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TheElectricityCrisisinZambia:blackoutsandsocialstratificationinnewminingtowns

byRitaKesselring,SocialAnthropology,UniversityofBasel

acceptedversion,authormanuscript,publishedinEnergyResearch&SocialScience,no.30:94-102availableonlineathttps://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214629617301858Abstract

InZambia,privately-ownedcopperminesconsumemorethanhalfoftheelectricalenergyproduced.Bycontrast,only22%ofprivatehouseholdsareconnectedtothenationalgrid.Againstthisbackground,thepaperanalysesenergydistributioninZambia'sNorthwesternProvince,wherenewcoppermineshaveopenedfollowingthehikeincopperpricesduringthe2000's.Unlikeruralfamilies,residentsinthethreenewurbancentresintheoryhaveaccesstoelectricity.Since2015,however,thecountrysuffersfromanelectricitycrisispartlyasaresultofpoorrainfallsinthe2014/2015season.Inasituationofundersupply,theminekeepsunlimitedaccesstoelectricitywhichprivilegesitsoperationsandthehousingareas.Dailyblackoutsfortherestofthetownentrenchexistinginequalitiesandproducenewones.Basedonlong-termethnographicresearch,thepaperexamineshowelectricalinfrastructureandthepossibilityforformsofsocialityrelatebothintheeverydayandinthepoliticaldiscourse.Ishowhowunequalelectricalinfrastructurecontributestothestructuringofpeopleintonewsocialclasses,andhow,consequently,infrastructureispoliticalfromthestart.Byreflectingonthepoliticalandsocialconsequencesofunequalelectricitysupply,Iprovidepreliminarythoughtsonanenergydistributionethic.

Introduction

IntheRepublicofZambia,78%ofhouseholdsarechampionsinusing“green”substitutestonuclear,

coalordieselgeneratedpowersuchassolarpanels,woodandcharcoal(CentralStatisticalOffice

Zambia2013,25).AndunlikemanyofitsneighbouringcountriesandcountriesintheglobalNorth,

Zambiareliesonhydropowerfor94%ofitselectricalenergy.However,thisstillraisescritical

questionsabouttheethicsofenergysystems.Theproblemisnotsomuchenvironmental

sustainabilityofproductionasjusticeofdistribution:Miningcompaniesusehalfofthecountry’s

electricalenergyfortheiroperations,whileonly22%ofhouseholdshaveaccesstoelectricalpower.

Zambiausuallyhassufficientrainfalltofillitsdamsandsellsurpluspowertoneighbouringcountries.

Untilrecently,electricitysupplyhasneverbeenconsideredasaprobleminofficialdiscourse.This

changedin2015whenforthefirsttimetherewasinsufficientelectricitytosupplyallcustomers.Cuts

startedtobeinflictedontodomesticcustomers,sothattoday,inGupta’swordsforIndia,“being

connectedtothegridandhavingelectricityaretwodifferentissues”(2015,559).Asaresultofpoor

rainfallinthe2014/2015rainyseason,electricityshortages,so-called“loadshedding”,nowhappen

acrossthecountryandaffectallactors–albeitunequally.Householdswhicharenotconnectedto

thenationalgridarealsoindirectlyaffectedbythepowercrisis,which,amongotherthingslet’s

pricesforstaplefoods(suchasmaizeandoil)riseandmakespublicservicesevenlessreliable.In

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additiontothat,thecommoditypriceboomwhichstartedintheearly2000sturnedintoabustin

2015again.Currently,thepricesaredowntoabouthalfofwhattheywereattheirpeakin2011.In

combinationwithlowglobalcopperprices,energyshortageshaveaffectedZambia’sexportsandthe

Kwacha’sexchangerates.Ithasbecomeclearthatalthoughhydro-electricpowerisarenewable

sourceofenergy,itisnotnecessarilyareliablesourceofenergy(forasimilarsituationinAccra,

Ghana,seeSilver2015).Thissituationdoesnotaffectallpeopleequally;whenelectricitybecame

scarcer,italsobecameevenmoreunevenlydistributed.

AlthoughZambiahasacentury-longhistoryofextraction,thecasesIconsiderinthisarticlearenew

sitesofmineralextraction.TheempiricalfieldofenquiryistheSolweziregionintheNorthwestern

ProvinceofZambia.Intheregion,threelarge-scalemineshavebeenopenedsince2003inreaction

totherecoveryofglobalcopperprices.Threenewurbancentreshavedevelopedaroundthethree

mines;therestoftheregionconsistsofsomeperi-urbanandmainlyrurallocalities.Powerlinesand

electricalpowerhaveonlyrecentlybeenintroducedasaninfrastructuretoalargepartofthearea.

Studyingelectricalpowerinthisregionisparticularlyinterestingbecausewecanwitnesstheparallel

developmentofruralelectrification,anordinaryalbeitslowprocessacrossthecountry,andmassive

electro-infrastructuraldevelopment,thatis“selectivelyterritorializedinvestment”(Ferguson2005)

throughprivateminingcompaniestryingtosecureunhinderedextractioninselectedonshore

“enclaves”(Appel2012a).

Iconductedethnographicresearchintheregionfor14monthsbetween2013and2016,which

includedinterviewsandconversationswithlocalstateofficialsandmineemployees,butmostofall

participantobservationinthedailylifeofordinarytowndwellersinarapidlyurbanizingregion.This

researchenablesmetoshowhowunevenaccesstoelectricitycontributestosocialstratification.I

examineprocessesthatresultintheorderingofpeopleintodifferentiated,hierarchicallylayered

groups(socialdifferentiation)whosemembersareawareofthediscrepancybetweenthemand

membersofanothergroup(socialstratification).Whilesocialdifferentiationisnotnecessarilya

problemfortheactorsandgroupsinvolved,forittobecalledsocialstratification,itrequirestheir

judgment.Infrastructure,asIwillshow,hasconstitutivepower.Studyingthewaysinwhichlackof

electricpoweraffectssocialrelationsgivesuscluesaboutwhatmighthappenintheglobalNorth

whenethicaldilemmasofdistributionriseintimesofcrisis,naturaldisaster,shortageorextreme

increaseofprices.Tobesure,myaimhereisnottoreducetheglobalSouthtoatestinggroundfor

possiblefuturescenariosintheglobalNorth.Rather,thefocusonelectricityasthekeyfactorfora

productiveprivatizedextractiveindustrypointstotherelianceoftheglobalNorthonthenatural

resourcesfromtheSouth(suchascopper,cobaltandgoldfromZambia),andtheneedtoaddress

questionsof(re)distributionandsustainabilitywithaglobaloutlook.Inotherwords,thepoliticsof

energydistributiononthisextractivefrontieroftheglobaleconomyareaffectednotonlybylocal

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andnationalforces,butbyglobalforcesaswell.Inthisarticle,Ithusproposetoexpandthefocusof

whatweshouldbetalkingaboutwhenwethinkabouttheethicalimplicationsofgrowinghuman

relianceonelectricity.Iwillproposesomepreliminarythoughtsonanenergydistributionethics.

Afterabriefoverviewofstudiesonelectricityinthesocialsciences(1),Ilookattheenergyand

miningsectorinZambia(2)andinanewminingregion(theSolweziregion)morespecifically(3).I

explorehowplanningprocessesofanew“companytown”,Kalumbila,andtheexpansionofthe

nationalgridcontributetosocialstratification(4).Ithenpresentethnographicdataonhowurban

residentsdealwithdailypoweroutagesinSolwezitown,anoldadministrativeandsincerecently

boomingminetown(5).Unequalenergydistributionandthepowercrisisprovideeveryday

experiencesofin-andexclusion.Assuch,itisapoliticalandincreasinglypoliticisedtopic,whichturns

intoasourceforordinarytownresidentstocriticizethelocalelite(6).Intheconclusion(7),Iprovide

somepreliminarythoughtsonaglobalenergydistributionethics.

1ElectricityandSociality

Electricalinfrastructurehasbeenstudiedfromavarietyofscholarlyperspectives,beitDeleuzeian,

Foucauldianorwithanontologicalapproach(Bennett2005;Boyer2015).1Whilealargepartofthe

literatureonenergyisbasedontheexperienceoftheomnipresenceofelectricalenergyinWestern

countries(Sovacool2014,22),manyscholarshavealsocriticizedtheunderlyingassumptionthat

electricityisallpervasive,connectsallspheresofeverydaylife,andthat“weconvenientlyignore

wholeelectroscapesuntilsomethinggoeswrong”(Boyer2015).Bystudyingelectricityin“imperfect”

contexts,scholarspointouttheunevengeographiesofurbanenergynetworks(e.g.Luque-Ayalaand

Silver2016a)andshowparallelsbetweenunevenenergydistributionandinequalityintheglobal

South(eg.LoveandGarwood2016;Gupta2015;Winther2016).Someresearchersfocusontheways

theideaofelectricityasapublicgoodtriggersprotestactionsamongthosewhodonothaveaccess

toit(AlexandriandChatzi2016;Kirsch2005,2016;Schnitzler2016);othersfocusontherelation

betweenelectricityandurbanpolitics(Luque-AyalaandSilver2016).Mycontributiondrawsonthis

criticalcorpusofstudiesofelectricitynetworksthatcentresoninequalityandpowerinrelationto

energyinfrastructure.

Unsurprisingly,thereisanumberofstudiesexaminingakeycharacteristicof“imperfect”electrical

powerhead-on:blackouts(cf.Silver2015).InherarticleCircuitsandCurrents:Dynamicsofdisruption

inNewYorkCityBlackouts,Rupp(2016)examineswhathappenedduringfourblackoutsinNewYork

Citybetween1965and2012.Sheshowsthatblackoutsproducesomekindofliminalitywhere

1Foranoverviewoftheethnographic,anthropologicalandsociologicalliteratureonenergy,seetheintroductiontothisspecialissue(HighandSmith,thisissue),andforsomechallengesfacingsocialscientificresearchonenergy,seeStirling(2014).

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peoplestartrelatingtooneanotherdifferently.Fromthisinsight,shederiveselectricity’sthreemain

characteristics:itisinvisible,indispensableandomnipresent.Shethenprojectsthisemergent

liminalityduringblackoutstobygonetimes.Beforewewerecompletelydefinedbythepowerof

electricity,sheargues,peoplelivedasMitmenschen(peoplelivingwithoneanother).Today,welive

asNebenmenschen,thatisalongsideoneanother(Schütz1967).2

ItakethedistinctionbetweenMitmenschenandNebenmenschensocialityasananalyticaltoolfor

livedrelatedness,andexaminehowgroupsofpeopleshiftbetweenMitmenschenand

Nebenmenschenrelationshipsinlightofthegoverningeffectsofelectricalinfrastructure.InZambia,

andinthebroaderSouthernAfricanregionforthatmatter,whereelectricityisanemerging

infrastructure(cf.WintherandWilhite2015),electricenergyisvisible,dispensableandfaulty.Inthe

contemporaryZambiancontextoffaultyenergysupply,humanrelationsaremostlikelynotas

unproblematicassuggestedforbygonetimesbeforecompleteelectrification(cf.Platt1991).Inthis

article,IthusseektotracktheroleofelectricitytohelpcreateformsofMitmenschenand

Nebenmenschensociality.

Infrastructureisamanifestationofinequalities,dominationandcontrol,butitalsohelpstocreate

formsofgovernanceandsocialdifferentiation.Electricityplayacrucialroleinthisprocess.Iagree

withBoyer’ssuggestiontoexpandFoucault’sbiopowerwith“energopower”(2014).Toexplorethe

effectsofafaulty,unreliableandvisibleinfrastructureanditsrelationshiptogoverningattempts,I

hencealsodrawonLatour(2007).WithLatour,Iunderstandenergyasasocio-politicalandeconomic

field“whereanythingthatdoesmodifyastateofaffairsbymakingadifference”(2007,71)mustbe

considered.Electricalinfrastructureplaysaroleinhumaninteraction.Agency,asLatoursuggests,

springsfromourinteractionwithhumanandnon-humanentities;anotionBaradconfirmedas

“intra-action”(2003).Itakethisinsightintomaterialefficacyasastartingpointtofocusonthe

creationofsocialgroupsthroughinfrastructuralgovernanceprocesses,ontheonehand,andthe

possibilitiesofrelatingtooneanotheracrossthesegroups,ontheother.

2Zambia’sEnergyandMiningSector

Eversincecopperwasfirstminedcommerciallyinthelate1920sundertheBritishSouthAfrica

Company,theminingsectorhasconstitutedthebackboneoftheeconomyinwhattodayisZambia.

Inthecourseofninetyyearsofindustrializationandurbanization,poorandruralcommunitieshave

oftenbeenremovedfromtheirhomestomakespaceforlargeinfrastructureprojects.Themost

prominentexampleinZambianhistoryistheresettlementofapproximately57.000peopleforthe

2Gupta(2015)makesasimilarargumentforNorthIndianvillagesbeforeelectrificationinthemid-1980s.

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constructionofKaribaDaminthe1950s,thethenbiggestman-madedambuilttoservetheminesin

theCopperbelt(Colson1971;McGregor2009;Tischler2013).

Today,theprivatelarge-scalecopperminesarestillthebiggestconsumersofelectricity.Zambiahas

twomainsourcesofelectricity:thehydroelectricpowerplantsattheKafueGorgeandtheKariba

Dam(KaribaNorthandKaribaNorthBankExtension).Together,theyproduceabout94%ofZambia’s

electricitysupply(EnergyRegulationBoard2016,3);therestcomesfromdiesel,heavyfueloiland

solargenerationplants.Poorrainfallduringthe2014/2015rainyseasonresultedinlowdamwater

levelsandconsequentlyaconsiderableshortfallofsupplyofelectricity.Anotherreasonforlower

energyproductionispoorgenerationcapacityoftheKaribapowerplant.Firstly,statecriticssaythat

newChineseturbinesworkedinefficiently,and,secondly,anincreasinglyunsoundwallthreatensthe

dam’sstabilityandwouldurgentlynecessitaterehabilitationwork.Thiscameontopofeconomic

challengeslinkedtoaslumpincopperprices,mainlyduetosinkingdemandfromChina,which

purchasesabout40percentofcopperproducedglobally.

Themainelectricityprovider,ZambiaElectricitySupplyCorporationLimited(ZESCO),wasestablished

in1970andtheGovernmentisthesoleshareholder.ZESCOengagesincross-bordertradingof

electricitythroughtheSouthernAfricanPowerPoolandbilateralmarkets.Typically,Zambiaexports

fivetimesmoreelectricitythanitimports,butin2014/2015,itspowerimportsincreasedbymore

than6000percent(EnergyRegulationBoard2016,8).Amidstcomplaintsaboutbadperformance

andinefficiencyofstate-runZESCO,callsforprivatizationareontherise.3TheZambiangovernment

attemptstoinvestinnewelectricalinfrastructure.Duetolackoffunds,ittriestoengageinpublic-

privatepartnershipsorlooksfordonorfunding.Thestatetriestoattractinvestorstosetupsolar

projectsforaffordableelectricityinruralareas(BMWi2016).Atthe2016AnnualMeetingofthe

AfricanDevelopmentBankinLusaka(23–27May2016)underthethemeofEnergyandClimate

Change,thedelegateforZambia,ZESCO’sManagingDirector,arguedthat“LightingupandPowering

Africa”–oneoftheADB’sfivepriorityareas–couldonlybecomerealitythroughpublic-private

partnerships.4Mostrecently,theMinistryofEnergystartednegotiationswithChinaandRussiain

relationtoplanstosetupnuclearenergyinfrastructure.5Also,theEuropeanUnionsigneda

€65milliongrant–co-financedwiththeEuropeanInvestmentBank–torehabilitatethelowvoltage

distributionnetworkandinstallnewconnectionsintheLusakaCityarea.6Upto2017,however,

3Latein2016,thegovernmentannounceditsintentiontoprivatiseStateOwnedEnterprisesincludingZESCO,whichwasfiercelyopposedbytheunions.https://www.lusakatimes.com/2016/11/29/zesco-workers-oppose-pending-privatisation/4http://www.afdb.org/en/annual-meetings-2016/5https://diggers.news/local/2017/05/17/zambia-moves-closer-to-nuclear-energy-production/(ZambiamovesclosertoNuclearenergyproduction,17May2017,NewsDiggers,online.6https://eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-homepage/18954/european-union-signs-eu65-million-grant-zambia-improve-access-energy_en

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thesepartnershipshaveonlyproduceddeclarationsofintentandcouldnotrevertthepowercrisis.

Loadsheddinghastheeffectofaviciouscircle,asitdecreasesproductioncapacitywhichinturn

leadstomoreloadshedding.

In2015and2016,plannedandunplannedloadsheddingbecamethenorm.Tariffsfordomestic

consumersincreased(EnergyRegulationBoard2016,23),adecisionwhichwasfirstreversedby

PresidentLunguinJanuary2016whenhiselectioncampaignforre-electioninAugust2016started

togainmomentum,butwasapprovedbytheEnergyRegulationBoardandimplementedinMay

2017.7FortheperiodbetweenSeptembertoDecember2015,forinstance,therewasapowerdeficit

ofaround560to1.000MW(peakdemandwouldbe2.616MW)(EnergyRegulationBoard2016,1).

Asaresult,ZESCOincreasedthefrequencyanddurationofloadshedding.In2015and2016,the

majorityofhouseholds,butalsocommercialandindustrialconsumersacrossthecountry,often

experiencedeightormorehoursofpowercutsperday.Theminesare,however,largelyexempt

fromcuts.

MiningconstitutesthebackboneoftheZambianeconomy.Thecountry’seconomichistorycanbe

explainedalongfluctuationsofglobalcopperprices.Fiveyearsafterindependencein1964,the

mineswerenationalized.UndertheregimeofthenationalizedZambiaConsolidatedCopperMines

(ZCCM),electricitywasoftenfreeforworkersandtheirfamilies,togetherwithwater,education,

healthprovision,transportation,andhousing.Inthe1970s,globalcopperpricesdroppedasaresult

oftheoilcrisis,andtheZambianstatehassincestruggledtoprovideandmaintainpublic

infrastructureacrossthecountry.Between1997and2002,aspartoftheWorldBankStructural

AdjustmentProgram,thestate’sZCCMwasunbundledintounitsandsoldofftointernational

investorsinaccordancewiththenewMinesandMineralsActof1995(FraserandLungu2007;Fraser

andLarmer2010).Whentheminesweresoldtoforeigninvestors,special‘developmentagreements’

weresignedbetweenthestateandtheinvestors,containingprovisionswhichlaterproveda

hindrancetocollectrevenue(Lungu2008).Theprovisionsallowedminestooutsourcesomeofthe

operationstocontractorswhichdirectlyledtocasualizationofworkers.Thecompanieswerealso

exemptfrompaymentoftaxesonelectricityforacertainperiodoftime.Shortlyafterre-

privatizationoftheminesintheearly2000s,thecompaniesprofitedfromChina’sgrowthandthe

ensuinghighglobalcopperprices.Theminesmainlyneedelectricityforprovidingundergroundmine

ventilation,forhaulingoreoutoftheground,forcrushingoreandextractingcopperbyelectrolysis.

7https://www.lusakatimes.com/2016/01/03/president-lungu-u-turns-on-new-electricity-tariffs/InMay2017,theEnergyRegulationBoardapprovedZESCO’sapplicationtoincreaseelectricitytariffsby50%effectiveMay1,2017,and25%bySeptember1,2017.TheERB’spressstatementcanbeaccessedhere:http://www.erb.org.zm/press/statements/tariffDecisionSpeech10.05.2017.pdfandtherevisedelectricitytariffseffectiveonMay15here:http://www.erb.org.zm/downloads/eregulation/erbApprovedTariffScheduleMay2017.pdf(lastaccessedMay17,2017)

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Theexpansionofminingactivitiesintheearly2000spossiblycontributedtothepowercrisis.Most

minespurchaseenergyfromtheCopperbeltEnergyCorporation(CEC),whichhasabulksupply

agreementwithZESCO.8CECgrewoutofZCCMin1997andisanindependentcompanylistedonthe

LusakaStockExchange,whichtransmitsenergypurchasedfromZESCOanddistributesittothe

miningindustryontheCopperbeltandintheNorthwesternProvinceathighvoltage.

Eveniftheywereconnectedtothegrid,manyZambianscannotaffordtopayforelectricity,excluded

fromwhatMcDonald(2008b)callselectriccapitalism.AcrossZambia,inruralandurbanhouseholds,

themainsourceusedforlightingisthecandle(27.7%in2010),followedbyelectricityfromthepublic

grid(22%),paraffin(20.3%)andsolarpower(2.9%)(CentralStatisticalOfficeZambia2013,25ff.).In

ruralhouseholds,electricityasasourceoflightingisusedby3.1%ofhouseholdsonly,contraryto

49.8%inurbanareas.AcrosstheNorthwesternProvince,only8.1%ofhouseholdsuseelectricityfor

lighting.Forcooking,woodisthemainsourceofenergy,usedby53.4%ofhouseholdsacross

Zambia,followedbycharcoal(29.1%)andelectricity(16.9%).Inruralareas,cookingwithwood(85%)

orcharcoal(12.2%)isevenmorewidespread,whileonly2.1%ofruralhouseholdsuseelectricityfor

preparingmeals.Inurbanareas,electricityisusedby38.6%aftercharcoal(53.9%)andbeforewood

(7%).Again,theNorthwesternProvinceisbelowaverageintermsofitsaccesstoelectricity;only

5.3%ofhouseholdsuseelectricpowertocooktheirmeals.Thesenumbersshowthatfarmersinthe

ruralpartsoftheSolweziregionaregenerallygrapplingwiththelackofaccesstoelectricity.For

them,nothavingelectricpowertolightorcookisrathernormal.

Whileallhouseholdswhohaveaccesstoelectricityweresubjecttoloadshedding,theminingsector

furtherincreasedthedifferentiationbetweenhouseholdsandtheminingsector.Thisfavoured

treatmentisanexpressionofthesector’seconomicpowerandunequalaccesstodecisionmakers.

Theminingsectorisinfactoneofthefewsectorsthatincreaseditspowerconsumptionfrom2014

to2015by6.4%.Itconsumed54,5,%ofthetotalelectricityin2015,followedbythedomesticsector

with30,4%(EnergyRegulationBoard2016,9).

3TheSolweziRegion:anewminingarea

AcrossZambia,themainurbanareasaresuppliedwithelectricitythroughthenationalgrid,whilein

someruralareas,electricityismainlysuppliedbydieselgeneratorsrunbyZESCO.Thedieselpower

generationplantsproduceathighoperativecosts,donothavesufficientcapacityforallthe

residents,areunreliable,andproducehighgaseousemissions.Zambiathusnotonlyfacesa“severe

powercrisis”(BMWi2016)inrelationtocurrentdemand,but,accordingtotheGermanFederal

MinistryforEconomicAffairsandEnergy(BMWi2016),shouldfurtherexpanditsnationalgridto

8http://www.energyafrica.de/fileadmin/user_upload/Energy_Africa_15/Presentation_9th_German_African_Energy_Forum_2015_Copperbelt_Energy_Corporation_Zambia.pdf

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replacecostlyandenvironmentallyunfriendlydieselpowergenerationplants.TheNorthwestern

Provinceisattheinterfaceoftwoparallel,somewhatuncoordinatedprocesses:ruralelectrification

andtheminingcompanies’ownanxietytosecuresufficientsupplyforitsoperations.

TheNorthwesternProvinceisonlypartlyconnectedtothenationalgrid.Therearethreesubstations

intheprovince:inSolwezi,KasempaandLumwana(seetable1).In2012,theZambiaEnvironmental

ManagementAgency(ZEMA)approvedtheconnectionoffivemoredistrictstothenationalgridat

132kilovolts(kV).ThepowersupplywilloriginatefromthetwosubstationsKasempa(toMufumbwe,

Kabompo,ZambeziandChavuma)andLumwana(toMwinilunga).9Ofthefivedistricts,only

Mwinilungahadbeenconnectedtothegridatthetimeofwriting.10

TheNorthwesternProvince,borderingonAngolatothewestandontheDRCtothenorth,isanew

miningprovinceandhosttothreenewlarge-scalemineswhichopenedafter2003,followingtherise

inglobalcopperprices.TheNorthwesternProvinceofZambiahasbeenanotoriouslyneglected

regionofeverypost-independencegovernment(Peša2014a,2014b).Theprovincehasalwaysbeen

seenasanoppositionregionandwasneverapriorityforthestatehouse–neitherunderKenneth

Kaunda’sone-partyregimefrom1973to1991norunderanygovernmentorpartysince1991.The

openingofthemineshappenedagainstthebackdropofnewtechnologiesenablingtheextractionof

oreinthisparticularenvironment.Thethreenewminesspreadacrossanareaof140km;andeachof

themineshasspurredthegrowthofatown.11

9EIADecisionLetter:ProposedConnectionofNorth-westernProvincetotheNationalGridat132kVbyZESCOLimited,4January2012.10Inaddition,anewdistrict,whichwasformedbythestatutoryinstrumentin2016,MushindamoDistrict,isalsoconnected.11Uptolastyear,allofthemwereinonedistrict,SolweziDistrict.Butinlate2015,thelargedistrictwasdividedintothree,thewesternofwhich,calledKalumbilaDistrict,nowhostsLumwanaandKalumbilamine.ThesecondnewdistrictiscalledMushindamoDistrict,eastofSolwezi.

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Table1:http://www.eiz.org.zm/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/2013-10th-July-North-CPD-Presentatation-ZESCO.pdf

Inthisarticle,Ilookattwooftheprovince’sthreetowns,SolweziandKalumbila.Solwezitownwas

setupasacentreforthecolonialadministrationin1901“toadminister,serviceandsupportthe

miningfunction”(Maimbolwa1980,177)andtodayistheprovincialcapitaloftheNorthwestern

Province.TenkilometresnorthofthecentreofthetownisKansanshiMine,anopen-pitminewhich

laiddormantforalmostacentury.KansanshiMiningPlc(KMP),80%ownedbyCanada-basedFirst

QuantumMinerals(FQM),iscurrentlythebiggestcopperminebyoutputinAfrica.

Withinthepastfewyears,Solwezitownhasbecomeabustling,denselypopulatedandrapidly

expandingtown(Negi2009,2010,2011,2014).ForZambians,economicliberalizationbrought

insecurity,increasedcasualizationofemployment,reducedwages,andfiercecompetitionforthe

fewjobsleftinwhatisgrowingintoahighlymechanizedindustry(FraserandLarmer2010;Fraser

andLungu2007;Mususa2010,2012).Asaresultofthis,FQM’sarrivalinSolwezispurredmassivein-

migrationfromother,olderminingtownsandfromtheruralareas.Solwezitownhasgrownfroma

50’000toestimated266’000inhabitantswithinthepasttenyearsonly(PreussandSchmidt-

Eisenlohr2016,61).Thetownhasattractedbusiness-mindedpersonsandsuppliersfromthe

neighbouringprovinceCopperbeltandotherregions,andtheopeningoftheminealsobrought

publicandprivateinfrastructuretothetown:thetarringofsomemainpublicroadsandthefirst

Shoprite,aSouthAfrican-ownedsupermarket(Negi2009,57).

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ThenationalgridtodayextendstoLumwanaminefurtherwestbutdoesnotreachKalumbilayet,the

secondtowninwhichIconductedresearch.Kalumbilahasaverydifferenthistoryandoutlookfrom

Solwezi.Thetownisaplannedcompanytownnexttoanewmine,theSentinelcopperminewhich

formspartofthelargerTridentProject.Themineopenedinathinlypopulatedareaofsmall-scale

cash-cropfarming.Today,duetotheinfluxofworkseekers,itisabustlingcentreintheregion.In

termsofelectricity,themineandthetownstillrelyonitsowndiesel-drivenplantthatsupplies

roughly200MWofelectricity.Atthetimeofwriting,Kalumbilawaitstobeconnectedtothenational

gridthroughZESCO.

Thecentralstateis,intheory,keentodevelopthispreviously–andinlargepartsstill–rural

province,whichisearmarkedforeconomicgrowthinthemining,manufacturing,agriculturaland

eventourismsectors.Ontheonehand,however,itstrugglestofundtheregion’sdevelopmentdue

tofinancialshortfallsandgovernanceissues.Ontheotherhand,weseeapatternofstate-company

relationatworkinmanycountrieswithextractiveindustries(e.g.Welker2014):thestateholdsback

inputtingmoneyintotheprovincearguingthatthemineshaveaneconomicandsocialresponsibility

totakecareoftheresidentswheretheyoperate.Thecompaniesarguethattheypaytaxesaspartof

theirdutytohelpdevelopthecountry.IntheSolweziregion,theresultofZambia’slopsided

economy,alsooftenuncriticallyreferredtoas‘resourcecurse’(Wengraf2017),isthefactthatthe

private,corporateinvestmentsaremuchmoreconsequentialforresidentsthanthe(local)state’s.

TheSolweziregionrepresentsatypicalexampleofthis,butitalsopresentstheprobleminamore

accentuatedmannerduetorapidurbanizationandastrongplayerintown:theminingcompany.

Tolayouttheshiftfromsocialdifferentiationtosocialstratificationfacilitatedandproducedby

electricalinfrastructure,InowturntoabriefdescriptionofwhathappenedintheKalumbilaarea

withthemine’sarrivalandtheconstructionofacompanytown.IntheKalumbilaarea,oneeither

haselectricityornot,dependingonwhereonelives.Themineandthecompanytownhave

unlimitedaccesstoelectricity;andthereisnoloadshedding.

4ElectricityintheCompanyTownKalumbila

InKalumbilatownanditssurroundingarea,theminingcompanyhasthebiggestimpactintermsof

infrastructuraldevelopmentingeneralandelectrificationinparticular.Thefactthatmodern,

mechanisedminesneedelectricitytoruntheiroperationspositionsthecompanyasanimportant

governingactorinthearea.Themineshaveastronginterestinthesolutionofthepowercrisis(only)

tothedegreethattheycanruntheirbusinessuninterrupted.Eventhoughtheminingmanagement

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mainlytriestomakeitscompanymoreefficient,theiractions,likethebuildingofatownforits

workers,havetheunintendedconsequenceofincreasingthestratificationofcommunities.12

ApproachingKalumbilatown,onepassesbybillboardsandsmallpaperboardstackedattrees

remindingvillagerstorefrainfromcuttingdowntreesfortheproductionofcharcoal.Withtheseand

othermeasures,theminefrequentlypresentsitselfas“green”.Atthesametime,however,ithas

ripsopenthegroundfortheextractionofcopperforprofit;damswaterandpollutesgroundwater;

resettleshundredsofhouseholds;andgenerallyintroducesmassivesocio-economicchangeinan

areawhichwaspreviouslyruralandremote.

InKalumbila,theformalizationofthemine’slicenseareaisapendingissue(andanongoingbattle

betweenvariousministries).Despitethis,theminestartedwiththeconstructionofalarge-scale

open-pitSentinelminein2012andhassincerunitwithcostlydieselpowerplants.Itwouldneed,it

says,30%moreelectricitytooperateatfullcapacity.AsZESCOhadnotacteduponthecompany’s

pressuretoconnectittothenationalgrid,FQMtookthingsintoitsownhand(asitoftendoeswith

infrastructureindispensableforresourceextraction)andbuilta330kV,600kilometreslineacrossthe

countryfromtheSouthernProvincethroughCentralProvinceonitsowncosts(withtheprospectof

receivingfavourableratesonceZESCOconnectsthepowerlines;seetable1).Asof2017,thelines

areinplace,onlywaitingforZESCO’scommissioning.Onecouldjudgethisasthepositiveeffectofa

newminingarea:theminebringsdevelopmenttoruralareaspreviouslycutofffromelectrical

power.Instead,whatweseeistheexacerbationoftheinequalitiesthatwerealreadylingeringasa

resultofthemine’sarrival.

Basedonmyethnographicresearch,Isuggestthatpeoplelivingintheareacanbespatially

categorizedintoroughlyfourtypesoflivingconditions.Firstly,thereisastate-of-the-artgolfestate

forthe(mostlywhite)expatriateworkersandtheseniorandjuniormanagement.Iwilldescribelife

onasimilargolfestateintheothertownSolwezibelow.TheKalumbilagolfestatesharesitsmain

featureswhereresidentsliveashelteredandprivilegedlifewithunlimitedaccesstoelectricity,

water,garbagecollection,cleaningservices,high-endprivateschools,sportsandrecreationareas

andaclubhouseatanartificiallake.

Secondly,themine,throughitsKalumbilaTownDevelopmentCompany(KTDC)startedbuilding

Kalumbilatown,designedbytheDanishfirmGehlArchitectsfor10.000housesofwhichaquarter

havebeenbuilt.Workers,bothcontractedandsubcontractedandmostlymenfromtheCopperbelt

towns,liveinhouseswhichtheyrentfromKTDC.Sometimestheirfamiliesmovewiththem;

increasinglymenarecomingontheirown,though,withnointentiontopermanentlysettleinthe

12Ofcourse,thedifferentdepartmentsrepresentedinthemanagementhavedifferentobjectives(Welker2014).

12

town.KDTC’saimistosellthehousestoworkers,butthereisnobankinZambiayetwhichwould

offeraffordablemortgage.Residentsenjoyaccesstoelectricityandwaterbuthavetopayforthese

services.

Thirdly,farmers,mostlyKaonde,LundaorLuvalespeaking,wholivedinthemine’slicenseandthe

townareawereresettledintotwosmallresettlementareas.Theycouldchoosewhethertobecloser

tothemainroadandthustobusinessopportunities,orfurthersouthandthusclosertotheiroriginal

fields.Theinitialarrangementofthevillages–looselyscattered,oftenshiftingandalongsmall

pathways–hasdramaticallychanged,especiallyinthenorthernresettlementarea.Thehousesare

denselyarrangedwithinatrapeze-formedzone.Thereis,likebefore,norunningwaterorelectricity.

Butunlikebefore,theareasaremuchmoredenselypopulated,boreholestoaccesswatershould

caterformanymorehundredsofpeople,andin-fluxfromoftenbettereducatedworkseekersfrom

theCopperbelttownslimitsspaceandeconomicopportunitiesfortheoriginalresidentsinthearea.

Finally,aninitiallysmallsettlement,Chisasa,atajunctionofthemainroadandthepathtochief

Musele’spalace,hasexpandedinthepastfewyearsequallyduetoin-migrationfromtheCopperbelt

andotherareasinthecountry.Thousandsofworkseekers,butalsoemployeesattheminewhodo

notwanttospendtheirsalariesonhighrentsinthecompanytown,sharethelittleinfrastructureon

landstillundercustomarytenure.Hygieneisapressingproblemasthereisneitherrunningwater

norelectricity.

Thesefourspatialentitiesaresituatedacrossaspaceofeightkilometreradius.Thisstark

differentiationbetweenlivingconditions,accesstoservices,andchanceforemploymentwas

introducedbythemine.Insomeinstances,peoplewereresettledand(albeitminimally)

compensated;inmostcases,peoplemovedtherebychoice.However,thequestionofwheretolive

andthuswhichservicestoaccessisnotreallyachoiceformostpeople.Itdependsonemployment,

andemploymentdependsoneducation,whichinturnisdependentonsocialstatus.

Cynically,themore“local”apersonwas,theworseoffs/heisnow,exceptmaybeforthechiefly

family.Onecouldalsosaythatthemine’sarrivalspatiallyandsociallysegregatedpersonsalongtheir

placeintheproductionprocess.Theownersofthemeansofproductionliveoutsidethecountry(in

CanadaandAustralia);themanagersliveonthegolfestateandthecapital;theworkersliveina

relativelymodernandwellservicedtown;andtheunemployed,thepoorandmostwomenand

childrenliveintheresettlementareasorincrampedinformalcompounds.Toamelioratesomeof

theworsteffectsofthemine’sdoings,theminerollsoutcorporatesocialresponsibility(CSR)

programswhichremainselectivebutpowerfullycreatenewformsofdependencies(DolanandRajak

2016;Rajak2011).

13

Theresidentsofthesefourspaceshaveanopinionaboutresidentsintheotherspaces.Insuch

articulations,electricityisoftenusedtopointoutthedifferencebetween“them”and“us”.For

instance,anemployeeofoneofthecompaniessubcontractedbythemine,providedwithalittle

houseinKalumbilatown,oncecomplainedtome:“Peoplelivinginthegolfestate,theyhavemany

privileges.Theygetacar,airtime,theygettheirlaundrydoneandtheroomsarecleaned.Yes,lifeis

hardhereinKalumbilatown.Andiftheyareofffromwork,theygetonaplane.”Incontrast,a

barberwithalittleshopinChisasacomplainedthatpeoplelivinginKalumbilatownreceivepower

forfree.Hehastoloadthebatteriesoftheshaverswithsolarenergy.Duringtheloading,hecan’t

takecustomers.AnotherexampleisagroupofpeoplefromtheresettlementareatotheCSRoffice,

whichisresponsibleforallcompany-communityrelations,complainingaboutthelackofelectricity.

TheCSRstafferwasdismissiveandchallengedthemtolookatwheretheywerebeforethemine

came.Didtheyhaveelectricity?No.Hence,therewasnoreasonforthecompanytocompensate

themforsomethingtheydidnothavebefore.Although,fromitsperspective,theydonotfallwithin

CSR’sresponsibility,peoplelivingintheovercrowded,informaltownofChisasaalsocomplainedto

theCSRofficeaboutmissingelectrificationofthetown.Again,theCSRofficeisdismissivesayingthat

ifthestate’sZESCOfinallyexpandsthenationalgridtothemineandtoChisasa,theywouldalso

profit.Buttheywillsee,CSRstaffpredictedpatronisingly,thatrentalpriceswillgoup,andmost

residentswillnotbeabletobuypre-paidelectricityanyway.

Forpeopleintheresettlementarea,recognizingtheother’sprivilegeisaboutmorethanthequest

forelectrification.Havingaccesstoelectricityistheconditionforthepossibilitytogetashareofthe

profits.Manythousandswereforcedtogiveuptheir(communallyadministered)land,waterand

accesstofields,givinguptheirlifestylesforsomemeagrecompensation.Theminecausedan

increaseofmigrantlabourintheareawhichconstitutesathreattotheoriginalresidents’chancesto

profitfromthenewdevelopmentinthearea.Havingelectricityhasrealconsequences.Itmeans

accesstoemployment,knowledge,andmobility.

Ingeneral,commentslikethoseaboveabouttheotherare,Iwouldargue,asign–bothsymbolicand

real–ofestrangement.Havingelectricityornotdividespeopleandpreventssolidaritybetweenthe

groupscreatedthroughinfrastructuraldevelopmentinthearea.Throughitsacquisitionoflandand

thedefactomonopolyoverpaidworkandelectricalinfrastructure,theminehasconsiderablepower

toshapethespatialandeconomicoutlookoftheregionbutalsosocialitybetweenresidential

groups.Themine’sexclusiveprovisioningofelectricalpowertoitsworkersandthemanagement

structurates–alongagenderedandracializedlogic–residentsoftheareafurther.Hence,to

complementRupp’sargumentwithacasestudyofanenergysystemwhichisalmostantitheticto

hersofNewYorkcitythatlackofelectricitymighttriggeraMitmenschensociality,Iwouldsaythat

14

unequalaccesstoelectricalinfrastructurehasestrangedpeople–acrossgroups–fromeachother

ratherthanbringingthemtogether,totheextentofstratifyingpeopleintonewsocialgroups.

5....AndOff.LoadSheddinginSolweziTown

InKalumbila,thelocalstateishardlyvisibletosoftenthestarkcontrastbetweenlivingconditions

(eventhoughamasterplanforamunicipalareaclosetoKalumbilatownexists).Themineismoreor

lessthesolegovernorintheregionwithintermittentconflictswiththelocalauthorities,whichare

oftenresolvedthroughtheminemanagement’sdirectlinetovariousministriesinthecapitalLusaka.

Thecurrentscarcityofelectricityinthecountry,coupledwiththemine’sdefactoplanningauthority

makesprocessesofdistributionprecariousandcementssocialstratificationpossiblyforyearsto

come.

InSolwezitown,theelectricitysituationisdifferentfortworeasons.Firstly,thelocalstateisandhas

beenmorepresentinshapingtheinfrastructuralset-upofthetown,and,secondly,residentsacross

thesuburbsarevictimsofloadshedding.UnlikefarmersintheKalumbilaarea,urbanresidentsin

Solwezi,particularlylabourmigrantswhocomefromtheoldCopperbelttownsfurthereast,areused

toelectricityanditsconveniences.Theybemoanthelackofelectricityandotherinfrastructurein

somesuburbsasproofsforthebackwardnessofthenew,dustyminingtownSolwezi.Countless

times,Iheardthephrase:“Solweziisabush”.

Thisfeelingofgoingbackwardinsteadofforwardisgreatlyexacerbatedbytheenergycrisisandload

shedding.Asaresultoflackofaccesstoelectricalpowerandloadshedding,urbanresidentsrevert

toanumberofalternativesourcesofenergyintheirdailylives.Asmentionedabove,cookingwith

woodorcharcoalisextremelywide-spread(e.g.Mavhunga2013);followedbysolarpanels,car

batteries,andgas.Peoplechargetheircellphonesatstalls;theylistentotheradiowiththehelpofa

solarpanelboughtattheChineseshop;andtheygenerallyusedifferentsourcesofenergy.Certainly,

theabilitytoexploitdifferentsourcesaccordingtotheneedandavailabilityisnottobe

romanticized.Ithasmanyconsequences,themostimportantofwhichistheentrenchmentof

unequalgenderrelationswithinandbeyondhouseholds.Manyhouseholdsdonotbuyelectrical

energybutratherhaveayoungwomandoingadditionalwork,suchaswashingclothes.Load

sheddingalsoproducesmoreworkforaides,suchasfetchingwateratawaterkioskwhenwater

pressureatthetaphasrecededduetolackofpower.Forone,thisentrenchesthepatternofgender

relationswherewomendothehouseholdwork.Itisnotonlyagenderissuebutalsoaquestionof

class,though.Theyoung–oftenrelated-womenaremostlyfromfamilieswhichcannotaffordto

sendtheirchildrentoschool.

Whilemanyurbanresidentsaresomehowcopingwiththelackofelectricpowerandconstantload

shedding,agreatmanyareseverelylimitedinpursuingtheirincomestrategiesandreceivingpublic

15

services.Anumberofindividuals,businessesandinstitutionsaredependentonelectricityand

cannoteasilyreverttoothersourcesofpower.Smallandmidsizebusinesseswhichrelyonelectric

powersufferthemostfrompowercuts.Meatorfishrotsearlier;computersorprintersneed

expensivebackupsystems;watersupplybecomespatchywhenpumpsstopworking.Asaresult,

pricesforbasicgoodsincrease.Individualswhorunabusinessmustadjusttheirworkingrhythmto

thepowercuts,too.Professionals’laptopsstoprunningoncethebatteryisflat.Atailorwouldgetup

inthenightwhenthebrightlightofthebulbsheleftonwokeherandtoldherthatpowerwasback–

andstartworkingonthesewingmachinefortherestofthenight.Pupilsandstudentsdotheir

homeworkincandlelightwhichmakesthemsleepyearlier.

Powercutsalsohavemassiveeffectsonthequalityofpublicservicesasprovidedbythemunicipal

counciltotheresidentsofthetown.TheciviccentreinSolwezidoeshaveageneratorbutusuallyno

cashfordieseltorunit.WhenworkingatthePlanningDepartmentforacoupleofmonthsin2015as

anintern,Irealizedthatthecouncilisorganizedalongtheassumptionofconstantflowofelectricity.

Theofficesarealwayspackedwith“clients”,councillorsorfriendsandrelativescheckingonthe

progressoftheiraffairs.Thecouncilissimplynotsufficientlystaffedtodealwith,say,theland

disputesarisingfromtheinfluxofmigrantsandtheexpansionofthemine’slicensearea.Thereis

alsolittlebureaucraticcontinuityofhowtofileandarchivetheseprocesses.Morerecently,software

wasintroducedtohelpthedecentralizedunitsmanagingdataandmakingitaccessibleacross

departments.Powercutsarethusjeopardizinganalreadyramshacklesystemofdataorganisation

andstorage.Fortownresidents,loadsheddinghasimmediateeffects.Whenpowergoesoff,officers

usuallysitidle.Thismeansthatresidents’dossiersarenotworkedonandtheyareputofffor

anotherday.

Whenthereisnoelectricityforawhile,waterrecedes,too,asthepumpsneedelectricity.Formany,

lackofwaterisworsethanlackofelectricity(cf.Björkman2015).13ThemajorityofSolweziresidents

arenotconnectedtowaterpipesbutinsteadbuywaterfromwaterkiosksrunbytheNorthwestern

WaterandSewerageCompany,orgetitfromstreams,hand-dugwellsorcommunityboreholes

(PreussandSchmidt-Eisenlohr2016,76–79).Thelatterarealsodryingupearlierintheyearthan

usuallybecauseoflowrainfallandthemine’sextensiveuseofwatertoseparatethecopperfromthe

ore.Indirectconsequencesofpowercuts,norunningwaterandfurtherdistancestofetchwater,

affecthouseholdsandcementgenderrelationswithinfamiliesandcommunities.

Asitewheresocialdifferencesareclearlyvisibleisthegolfcoursearea.Theprivilegeofthemining

companiesforalmostunlimitedaccesstoelectricityexpandsbeyonditsoperationsinthepitto

whereitsseniorandjuniormanagementandexpatworkerslive.Althoughthereissome

13In2015,afewcasesofcholerawerereportedinLusaka.

16

differentiationamongthemanagementofthemine,too,theirfamiliesliveinawell-protectedand

guardedareasituatedliterarilyinthemidstofatownstrugglingtoprovideservicestoitsresidents.

About200people,includingchildren,liveonthisso-calledgolfestate(othersintheminevillage

withinthelicensearea),somewherebetweentheoldcentreofSolweziTownandtheminingarea

furthernorth.Thegolfestateliterallyprovidesgreenerpasturesandformssomekindofenclave

(Appel2012b,2012a,241;butseealsoWelker2014,79ff.).Ariverisdammedforpleasureandfor

watersupply;thegrassisgreenthroughoutthedryseason;thehousesarebuiltwithburnt,high-

qualitybricks;andtheprivateprimaryandsecondaryschoolsarestrivingtobethebestinthe

countryandinSouthernAfrica.ManyresidentsareprofessionalsfromSouthAfrica,Zimbabwe,

Australia,NewZealandandothercountrieswithatraditionandexpertiseinmining.

Onwhichsideoftheguarded,electricfenceonelivesdetermineswhetheronehaspowercutsand

runningwater,ornot.Tolevelthisstarkexpressionofinequality,theestate’smanagementatsome

stagein2016introducedwhattheycalla“solidaritycut”.Threeshort,scheduledpowercutsacross

theweekweremeanttoshowsolidaritywiththeordinaryresidentsoutsidethegolfestate.Thiswas

apurelyartificialexercisenotbasedonnecessity;anditprovedratherfutileasitwasincidentally

introducedatatimewhenordinaryresidentsinSolwezididnotexperienceanycutsatallduetothe

pre-electionphase(seebelow).Needlesstosaythatsuchsolidaritycutsdonotcontributetore-

distributionofresourcesbetweentheprivilegedandothers.Infact,thelatterdidnotevenknow

aboutthisdemonstrationofgoodwill.

Residentsatthegolfestatenotonlyliveinan“extractiveenclave”asAppel(2012)describesitfor

on-andoffshoresitesinEquatorialGuinea,butinan“energyenclave”thatdoesnottrigger

Mitmenschensocialitybetweentwosocialclassesseparatedbyanelectricfence.Ironically,the

solidaritycutsbroughtmoreguestsintotheestate’ssocialvenue,theClub,whichhassufferedfrom

poorattendancebytheestate’sresidents.Thisunintendedconsequenceofincreasedengagement

amongoftenquarrellingfamiliesseemsreminiscentofRupp’sdescriptionofNewYork

neighbourhoodsocialityduringblackouts.

Insum,residentsofSolwezitownadjusttheirdailyroutinesandworkdistributionwithinhouseholds

totherecentlyintroducedloadshedding.Somearebetterpositionedtodosothanothers.Overall,

loadsheddingreinforcessocialdifferentiationintheeverydaylivesinacontextwherepeopleare

usedtoanddependentonelectricalpoweranditsbenefits.Whenpowergoesoffinthetown

planner’soffice,thereisabriefmomentofsharedsmirkingatthesupposedlyincompetentpolitical

partyinpower,thePatrioticFront(PF).Aminutelater,however,powercutshavetheirimmediate

effectsoneachofthem–differently.MomentsofMitmenschensocialityareshort;therealityofa

differentiatedsocietykicksinquickly.Electricityhasthepotentialtofurtherstratifysociety:itmakes

17

peoplenoticethedifferencebetweenthemselvesandtheother.Thisaspectofanenergy

distributionethicsbecomesparticularlyvisiblewhenlookingathowtheenergycrisisandenergy

distributionplayoutinthepoliticalrealm,whereIturntonow.

6ThePoliticsofEnergyDistribution

Whileintheoryloadsheddingseemstohiteverybodyexceptforthemineanditshousing

complexes,forpeople,thisdoesnottranslateintoanexperiencethateverybodyisthesame.Only

certainactorscanmakedecisionsaboutenergydistribution,andthefactthatloadsheddingand

energyaredistributedunequallyisfodderforrumoursandthebasisforpoliticalmoves.Inwhat

follows,Ilookatthewaysinwhichenergyprovisionisusedasatoolbypoliticiansandcivilservants.

Theminingcompaniesareusuallyprotectedfromcutsortariffhikes.When,in2015,thestate

announcedthatmineswouldalsosee30%cutsinpowersupply,14atatimewhencopperprices

lingeredneartheirsix-yearlow,theminesthreatenedwiththeretrenchmentof30%oftheirlabour

force.Thishappenedseveraltimesbetween2015and2016.Usually,thestatebacktracked;inone

instance,however,thereweresomecutsofthesupplyforthemines,andsomehundredworkers

wereindeedretrenchedbythemines.15Powercutshaverealconsequences,andtheworkersand

theirdependentsbearthebruntofit.

Unsurprisingly,peoplepointatinequalitieswithreferencetopowercutsanditsconsequences.In

mostcases,theenergydiscourseisanentrypointforthepoliticaloppositiontocriticizetheruling

partyPF.TheenergycrisisinZambiaisnotaclear-cutissueformanyZambians.Whilethestatehas

reiteratedcontinuouslythattheloadsheddingisduetoclimatechangeandlowwaterlevelsinthe

reservoirs,peoplearenotentirelysureaboutthat.16Manyattributeittomismanagementinthe

ZESCOboard,suggestingthattheenergycompanyshouldbetakenoverbyprivateinvestors.The

factthatCECdoesnotcutpowertotheminesisseenasproofthatprivateownershipwouldwork

betterandmoreefficiently.FororiginalresidentsoftheSolweziregion,traditionallyanopposition

region,loadsheddingisaclearsignoftherulingparty’sfailuretodevelopthecountryandinstead

robbingitscitizensofpublicresourcesforpersonalgain.ButeveninSolwezi,therearemany

supportersoftherulingPF,someofwhichareworkingforthelocalstate.

ThereisonesuburbinSolwezi,theStadiumArea,wheremanycivilservantsliveforreasonsof

accessibilitytoservicesandthesizeofplotsandhouses.Residentsscepticalofthestate’stheoryof

14http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2015-08-11/zambia-to-cut-copper-mines-power-supply-by-30-amid-shortage15http://mgafrica.com/article/2016-01-07-starved-of-electricity-first-quantum-to-cut-730-jobs-at-zambia-copper-mine16Theofficialversionisclear:powerproductionisrestrictedduetolowwaterlevels.Stateofficialshaverepeatedthisthroughout2015and2016,seeforinstancehttps://www.lusakatimes.com/2016/10/27/zesco-resumes-8-hour-load-shedding/Asananthropologist,itisdifficultformetosayanythingmeaningfulonthetopicexceptforpointingatwhatpeoplesay.Iamnotinapositiontocommentonwhatisessentiallyatechnicalquestion.

18

lowwaterlevelswouldoftenpointatthissuburb.“Duringthenight,StadiumAreahaspower,you

canseeit!”.Thefactthatpoweriscutoffalongfeedersisthususedtoreadthetownthroughthe

lensofpoliticalfavouritism.

Manyinstancesfeedpeople’ssuspicionthattheissueisnotthelackofwaterinthereservoirs.The

timefromlate2014,whenPresidentMichaelSatapassedawayinoffice,toearly2015when

PresidentEdgarLunguwaselectedashissuccessorinafiercelycontestedelectionbothwithinand

outsidethePF,rightuntilAugust2016whenregularelectionstookplace,canbedescribedasan

uninterruptedphaseofcampaigning.BothLunguandhismainchallenger,HakaindeHichilemafrom

theUnitedPartyforSocialDevelopment(UPND),visitedSolwezifrequentlyasitgrewintoan

importantpowerbaseforeitherparty.Wheneveroneofthemwasintown,loadsheddingstopped

acrosstown.Peoplewonderedhowthiswaspossible.Whycansuddenlysomethingbedoneagainst

loadshedding?AndhasthePresidentadirectlinetotheZESCOboardtorequestforuninterrupted

powersupply?Surely,corruptionmustbeatplayhere,oppositionsupporterstriedtoconvinceme.

Feedingsuspicionevenmorewasthefactthatabouteightweeksbeforetheregular,general

electionsonAugust11,2016,thewholecountryexperiencedalmostuninterruptedpowersupply.

Therainyseason2015/2016wascertainlynotcapableofalleviatingpowershortages.Where,then,is

powercomingfrom?Pre-electionrumourscirculatingamongoppositionsupporterspredicteda

massiveelectricitytariffhikeincasethePFwouldwinagain.Thisdidnothappenimmediately,afact

whichmightberelatedtoatightandcontestedelectionoutcome(Fraser2016).InMay2017,

however,theEnergyRegulationBoardapprovedZESCO’sapplicationofa75%tariffadjustmenttobe

effectedintwophases(50%effectiveonMay15and25%onSeptember1,2017).Thetariff

adjustmentappliesacrossallcustomerscategoriesexceptforthemines.17

Facedwithcriticismoftheirperformance,notsurprisingly,thecentralstateandlocalauthoritiestry

tosolvethepowercrisis.Likeinmanyotherplacesintheworld,electricityisasignifierof

development(cf.Winther2016)andruralandperi-urbancommunitiesaspiretobeconnectedtothe

nationalgrid.AsLoveandGarwoodshowforAltoPeru:“Tohaveelectricityistobeengagedwiththe

broaderworld”(2016,157).IntheSolweziregion,thelocalauthorities’aimistwofold:toproduce

moreenergyandtoimproveaccesstoelectricityforurbanandruralhouseholds.Workingtowardsa

solutionoftheenergycrisisbringsitsownproblems,though.Itisatechnicaltask,butwhilepursuing

it,morethanmeretechnicalimplementationhappens.

Thelocalauthorities,togetherwithcivilservantsfromZESCO,havetomakedecisionsastowho

shouldprofitfirstfromtheextensionofthepowerlines.InSolwezi,aconsiderablenumberofnew

17http://www.erb.org.zm/press/statements/tariffDecisionSpeech10.05.2017.pdf

19

suburbs–orcompounds–wheremostmigrantssettlearenotconnectedtothegridatall,even

thoughahigh-voltagelineconnectingthesubstationwiththeminesoarsabovethem(cf.Loveand

Garwood2016,159).ThisissimilartohowtheGwembeTongapeoplemusthavefeltwhenKariba

DamwasbuiltinSouthernZambiainthe1950stofeedtheminesintheCopperbeltwithenergy.The

resettledfarmerssawthepowerlinerunningacrosstheirvillagesandfieldswithouttheprospectof

beingintegratedinto“modernisation”(Tischler2014).Manyofthenewlyemergingcompoundsin

Solweziarenotevenontownland,butinareasundercustomarylandtenure.

Ratherthanabroadrolloutofbasicservicesacrossthetown,thecounciltypicallyfocusesonsome

identifiedkeystakeholdersinthegovernanceoftheregion.Thisprocessisoftendrivenbythe

electedcouncillorswhoarevotedintocouncilbytheirwardandtaskedwithbringingdevelopment

intooftenremoteareas.Incommitteemeetingsorininformalchatswithcivilservants,elected

councillorscampaignforattentionoftheirownward,andoftenclashwithcivilservants’rather

exclusiveattentionontheurbanareas.Electedcouncillorsandofficersshare,however,theinterest

tohaveagoodworkingrelationshipwithchiefsandheadmen,themainrepresentativesofthe

traditionalauthoritiesinchargeoftheruralareas.

Solwezitownnestlesinthemiddleofthreechieftaincies(underchiefKapijimpanga,chiefMumena

andseniorchiefMujimanzovu),andtherapidexpansionofthetownintocustomarylandmakes

themkeystakeholdersinthearea.Achieflivesandcallsformeetingsathispalace.Palacesare

usuallyinveryremoteareas.Largeeffortsarethusmadetobringelectricityandotherinfrastructure

topalaces.Thisofcoursereflectsalonghistoryofrelationbetweenadministrationandtraditional

authorities:achiefismollifiedthroughgifts(Negi2010).Potentially,though,anenergizedpalace

benefitsthecommunitieslivingaroundthepalace.Thelines,however,alsopassbyhundredsof

homesteadsandvillageswhichdonotbenefitfromruralelectrification.

Insum,thedistributionofaccesstoelectricityisapoliticalissuenotonlyfromananalytical

perspectivebutalsoforresidents.Giventhevisibilityofelectricalinfrastructure(litsuburbs,street

lamps,powerlinesaboveone’shead,etc.),theenergydiscoursebecomestangible.Electricitythus

makesdifferencesvisible,exacerbatesthem,andoffersanentrypointforcriticismoftheelite.

7AnEnergyDistributionEthics

OverthetwoyearsofenergycrisisinZambia,energyethicshavebeenincreasinglyformulatedasa

socialclasscritique.Criticismofcurrentdistributionamonggroups,acrosssuburbs,betweenthe

townandthemine,expatsandZambians,etc.,popuphereandthereinsubtlewaysnotalwayseasy

toberecognizedasacriticismofthestatusquo.Mostcriticalvoicesarearticulatedalongparty

politicallines.Someofthecriticalvoicesextendbeyondbetterserviceprovisiontoredistribution.

Whenpeoplecommentonagroupsociallyperceivedasdifferentbypointingouttheirprivileges,this

20

isalreadyasignofstratification,preventingMitmenschensociality.Itriedtoshowthatthese

processesofseparatingpeoplefromoneanotheraretoaconsiderableextentproducedthrough

infrastructuralthings.Fencesareobvious,electricityissubtler.Forbothitistruethatthingsare

morethansymbolsofprivilegeorneglect(Larkin2013);theychangestatusandenableordisable

certainformsofsociality,whichinturnmaybetheseedforpoliticalaction.

Thissocio-materialenergyassemblage–madeupofpractices,discourseandinstitutions;and

humansandthings–asIdescribeitinthearticleisbothlocalizedandboundtoageopoliticallocale

butalsoadirectproductoftheglobaleconomyandhistoricallygrowntransnationalpowerrelations.

Althoughmyinterlocutorsarefullyawareofthepoliticaleconomyofextractivism,toacertain

extent,theminingsectormanagestoappropriatepublicdiscoursesondevelopmentandtosilence

criticismagainstitsextractivistanddetachedmodeofbusiness.

Addedtoitsdependencyontheglobalcommoditymarkets,Zambia,likemostcountriesinSouthern

Africa,facesdroughtandwaterscarcity,bothoutcomesofglobalwarmingthatdramaticallyreduce

electricitysupplywithinZambiaandintheregion.Sovacool’sfirstofthreemoralquestions–“Arewe

beingfairtothepresentgenerationsingivingsomepeopledisproportionateaccesstothebenefitsof

energywhilegivingothersitsburdens?”(Sovacool2013,2)–isthusimmanentlyimportanthere.The

currentelectricitycrisisinZambiaservesasawarningsignbeyondZambiaofwhatmighthappen

whenenergysupplyisshortandwhenquestionsofdistributionsareleftoutfortoolong:power

relationsarecementedandsocialstratificationofsocietyincreases.

Anenergyethicsmustfromtheverybeginningincludethequestionofdistribution.Wecannotcome

upwithadistributionkeyonanationallevelalone,though–justassustainabilitycannotbesolved

ononecontinentonly,andjustasextractivismhasalwaysbeenaglobalendeavour.

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