludeanumberofactivitiesthathistoricallywereconsideredwork.Thisdefinitionprobablyreflectswhatmanypeopleinoursocietycurrentlyviewaswork,"themeansofsubsistence"(Schwimmer,1980).However,themeaningofwork,orspecificallythedefinitionofwork,ishistoricallyrelative(Brief&Nord,1990).
Activitiesthatonedoesforpayhavealsobeencalledoccupationalwork(G.Miller,1980).Thecharacteristicsofoccupationalworkare"(1)itsexistenceasarolediscreetandseparatefromotherrolesoccupiedbytheindividual,and(2)theprimaryuseofsuchdirectfinancialrewardsassalariesorwagestoobtainaminimallevelofinvolvementintherole
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bytheworker"(G.Miller,1980,p.382).Thisdefinitionofoccupationalworkisconsistentwithwhatmostpeopletodaymeanbythetermwork(Brief&Nord,1990).However,thereareatleasttwoproblemswiththisdefinitionofwork.First,thetermfinancialdoesnotdescribeallpossiblecompensationarrangements.Forexample,informalworkcanincludebarteringandsocialexchangeofservices(Brief&Nord,1990).Thesecondproblemisthatworknonworkroleseparationisrarelycompletemanytypesofoccupationalworkinvolveinterrelatedroles.Furthermore,inthe1990s,bothwomenandmenbecameincreasinglyawarethattheyweremembersoftwo"workgroups,"oneexternaltothehomeandonewithinthehome.
Inthisbook,werecognizethatthetermworkcoversbothpaidandunpaidactivitiesinbothpublicandprivateareasofourlives.However,muchofthematerialreviewedinthemanagement,psychology,andsociologyliteraturesisbasedonworkthatisdefinedaspaidwork.Therefore,whenusingthetermworkoremployment,werefertoactivitiesortasksthatoneengagesinforpay.
Wheneverpossible,wedistinguishamongresearchfindingsandtheoriesthatarebasedlargelyonbluecollar,pinkcollar,andwhitecollar,professional/managerialjobs.Werecognizethatwhatmaybetrueforoneoccupationalgroupmaynotholdforanother.Furthermore,race,gender,and,tosomeextent,ageareconfoundedwithoccupationaltypeaswellassocioeconomicstatus.Therefore,weattempttohighlightthecharacteristicsoftheoccupationsandthesubjectsusedintheresearchwereview.
HistoryofMaleandFemaleWorkforceParticipation
Themeaningofworkhasevolvedconsiderablyoverthecenturies(Brief&Nord,1990),andourcurrentconceptionofworkasasetofstructured,paidactivitiesisrelativelynew.Simplyput,womenaswellasmenhavealwaysworked(F.D.Blau&Ferber,1985HarrisKessler,1985R.Marshall&R.Paulin,1987).However,thetypesofactivitiesandforwhomoneworkshavechangeddramatically.Inpreindustrialsociety,thefamilywastheunitorfocusofwork.Thewomanandthetaskssheperformedwereanintegralpartofthatunit(R.Marshall&Paulin,1987).Menlargelyobtainedgoodsexternaltothefamily.However,atthispoint,bothwomenandmenengagedinfamilyworkactivitiesthatwereeitherpaidwork(e.g.,womensellingproducethattheirhusbandshadharvested)orexchangeofgoodsforotherdesiredgoods.Thepreindustrialsociety
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wasorientedtowardlargelyagriculturallaborandhomemanufacture.Homeordomesticlifewasnearlyindistinguishablefromeconomiclife.Thiseconomicperiodwascalledthe"familyeconomy."
Throughindustrialization,thelabormarketexpandedandpaidworkbecameworkexternaltothefamily.Hereiswhereweobserveasplitbetweenwhatiscalledprivate(i.e.,family),nonpaidworkperformedprimarilybywomenandpublic(i.e.,external),paidworklargelyperformedbymen.Women'sworkinsidethehomebecameviewedassupplementaltothepresumablymoreimportantandprestigiousexternalandpaidemploymentofmen.Furthermore,oncemenlefttheprivatesphereoffamilyworkforpublicemploymentandwomenremainedwithinthefamilysphere,perceptionsandexpectationsdevelopedthatreinforcedthissegregationofprivateandpublic,womenandmen,andsecondaryandprimaryfacetsofwork.Womenwereconsideredas,atbest,temporaryparticipantsinamaledominatedpublicrealmofwork.
Duringearlystagesofindustrialization,whenwomenworkedforpayoutsidethehomethesituationtypicallyinvolvedsinglewomenworkinginlowpayingjobsthatweregendersegregated.Whenawomanmarried,shewasstronglyexpectedtorelinquishthefewrights(especiallyeconomicindependence)shehadasasinglewoman.Fewmarriedwomenwereemployedoutsidethehome,althoughoccasionallyawomanmightworkformoneyifherfatherorhusbandwasunabletoprovideadequately.Additionally,duringearlyindustrialtimes,themeaningofworkformenandwomenwasverydifferentespeciallyifonefocusedonthesocialaspectsofwork.Forawoman,therewaslimitedpoweroverherowndestinythehusband'soccupationandsocialstandingdefinedthewomansocially.Thewoman'sworkwassupposedtobeforthebenefitofthefamily,notforherself.Fortheman,workdefinedhimsociallyandeconomically.Womenwerefrequentlypreventedfromenteringtheworkforcebecausemenfearedthattheirentrywoulddecreasetheirownwages.Thesocialattitudesduringthisperiodconveyedtowomenthattheonlywaytoachievewomanlinesswastobearandnurturechildren.
Threefactorscontributedtotheentranceofwomenintotheworkforceby1940:demographicchanges,thewar,andtheincreaseinlaborforceparticipationofmarriedwomen(R.Marshall&Paulin,1987).Thedemographictrendinvolvedpopulationgrowthandaredistributionofwomeninvariousagecategories,increasingthenumberofworkingwomenbetween20and64yearsofage.In1870,marriedwomenmadeup15%ofthefemalelaborforce,whereasby1940,theproportionwas35.5%(R.Marshall&Paulin,1987).Whyweremoremarriedwomenenteringtheworkforcein1940?Thereasonsincludedmandatoryschoolingforyoungchildren,decreasingfertilityrates,andinadequacyofthemaleincometosustainthefamily(i.e.,theneedtohaveasecondincome).
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Interestingly,weseepreciselythesefactorscitedinthepopularpresstodayasexplanationsforcontinuedparticipationofwomenintheworkforce.
WiththeonsetofWorldWarII,womenincreasedtheirpresenceinsuchfieldsasteaching,nursing,andclothingmanufacture.Additionally,womenenteredlumbermills,autoandaircraftfactories,electricalandmunitionsindustries,andtelephoneoperation.However,women'sexperiencesinthesetraditionallymasculinejobsduringthewarweretransitory.Oncethewarwasover,womenreturnedtomorefemaledominatedwork(R.Marshall&Paulin,1987).Duringthispostwarperiod,occupationalsexsegregationwasonceagainprevalent.In1900,approximately90.2%ofworkingwomenworkedinonly25of252occupations.Fortyyearslater,notmuchhadchanged,for86.7%ofworkingwomenwereemployedintheseoccupations(Hooks,1947).Womenwereamajority(90%)inonly11of451occupationsin1940.
Althoughheldbackbyracialdiscrimination,Blackwomenandmenalsoenterednewoccupationsandindustriesduringthisperiod.However,aslateas1910,95%ofallBlackwomencontinuedtoworkinagricultureanddomesticandpersonalservice.Blackwomenenteredthelowerlevelsoftheworkhierarchy(e.g.,textile,clothing,andfoodindustriestobaccofactoriesandwoodproductmanufacture)asWhitewomenlefttraditionaljobsforbetteroccupationsduringthewar(R.Marshall&Paulin,1987).InthesamewaythatWhitewomenlostmanyoftheirgainstomenafterthewar,BlackwomenlostthesegainsasWhitewomenmovedbackintotheseprewaroccupations.
AsaresultofgreatchangesintechnologyduringWorldWarII,womenagainmadesignificantprogressinlaborforceparticipation,occupationalintegration,andearnings.From1940to1944,womenincreasedintheworkforcebyalmost50%,up6millionto20.6million(24.7%35%).In1944,thenumberofmarriedwomenintheworkforceexceededthenumberofsinglewomenforthefirsttime(44%vs.43%).Thegreatestincreaseofwomenoccurredinwarrelatedmanufacturing(R.Marshall&Paulin,1987).
BlackwomenalsomadesignificantgainsduringWorldWarII.Again,theyinitiallymovedintojobsatthelowerendoftheworkhierarchy(jobsleftbyWhitewomen)andthenfilteredintowarindustries.DuringthistimetherewasaparalleldecreaseinthepercentageofBlackwomeninfarming,domestics,personalservice,andsoforth.Thiswasatimeofmuchchangeandnumeroussocietalandlegalcontradictions.Forexample,whereasthemeninournationwerecalledontobepatrioticandtofightforfreedomandequality,womenwereshutoutofmanyoccupationsandindustriesinmanystates.Awomanwasnotallowedtomakepropertytransactionswithoutherhusband'sconsent,toenterintocontracts,orevenobtainlegalguardianshipofchildren.Further,Blackpeoplewere
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barredfromcertainrestaurantsandhotels.Economically,women(WhiteorBlack)werenotpaidthesamewagesinjobsheldbyWhitemales.
Duringthepostwarperiodofthe1960sto1970s,womenbecamepermanentparticipantsintheworkforce.Furthermore,duringthe1970s,marriedwomenparticipatedintheworkforceatratessimilartothoseofsingleanddivorcedwomen(Reskin&Padavic,1994).Throughacombinationofeconomic,social,andtechnicalchanges,womenmovedfromthemargintothemainstreamintermsofparticipation.Ratherthanbeingincidentalworkers,womenwereasignificantcoreoftheworkforce.By1985,menprovidedthesoleincomeinlessthan15%ofU.S.households.Historically,BlackandminoritywomenhavehadhigherparticipationratesintheworkforcethanWhitewomen.Whitewomentypicallyarepulledintotheworkforceduetolabormarketdemands(Iglehart,1979).Furthermore,traditionalsexrolenorms,especiallyregardingworkandgender(discussedinchapter3),cannotbegeneralizedfromoneracialgrouptoanother,asmanydonotholdforBlackwomen(King,1975).Whenwritersinthepopularpressdescribedthedramaticincreaseofwomenintheworkforceduringthe1980s,theyoftenwerereferringtothestatisticsonWhitewomen.Therewas,asTable1.1shows,adramaticincreaseintheparticipationofWhitewomeninpaidworkbetween1963and1998.AlthoughbothBlackwomen(4864%)andWhitewomen(3759%)showedsignificantinroadsintotheworkforcebetween1963and1998,BlackwomenhistoricallyshowgreaterlaborforceparticipationthanWhitewomen.By1998,79%ofmenand60%ofwomenparticipatedinthelaborforce.Furthermore,morethan75%ofwomen35to44yearsoldparticipatedinthelaborforce(Reskin&Padavic,1994).Figure1.1
Table1.1ProportionofMenandWomeninPaidWork
Men Women
Year Men Women White Black&Other White Black&Other
1963 81.4 38.3 81.5 80.2 37.7 48.1
1970 79.7 43.3 80.0 76.5 42.6 49.5
1980 77.4 51.5 78.2 70.6 51.2 53.2
990 76.4 57.5 77.1 71.0 57.4 58.3
1998 79.0 60.0 77.5 73.1 59.3 64.3
Note:19631976datafromU.S.WorkingWomen:ADatabook,U.S.DepartmentofLabor,BureauofLaborStatistics,1977,Washington,DC:U.S.GovernmentPrintingOffice.19771982datafromStatisticalAbstracts,U.S.DepartmentofCommerce,BureauoftheCensus,1991,1997,Washington,DC:U.SDepartmentofCommerce.1990datafromBulletin2307,U.S.BureauofLaborStatistics,1995,Washington,DC:U.S.GovernmentPrintingOffice.1998datafromTheEmploymentSituation,[online],1998,July2,available:stats.bls.gov.newrels.htms.
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Fig11.TrendsinUSlaborforceparticipationratesbysex,1890to1992DatafromUSBureauoftheCensus,1975,pp.131132USBureauoftheCensus,1992d,Table609U.SWomen'sBureau,1993,p.1Source:Reskin,BandPadavic,
1(1994).Womenandmenatwork.pp24,copyright1999byPineForgePress.ReprintedbypermissionofPineForgePress
showsmaleandfemaleparticipationratesintheU.S.workforcefrom1890to1992.Participationratesin1990ofmenandwomenfromaroundtheworldareshowninFig.1.2.
ModelforUnderstandingMenandWomeninaDiverseWorkforce
AframeworkoutlinedinTable1.2isproposedforexaminingsexandgenderissuesatwork.Theframeworkorganizesthematerialpresentedinthistextinthewaythatweseethelinkagesamongthechapters.Althoughthisframeworkisstraightforward,itconveysthenotionthatbehavioratworkiscomplexlydeterminedbybothpersonalandsituationalfactors,someofwhicharemoremutableormodifiablethanothers.The
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Fig.1.2.Percentageofeconomicallyactivewomenandmenages15andoverforselectedcountries,1990FromUnitedNations,1991,Table8,pp.104107.Source:Reskin,BandPadavic,I(1994).womenandmenatwork.pp.2828.copyright1999byPine
ForgePressReprintedbypermissionofPineForgePress.
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Table1.2FrameworkDepictingLinkagesAmongChaptersPresentedinThisBook
Context Processes IndividualandOrganizationalOutcomes
Stereotypes Discrimination/occupationalsegregation
(chapter3) (chapters7&8)
Culture Physicalattractiveness Sexualharassment
(chapter4) (chapter9)
Society Languageandcommunication Careermanagement
(chapter5) (chapter10)
Organization Powerandworkrelationships Leadership
(chapter6) (chapter11)
Stressandhealth
(chapter12)
bookdescribestopicsintermsofbothpersoncenteredandsituationcenteredexplanations,buttheemphasisvariesfromonechaptertothenext.Attributesoftheindividualareusedastheprimarycausesofoutcomeswhenpersoncenteredexplanationsareemployed.Theseindividualfactorscanincludeone'sphysicalattractiveness,thewayonespeaks,andhowfeminineormasculineoneappearstobe.Ontheotherhand,whencharacteristicsofthesituationareemployedasprimaryexplanatoryagents,thenamoresituationcenteredapproachistaken.
AsTable1.2suggests,thesocietyandcultureinwhichweliveandtheorganizationsinwhichweworkreflectthecontextorsituation,andthiscontextinfluencesseveralbasicprocessesthatinturninfluencebehaviorsandoutcomesintheworkplace.Examplesofbasicprocessesincludestereotypes(especiallymaleandfemalesexrolestereotypes),theeffectsofattractivenessonmenandwomeninorganizations,malefemalesimilaritiesanddifferencesintheuseoflanguageandincommunicationstyles,andmalefemalesimilaritiesanddifferencesinaccesstoanduseofpowerinorganizations.Thesebasicprocessvariablesinfluenceanumberoforganizationaloutcomes,includingdiscriminationandoccupationalsegregationintheworkplace,sexualharassment,malefemaledifferencesincareerdevelopment,theexerciseandtheeffectsofleadershipinorganizationalsettings,andstress.
StructureoftheBook
Theprincipalgoalofthisbookistointegrateresearchliteraturesongenderissuesthataffectworkplacebehaviorsandcommunicatethesefindingstoupperlevelundergraduateandgraduatestudentsinappliedpsychologyandbusiness.Currentsocialpsychologicalandmanagementtheoriesandempiricalresearchontheprocessesandbasicissuesrelated
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tosexandgenderinorganizationsarepresented.Thefirsttwochapterslaythegroundworkfordiscussingtherangeoftopicsinthisbook.Followingtheseintroductorychapters,thebookisorganizedintotwoparts.InPartI,thebasicsocialpsychologicalandsocietalelementsthatsetthestageformalefemaleinteractionsintheworkplacearepresented.Researchonsocialstereotypesofwomenandmenisreviewedinchapter3.Thischapterconsiderstheinfluenceofsuchstereotypesonone'ssenseofselfandonothers'expectationsandbehaviors.Chapter4coverstheempiricalliteratureonattractiveness,akeyphysicalcharacteristicthataffectsbothmen'sandwomen'sbehaviorsandinteractions.Thisalsoconsidersthelinksbetweenattractivenessandinterpersonalrelationshipsandonefacetofsexualityromanceintheworkplace.Inchapter5,similaritiesanddifferencesinwomen'sandmen'suseoflanguageandcommunicationintheworkplacearepresented.Becauseoralcommunicationisabasicchannelforconveyinginformation,differencesbetweenmenandwomeninstylesorcontentofcommunicationmayleadtomisperceptions,misunderstanding,andperpetuationofcounterproductivestereotypesandattitudesintheworkplace.ThefinalchapterinPartI(chapter6)examinesresearchonpowerintheworkplace,includingvariousbasesofpowerandperceptionsandreactionsbyotherstotheexerciseofpowerbywomenandmen.
PartIIfocusesonworkrelateddomainswheretheprocessesdescribedinPartIarelikelytoaffectworkbehavior.Inchapter7,psychologicalexplanationsunderlyingdiscriminationatworkarediscussed.Researchonoccupationalsegregationandgenderdiscriminationisreviewed,anddifferentexplanationsfordiscriminationarecompared.Chapter8presentslegalissuesandlawsprotectingthestatusofwomenandmenintheworkplace.Chapter9presentspsychologicalresearchandtheorydealingwithsexualharassmentintheworkplace.Ourexaminationofsexualharassmentpaysparticularattentiontotheconditionsunderwhichitismorelikelytooccuranditseffectsonwomenandmen.
Oneofthemostcriticalissuestoemergefromchangingpatternsofwomen'semploymentistheneedforbothmenandwomentobalanceworkandfamily.Thecareerdevelopmentcycleisdescribedinchapter10aswellassomeuniquefactorsthatinfluenceandshapewomen'scareers.Inaddition,suchissuesasmentoring,pregnancyandchildcare,anddualcareerissuesarediscussedastheyimpactcareerexperiencesofwomenandmen.Inchapter11,thediscussionturnstoleadership.Therehasbeenmuchpopularliteratureontheneedfornewleadershipstylesthatwillbeeffectiveforanincreasinglydiverseworkforce.Researchonmaleandfemaleleadershipbehaviorsisreviewedinchapter11,withspecialemphasisonstudiesexamininggendercomparisonsinleaderstyles,decisionmaking,andglassceilingeffects.Chapter12examines
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stressandhealthrelatedfactorsthataffectmaleandfemaleworkers,includingstressresearchconductedusingbiologicalandpsychologicalperspectives.
Thefinalchapterofthebook(chapter13)examineswhatorganizationsandindividualscandototurndiversityfromaproblemintoanopportunity,enhancingtheresponsivenessoftheworkplacetoindividualdifferences,andwaysinwhichorganizationscanenhancetheproductivityandsatisfactionofalltheirmembers.
Summary
Althoughwomenandmenhavealwaysengagedinpurposefulactivity,thesetofactivitiesthatmanypeopleconsiderworkoremploymentisnotalwaysclear.Historically,menandwomenworkedsidebysidetogetherinthefields.Today,however,adistinctionismadebetweenpaid,publicworkexternaltothefamilyandunpaid,privateworkinthehome.Eachofthesespheresofworkhascometobesextyped,withpaidworkbeingviewedbymanyasthedomainofmalesandunpaidworkinthehomethedomainoffemales.Theseperceptionsarechangingbutarestilldeepseatedinmanyrespects.
Historically,menandwomenhavehadverydifferentexperiencesofwork.Menhaveeithersecuredgoodsorworkedexternaltothefamilyunit,whereaswomenoftenhaveworkedmoreintegrallyaspartofthatunit.Beginningwithindustrializationandcontinuingtotheworkplacetoday,men'sandwomen'sexperiencesofworkhavevariedsignificantly,largelyduetothecontinuingsexsegregationofoccupations.However,withtheonsetoftwoworldwars,bothBlackandWhitewomensteadilyincreasedtheirnumbersintheexternal,paidworkforce.Duringthe1990s,themajorityofbothmenandwomen,BlackandWhite,wereemployedoutsideofthefamilyunit.
Withtheinfluxofwomenintotheworkforceduringthelast20years,therehasbeenincreasedattentiontocomparisonsbetweenmenandwomenonanumberofworkrelatedattributesandbehaviors.Thisbookisdesignedtointegrateresearchfromanumberoffieldstoprovidemultipleperspectivesontheissuesfacingmenandwomenintoday'sworkplace.Theformatofthisbookisguidedbyamultilevelmodeloffactorsthatshapeandinfluencetherelationshipsandbehaviorsamongmenandwomenatwork.Keyfactorsthatprovidethefoundationformalefemale,malemale,andfemalefemaleinteractionsatworkarediscussedinchapters3through6(genderstereotyping,physicalattractivenessandinterpersonalrelations,languageandcommunication,andpowerrelations).These
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factorsarecriticalinunderstandinghowmenandwomenbehaveandcomparetoeachotherintermsofmoretraditionalandworkrelatedconcernssuchassexualharassment,workplacediscrimination,leadership,careersanddualcareerissues,andworkstressandhealth,topicsthatareaddressedinchapters7through13.
Glossary
Employment:Activitiesortasksthatoneengagesinforpay.
Humanresourcemanagement:Sectionwithinanorganizationwhosefunctionistoattractandselectqualifiedjobapplicants,developperformancemanagementandcompensationsystemsthatalignemployeebehaviorswithorganizationalgoals,andassistinthedevelopmentandretentionofadiverseworkforcetomeetcurrentandfutureorganizationalrequirements.
Occupationalsexsegregation:Theconcentrationofwomeninoccupationsthatarepredominantlyfemaleandtheconcentrationofmeninoccupationsthatarelargelymale.
Personcenteredexplanations:Explanationsthatuseattributesoftheindividualastheprimarycausesofimportantoutcomesordifferences.
Situationcenteredexplanations:Explanationsthatusecharacteristicsofthesituationasprimaryexplanatoryagentsofsimilaritiesordifferencesinimportantbehaviorsandoutcomes.
Work:Purposefulactivity,usuallyforpay,gain,ormaintenance.
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2UnderstandingMen'sandWomen'sExperiencesintheWorkplace:MethodsandTheoreticalPerspectives
I.Men'sandWomen'sExperiencesofWork
A.ApproachestoUnderstandingSexandGenderComparisons
1.BiologicalModels
2.SocializationModels
3.SocialStructural/CulturalModelsofGender
B.Connotationsof''SexDifferences"and"GenderDifferences"
C.ConsiderationsintheConductofResearchonSexandGender
1.TheoreticalParadigms
2.BiasesintheStagesofResearch
3.EvolutionofResearchonGenderComparisons
II.UnderstandingSexualityinOrganizations
III.Summary
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Beforeweexamineresearchandtheoryonthewaysmenandwomendealwith,progressin,andinteractintheworkplace,itisusefultostepbackandexaminethewayswetalkabout,thinkabout,andwriteaboutsex,gender,andsexuality.Someauthorswouldhaveusbelievemenandwomenaresofundamentallydifferentthattheymightaswellinhabitdifferentplanets(e.g.,MenAreFromMars,WomenAreFromVenusbyGray,1992),whereasotherssuggestthattherearenorealdifferencesandthatwhatweseeasessentialdifferencesinthebehaviorsofmenandwomenareinfactnothingmorethansocialconventions.Theoryandresearchonsex,gender,andsexualityaregreatlycomplicatedbythenumberofperspectivesonhowweshouldviewwhethermenandwomenaresimilarordifferentandhowweshouldintegrateresearchonsimilaritiesanddifferencesatonelevel(e.g.,adultmenandwomenshowsimilarlevelsofverbalability)withsimilaritiesanddifferencesatanother(e.g.,regardlessofoccupation,womenaremorelikelythanmentotakegreaterresponsibilityforchildcare).
Men'sandWomen'sExperiencesofWork
Inrecentyears,theinfluxofwomenintotheworkforceingeneral,andintonontraditionaloccupationsinparticular,hasledtoincreasedattentioninthepopularmedia.Oneresultoftherecentprofusionofbooks,magazinearticles,andnewspaperstoriesdealingwiththesetopicsisanincreasinglevelofconfusionaboutwhetherthereare,infact,sexorgenderdifferencesbetweenwomenandmenoriftherearesuchdifferences,inwhatways(i.e.,personality,skills,leadership,intelligence,etc.)menandwomendiffer,howmuchtheydiffer,andwhetherthedifferencesreallymeananything.Althoughitwouldbeconvenienttoplacemuchofthisconfusiononthedoorstepofthemedia,theresponsibilitycanbeequallysharedbothbythescientificcommunityandbythemediainattemptingtointerpretresearchfindings,andcommunicatethemtothepublic.
Thereareatleastthreesourcesofconfusioninunderstandingandinterpretingresearchfindingscomparingmenandwomen:
1.Theapproaches,theories,orexplanationsforobservedorunobserveddifferencesbetweenwomenandmen.
2.Thetermsusedtodescribesuchcomparisons(i.e.,sexorgenderdifferences).
3.Researchbiasesassociatedwithcomparingmenandwomenatworkandinothersettings.
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Thesethreesourcesofconfusionarenotcompletelyindependentfromeithertheresearcherinvestigatinggendercomparisonsorthestudentlearningaboutthem.Forexample,anindividualmaybelieve,aspartofhisorhervaluesystem,thatmenandwomendodiffersubstantiallyfromeachotherbecause,"Gee,justlookatthem.Theylookdifferent,sotheirbiologicalmakeupmustbedifferent."Giventhisbeliefaboutthesourceofdifferencesbetweenmenandwomen,anindividualmayusewordsorlanguagesthatconnotesorimpliesthatalldifferencesbetweenmenandwomenarebiologicalandperhapsimmutable.
Bothone'sbeliefsaboutexplanationsforobservedgenderdifferencesandthewordsoneusestoreinforcethosebeliefsinfluenceand,perhapstosomeextent,determinetheinformationthatboththeresearcherandthestudentgatherabouttheactualbehaviorofmenandwomen.Forexample,ifaresearcherbelievedthatalldifferencesbetweenwomenandmenweretheresultofanunfaireducationalsystemandadiscriminatoryworkenvironment,thenprogramscouldbedesignedandimplementedattheearlyschoolagelevelaswellaswithinorganizationstocombatsuchbehavior.Ontheotherhand,ifaresearcherbelievedthatmaleandfemalebehaviorwasbiologicallydetermined,therewouldbelittleincentivetodesignorimplementsuchprograms.Eachofthesethreesourcesofconfusioninunderstandinggendercomparisonsisdiscussednext.Inaddition,thenotionofsexualityinorganizationsisaddressedasamuchignoredissueintheorganizationalresearchliterature.
ApproachestoUnderstandingSexandGenderComparisons
Numeroustheoriesandmodelsexisttoexplainhowsexandgenderrelatedbehaviorsemergeorareacquired(Deaux&Major,1987).Theseapproachescanbegroupedintothreemajorcategories:biological,socialization,andstructuralculturalmodels.Theseperspectivesarenotmutuallyexclusive.AsTable2.1indicates,eachperspectivemakescertainassumptionsaboutthebasesandchangeabilityofdifferentbehaviorsamongmenandwomen.
BiologicalModels
Thefocusofthebiologicalmodelsofsexandgenderrelatedbehavioristoidentifygenetic,hormonal,andphysicalfactorsthatdeterminethebehaviorofmenandwomen(e.g.,E.O.Wilson,1975).Fewpeopledoubtthatbiologicaldifferencesbetweenmenandwomeninfluencebehavioratleasttosomedegree.However,thereisdisagreementbothamongexpertsinthisfieldandamongthepublicastothedegreetowhichourbehavior,especiallysocialbehavior,isdeterminedbyoursex.Twoassumptionsofthebiologicalapproachesare
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Table2.1KeyFeaturesofthePerspectivesforUnderstandingSexandGenderComparisons
PerspectiveKeyFeatures
Biological Implicitlyassumesexistingdifferencesbetweenwomenandmen.
Differencesareduetogenetic,hormonal,andphysicalfactors.
Differencesareimmutable.
Differencesarenecessaryforsurvival.
Researchgoalistoreinforcedetectingdifferencesbetweenmenandwomen.
Drawbackisthatdifferencesmaybeexaggerated.
Socialization Acknowledgesobserveddifferencesbetweenmenandwomen.
Assumesthatmenandwomenbehavedifferentlyasaresultoflearning.
Differencesobservedarenotimmutableandaresubjecttochange.
Differencesemergeaspartofsocialandcognitivedevelopmentprocess.
Researchfocusisondescribingwayschildrenandadultslearngenderidentityandsocialrulesthatcontributetoobserveddifferences.
Drawbackisthatsmall,systematicbiologicalvariationsamongmenandwomenmightbeignored.
Structural/cultural Assumesfewinherentdifferencesbetweenmenandwomen.
Differencesobservedaretheresultofsocialstructuresandsystemsthatreinforcesuchdifferencestoreinforcecurrentpowerhierarchy
Differencesarechangeable.
Differencesexisttokeepthepowerfulincontrolandthepowerlesswithoutpower.
Researchfocusisonidentifyingsimilarityorsamenessbetweenmenandwomeninsimilaroridenticalcontexts.
Drawbackispotentialtoignoresmallyetrealindividualvariationamongmenandwomen.
thatdifferencesexistbetweenmenandwomen,andthatmalenessandfemalenessaregivencharacteristicsoftheindividualthatprovidethefoundationfordifferencesinsocialbehavior(Hess&Ferree,1987).
Usingthebiologicalapproach,researcherstendtoexpect,lookfor,andconfirmdifferencesbetweenmenandwomenandtousethesedifferencestoexplainmalesuperiorityanddominancebyimplyingthatsuchdifferencesare"large,sociallysignificantandconsistentlyfavormen"(Hess&Ferree,1987,p.14).Forexample,earlyresearchonthetopicofintelligencefocusedonidentifyingdifferencesbetweenmenandwomeninintellectualfunction.Thepopularargumentwasthatbrainsizewasadirectindicatorofintelligencetherefore,women,whoonaveragehavesmallerbrains,mustbelessintelligentthanmen(Hyde,1990).Althoughactualevidenceofthiswasmixed,researchers"refining"thislogicthenhypothesizedthatvariousfunctionsofthebrainwerelocatedindifferentregions.Itwasfurtherbelievedatthistimethatthefrontallobesofthebrainwerethelocationofthehighestmentalabilitiesnotsurprisingly,
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researchersclaimedthatmenhadlargerfrontallobesthanwomen.Whenempiricaldataonceagainfailedtosupportthisclaim,researchersreconsideredandassertedthattheparietallobeswerethesiteofintelligence.Onceagain,becausewomenpossessedsmallerparietallobesthanmen,theywerethereforedeemedlessintelligent(Shields,1975Unger&Crawford,1992).In1910,areviewofthepsychologicalresearchongenderdifferencesinintelligencefoundnosupportfortheargumentthatbrainsizewasanindicatorofintelligence.Furthermore,researchinthisareawasfoundtobeflawedandtoreflect"flagrantpersonalbias...andunfoundedassertions"(Woolley,1910,p.340).Aftercorrectingforbodysize,theresimplyisnosignificantdifferencebetweenthebrainsizesofwomenandmen(Gould,1981Unger&Crawford,1992).
Thereareatleasttwovariationsofthebiologicalapproachtoexplainingdifferencesamongmenandwomen.Functionalism(Lips,1988Shields,1975)involvesunderstandinghowanimalbehaviorsandmentalprocessesarefunctionalforsurvival.Itisassumedthatmenandwomenhavedifferentandcomplementaryfunctionstoensuresurvivalandthattheyhaveeachevolvedinwaysthataddressthesedifferentfunctions(Lips,1988).Forexample,accordingtofunctionalism,womenarenaturallymorenurturantthanmenandmenarenaturallymoreaggressivethanwomen,tofacilitatehumansurvivalthroughchildrearingandprovidingfoodandshelter.Althoughfunctionalismisseductively(nopunintended)simple,thereislittleevidencesupportingitsassumptions.
Asecondbiologicalperspectivethathasemergedrecentlyisknownassociobiology.Accordingtothisapproach,menandwomenhaveevolveddifferentmethodsofsexualselectionandreproductiontoensurethesurvivaloftheirowngenes(Lips,1988).Thatis,itisbelievedthatmenhaveaninnatetendencytotrytoreproducetheirowngeneswithasmanywomenaspossible.Women,ontheotherhand,tendtobemoreselectiveandattempttochooseonlythebestmalesforreproductionbecausewomencommitmoretimeandenergytoreproduction(i.e.,bearingandnurturingthechild).Sociobiologistsstatethatoursocialbehaviorsandcharacteristicsaregeneticallybased,whichmakessocialpatternsofbehaviorpredeterminedor"wiredin."WhereasDarwinwasconcernedwithsurvivalofthefittestwithrespecttophysicalcharacteristics,sociobiologistsareconcernedwiththegeneticbasesofsocialbehavior.Therefore,thetheoryimpliesthatsocialbehaviorssuchaswar,rape,andracismarelargelyinevitableandthatfundamentalchangesinthesocialbehaviorsofmenandwomenareunlikely(Lips,1988).Scientificopponentsofthispositionemphasizethreethemes:
1.Completelackofevidencethatspecificsocialbehaviorsarelinkedtogivengenesorsubgroupsofgenes.
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2.Useofcircularlogicifabehaviorcontinuesacrossgenerations,itisgeneticandbecauseitisgenetic,thebehaviorwillpersist.
3.Selectiveinclusionoromissionofdatabasedonanimalresearchtosupportclaimsforthegeneticbasesofhumanbehavior(Lips,1988).
Onecontributionofthebiologicaldeterministsistheirrecognitionthatmenandwomenarenotbiologicallyalikeandthattheremaybelinksbetweenourbodies,ourminds,andourbehaviors.However,biologicaldeterministserroneouslyinferthatbiologicaldifferencesbetweenmenandwomenpredictspecificactionsorbehaviors.Experience,learning,andculturalstructuresinoursocietycanaffectandmaydominatetheinfluenceofbiologicalfactorsonourbehavior.Forexample,peopleinterpretandlabelbodilychangesconsistentwithculturalandsocialnormsandthecuesprovidedintheimmediatesocialcontext(Averill,1982Mandler,1984Tavris&Wade,1984).Furthermore,whenpeoplebelievethatatraitissexlinked,thebiologicalapproachsuggeststhatallmembersofonesexandnoneoftheothersexpossessit.Thiscertainlyisnottrue.Finally,becausewetendtobecomeimmersedinourownviewpoint(Tavris&Wade,1984),biologicalresearchersmayexaggeratesexdifferencesorassumesexdifferencesinareaswheretheyhavenotbeendocumented.Theremayalsobeatendencytoinferinappropriatelyfromresearchonbraincellstocomplexsocialandbehavioraldifferences.
SocializationModels
Thesocializationmodelssuggestthatgenderidentityanddifferencesbetweenwomenandmenareacquiredbyhowwepassthroughvariousdevelopmentalstages.Sexdifferencesingenderidentityandrolesresultfromalearningprocessthatinvolvesmodeling,imitation,andreinforcement.Forexample,knowledgeofgenderstereotypesincreasesbetweenpreschoolandcollege(DelBoca&Ashmore,1980),andsamesexmodelingalsoincreasesduringthesameperiod(Bussey&Bandura,1984)withboyswatchingotherboysandmentolearnacceptablebehaviorandgirlsobservingothergirlsandwomen.Thelearningprocessmaybemorecomplexthansimplymodelingandimitation,however.Thereisevidencethatchildrenareactiveparticipantsinlearningandactivelystrivetounderstandsocialrulesandtobeviewedassociallycompetent.However,genderroleexpectationscannotbelearneduntilthechildhasreachedaspecificstageofintellectualdevelopment.Oncethechildhaslearnedtocategorizehimorherselfasmaleorfemale,thegendercategorywillbeusedtorecognize,organize,andattachvaluetootherbehaviors.Thechildactivelysearchesforcuesregardingcompetentandcorrectbehaviorratherthanbeingapassiverecipientinthelearningprocess(Lips,1988).
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Thesocializationmodelshavereceivedempiricalsupport(Bussey&Bandura,1984Bussey&Perry,1982Coker,1984DelBoca&Ashmore,1980Leahy&Shirk,1984Reis&Wright,1982)althoughsomeresearchfindingsaremixed(Bussey&Bandura,1984C.L.Martin&Halverson,1983O'Keefe&Hyde,1983).Twoexamplesofthisapproach,sociallearningandcognitivedevelopmenttheories,focusmoreonhowgendersimilaritiesanddifferencesoccurratherthanonwhysuchdifferencesoccur(Lips,1988).Foramoredetaileddiscussionoftheseapproaches,refertoLips(1988).Onecontributionofthesocializationmodelsistheviewthatbehaviorsamongwomenandmencananddochange.Furthermore,thisapproachsuggeststhatlearningatvariousdevelopmentalstagesmaybeonemethodforimplementingoraffectingbehaviorchangeamongmenandwomen.
SocialStructuralCulturalModelsofGender
Biologists,physiologists,andpsychophysiologistshavebeenthesourceofbiologicaltheoriesofsexandgender,whereassociallearningandsocializationtheorieshavebeenpopularamongpsychologists.Thesocialstructuralapproach,whichisgainingacceptanceinpsychology,haslongbeenpopularamongsociologistsandanthropologists(Lips,1988).Thisapproachfocusesonthesocialstructure,systems,andarrangementsthatdefineandsupportgenderdifferencesandonthereasonswhyoursocietysupportslittleboysandgirlslearningthesemessages(Lips,1988).Thefeaturesofsocialstructurethathavebeenexaminedoftenarepowerandstatusdifferencesbetweenmenandwomen(Gitter,Black,&Mostofsky,1972Henley,1972Kanter,1975,1977aWeitz,1976)andthedivisionoflaborreflectingmen'sworkandwomen'swork(W.T.Bielby&Baron,1984Nieva&Gutek,1981bWalby,1986).
Accordingtothisperspective,numerousinstitutions(e.g.,educational,political,military,andreligious,amongothers)havetraditionalwaysofperformingtheirfunctions.Thesetraditionshavebecomeinstitutionalizedasthecorrectorfightwaystooperate(LipmenBlumen,1984).Societalmembers,includingthosewhoacquiredandmaintainpowerthroughthesetraditionsandthosewhoarerenderedpowerlessthroughsuchtraditions,cometoacceptthemasnatural(Cleveland&Kerst,1993Lips,1991).Thenaturalappearanceofsocietalsystemsisasourceofinstitutionalizedorsocietalpowerthathelpstokeepthepowerfulinpowerandthepowerlessdocile.Structuralorinstitutionalpowerappearssonaturalthatitisdifficultforeitherthepowerfulorthepowerlesstoquestionit.Thereisevidencethatitisparticularlydifficultforwomentoseetheirpowerlessnessatworkbecausetheyfrequentlyjoinmorepowerfulmeninothersexgendersystemsincludingmarriageandchildbearing(LipmenBlumen,1984).Thatis,especiallyWhitewomenmayhavedifficultyseeing
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theirpowerlessnessbecausetheyarenotseparateorsegregatedfromthemorepowerfulgroup.Becausethesewomenderivesomeadvantagefrommorepowerfulmales,itisdifficulttoidentifytheirownweakness.
Ontheotherhand,whenthelesspowerfulliveapartfromthepowerful(e.g.,racialsegregation),thereisincreasedawarenessofpowerimbalances(LipmenBlumen,1984).Poweristhe"infrastructure"ofthesexgendersystem.Genderrolesprovidethebasisforallotherpowerrelationsincludingpowerrelationsbetweengenerations,socioeconomicclasses,andreligious,racial,andethnicgroups(LipmenBlumen,1984).Therefore,reinforcementandsupportforgenderrolesareveryimportantformaintainingthestatusquoandimpedingrealchange.
Asecondwaytheculturalstructuralapproachhasbeenappliedtocomparisonsbetweenmenandwomenistoinvestigatethesexstructureandsegregationofmenandwomeninworkactivitiespaidandunpaid,internalandexternaltothehome.Thislineofresearchisnotcompletelyindependentoftheresearchonpower.Forexample,Kanter(1977a)andothers(Eagly,1983Ragins&Sundstrom,1989)foundthatthestructureofjobsinorganizationsaffectsone'sabilitytoexercisepowerandinfluence.Womenaremorelikelytooccupyjobsthatlackpowerand,therefore,findlittleopportunitytoexerciseit.Thereisevidencethatwomenarealsoexcludedfrominformalpowerandopportunitystructureswithinorganizations(Kanter,1977a).Thewaysinwhichwomenaretreatedinorganizationsperpetuatethisstructuralsegregation.Forexample,althoughthereislittleevidenceofgenderbiasinperformanceappraisalbasedonpastperformance,thereisconsistentbiasinselection,promotion,andperceivedcausesofperformancethatfavorsmen(Cleveland&Kerst,1993Nieva&Gutek,1981a).Furthermore,womenfinditdifficulttogainpowerbyeitherpersonalstrategies(e.g.,beingassertiveorhavingcontroloverrewards)orbystructuralones(e.g.,beinginapositiontosecurevaluedorganizationalinformation).Personalpowercannotovercomestructuralbarriers(H.L.Smith&Grenier,1982).Forexample,althoughawomanpersonallycanbeassertiveandhavecontrolovertheallocationsofrewards,shewillremainlesspowerfulifsheoccupiesapositionoroccupationthatisnotvitaltoorganizationalsurvivalorishousedwithinadepartmentthatisnotcentraltotheorganization'smission(Kanter,1977aRagins&Sundstrom,1989V.E.Schein,1977).
Sexsegregationinmostoccupationshasbeenresistanttochange(Colwill,1982).Giventhepercentageofwomenwhowouldberequiredtochangejobsinordertobalancetheproportionofmenandwomeninoccupationswithintheworkplace(F.D.Blau,1978),therewaslittlechangebetween1900and1970.Althoughwomenhavebeenenteringprofessionalschoolsinincreasingnumberssince1970,estimatessuggestthatitwouldtake100yearsatthecurrentrateofchangebeforewomen'srepresentation
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inmanagerialjobsequalstheirrepresentationinthejobmarket(Colwill,1982).Thehighestpercentagesofemployedwomenaresecretaries,nurses,teachers,andsocialworkerstheyarealsomarried.Furthermore,increasesinfemaleemploymentmayreinforceandexacerbatesexsegregationofjobsbecausemostwomencontinuetoenterservicepositionsthatentailnurturingandcaretakingorpositionsthatrequirephysicalbeauty(Colwill,1982Prather,1971).Jobsegregationbysexprovidesthebasisandjustificationforlowerwagesforwomen(Hartmann,1979).Furthermore,itisaprimarymeansbywhichoursocietymaintainsmen'spoweroverwomen.Occupationalsegregationwillbediscussedinrelationtoworkplacediscriminationinchapter7.
ImplicationsofSexSegregationofWork
Sexsegregationofworkhasimplications,beyondwomen'sandmen'semployment,forsocialization,educationalaspirations,discrimination,andorganizationstructure(Colwill,1982).Socializationdoesnotendonceoneleaveschildhoodandenterstheworkforce.Womenaresociallyreinforcedforabilitiesnecessaryforcaretakingjobs,abilitiesthatareseenasnaturalforwomen.Menatworkarealsoreinforcedforsuchstereotypicalabilitiesortraitsasassertiveness,leadership,andstrength.Beyondthesesocialrewards,organizationseconomicallyrewardandreinforcedisplaysofsexorgenderrolesandbehaviorsthatperpetuatethesegregationofwork.Sexsegregationofoccupationscontributestodifferenteducationalandtrainingaspirationsamongyounggirlsandboys.Girlslearnearlytoavoidhighprestigejobs,whereasboysprefersuchoccupations.Thesepreferencesmaypromptboysandgirlstoseekdifferenttrainingandeducationconsistentwiththeirsexroles(Barnett,1975Colwill,1982).Sexsegregationofoccupationsprovidesthefoundationforsexbaseddiscriminationinatleasttwoways:accesstojobs(e.g.,refusingtohireindividualsforspecificpositionsonthebasisofsex,ordiscriminatoryrecruiting),andpreferentialtreatmentonthejobwithrespecttopayorpromotion(Levitin,Quinn,&Staines,1971).Finally,organizationalstructuresreflectthestructureoftheU.S.societyandshapewomen'sandmen'sbehaviors(Colwill,1982).Thatis,thestructureoforganizations(includingoccupationalstructures)andsocietyprovidesdifferentialopportunitiesandresourcestomenandwomen,whichdifferentiallyinfluencetheiraspirations,ambitions,andcommitmenttowork,whichinturnperpetuatesgenderdifferencesandreinforcessocietalexpectationsofmaleandfemalebehavioratwork.Occupationalsexsegregationisdiscussedintermsoflinkstodiscriminationintheworkplaceinchapter6.
Proponentsofthestructuralapproachmaintainthattoomuchattentionhasbeengiventoidentifyingdifferencesbetweenmenandwomenandexplainingthoseobserveddifferencesasgeneticallybased,immutableto
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culturalinfluences.Structuralproponentspointtoresearchevidencethatsocialtrainingcanovercometraditionalsextypingandtopsychologicalandphysiologicaldatashowingasignificantoverlapbetweenmenandwomenonsexlinkedtraitsthatmaybemoreimportantthantheaveragedifferencesbetweenthem(Maccoby&Jacklin,1974).Forexample,someresearchershavefoundthat40%ofwomenmayshowgreaterassertivenessthanmales,whereasasimilarpercentageofmenexhibitmoreinterdependence(ordependenceonothers)thanfemales(McCleland,1975).However,theseresearchfindingstendtobeignoredinboththescientificandpopularpress(LipmenBlumen,1984).
Connotationsof"SexDifferences"and"GenderDifferences"
Thedebatesinthemediaovertheuseoftermssuchasgenderversussex,comparisonsversusdifferences,mayseemlikesplittinghairs.However,anumberofimportantissuesareinvolvedinthechoiceoftermsandinthespecificlanguageusedtodescribetheissuesfacedbybothwomenandmeninwhatwasoncetheexclusivedomainofthemale,thatis,theworldofpaidwork.Specifically,thetermsexisdefinedbybiologicaldifferencesingeneticcompositionandreproductiveanatomyandfunction(Unger&Crawford,1992).Thetermgenderreflectsasociety'sorculture'sinterpretationsoforconstructionsbasedonthecharacteristicsassociatedwithbiologicalsex.Biologicalsexservesasaphysicalcuetobegintheprocessofsocializingahumanbeingintomaleorfemalebeginningatbirthbasedontheappearanceoftheinfant'sgenitals.
Althoughgenderandsexareoftenusedinterchangeably(aswellasgenderdifferencesandsexdifferences),expertsonresearchonmenandwomen(e.g.,Unger,1979)recommendedthatsexbedistinguishedfromgenderinresearchfortworeasons.First,byusingtheminterchangeably,onecaneasilyslipintobelievingthatdifferencesintraitsbetweenmenandwomenarebiologicallydeterminedandimmutablewhensuchtraitsorbehavioraldifferencesmaybeattributabletosocietyorculture.Second,bykeepingthemdistinct,wearebetterabletorememberthathumanbehaviorisdeterminedincomplexways.Biologicalapproachestendtodescribeobserveddifferencesas"sexdifferences,"implyinggenetic,immutabledifferences,whereassocializationandsocialstructural/culturalmodelsrefertosuchobservationsas"genderdifferences,"implyingtheyarenotimmutablebutaresociallydetermined.
Thetermgenderiscomplexandcanbereflectedatthreelevels:individual,interpersonal,andsocietal(Unger&Crawford,1992).Attheindividuallevel,genderreferstothenotionsofmasculinityandfemininity.Wehavecometoassociatecertaincharacteristicsandbehaviorswithmen
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andwomenandassumetheyareappropriatetoeachsex.Furthermore,genderisassumedtobedichotomousanindividualiseithermasculineorfeminine,butnotboth.Genderattheindividuallevelreflectsaformofstereotyping.Forexample,itisdifficultformostpeopletobelievethatapersoncouldhavetwooppositetraits(e.g.,becompetitiveandnurturing).Ontheotherhand,theconceptofandrogynysuggeststhatmenandwomencanpossessseeminglyoppositetraits(e.g.,bothmasculineandfemininecharacteristicsBem,1979).Attheinterpersonallevel,genderinformsushowtobehaveproperlyininteractionswithothers.Oftenwhenmenandwomenbehaveidentically,theirbehaviorsareinterpretedverydifferently.Thesamebehaviorbyawomanandamanmayelicitverydifferentreactionsbyothers,reactionsthatmaydifferentiallyinhibitorenhancesubsequentbehaviorsbythemanorwoman.Thatis,others'reactionsmayreinforceandtherebyincreasetheoccurrenceofcertainbehaviorsormaydiscourageandtherebyeliminatethebehavior.Atthesocietalandstructurallevel,gendercanserveasasystemofpowerrelationsinthatitreflectsasystemofsocialclassificationorstatus.Assuch,genderinfluencesone'saccesstopowerandresources(Unger&Crawford,1992).Forexample,variousworktaskshavecometobeknownas''men'swork"or"women'swork."Thevalue,prestige,andeconomicrewardsassociatedwiththesegenderedtasksvarydramaticallywithmen'sworkmoreoftenlinkedwithgreaterpowerandfinancialrewards.
Notonlyisitimportanttoarticulateclearlytheunderlyingdistinctionsbetweensexandgender,itiscriticaltonote(andkeepinmindthroughoutthisbook)thedramaticindividualdifferencesthatcharacterizemen'sandwomen'sbehaviors.Simplyput,menarediverseanddifferonawidevarietyofphysical,mental,andemotionalcharacteristicswomenareequallydiverse.Weoftenneglectorforgetthisdiversitywithingroupsofpeople.Forexample,inoursociety,weoftenhavespokespersonsforthe"women'sview"orforthe"Blackcommunityview,"apracticethatminimizestherealityofdiversitywithinthesegroups.Yetthererarelyisonlyonespokespersonrepresentingthediverseviewsfoundinthemajoritygroup.
ConsiderationsintheConductofResearchonSexandGender
Inthissection,wediscusstheassumptionsofscientificparadigmsusedinpsychologicalandsociologicalresearchandhowourorientationstoresearchandtheworldcaninfluenceeachphaseofthescientificprocess.Thesephasesincludeproblemidentification,formulationofresearchquestions,researchdesign,analysisofresults,andinterpretationoffindings.
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Manystudentsandresearchersareunawareofhowtheirownbeliefsandvaluesaffecttheirperceptions,theproblemstheyselecttoinvestigate,andtheresearchmethodstheyemploy(Unger,1983).
TheoreticalParadigms
Logicalpositivism(Wittig,1985),orthepositivistempiricistmodel,isimportanttopsychologyandmanagementbecauseitguidesmostoftheresearchintheirfields.Logicalpositivismassumesthatscientificfactsexist,thatthescientist'sjobistouncoverthosetruefacts,andthattheprocessoffactfindingisvalueneutral(Unger,1983Wittig,1985).Thisapproachfocusesonanalyzingobservablebehaviorssothatexperimenters'ownbeliefsarenotimposedontheprocess.Thatis,whatwestudyandhowwestudyitareassumedtobeindependent.However,thisassumptionofobjectivitymaybeinaccurateandmayleadtofaultyconclusions.Forexample,animalandhumanbehaviorsareoftenstudiedinlaboratorieseventhoughthispracticeremovessubjectsfromtheirnaturalsurroundingsandreducesorignoresthehistoricalcontextsoftheirbehaviors.Psychologistsandresearcherswhodenythatperceptionsoftheworlddependontheobserver'sviewpointmayalsobeunable(orunwilling)toassesstheirimpactontheirownresearch(Unger,1983).Furthermore,psychologicaltrainingleadsustolookwithinthepersonforexplanationsofsocialproblemsratherthanequallyconsideringsituationalfactors.Forexample,only16%ofthestudiesdealingwithBlackAmericansthatappearedinsixissuesofthe1970PsychologicalAbstractslookedatsituationalvariablesaspossiblecausalfactorsofbehaviors,andnostudyexaminedbothsituationalvariablesandpersonalfactorssimultaneously(N.Caplan&Nelson,1973Unger,1983).Accordingtosome,thetendencytoexplainbehaviorfromapersonorientedperspectiveisstrongeramongpsychologiststhanamongthegeneralpublic(R.L.Kahn,1972).
Althoughnotasoftenembraced,(Wittig,1985),thereareothertheoreticalperspectivesonresearchinpsychology.Subjectiverelativismassumesthatfactfinding,analysis,andconclusionsaresubjectiveinscientificresearch.Thus,itisassertedthatresearchersarequitecapableofvalidatingtheirownprejudicesthroughdatacollection.Consistentwiththistheoreticalperspective,psychologyandrelateddisciplinesareaffectedbytheresearcher'svaluesbecauseexplanatorymethodsandtheobjectsofresearch(e.g.,humanbeingsinasocialcontext)arevaluesensitive.
Athirdtheoreticalapproachtopsychologicalresearchhasemergedinrecentyears.Themajorassumptionunderlyingconstructionismisthathumanbeingsinventreality.Theroleassignedtotheoryhereismorecircumscribedinthatweattempttoexplainpsychologicalandsocialphenomenabutnotnecessarilytopredictthem.Morecomplexcausal
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relationshipsareexploredandencouraged,whilelessemphasisisplacedontryingtoidentifyuniversalprinciplesanddeterministiclaws(Wittig,1985).
Eachofthesetheoreticalparadigmsacknowledgesinvaryingdegreesinherentbiasesthataccompanyeachapproach.However,thelogicalpositivistparadigmcontinuestobethemorewidelyusedapproachtothescientificstudyofmenandwomenatwork.Yetwithitsassumptionofscientificobjectivity,researcherswhoenthusiasticallyembracelogicalpositivismmaylullthemselvesintobelievingthattheirresearchiswithoutbias.Sexistbiaseshavebeenidentified,however,ineachstageofscientificexperimentationandarediscussednext.
BiasesintheStagesofResearch
Earlyfeministpsychologistsfocusedontheomissionofbothhistoricalcontextandthesituationfrompsychologicalexperimentation,especiallyinthestudyofsexandgendercomparisons.Historically,womenwerenotincludedassubjectsinresearch(e.g.,researchonheartdisease),theeffectsoftheexperimenter'ssexonbehaviorwereignored(e.g.,menoftendonotadmitfeelingsofweaknessorincompetencetoothermalesbutmaybemoreinclinedwithfemales),therewasatendencytogeneralizeresearchresultstohumankindwhenfindingsweresolelybasedonmalesamples(e.g.,characteristicsofsuccessfulleadership),andthereweresexbiasesinhowconstructswereoperationalizeddependingonwhichsexwasstudied(e.g.,aggressivebehaviordefinedasphysicalbehaviorformenandverbalbehaviorwomen).
Furthermore,sexistbiasescanaffectpsychologicalresearchmorespecificallyateachofthefourstagesoftheresearchprocess(Denmark,Russo,Frieze,&Sechzer,1988Hyde,1985McHugh,Koeske,&Frieze,1986Riger,1992).Inordertomorefullyappreciateandinterprettheresearchliteraturereviewedinthisbook,webelieveitiscriticaltoconveythepotentialforsuchbiasestoourreaders.Weunderstandthat,indoingso,weriskbeingperceivedasbiasedourselves(i.e.,antiscientificmethod,antimaleasnorm,etc.).However,wehopethatreaderswillnot"killthemessenger."Althoughwereadilyadmitourownbiases,wedonotbelievewearesupportingoneperspectiveoveranother.Ouronlygoalistoilluminatesomeofthealternativeperspectivesandbiasesthataffectresearchonsexandgendercomparisons.
Biasedviewsonsexandgenderentereachstageoftheresearchprocess,includingquestionformulation,researchmethods,dataanalysis,andconclusions(Denmarketal.,1988).Atthequestionformulationstage,fourpotentiallybiasingfactorshavebeenidentified.First,genderstereotypesmaybeassociatedwithspecificresearchtopics.Thesestereotypescanbiasthemannerinwhichaquestionisformulatedoraskedandthe
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outcomesofresearch.Untilrecently,forexample,leadershipwasdefinedusingtraitsthatareconsistentwiththemalestereotype(Loden,1985),includingstrong,forceful,competent,andlogical.Today,leadershipcharacteristicsalsoincludesupportiveness,opennesstoalternativeperspectives,facilitatingothers,andteamorientation,whichreflectbehaviorsassociatedmorewithwomen(Loden,1985).Second,newtheoriesdependheavilyonexistingtheoryandresearch,whichisbasedlargelyonmalesamples.Forexample,currentconceptualizationsofjobsatisfactionoftenignoreworkfamilyflexibilityorjobdiscriminationfactorsatwork,bothofwhichareoftenfacetsofwomen'slevelsofsatisfaction.Third,women'sexperiencesinresearchareasareoftennottakenintoaccountoraremarginalized.Whenwomen'sexperiencesareacknowledged,topicsmorecloselyassociatedwithwhitemalesareviewedasmoreimportantandmorebasictostudy.Women'sandminoritygroupissuesareviewedasspecializedorasexceptionsratherthanasreflectingthenorm.Topicsrelevanttowomenareconsideredlessvalued,moreapplied,lessbasic,taboo,ortrivialandreceivelessattentionbecausetherearefewerfemaleresearchers(McHughetal.,1986).Fourth,evencurrentreviewsofpreviousresearchfindingsperpetuatebiasesinquestionorproblemformulation.Thesereviewsarefrequentlyinsensitivetosubjectselectionandothermethodologicalbiasesofearlierresearchonsexandgender.Additionally,withinscientificexperimentation,thereisapreferenceforobjectivitywheretheexperimentercanbeviewedas"neutral,disinterestedandnondisclosing"(McHughetal.,1986).Onedrawbackofthisassumptionofcompleteobjectivityisthattopicswithsocialsignificancemaybeignored,andthosechoosingtoengageinsuchresearchmaybeaccusedofbeing"involved,passionate,orenthusiastic"abouttheirresearch.Anotherconsiderationiswhetheritisrealistictohavedisinterestedordispassionatepeopleconductingscientificresearchonbiological,social,andorganizationalproblems.Dowereallyexpectscientiststodedicateyearsoftheirworklivestostudyingphenomenaaboutwhichtheyhavenoenthusiasmorpassion?
Anumberofconcernshavebeenraisedabouttheresearchmethodsusedtostudysexorgenderissues(Denmarketal.,1988).Theseincludethepopulationsstudied,includingselectionofsubjectsbasedonstereotypicalassumptionsthatdonotallowforgeneralizationtoothergroupsselectionofsubjectsthatislimitedtoonesexonthebasisofconvenienceandeliminationoffemalesassubjectswhenanunexpectedsexorgenderdifferenceemerges.Inaddition,genderandgenderidentityareoftenconfoundedwithothervariablesincludingsex,race,andageandoftenthesex,race,andotherdemographiccharacteristicsofexperimentersarenotspecified,leavingthepossibilityofunexploredpotentialcombinationsofdemographicvariables,sexcompositionofgroups,andsoforth.Finally,
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theselectionofresearchorstimulustasksandmaterialsisoftenbiasedinthatmaterialsreflectstereotypicalmasculinetasks.
Withinagivenresearchmethod,variablescanalsobeinappropriatelyconceptualizedandoperationalizedormeasured(Denmarketal.,1988McHughetal.,1986).Themeasurementofvariablescanbeinfluencedandguidedbystereotypes.Forexample,womenarestereotypicallyperceivedasmoredependentthanmen,yetthismayreflecthowindependenceisdefined.Menarenotlabeledasdependenteventhoughtheyrelyonotherstocook,clean,andwritethankyounotesforthem.Furthermore,nontraditionalbehaviorexhibitedbymenandwomenisoftenperceivedandevaluatednegatively.Forexample,womenwhospeakupatmeetingsorengageindebatesarecalledaggressiveorruderatherthanindependent(McHughetal.,1986).
Intermsofdataanalysis,thereismoreofanemphasisonreportingdifferencesamongpeopleorbetweengroupsthanonexaminingsimilarities.Fewjournals(ifany)makeapracticeofpublishingnonsignificantresults(Hyde,1985).Thisdataanalyticbiasselectivelyscreensoutresearchhighlightingsimilaritiesamongmenandwomenandtherebyperpetuatesapotentiallybiasedresearchliterature.Thus,genderdifferencesarereportedwhenfound,butexplicitreferencesinresearchtoanabsenceofgenderdifferencesarerare.Whengenderdifferencesarefound,somearemagnifiedinaccurately.Thereisaneedtodifferentiateinouranalysesbetweenstatisticalsignificanceandsubstantiveorpracticalsignificanceofmalefemaledifferences(Denmarketal.,1988).Finally,journalsinthedisciplineofpsychologydonotencouragereplicationoffindings,includingthosepertainingtosexorgenderdifferences.Oddlyenough,whenresearchershaveattemptedtoreplicatereportedsexandgenderdifferences,especiallyintheareaofintelligence,theinitiallyreporteddifferencesareoftennotfound(Tavris,1992).
Ourinterpretationofresultsandtheconclusionswedrawonthebasisofouranalysescanreflectbias.Medicalresearchresults(Tavris,1992)arecommonlybasedononesex(males)andaregeneralizedtobothgroups.Differencesinspecifictaskperformanceareinterpretedasreflectinggeneralgenderdifferencesinglobalability.Personcenteredconclusions(e.g.,itisbecausesheisfemale)aredrawnmorefrequentlythansituationcenteredconclusions(e.g.,itisbecausethejobshavelittlerewardpower)orconclusionsbasedonanintegrationofthetwoexplanations.Usingpersoncenteredexplanationsofgenderdifferences,psychologistsandpractitionerscouldconcludethatdifferencemeans"deficient"andrecommendremedialactionforthegroup(oftenwomen)thatwasdifferent.Evaluativelabelingofresearchresultsoftenusesmalesasthestandardornorm(e.g.,malelevelsofaggressivenessarethenormandareviewedasacceptableHareMustin&Marecek,1988).Finally,therearefew
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referencestosubjectbasedlimitationsofstudiesinresearchtitlesorabstracts,therebyimplyingthatresultshavebroaderimplicationsthanarewarrantedbythedata(Denmarketal.,1988Gannon,Luchetta,Rhodes,Pardee,&Segrist,1992Riger,1992).
Evenwiththeexplicitassumptionofscientificobjectivity,logicalpositivistparadigmsforexperimentationinvolvebiasesassociatedwitheveryphaseofresearch.Itisimportanttoquestionthevalidityoraccuracyofresearchoutcomesandalsoaskwhyaresearchquestionisframedasitis,whoisaskingthequestions,andhowtheresultsareinterpreted.
EvolutionofResearchonGenderComparisons
Onewaytoidentifysourcesofbiasinresearchongenderandsexistousethestagesofscientificinquiryaswehavejustdoneandidentifypotentialbiasesthatenterateachstage.Anotherwayistoexaminesomebasicassumptionsthatresearchershavemadethroughoutthelast30ormoreyears,andcontinuetomake,intheirapproachtogendercomparisons(Tavris,1992).Duringthe1960s,researchonwomenandworktreatedwomenasaproblem(Crawford&Marecek,1989Tavris,1992).Thatis,womenwerecomparedwithmen,andwhendifferencesoccurred,attemptsweremadetoexplainwhywomenweredeficientorwhytheirbehaviorsdeviatedfrommen'sandhowto"correct"them.Men's(masculine)behaviorwasregardedasthenorm:asnormalandcorrectandbetter.Ontheotherhand,feministresearchersatthetimewereattemptingtoshowthattherewere,infact,trivialdifferencesbetweenmenandwomen.Duringthe1970sand1980s,withtheriseofwomen'sstudiesprogramsandfeministresearchersexamininggendersimilaritiesanddifferences,women'sbehaviorcametobeviewedasthesolution.Specifically,differencesbetweenmen'sandwomen'sbehaviorswereacknowledged,andwomen'swaysweredeemedbetter.Today'sresearchongenderseemstohaveadoptedtheperspectivethatoneneverreallyknowstheessenceoressentialqualitiesofmenandwomenbecausetheyareconstantlychanging(Tavris,1991Tiefer,1987).Todaythequestionofmalefemaledifferenceshasshiftedto,"Whyarewesointerestedindifferencesandwhatarethefunctionsthatbeliefsindifferencesserve?"(Tavris,1992,p.92).
Allthreeoftheseapproachescontinuetoexisttodayandarereflectedincontemporarygenderresearch.Theyexistinthecontextofwhathasbeencalledthe"paradoxofgender"(Crosby,1989)thepersistentbeliefthatmalesandfemalesdifferinimportantqualitiesdespitemanystudiesthathavefailedtofindorreplicatethosedifferences(Tavris,1991,1992).Tavrisstatedthatthisparadoxofgenderistheresultof(a)usingmalebehaviorasthenorm(b)thetypesofskills,behaviors,andqualitiesthatresearchershaveselectedasimportanttostudyand(c)thescientificpracticeofattemptingtoattributegenderdifferencestobiology,
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personality,orpersoncenteredexplanationsratherthanlifeexperiences,resources,andpower.Thelattergroupoffactors,ofcourse,issubjecttobothculturalandhistoricalchanges(Tavris,1992).Theoverridingproblemwithalltheseperspectivesisnotthestudyofdifferences.Werecognizethatpeoplediffer.Theproblemisthatonegroup'sbehaviorisviewedasthestandardornormaccordingtowhichallotherbehaviorsarecompared,andiftheotherbehaviorsdiffer,theyarejudgedasdeficient.
UnderstandingSexualityinOrganizations
"Entermostorganizationsandyouenteraworldofsexuality"(Hearn&Parkin,1987,p.3).Thisbookconcernsissuessurroundinggenderandemployment.Traditionally,mosttextsinmanagementorindustrialandorganizationalpsychologyignoretheissueofsexualityatwork.Infact,twoBritishmanagementresearchersstatedthatorganizationalscholarsavoidtheissueofgenderina"waythatisbizarre"(Hearn&Parkin,1987,p.4).Sexualityisoneofthemostobviousaspectsofgenderrelations.Therefore,wewouldberemissifweexcludedabriefdiscussionofthenotionofsexualitywithinworkorganizations.Somehavesuggestedthatignoringsexualityatworkintheindustrialsociology,industrialandorganizationalpsychology,sociology,organizationaltheory,managementtheory,andindustrialrelationsliteraturesreflectsblatantsexism(Hearn&Parkin,1987).Inanycase,thereisagreatvoidonthistopicasitpertainstoorganizations.
Genderandsexualityareconceptuallydistinctbutverycloselyrelated(Hearn,Sheppard,TancredSheriff,&Burrell,1989).Theprecisenatureofeachishighlydebatable,andtherearemanyinterpretationsastowhateachis,includingwhatismeantbysexuality,especiallyatwork.Sexualityatworkrefersto"thevariouswaysinwhichamale(worker)seeshimselfasasexualmaleandrespondstothesexualityofafemalecoworkerandthewaysafemale(worker)experiencesherownsexualityinrespondingtomaleworkers"(Bradford,Sargent,&Sprague,1980,p.18).Furthermore,sexualityatworkincludessuchissuesassexualattraction,officeaffairs,selfawareness,andotherawarenessofsexualattitudesandbehaviors(Lobel,1993).
Onereasonforthedearthofresearchonsexualityinorganizationsisthatmanyperspectivesonorganizationalresearchsuggestorimplytheneedtoremovesexualityfromtheworkplace(Hearn&Parkin,1987Lobel,1993).Forexample,thebureaucraticidealsuggeststhatcoworkersrelatetoeachothernotasindividualsbutaspositionincumbents(Smelser,
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1980).Workrolesandpersonalrelationshipsshouldbedistinguishedwithintheworkcontext.Althoughpersonalrelationshipsmaydominateoutsideofwork,the"suppressionofsexualityisoneofthefirsttasksthebureaucracysetsitself"(Burrell,1984,p.98).Onewayofsuppressingsexualityinorganizationsistoexcludewomenfromparticipatinginvariousworkactivities(e.g.,jobsegregationBurrell,1984Hacker&Hacker,1987).Consistentwiththebureaucraticideal,sexualityisviewedasanirrationalbehaviorthatisbestkeptintheprivateandpersonaldomains(Lobel,1993).
BothcontemporaryWesternsociety(Mead,1980)andcontemporaryorganizationalexperts(Gabarro,1986Gutek,Morasch,&Cohen,1983Kram,1985Lobel,1993)arguefortheprohibitionofsexualityatwork.Forexample,toreducesexualtensionbetweenmentorandprotg,thereshouldbeanemphasisona"fatherdaughter"relationship,whichcanbenefitfromincesttaboos(Kram,1985).Thisisconsistentwiththerecommendationthattaboosbedevelopedorevokedtolimitsexualbehavioratwork(Mead,1980).Again,sexualityisviewedaspersonalandthereforehaslittleplaceinthepublicworkorganization.
Manyfeministsalsoviewprohibitionofsexualityatworkasdesirable.However,theyassertthatsexualityhasnotbeensuppressedatworkbutratherisassertedintermsofmalepowerandcontroloverwomeninformsofwidespreadsexsegregationofjobsandsexualizationofjobs.Ontheotherhand,thereisincreasingevidencethatpersonalrelationships,includingsexualones,maysupportratherthanconflictwithorganizationalgoals(Lobel,1993).Datasuggestthatinterpersonalcaringandtrustcanbenefitboththeorganization(intermsofbottomlineproductivity,andcorporatehealth)andtheindividual(Kaplan,1991Lobel,1993).Interpersonalconcernsandcaringamongworkerscouldbecomepartofone'sworkrole(M.Bell,1984Mumby&Putnam,1992).Forexample,amorefeminineapproachtoleadership,whichtypicallyinvolvesmoreopennessandselfdisclosure,maybeaneffectivewaytoleadincreasinglydiversegroupsofemployees(Loden,1985).Inchapters4and9,theimpactofmalefemaleinterpersonalrelationships,workplaceromance,andsexualharassmentonworkerbehaviorisdiscussed.
Asecondlineofargumentsupportstheimportanceofconsideringsexualityatwork.Sexualitycannotbeconfinedtononworkprivaterelationsbecausesocialandworkrolesarepermeable(D.T.Hall&Richter,1988).Infact,flexibilitybetweenworkandnonworkrolesmayincreaseasmorewomenentertheworkforce.Peopleatworkhavegenerallyfavorableattitudestowardnonharassingsexualbehaviors(Gutek,Cohen,&Konrad,1990Mainiero,1989Rapp,1992).InasurveyconductedbytheSocietyforHumanResourcesManagement(citedinRapp,1992),70%of1,550humanresourcesmanagersreportedthattheircompanies
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acceptdatingamongcoworkers,60%saiddatingwasnotaproblem,and92%hadnopoliciesprohibitingdatingbetweencoworkers.
Sexualitycanbedirectedtowardanotherpersonasanexpressionofcaring.Thisisespeciallytruewhenthetargetiscapableofconsentordissent.Obviously,thedegreeofchoicemaybeseverelylimitedinvariousculturalcontexts(Lobel,1993)andorganizationalsettings.Ratherthanunilateralprohibitionofsexualityatwork,newsocialnormsintheworkplacecanbedevelopedandthentheorganizationcandeterminewhichoneshavepositiveornegativeconsequences.Becausewomenareatgreaterrisktoexperiencenegativeconsequencesofsexualityatwork,theuseofa"reasonablewomen"standardmaybeadvisable(Conte,1997).Thatis,menandwomenmaynotagreeaboutwhichbehaviorsarenegativeornoxiousandwhicharenot.Womentendtofindmorebehaviorsoffensiveanddisruptive,sowomenshouldplayimportantrolesinformulatingnewsocialnormsatworkregardingsexualityinorganizations.
Summary
Withtheinfluxofwomenintotheworkforceduringthelast20years,therehasbeenincreasedattentiontocomparisonsbetweenmenandwomenonanumberofworkrelatedattributesandbehaviors.Withthisincreasedattention,therehasalsobeensomeconfusionaboutwhetherwomenandmendiffertoasignificantdegree,howmuchtheydiffer,andwhetherthesedifferencestrulyaremeaningfulregardingbehavioratwork.Threesourcesofconfusioninunderstandingorinterpretingresearchcomparingwomenandmenarepresentedinthischapter.
First,thereareatleastthreeapproachestoexplaininghowsexandgenderrelatedbehaviorsemergeorareacquired:biological,socialization,andstructural/culturalmodels.Theseapproachesvaryintermsofanumberofassumptionsaboutthesimilaritiesanddifferencesamongmenandwomen.Oneperspectivemakestheassumptionthatnotonlydowomenandmendifferinimportantwaysbutthatthesedifferencesaregenetic,immutable,andnecessaryforsurvival(biologicalapproach).Ontheotherhand,thestructural/culturalperspectiveassumestherearefewinherentdifferencesbetweenwomenandmen,thosedifferencesthatareobservedareduetothesocialstructureofsociety,andsuchdifferencesaremutable.Theseexplanationshavesignificantlydifferentimplicationsforthetypesofresearchquestionsaskedandfortheevaluationofworkplacebehavior.
Asecondsourceofconfusionisthattheuseandconnotationsofsuchtermsassexdifferencesandgenderdifferenceshavecontributedtomisinterpretingresultsofresearchongenderintheworkplace.Theterm
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sexoftenconnotesthatobserveddifferencesbetweenmenandwomenarebiologicalorgeneticinnatureandthuslessamenabletochange.Gender,ontheotherhand,reflectsindividual,interpersonal,andsocietalnotionsofmasculinityandfemininity.Athirdsourceofconfusioninvolvesthebiasesassociatedwiththeveryresearchmethodologiesweusetoinvestigatebehavioramongandbetweenwomenandmen.
Thechapterconcludeswithabriefdiscussionofsexualityinorganizations.Sexualityisanimportantconsiderationinthediscussionofwomenandmenatworknevertheless,mostmanagementandappliedpsychologytextsdonotincludeadiscussionofsexualityasitaffectstheworkenvironment.
Glossary
Androgyny:Conceptthatpeoplecancombinetraitstraditionallyassignedtooneortheothersex.
Constructionism:Atheoreticalperspectiveonresearchinpsychologywhichassumesthathumanbeingsinventorconstructreality,andthattheroleoftheoryreflectsscientists'attemptstoexplainpsychologicalphenomenabutnotnecessarilytopredictthem.
Dichotomous:Extremeoppositesofagivenattribute,skill,ortrait(e.g.,strongvs.weak,passivevs.aggressive).
Functionalism:Aschoolofpsychologyconcernedwithhowanorganism'sorperson'sbehaviorandconsciousnessarefunctionalforitssurvival.
Gender:Whatculturemakesoutofthe"rawmaterial"ofbiologicalsex.Allknownsocietiesrecognizebiologicaldifferentiationanduseitasthebasisforsocialdistinction.Genderisbasedonsex.
Genderidentity:Degreetowhichoneseesoneselfasfemaleormaleormasculineorfeminine.
Individualdifferences:Differencesamongindividualsonawiderangeofbehaviors,skills,abilities,andpersonalities.
Logicalpositivism:Ascientificmodelthatassumesscientificfactsexistanditisthepsychologist'sjobtodiscoverthosefacts.Further,themodelassumesthatthescientificprocessforuncoveringthosefactsisvalueneutral.
Nontraditionaloccupation:Anoccupationthatapersonholdswherethepredominantincumbentistheoppositesex.
Proximalcontextvariables:Factorscloseintimeandspacethatdirectlyinfluenceanindividual'sbehavior.
Sex:Biologicaldifferencesingeneticcompositionandreproductiveanatomyandfunction.
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Sociobiology:Perspectivethatthebehaviorofhumansisduetotheinterestsofthesurvivaloftheirownparticulargenessocialbehaviorhasalargegeneticbasisandislargelyunchangeable.
Subjectiverelativism:Anotherscientificperspectiveonpsychologicalresearchwhichassumes,quiteunlikelogicalpositivism,thatfactfinding,analysis,andconclusionsaresubjectiveinscientificresearch.
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IIPROCESSESUNDERLYINGMALEFEMALEATTITUDESANDBEHAVIORINTHEWORKPLACE
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3HowStereotypesAffectOurPerceptionofMenandWomenatWork
I.GenderStereotypes
A.StereotypesofWomenandMen
1.FavorabilityofMasculineandFeminineStereotypes
2.PervasivenessofGenderStereotypes
B.AreGenderStereotypesValid?
1.Androgyny
II.GenderStereotypesandStereotypesofRace,Age,Appearance,andDisability
A.GenderStereotypesandRace
B.OlderWomen
C.GenderStereotypesandAppearance
1.SexualityandGenderStereotypes
D.PowerandGenderStereotypes
1.StereotypesofWorkingWomen
III.EffectsofGenderStereotypesintheWorkplace
A.InfluenceofStereotypesonEvaluationsofandDecisionsAboutMenandWomen
1.HiringandPromotionDecisions
2.InterviewsandPerformanceEvaluation
3.AccesstoResourcesandSupport
4.CanNegativePerceptionsofWomenintheWorkforceBeEliminated?
B.SelfLimitingEffectsofStereotypingonWomen'sPerformance
1.GenderStereotypesandAchievement
2.Competence,Performance,andPayExpectations
IV.Summary
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MENARETAUGHTTOAPOLOGIZEFORTHEIRWEAKNESSES,WOMENFORTHEIRSTRENGTHS.LoisWyse,b.1926,Americanadvertisingexecutive(Women'sWitandWisdom,1991,p.)
Thetermsmale,female,Black,Anglo,Asian,andNativeAmericancarrypowerfulimagesofthecharacteristicsorattributesofspecificgroups.Suchlabelsorstereotypesnotonlycarrymessagesabouthowvariousgroupsareperceivedbutalsoconveyexpectationsabouthowvariousgroupmembersshouldbehaveandwhatcharacteristicsorattributesarevaluedbythedominantgroup.Stereotypes,especiallygenderstereotypes,influenceourexpectationsandevaluationsofwhatisappropriateforourselvesaswellasforothers.Stereotypescanlimitthetypesofcareersthatpeopleselectandcanfacilitateorinhibittheperceptionsofanindividual'seffectiveness.
Individualsholdnumerousbeliefsaboutwhatconstitutesmasculinityandfemininity,andthesebeliefsshapeourperceptionsofwhoislikelytoperformcertainbehaviorsandwhatbehaviorsareappropriateatwork.Westartthischapterbydescribinggenderstereotypesandthenrelatethesetostereotypesbasedonrace,age,appearance,anddisability.Thereisevidencethatstereotypesinfluencebothpeople'sbehaviorandothers'perceptionsofthatbehavior,andwedescribesomeofthesefindings.Furthermore,stereotypesnotonlyrefertoperceptionsofindividualsbutalsoareassociatedwithperceptionsofoccupations,specifically,menandwomeninnontraditionalrolesorjobsincludingleadershiproles.Finally,weconcludethechapterbydiscussingtheinfluenceofstereotypesonpersonneldecisionsaffectingmenandwomen.
GenderStereotypes
Stereotypinginvolvesgeneralizingbeliefsaboutgroupsasawholetomembersofthosegroups.Forexample,ifyoubelievethatolderpeoplearemorelikelytoresistchangethanyoungerpeople,youmayinferthatanolderpersonyouhavejustmetislikelytoberigidandtohaveahardtimeadaptingtochanges.Throughstereotyping,wecancategorizepeopleintogroupsonnumerousdemographicbases,includinggender,race,age,religion,socialclass,andsoforth,andourperceptionsofspecificindividualswillbeinfluencedbywhatweknoworthinkweknowaboutthegroupasawhole.Genderstereotypesaresociallysharedbeliefs
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aboutthecharacteristicsorattributesofmenandwomeningeneralthatinfluenceourperceptionsofindividualmenandwomen.
Stereotypestendtoexaggerateboththeperceiveddifferencesofmembersofdifferentgroups(e.g.,menandwomen)andtheperceivedsimilaritiesofaparticularmanorwomantothegeneralcategoriesofmaleandfemale(Lips,1988).Thatis,menandwomenwhoareobjectivelysimilarinmanyways(e.g.,similarappearance,behavior,interests,values,etc.)oftenwillbeseenasquitedifferentbecausetheyaremembersoftwoquitedifferentcategories.Theoppositionalnatureofmasculineandfemininestereotypesimpliesthatmenandwomenshouldbeseparatefromeachotherinavarietyofcontextsincludingwork(e.g.,occupationalsegregation)andfamily(e.g.,cookingvs.mowinglawn)activities,andthesestereotypescanhaveapowerfulinfluenceonbothmen'sandwomen'sworkplaceexperiences.
Sincetheearly1950s,alargenumberofstudieshavebeenconductedongenderstereotypes.Mostgenderstereotypestudiesinpsychologywereconductedbyindividualsinterestedinpersonality(Ashmore&DelBoca,1986),forexample,SherriffsandMcKee(1957)inJournalofPersonalityRosenkrantz,Vogel,Bee,Broverman,andBroverman(1968)inJournalofConsultingandClinicalPsychologyandSpence,Helmreich,andStapp(1974)inJournalofAppliedPsychologyCatalogofSelectedDocumentsinPsychology(amultidisciplinaryjournal,notasocialpsychologyjournal).Thepersonalityorientationhashadtwoimplications(Ashmore&DelBoca,1986)forresearchongenderstereotypes.First,itinfluencesthequestionsthatareaskedinvolvinggenderstereotypesandfocuseslargelyonquestionspertinenttotheclinicalsetting(e.g.